Chapter III: Establishment of Administrative Centres

under the British Rule

The British administration began in Assam during the third decades

of the 19th century although the British became the neighbour of Assam
when the Mughal Emperor granted the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and
Orissa on August 12, 1765. Throughout this period, the British did not try
to expand their territory to the northeast of India because they followed a
policy of non intervention towards the Ahom kingdom. During the last
quarter of the 18th century and the first two decades of the 19th century,
the Ahom kingdom was so weakened by insurrections and conspiracies
that the British could have easily occupied it had they desired. However,
they never intervened in the administrative affairs of the Ahom kingdom
with the exception of Captain Welsh’s expedition which was sent at the
request of the Ahom king Gaurinath Singha to quell the Moamariya
Rebellion in 1794. After the departure of Captain Welsh, the Ahom kings
made several petitions to the British government for assistance in arms
and troops. In 1815, the Ahom king Chandrakanta Singha even offered an
annual tribute of one and half lakh of rupees to the British government for
getting such assistance1. But the British government strictly followed a
policy of neutrality and non-interference. Throughout that period, the sole
priority of British administrative policy towards Assam was trade and
commerce between Bengal and Assam. However, after the expedition of
Captain Welsh (1792), the British began to visit the kingdom, among
which visits of J. P. Wade in 1800 and F. Hamilton in 1814 found
prominence. All these visits helped in making reconnaissance survey of
the political, cultural and economic conditions as well as the strategic
situations of the kingdom. It was only when the Burmese had established

1
Bhuyan S.K., Anglo-Assamese Relation (1771-1826), Gauhati,1974, p. 426

44
authority in Assam through a series of invasions that the British were
compelled to abandon their policy of non-intervention towards Assam.
The first Anglo-Burmese war (1824-26) paved the way for the
establishment of British administration in Assam.

There were many circumstances that led to the Anglo-Burmese war

in 1824-26 changing the political scenario of Assam. While the British
had been engaged in the extension of their territories on the west and
northwest of India, the Burmese had been employed in the enlargement of
their kingdom on the east. In the later part of 18th century, the Ahom
kingdom was wreaked by series of rebellions like Moamaria rebellion in
Upper Assam and Dundiya rebellion (Barkandazes) in Lower Assam.
Amidst the rebellions, there was a principal power struggle between the
king and the Gohains which further worsened the political condition of
Assam. Badan Barphukan, the Governor of Gauhati, even went to
Calcutta on behalf of the king for seeking British help to oust the
Buragohain. On British refusal, he went to Burma where he met the
Burmese king and sought help to defeat his political rival. The Burmese
king accepted Badan’s proposal and in early 1817, the Burmese appeared
in Upper Assam and crushed the opposition. Although the first Burmese
invasion installed the king Chandra Kanta and Badan in full power, it led
to the Ahom King to become a tributary to the Burmese kingdom for the
first time in its history. Soon after the departure of the Burmese army,
Badan was murdered and Purandar Singh was throne as king in 1818. On
hearing of the murder of Badan, the Burmese king again sent a large army
to Assam and Chandrakanta was reinstated as king while Purandar Singh
took refuge in the British district of Rongpoor in Bengal. The third
Burmese invasion took place in 1821, when the Burmese king, after
reestablishing his authority in Manipur, decided to annex Assam. The

45
Burmese force under Mingimaha Tilwa defeated the Ahom soldiers. As
Chandrakanta fled to Gauhati fearing his own safety, the Burmese placed
Jogeswar Singh, a puppet Ahom Prince on the thrown. When the
Burmese occupied Gauhati, Chandrakanta retreated to Assam Chowky
near Jogighopa where he was defeated and had to further retreat into the
British territory. The pretence of maintaining the lawful prince in
possession of his throne was soon abandoned by the Burmese and
towards the end of June, Mingimaha Tilwa, was appointed to the supreme
authority in Assam.2

By 1822, the war like preparation of the Burmese soldiers in

Assam, Cachar and Arakan compelled the British to think that the
Burmese had the power to invade and plunder the British provinces at any
time. Under such circumstances, the British government decided to
abandon their non-intervention policy. The war was formally declared
against the King of Ava on 5 March, 1824 and thereafter, the first Anglo-
Burmese war broke out in three sectors – Assam, Arakan and Rangoon.
Brigadier Macmorine with his troops proceeded to Gauhati by road while
the soldiers under Lt. Col. Arthur Richards proceeded up by water from
Goalpara. As the British force occupied Gauhati on March 28, 1824, the
Raja of Darrang and several petty chiefs came there to accept the
protection of the British.3 Meanwhile, David Scott proceeded to Assam
from Sylhet via Jaintia hills and arrived at Nowgong on 15 April, 1824.
Leaving his escort under Captain Horsburgh to occupy Nowgong, he
proceeded to Gauhati to communicate with the head quarter of the
invading force.4 When the Burmese retreated to Moramukh, the British
established their head quarters at Kaliabar; but the rainy season
compelled the British force to retire to Gauhati in order to secure the
2
Wilson H. H., Documents Illustrative of the Burmese War, Calcutta, 1827, p 17
3
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1,, p.524
4
Wilson H.H., op. cit. no. 2, p.49

46
receipt of supplies.5 The result of the first campaign in Assam was
favourable for the British as they had established their authority over
Western Assam between Goalpara and Gauhati.

The British troops remained in their camp at Gauhati till the middle
of October, 1824 and Col. Richards, the successor of Macmorine, was
directed by the Government to clear Assam of the Burmese during the
ensuing campaign. The British force reoccupied Nowgong, established
headquarters at Kaliabar and thereafter proceeded to Jorhat. The
Burmese, abandoning the hope of success in defending Jorhat, set fire to
their encampments at that place and retreated to Rangpur.6 The country
being thus cleared of the enemy, Col. Richards was able to establish his
headquarters at Gaurisagar by 25 January, 1825, about eight miles from
Rangpur. After scaling and breaking down the stockades drawn by the
enemies across the road, the British controlled the south side of the fort at
Rangpur. The result of the second British campaign not only dispirited
the Burmese, but compelled them to surrender at Rangpur on 31 January,
1825.

Although the surrender of the Burmese ended the regular British

campaign in Assam, the war continued in Arakan and Rangoon sectors.
With the victory of the British in all the sectors, the Burmese king was
compelled to sign the treaty of Yandabo on 24 February, 1826 by which
he surrendered his claim over Assam, Jayantia, Cachar, Manipur and
conquered provinces of Arakan, Yeb, Tavoy, Mergui and Tenassirim to
the British government.7 Thus, in 1826 Assam formally went into the
hands of the British Government who thereafter ruled the province for
long 120 years.

5
Wilson H.H., op. cit. no. 2, p.51
6
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1, p.539
7
Aitchison C. U., Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Vol. XII, Calcutta, 1931, p-230-33

47
3.1 Development of British Administration:
With the beginning of British administration, the process of
formation of modern Assam had also started. The British gave priority to
the steps of strengthening the British hold over Assam in place of the
upliftment of the subjects and time to time designed and developed their
administrative machinery in order to exploit its resources. The
administrative policy of the British underwent frequent changes during its
early establishment period in Assam to the beginning of the twentieth
century.

3.1.1 Martial Law (1824-1828):

Martial law was declared in Lower Assam or Western Assam after
its occupation by the British troops. When Rangpur became
administrative centre of Upper Assam after retreat of the Burmese in
January, 1825, the whole of the Brahmaputra valley came under the
British military occupation and subsequently martial law was extended to
Upper Assam and Sadiya. Pending permanent arrangement, it was
necessary to hold the conquered territory under military occupation. It
was to be treated as “enemy’s country” not a territory under British
sovereignty and martial law was to be administrated by the officer
commanding.8 However, as a temporary measure, joint commissionership
was established in April, 1825 for functioning of general administration
of the occupied territory. The Senior Commissioner as well as the
Political Agent to the Governor General was posted at Gauhati while the
Junior Commissioner was posted at Rangpur to administer Western
Assam and Eastern Assam respectively. Ordinarily, each Commissioner
was to exercise civil duties independently, although they were expected
to have free and constant intercourse with each other even in matters of
8
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol. -IV, Guwahti,1992, p.6

48
their respective jurisdiction and endeavour to maintain, as far as
practicable, a uniform system of administration.9

The Commissioners were empowered to decide all civil disputes

and to administer criminal justice where they could pass sentence of 5
stripes and imprisonment with or without labour, and transportation for
life. The Commissioners were not authorized to inflict capital
punishment. The process of commitment by a lower magistrate was
dispensed with and the Commissioners were permitted to take up criminal
cases directly and pass sentence. They were also empowered to introduce
a police system and set up jails in each division.10

Marital law was to be supplemented by the ordinary civil and

criminal justice, but the rigid regulations which were in operation in
Bengal could not be applied to the unfamiliar and disturbed country.
There were no regular courts of justice, and punishment of offences was
left to the officer commanding.11 For the administration of Western
Assam and Eastern Assam, Scott and Richards, the Joint Commissioners,
proposed the native establishment list to the Government at Fort William
in May, 1825 (Appendix - C).12 The pattern of administration was mostly
based upon the establishment in other districts of the Bengal Presidency.
There were four administrative departments – Judicial, Revenue, Jail and
Police in the proposed list. The name of many posts like rubukar navis or
Registrar, khazanchi or Treasurer, peshkar, muharrir, nazir, etc. which
were taken over by the British from their Mughal predecessors, was not
familiar to the Assamese. The method of functioning of British
administration was totally different from that of Ahom as it required

9
B.S.P.C., P/BEN/SEC/329, No.26, 5 April, 1825
10
Ibid
11
Barpujari H. K. (ed.), op. cit. no. 8, p. 7
12
B.S.P.C., P/BEN/SEC/340, No.31, 7 July, 1826

49
filling the mass of forms, returns and other paper works.

In 1826, the Revenue and Judicial Departments were placed under

a native sheristadar in conformity with the practice in Bengal districts. In
Lower Assam, the revenue collection at local level was managed by
Choudhury of the paragana system and by kheldars of the paik system;
while in upper Assam the revenue collection was managed by the old
revenue officials known as kheldar or head of Khel, the Hazarika, the
Saikia and the Boras of Ahom Administration under the native
sheristadar, Janardan Barbarua who was paid in lands and paiks. The
British abolished the personal service system of the paiks and instead
introduced a poll tax of rupees three per paik for his house and land.13
Minor breaches of peace as well as civil cases upto rupees 100 were
referred to the local revenue collectors – Choudhuries and Kheldars.
Towards the end of 1826, three civil courts were established at Gauhati.
The lowest of the three courts was vested with the powers of Munsifs in
Bengal provinces, the second with those of Sudeer Ameens for the
purpose of hearing original suits and deciding appeals from the first
tribunal, and the third court was vested with the same powers as the
second, but with the additional authority to decide criminal cases of
minor consequences and to receive appeals from the Rajas, Choudhuris
and other Malgoozars. One Rajkhowa presided the first court at Gauhati
while the second and the third presided by Ghinai Barphukan and
Barpuram Barphukan respectively. The fourth court, the highest one, was
presided by the Commissioner, and Pandits and three paid assessors were
attached to each of the four courts.14

During 1826-1828, three police stations were established only at

the head quarters, Gauhati, Rangpur and Jorhat. These police stations
13
Bose M. L., Development of Administration in Assam (1874-1920), New Delhi, 1985, p.57
14
B.S.P.C., 16 February, 1827, No.2

50
were managed by one Daroga, a Jamadar and a few constables, but
mofussil police was left entirely in the hands of the Rajas, the Choudhuris
and the other revenue officers. The maintenance of law and order was
considered in those days to be a joint responsibility of the people, and in
the event of their failure to detect and apprehend criminals requiring
thereby the deputation of a regular force, the expense for the same was
realized by a collective fine on the inhabitants of the disturbed area.15
However, during the four years (1824-28) of marital law, no naïve court-
marital which alone was competent to try capital offences had ever
assembled in Assam, with the result that towards the end of the period,
there were 34 murder cases still pending and 94 suspects in jail and 20 on
bail.16

3.1.2 Reforms in Revenue Administration (1828-33):

After the withdrawal of regular British troops employed in the
operation against the Burmese, the martial law was withdrawn from the
province in March, 1828. Meanwhile, with the formal annexation of
lower Assam on 7 March, 1828, the post of Junior Commissioner was re-
designated as Political Agent of Upper Assam and Captain Neufville was
appointed to that post by relieving Col. Cooper. This led to the abolition
of the office of the Junior Commissioner.17 The decision to withdraw
Martial law which was an important change in the administrative
structure, had paved the way for transforming the charge of
administration to the civil authority. This was a measure of economy and
a step towards the final settlement of the country.

Various factors like multiplicity of taxes, the diversity of the

methods of assessment and collection, inefficiency of the native

15
Ibid
16
Bhuyan, S.K., op. cit. no.1, p.568
17
B.S.P.C., 29 August, 1828, No.1

51
collectors led to reforms in the revenue administration during 1828-33. In
1832, Capt. Matthie, Rutherfund and Bogle were appointed as collectors
of Darrang, Nowgong and Kamrup respectively for introducing a taxation
of the lands in substitution of the poll tax.18 In the new revenue
administration, settlements were made directly with the rayats. Strict
administrative measures were devised for the rayat’s (cultivator)
protection against the extortion of the revenue officers. Title deeds or
pattas were issued under the signature and seal of the collector specifying
therein the amount to be paid by each rayat. Revenue officers like
Choudhuris or Kheldars were prohibited on pain of a heavy fine and even
dismissal of service from realizing a larger amount than the recorded
against the rayat’s name. For public information, proclamations were
issued that every payee should obtain a receipt of every payment he made
to the Government. Copies of all relevant records were to be kept at the
collector’s office for reference in case of complaints of extortion or
otherwise.19 The revenue officials thus became mere Tahsildars receiving
remuneration in the form of a commission varying between 7 and 15
percent of the gross collection of the revenue. Their duties were limited to
aiding the assessment and collection of revenue. They were deprived of
the power of police and stipendiary officers were appointed to replace
them.

3.1.3 Emergence of District Administration (1834-1874):

The foundation of district administration had been laid in Assam
since the establishment of four districts – Kamrup, Goalpara, Darrang and
Nowgong in 1834 and two districts – Sibsagar and Lakhimpur in 1839.

18
Mill A.J. M., Report on the province of Assam, Calcutta, 1853, p.4
19
Barpujari H.K., Assam: In the days of the Commpany, Gauhati, 1963, p.72

52
Each district was administered by an officer, designated as the Principal
Assistant to the Commissioner, who had to perform his duties as a judge,
magistrate and collector. Each Principal Assistant also known as Senior
Assistant was aided in his duties by a Junior Assistant and a Sub-
Assistant who were generally posted at the Sub-division of the district.
The Junior Assistants and the Sub-Assistants in charge of Sub-divisions
were guided by the rules laid down for the observance of Deputy
Magistrate in Bengal. Sub-Assistants, in their capacity of Deputy
Collector, detached to out-stations were vested with full powers of
collectors in the decision of all cases happening within their jurisdiction
whether as summary suits for arrears of revenue extractions and over
assessments, or miscellaneous cases of every sort, including fines and
forfeitures, and all appeals from their decisions were to lie to the
Commissioner under rules drawn up the Commissioner in 1846. They
were empowered to appoint and suspend the native fiscal officers and to
revise settlements within their jurisdiction, submitting the same to the
Revenue Commissioner through the Collector. However, the Magistrate
(the Collector or the Principal Assistant) was still answerable for the
peace and good order of the district and for the detection and
apprehension of the offenders.20 In the administration of civil justice, all
suits above 1000 rupees as well as all appeals from the decision of the
Senior Assistant’s court were cognizable by the Commissioner’s Court
alone at Gauhati. The court of Principal Assistant was vested with the
powers of deciding all suits between 500 rupees and 1000 rupees as well
as all appeals from the inferior Native courts, In each district, there
existed two native courts (i) the court of Sudder Munsif vested with the
power of trying all suits between 100 and 500 rupees as well as to hear all
appeals from the Munsif’s panchayat, (ii) the Munsif’s panchayat was
20
Mills A.J.M., op. cit. no.18, p.36-37

53
vested with a power to hear all suits under rupees 100.21 However, none
of the Munsifs was allowed to execute his own decrees which were to be
referred to for orders or enforcement by the Principal Assistant. The rules
of practice by which these civil courts are guided were contained in a
short code drawn up for Assam (Assam Civil Code) and when these rules
were not sufficiently explicit, the officers were to be guided by the
general spirit of the Regulations obtaining in the regulations provinces as
well as by a due conformity to the local customs.

In the administration of criminal justice, the functionaries

employed were the Senior Assistant, Junior Assistant, Sub-Assistant and
Sudder Ameen.22 The Senior Assistant aided by a Jury had the power to
investigate all crimes of a heinous nature and submit the case for
confirmation to the Commissioner.23 The Commissioner exercised the
functions of the Nizamut Adalat in giving the final verdict. The rules for
the guidance of the Assistant acting as a capacity of Magistrate in the
examination of criminal justice were contained in Assam Criminal code.
The punishments to be inflicted for various kinds of delinquencies were
regulated by the general spirit of the Regulations. The police
administration of the district was managed by darogahs, thanadars, and
peons, stationed throughout the district, and they were assisted by the
officers of the revenue department.24 Lists of Judicial, Police & Jail
Establishment at Gauhati in 1835 and 1853, and at different
administrative centres in 1853 are shown in Appendix - D to J.

3.1.4. Establishment of Chief Commissionership (1874):

The Charter Act of 1833 marked the beginning of a centralized

21
M’cosh J., Topography of Assam, Calcutta, 1837, p.124
22
Robinson W. , A Descriptive Account of Assam, Calcutta, 1841, p.214
23
M’cosh J., op cit. no.20, p.124
24
Robinson W. , op. cit. no. 21, p.214

54
government in India as the act provided the superintendence, direction
and control of the whole civil and military government of all the
territories and revenues of India with the Governor-General of India in
Council. With the expansion of the British territories, the central
government at Fort William was overburdened and subsequently, two
new patterns of provincial administration were evolved – Lieutenant
Governorship and Chief Commissionership. Lt. Governorship of Bengal
was created in 1853 while the designation Chief Commissionership was
used for the first time in case of the Punjab province in 1853.25 The
purpose was to give the head of the local administration a higher status
and authority. With the addition of new territories after the Anglo-Burma
war, Lt. Governor of Bengal was overburdened, and to relieve his duties,
Sir John Lawerence, the Governor General, proposed the Chief
Commissionership for Assam and Cachar directly under the Government
of India. In a memorandum on 20th January, 1868, he proposed that the
chief commissionership for Assam was required as the territories would
not be well administered from Bengal due to its isolated position as well
as ethnical and topographical peculiarities. His proposal was strongly
opposed by Sir William Grey, Lt. Governor of Bengal. He argued that the
government should spend more money in Assam for development rather
than creation of chief commissionership. Instead, he favoured the creation
of a council for the Lt. Governor to ensure smooth administration.
However, the Governor General did not agree with the suggestion made
by Lt. Governor, and so, he reiterated that Assam be separated from
Bengal in the interest of smooth management of the province. The
proposal of Governor General was supported by William Muir, a member
of the Council though another member, Henry Maine had doubts on the
proposal. Major General H. M. Durand, the army chief, also opposed the
25
Mukherjee P., Indian Constitutional Documents, Calcutta, 1915, p. 140

55
proposal in view of the close connection between Assam and Bengal. On
28 March, 1868, the minutes of the Governor General, members of the
council as well as of the Lt. Governor of Bengal were forwarded to the
Secretary of State for consideration.26

However, no action was taken on the proposal till the

appointment of Lord Mayo as the Governor General of India in 1869. The
Mizo raids in Cachar compelled Lord Mayo to revive the proposal for the
constitution of the North East Frontier of Bengal into a Chief
Commissionership. His view was supported by all member of the council
except one Mr. Ellis. The proposal for establishment of chief
commissionership was again submitted to the Secretary of State for his
approval on 4 April, 1871. After careful consideration, the Secretary of
the state agreed to it subject to the condition that the system of
administration would be simple and inexpensive and the Secretariat
would not have the full complement of departments and staff as normally
entertained by Chief Commissioners. Thus the administration of Assam
was entrusted by a Proclamation of 6 February, 1874, to a Chief
Commissionership under the immediate authority and controls the
Governor General in Council. Col. R.H. Keatinge assumed charge of
Chief Commissioner of Assam at Gauhati on 7 February. The office of
the erstwhile Commissioner at Gauhati was designated as the Secretariat.
The Personal Assistant to the Commissioner was replaced by a Secretary
to the Chief Commissioner. The secretariat office at Gauhati in 1874 had
three main departments – Judicial, General and Revenue and the two
subsidiary departments – Native and Records. The sanctioned strength of
the Assam Secretariat of all categories from the Head Assistant to the
Sweepers was 33. The entire establishment was under one Head Assistant

26
Barpujari H.K (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.262-264

56
above whom the Secretary and the Commissioner. The Judicial
department consisted of one head clerk with four other assistants while in
Revenue department there was one head clerk assisted by four assistants.
The native department comprised of one sheristadar and four muharrirs
and in the General department there were two clerks, one hospital
assistant, three duftries, one jamadar, eight peons, one bhistee and one
sweeper. The chief Commissioner was the Inspector General of Police,
Inspector General of Jails and the Sanitary Commissioner besides his
routine administrative duties. He was however only assisted by the
Secretary H. Luttman Johnson who was one of the best officers with vast
experience.27

After officiating for forty days at Gauhati, the office of the Chief
Commissioner (Assam Secretariat) shifted to Shillong, the capital of the
new province on 20 March, 1874. With the appointment of another head
assistant exclusively for the General Department, one hospital assistant,
three clerks and a section officer, the strength of the Secretariat increased
from 33 to 39 in the first ten months of its life. The increase in volume of
work necessitated the increase in clerical staff, and subsequently the
clerical staff increased from 32 in 1889 to 42 in 1891 which further rose
to 60 in 1896.28 In an effort to lighten the duties of the Chief
Commissioner, one Inspector General of Police was appointed in 1876.29
Besides his official duties, he was also in charge of the Commissioner of
Excise in the Assam valley and had to supervise the Jail administration,
Registration office and office of the Superintendent of stamps. In 1882, a
Director of Land Records and Agriculture was also appointed.30 One
Principal Medical Officer was appointed for Assam and he was made

27
Datta Ray B., Assam Secretariat (1874-1947), Calcutta, 1978, p.1-2
28
Ibid, p. 6
29
Home, Establishment Dept. (1864-1922), Nos.35-36, October, 1876
30
Report on the administration of the province of Assam (1874-1905), 1881-82, part IIB

57
Sanitary Commissioner of the province.31

The system of Divisional Commissioner was not initially provided

for the Assam administration. To lighten the duties of the overburdened
Chief Commissioner, S. C. Bayley, the Chief Commissioner (1878-81)
proposed to the Government of India that the judge of Assam valley to be
the ex-officio Commissioner of the Assam valley with his headquarters at
Gauhati. After obtaining concurrence from the Government, the Chief
Commissioner invested the judge of Assam valley with the powers of a
32
Commissioner of a division. Besides the powers delegated to him by
the Chief Commissioner, the Divisional Commissioner also had specific
statutory powers. He was the ex-officio visitor of all the schools in the
division. He had to look after all the returns submitted by the forest and
immigration department. Being immediate superior to the District
Officers, he had the general supervisory powers over district
administration.

The unit of administration was the district. The immediate and

responsible agent of administration and the representative of the authority
of Government in each district was the Deputy Commissioner. In early
1861, Francis Jenkins, the Commissioner of Assam, mooted a proposal
that the post Principal Assistant should be designated as Deputy
Commissioner in view of the growing importance of the district officer.
He further suggested that the officers not in charge of district might be
designated as Assistant Commissioner while uncovenanted officers as
Extra Commissioner. His proposal was approved by the Government of
India in April, 1861.33 The Deputy Commissioner was a European
covenanted civilian or military officer on deputation. The actual

31
Report on the administration of the province of Assam (1874-1905), 1892-93, part IIB
32
Home, Establishment Dept. (1864-1922), Nos.19-22, February, 1902
33
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.268

58
administration in the province was in the hands of the Deputy
Commissioner of the districts. With him rested the organization,
supervision, and control of all multifarious departments and branches of
revenue, and executive administration and he had, besides, important
judicial functions entrusted to him.34 J.E. Stephen observed “that the first
principle which must be borne in mind is that the maintenance of the
position of the District Officer is absolutely essential to the maintenance
of the British rule in India and that any diminution in their influence and
authority over the natives would be dearly purchased even by an
improvement in the administration of justice”.35 Commenting on the
functions of the Deputy Commissioner, Ilbert says “He is the local
representative of the Government and his position corresponds more
nearly to that of the French perfect than to that of any English
functionary”.36 In the eyes of most of the inhabitants of the district, the
Deputy Commissioner was “the Government”.

The functions of the Deputy Commissioner changed with the

progress of time. As magistrate, he was responsible for general
administration and the maintenance of law and order. He also exercised
criminal jurisdiction as a first class magistrate and supervised the exercise
of criminal jurisdiction by the subordinate magistrates. As collector, he
was responsible for collection of revenue and the management of land
records. He had to execute government orders and inspect and coordinate
the work of the different departments of government.37 The
responsibilities of Deputy Commissioners of Assam were more than their
counterpart in other provinces of India as they were required to conduct
political duties such as maintenance of cordial relation with the hill tribes

34
Hunter W.W., A Statistical Account of Assam, Vol. I, London, 1879, p.63-64
35
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.280
36
Ilbert C., The Government of India, London, 1907, p. 135
37
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IV, Calcutta, 1909, p.49

59
resided beyond the administrative frontiers of the province. The Deputy
Commissioner was assisted by Assistant Commissioner and Extra
Assistant Commissioner to whom he allotted such parts of his duties as
they were empowered to perform. Honorary magistrates were also
appointed in certain localities with power to try petty cases. In the police
department, the Deputy Commissioner was assisted by a special officer,
the District Superintendent of Police, to whom was entrusted the
immediate management of that department. Judicial powers, both
criminal and civil, were exercised in various gradations by the Deputy
Commissioner, Assistant Commissioners and Extra Assistant
Commissioner, in addition to their administrative duties.38

In judiciary, change was made in the existing system in which

supervision of the administration of justice for Assam valley was left to
the High Court of the Fort William in Bengal. The power and authority of
Civil and Senior Judge for all the Districts of Assam Valley was centered
in one officer, known as the District and Senior Judge, posted at Gauhati.
He was empowered to hold sessions at various districts as and when
required. The Deputy Commissioners of the district had civil powers of
sub-ordinate judges and under criminal procedure code of trying all
offences not punishable with death and awarding a sentence of seven
years imprisonment. The Assistant and Extra Assistant Commissioners
had ordinary power of a Magistrate.39 The British administration under
the Chief Commissionership had developed further as Assam entered the
twentieth century.

38
Hunter W. W., op. cit. no.34, p. 64
39
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit no.8, p. 281

60
3.2 Establishment of British Administrative Centres:
The process of establishment of British Administrative centers had
begun along with the operation of the British to expel the Burmese from
Assam. The British had some information about the strategic places of
Assam from various sources like Eng. Thomas Wood who had
accompanied Captain Welsh as surveyor and had prepared map of
Gauhati in 1792-94 (Map No.3), Francis Buchanan (Hamilton) (An
Account of Assam) and Major James Rennell (Memoir of a Map of
Hindustan). Rennell had managed to proceed to about ten miles beyond
Nagarbera in 1765.40 During their campaigns in Assam, the British had
established their military camps or stations at such strategic places, some
of which became their administrative centres in the later period.

David Scott, who laid the foundation of British Administration in

North East India, had first visited Assam when he arrived at Nowgong on
15 April, 1824. At that time Nowgong was a large town extending for
about seven miles along both banks of the Kalang river with a population
of about four thousand families.41 In Nowgong, Scott first learnt about the
paik system of Ahom administration and immediately took advantage of
the system by engaging the service of five hundred of the existing paiks
in return for the supply of 4000 maunds of rice. The remaining crown
paiks were asked to clean, store and to take care of this rice as their
labour service.42 Assessing the strategic importance of Nowgong, on 16
April, 1824 Scott wrote to Swinton, the Secretary to the British
Government at Fort William, that the 2nd Battalion of the 23rd Regiment
should be posted at Nowgong both with reference to the expediency of
keeping up a sufficient force in Assam and also because the town was

40
Bhuyan S. K., op. cit. no.1, p.62
41
Barooah N.K., David Scott in North East India, New Delhi, 1970, p. 84
42
Ibid, p.84

61
likely to prove much more healthy and better provisioned than any other
part of the frontier. He further pointed out that the cantonment for the
troops would be built by paiks without any expense of the company.43

On 17 April, David Scott proceeded to Gauhati where he met Brig.

Macmorine who was commanding the British troops from his
headquarters at Gauhati. David Scott was also in constant touch with Col.
Richards who was campaigning at his head quarters at Kaliabar. After the
occupation of Gauhati by Brig. Macmorine on 28 March, 1824,
arrangement were set on foot to administer the country extending from
Goalpara to Gauhati, known as western or lower Assam, while the
Burmese were in power in upper Assam till their surrender on 31 January,
1825. The occupation of Gauhati was immediately followed by a
proclamation that strict punishment would be inflicted upon all offenders.
Martial law was declared and the administration of western Assam was
entrusted to Brig. Macmorine, the commanding officer at Gauhati and
after his death to his successor Col. Richards. As western Assam had not
yet attained the degree of tranquility to admit regular administration of
justice, punishment of offenses was left in the hands of the commanding
officer.44

After the death of Macmorine at Gauhati on 30 May, the command

of the British troops was transferred to Col. Richards who returned to
Gauhati with his force in July as the first British campaign in Assam
became impracticable due to rains. Throughout the time from July to
October when the second campaign started, David Scott was generally
preoccupied with Col. Richards and the British Government at Calcutta to
press for the continuance of the corps at Rahachowky so that the newly
liberated Assamese could be protected from the Burmese revenge and the
43
Ibid, p.84
44
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1, p.528

62
invasion route to Cachar could be blocked. As he was making plans for
the establishment of commercial links with the country to the east of
Assam, he wrote to Swinton that a withdrawal would destroy all hopes of
future trade relations.45

The respective duties of the Political Agent and the commanding

officer were precisely defined. David Scott, who was appointed as
Political Agent of North East Frontier to the British Government, was
vested with the general arrangement and control of all transactions and
negotiations with the friendly native chiefs and with the Burmese as and
when required. The collection of revenue was entrusted to Scott and his
assistant Capt. Davidson. They were however not authorized to call in the
aid of the military power to enforce the collection.46 The establishment of
a British Administrative centre had thus begun at Gauhati and was
considerably increased by David Scott as he held multiple posts in North
East Frontier.

Scott’s administrative establishment comprised of three munsifs,

named Rajkishore Sen, Hari Shome and Kishan Kant Bose who helped in
writing and interpreting Persian and Hindustani, one muhafiz-i-daftar
who kept public papers and records, six muharrirs for clerical jobs, two
tahvildars who maintained cash, one dafturee who prepared the writing
materials, and a few jamandars and chaprasis. Scott was also provided
with a staff of interpreters- four English writers and interpreters of the
Burmese, Manipuri, Khasi, Singpho, Assamese, Kachari and Bhutia
languages, together with their orderlies. Of all these employees, only
Durga Thakur was Assamese who was employed as Assam Muharrir in a
special capacity. The pay for the whole establishment for the nine months
from December, 1823 to August, 1824 came to Rupees 5,823 individual
45
Barooah N.K., op. cit. no.41, p.86
46
B.S.P.C, 2 July, 1824, No.16

63
salaries varying from Rupees 43 per month drawn by the Munshis to less
than Rupees 5 per month drawn by the chaprasis.47 David Scott along
with his assistant Capt. Davidson administered the newly conquered part
of western Assam from Gauhati as well as from Goalpara.48

After the occupation of Rangpur by Col. Richards on 31 Jan, 1825,

the first step taken by the British Government was the appointment of
David Scott as the Commissioner of Western Assam with administrative
headquarters at Gauhati, while Col. Richards was appointed as the
Commissioner of Eastern Assam with administrative headquarters at
Rangpur in addition to his military duties. Thus joint commissionership
was instituted by the British Government as a temporary measure.49 Scott
was declared as the Senior Commissioner and Agent to the Governor-
General, and was authorized to negotiate with the Assamese and other
friendly races, even with the Burmese when required. The two
commissioners were independent in their jurisdiction, but were expected
to act conjointly when together. The commissioners were empowered to
decide all civil disputes, and to administer criminal justice where they
could pass sentence of 5 stripes and imprisonment with or without hard
labour, and transportation for life. The commissioners were not
authorized to inflict capital punishment. The process of commitment by a
lower magistrate was dispensed with, and the commissioners were
permitted to take up criminal cases directly and pass sentence. They were
also empowered to introduce a police system and set up jails in each
division.50

In December, 1825, Col. Cooper was appointed as Junior

Commissioner of Eastern Assam after the resignation of Col. Richards.
47
Barooah N.K., op. cit. no.41, p.133
48
Chaliha S., Guwahati: Buranjir Khola-Bamat, Guwahati,.1991, p.58
49
B.S.P.C., P/BEN/SEC/329, No.26, 5 April, 1825
50
Ibid

64
On Scott’s request for European assistants, Captain Adam White of the
59th Regiment was appointed in December, 1825 to assist him at
Gauhati. Capt. Davidson, the other Assistant of David Scott, remained in
charge of judicial and revenue matters of the North East Rongpoor in
Bengal with headquarters at Goalpara.51

The martial law imposed upon western Assam after its occupation
by the British troops in March, 1824 was extended next year to Eastern
Assam and Sadiya when the British took control of that tract of the
country. On the assumption of the management of administration of
Assam, martial law was withdrawn from the province in March, 1828. In
May, 1828 the government sanctioned the establishment of the four
native civil courts which was characterized as a novel and interesting
experiment.52

Scott proposed that western Assam from Goalpara upto

Biswanath, be retained under British rule in order to defray the expenses
of military occupation as this territory yielded revenue of over rupees
three lakhs. Besides, its inhabitants were accustomed to Mughal’s rule.
He further proposed that the eastern Assam, from Biswanath to
Burhidihing be placed under an Ahom Prince under British protection
paying an annual tribute as the revenue of this tract fluctuated and did not
exceed rupees one lakh.53 The President-in-Council at Fort William
readily agreed with the first part of the recommendation of the Agent and
directed him to annex this division permanently to the British dominion.54
However, the authorities in Calcutta were not prepared without further
examination to the second part of Scott’s proposal.

51
Barpujari H. K., op. cit. no.19, p.28
52
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1, p. 568-569
53
Saikia Hiranya, “British Annexation of Assam and After” an article published in Assam Tribune,
dated 14th March, 2012, p.6.
54
B.S.P.C., 7 March, 1828, No.8.

65
 In March, 1828 after withdrawal of martial law, the government
decided to withdraw the regular troops from Eastern Assam and place
that division under civil management. Lt. Neufville, who had remained in
political charge of Sadiya, was appointed as Junior Commissioner to
administer Eastern Assam and command the troops embodied for the
defence of that part of the province. He was, of course, to visit Sadiya at
least once a year. On Neufville’s death in July, 1830, Captain White was
appointed as Junior Commissioner to Upper Assam, but he could join his
new duties until October, 1831, Lt. James Matthie officiated in the
interval.55 After the four years of martial law (1824-28) the government
passed orders to withdraw the regular British force engaged in the war
leaving in Assam only the “Rongpoor Light Infantry” which was renamed
as “First Assam Infantry”. Biswanath was selected as the head quarters of
First Assam Infantry for its comparative healthiness.56 Two companies of
this regiment were quartered at Sadiya to guard the frontier with a couple
of gun boats.57

Meanwhile, over assessment, levying of innumerable extra cesses,

introduction of money as the medium of exchange without a substantial
increase in the existing currency, extortion resulting from the defective
organization of revenue collection from top to bottom and non-uniformity
in the mode of collection caused trouble in different parts of central
Assam as well as in lower Assam. The situation in upper Assam was
equally alarming. During 1825-28, a considerable amount of the
collection never reached the treasury; the revenue of upper Assam for the
year 1827-28 could not meet even the charges on the establishment of the
administration.58 The radical changes made in the administrative policy

55
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1, p.554
56
Ibid, p.555
57
Pemberton R. B., Report on the Eastern Frontier of British India (1835), Gauhati,1966, p.73
58
Barpujari H. K., op cit no.19,. p.49

66
by the British produced a sense of deep resentment amongst the vested
interests which manifested itself thereafter, in the several attempts to
overthrow the British Government.

In 1828, Dhanjay Buragohain, a former official with the Ahom

Government took the lead with a group of nobles in reinstating Gomdhar
Konwar, an Ahom prince, as the King of Assam. The well trained British
troops under Lt. Neufville accompanied by Lt. Rutherford frustrated the
Assamese nobles in the last week of November, 1828. A second attempt
was made by Dhanjoy with his sons- Harakanta and Haranath, son-in-law
Jeuram Dulia Barua and Peali Barphukan, son of Badan Barphukan, in
the close of 1829 and this attempt was also repulsed by the British troops
by apprehending most of the rebel leaders. In 1830, a third attempt was
made by the Ahom prince, Gadadhar Singh, who was later arrested by the
British and sent to Gauhati.

During Scott’s administration, western Assam extended from

Goalpara to Biswanath roughly covered the present districts of Kamrup,
Nowgong and the greater portion of Darrang while Eastern Assam
comprised of the present districts of Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, a small portion
of Darrang and the Sadiya frontier tract.59 Being fully conscious of the
fact that scarcity of currency was one of the main causes of the misery of
the rayats, Scott repeatedly urged the Government at Calcutta the
necessity of inviting foreign capitalists into the province and of
encouraging costly but exportable articles. He offered every facility for
the production of silk worms, brought weavers from Rongpoor in Bengal
to teach the people improved methods of preparing and spinning muga
silk and established several sericulture firms at Desh Darrang and

59
Bhuyan S.K., op. cit. no.1, P.556

67
Nowgong.60 To give the Assamese a vocational bias, Scott requested the
Government at Fort William to enmark an amount from the revenues of
the province for imparting lessons of arts and crafts.61 But most of the
laudable projects planned by Scott remained in cold storage on account of
the unsympathetic attitude then exhibited by the Government of Bengal.

After the death of Scott on 28 August, 1831, a void was created in

the administration of Assam. Pending permanent arrangement, W.
Cracroft was deputed in September, 1831 to officiate as the Agent to the
Governor General, North East Frontier and Commissioner of Rangpoor
while Capt. James Matthie was appointed as the Magistrate and Collector
of Gauhati to assist the commissioner.62 After taking charge, Cracroft
discovered that the worst possible conditions of maladministration
manifested themselves in Lower Assam since its volume of business in
both the revenue and judicial departments exceeded those of other
districts taken together. To relieve the duties of this extensive division,
Cracroft procured in early 1832 the approval of the government of Bengal
the transfer of six parganas of Kamrup in the west- Bouse, Chake Bouse,
Barnagar, Barpeta, Bagaribari and Nagarbera to the jurisdiction of the
officer in civil charge of North East Rongpoor in Bengal.63 To deal with
the criminal cases of minor importance, he also appointed Haliram
Dhekial Phukan as an Assistant Magistrate at Gauhati and deputed Lt.
Rutherford to Darrang and Lt. Bogle to the six parganas to investigate the
maladministration of the revenue system.64 After investigating the flaws
of revenue administration, Bogle and Rutherford suggested that the
people who had fled the neighbouring states be encouraged to come back
to their own land and new lands on rent free basis for a certain period be
60
B.P.C., 10 June, 1831, No. 50
61
B.P.C., 7 May , 1830, No. 51
62
Barpujari H. K., op. cit. no. 19, p.67
63
B.P.C., 9 April, 1832, No. 62-5
64
Barpujari H. K., op. cit. no.19, p. 67

68
given to them subject to moderate assessment in later period. They further
suggested that the entire revenue system could be more simple and
workable with the introduction of taxation of lands instead of poll tax.
Settlements be made directly with the rayats to protect them from
extortion by issuing title deeds of land specifying the amounts to paid.65

In April, 1832, Cracroft was succeeded by T.C. Robertson.

Robertson immediately turned his attention to the three basic problems -
revenue reform, administrative reorganization and the restoration of the
Ahom monarchy. Soon after taking charge, Robertson found that the
revenues were daily falling into a more hopeless state and therefore,
without waiting for the approval of the government of Bengal, he acted
upon most of the measures proposed by Bogle and Rutherford, respective
collectors of Kamrup comprising lower Assam and central Assam
comprising Darrang and Nowgong. Regarding administrative
reorganization, Robertson felt that grave injustice had been done to this
much neglected province by reposing its responsibilities entirely in a
single solitary functioning – the Agent to the Governor General, North
East Frontier, overburdened as he was with multifarious duties. The
strongest terms in which Robertson commented on the attitude of the
British Government towards the affairs of Assam compelled them to
arrive at a final decision as to the administrative reorganization of the
province. In his lengthy minute on 27 March, 1833, Lord William
Bentinck accorded his approval with some modification to the proposal
made by Robertson. Accordingly, the territories on the west of the river
Dhansiri (Western Assam) were to be divided into five districts as under
(i) North East Rongpoor or Goalpara (ii) Six Parganas roughly the
present sub-division of Barpeta including Nagarbera (iii) Lower Assam

65
Barpujari H. K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p. 49

69
with twenty parganas mostly on the north and the nine duars on the south
(iv) Central Assam comprising of Naduar, Chariduar and Darrang (Desh
Darrang) on the North, Nowgong and Raha on the south of the river
Brahmaputra (v) Biswanath from the river Bharali to Biswanath on the
North together with the territory known as Morung extending from
Kalibar to the river Dhansiri.66 In each district, an officer designated as
the Principal Assistant to the Commissioner was placed to officiate as a
judge, magistrate and collector with a salary of Rupees 1000/- per month.
The Principal Assistant was aided in his duties by a Junior Assistant who
drew a salary of Rupees 500/- per month.

The districts of North East Rongpoor or Goalpara had its

administrative centre at Goalpara while the district of Six Parganas,
which was initially attached for a few months to the district of Goalpara,
was subsequently placed under a Junior Assistant separately with an
administrative centre at Barpeta. The district of Lower Assam was placed
under Lt. Matthie with administrative head quarters at Gauhati. Captain
Bogle was appointed as Principal Assistant of Central Assam with its
administrative centre at Desh Darrang (Mangaldai) and Lt. Rutherford,
his junior assistant, with administrative head quarters at Nowgong. After
Matthie’s departure on sick-leave, Bogle was transferred to Gauhati and
subsequently Rutherford was appointed in-charge of Central Assam while
Lt. H. Vetch, an officer of the Regiment, was entrusted with the
supervision of Nowgong and Raha up to Janaunamukh and Dharampur
which were annexed then from Cachar. Captain White remained as the
Political Agent of Upper Assam as well as the commander of Assam
Light Infantry at Biswanath.67

66
Barpujari H.K., op. cit. no.19, p.75
67
Ibid, p.75

70
 In 1834, Central Assam was again divided into two separate
districts- Northern Central Assam with its administrative centre at
Mangaldai and Southern Central Assam with its administrative centre at
Nowgong. The post of Junior Assistant was upgraded to that of Principal
Assistant. On the other hand, the administration of six paragana district
by a Junior Assistant at Barpeta could not yield the satisfactory result as it
did not achieve the anticipated relief to the Principal Assistant of Lower
Assam district posted at Gauhati. Due to its proximity, the Junior
Assistant at Barpeta frequently came to Gauhati and subsequently it was
felt that six paragana district be merged with the lower Assam district for
administrative convenience. Within a few years, the conventional
designation of the districts assumed popular names.68 The old division of
North East Rongpoor assumed popular name as Goalpara district with its
administrative centre at Goalpara, Lower Assam district as Kamrup
district with its administrative centre at Gauhati, North Central Assam
district as Darrang district with its administrative centre at Mangaldai and
South Central Assam district as Nowgong district with its administrative
centre at Nowgong.

Meanwhile, the question of rehabilitating an Ahom Prince in Upper

Assam continued to be discussed. To check further anti British revolt, the
British led by Robertson entered into an agreement with Purandar Singh
on 2 March, 1833 at Gauhati which restored him as the king of Assam.
He agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs.50000/-. He was formally
enthroned as a ruler of Upper Assam on 24 April, 1833 at Jorhat which
functioned as his administrative centre. He somehow managed to pay the
tribute for the first two years. After that he failed in paying the tribute
regularly and appealed for a reduction of the tribute.

68
Barpujari H.K., op. cit. no.19, p.76.

71
 In the meantime, major administrative changes took place in the
North East Frontier. In January 1834, the Supreme Government abolished
the office of the Political Agent to the North East Frontier of Bengal and
Commissioner of Rangpoor and in its place created the distinct office of
the Commissioner and Agent to the Governor General for Assam and
North East part of Rangpoor and at the same time Francis Jenkins, a
commissioned officer of Native Infantry, was appointed to this post.69 In
1831, Jenkins along with Lt. Pemberton had undertaken the survey of
Assam, Cachar and Manipur. As Jenkins had acquired a firsthand
knowledge of these regions, he was found suitable to hold the charge of
Commissionership. In April, 1834, Jenkins joined his new post by
relieving T.C. Robertson. On the appeal of Purandar Singh for reduction
of tribute, Jenkins directed Major White, the Political Agent of Upper
Assam, to personally survey the state of affairs in the Raja’s territory with
a view to ascertaining if there were really valid grounds for allowing him
a deduction in the tribute. The Political Agent recommended under
certain conditions a reduction of tribute to Rs.35,000/- with effect from
May, 1836.70 As the Commissioner was not satisfied with the report of
the Political Agent, he himself undertook a tour of Upper Assam and
stayed at Jorhat till the middle of March, 1838. He submitted his final
report on 3 April and, in a subsequent meeting on 8 August, 1838, the
Governor General in Council resolved on the resumption of Upper
Assam. Accordingly the Political Agent of Upper Assam was directed to
assume the charge of the territory of Upper Assam with two Principal
Assistants, Liecutenant Bordie and Vetch, with headquarters at Jorhat and
Lakhimpur respectively.71 As to administrative details, no directive was
issued excepting that all the existing incumbents should be retained in
69
Barpujari H.K., op.cit. no.19, p.120
70
Ibid, p. 129
71
Ibid, p. 138

72
office and that the hat and transit duties of all kinds should be abolished
forthwith.

On 15 October 1838, Major White arrived at Jorhat and on the

following day announced the change by a general proclamation.72 The
territory of Purandar Singha was then divided into two districts viz.
Sibpur or Sibsagar (to called from the place selected as the district
headquarters) which included the tract south of the old course of the
Brahmaputra, and Lakhimpur, or the part north of the same river. The
formal proclamation giving effect to these arrangements was issued in
183973. The system of administration adopted for the Western Assam was
extended to this area also. The stage was thus set for the emergence of
administrative centres in nineteenth century Assam.

3.2.1 Gauhati :
Gauhati was the administrative centre under different political
regimes since ancient time. The prominence of Gauhati was rooted on the
convergence of forces and factors such as its strategic geographical
location at the centre of Assam, natural fortifications provided by the
surrounding hills, junction of passengers and merchandize routes,
conglomeration of ruling and the merchandise classes, etc. Each regime
had left its imprints on Gauhati during the long course of its growth and
progress. With a rich heritage, Gauhati which became the chief
administrative centre of Assam till the emergence of Shillong, entered the
new phase of its history – the colonial phase in the year 1824. The growth
of Gauhati during the early colonial period was described in the Asiatic
Journal published in 1836. It said that Gauhati had grown to a populous
and well laid out town, from being little more than a cluster of huts. The

72
Barpujari H. K., op.cit. no.19, p.139
73
Gait E., A history of Assam, Gauhati, 1926, p.293

73
Commissioner Capt. Jenkins generally resided at Gauhati, the capital of
Lower Assam, but likewise held regular sessions at the different sub-
ordinate stations in that division of the province. His assistants were
placed sometimes singly, and sometimes two together, in different places
of importance in the district. The several divisions under their charge
were Goalpara which embraced the Garrow Hut, Garrow Mehal, Hydra
Chokey, Cooch Behar and Bijnee, Gauhati and the six paraganas, which,
it was intended would be formed into one district, and called Kamrup;
Nowgong, and Darrang, which was also styled Central Assam.74

The British administrators liked the strategic position enjoyed by

Gauhati although they disliked its unhealthiness. M. Martin wrote in
1838, “Goahawtee occupies an extent of hilly country on both banks of
the great stream; the hills on each side form a specious amphitheatre,
which have been equally well fortified by nature and by art.”75 John
M’cosh mentioned about well fortified Gauhati standing on the left bank
of the Brahmaputra on a plain elevated a few feet above the reach of the
floods. The level of the ground gradually lowered as it retired from the
river till it became fit for rich cultivation or sink into jeels and marshes.
Gauhati was bounded by a chain of pretty hills, stretching from North
East to South West in form of a semi-circle with its two promontories
resting upon the river. M’cosh further observed that the river took a bend
course concentric with the hills, and cut it out in the form of a crescent.
The town and the station were situated in the belly of this crescent. Its
fortifications constituted the security of the state from the incursions of
the Mughal.76 Robinson in 1841 also stated that Gauhati had occupied

74
The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China and Australia,
Vol.XIX – New Series, January 1836, London , p.196-197
75
Martin Montgomery, The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India (Vol.III),
London, 1838, p.630
76
M’ Cosh J., op. cit. no.21, p.86

74
within its fortification a vast extent of country on both banks of the river
Brahmaputra.77

At the time of British occupation, most of the capital cities of

ancient and medieval Assam were in ruins or had undergone a process of
decay and were overgrown with deep and impenetrable jungles which led
to the insanitary conditions of the centres. Unsatisfactory sanitary and
health condition of the stations increased the sickness and mortality
among the inhabitants of the centres. Regarding unhealthiness of Gauhati,
Hamilton in 1814 had commented that it was a very poor place.78 J.
Leslee, the Assistant Surgeon, wrote to the Surgeon Secretary, Military
Board on 8 December, 1830 that the streets of Gauhati formed pleasant
roads during winter, but heavy rains made them mires. No care was taken
to keep the adjoining ground clear or free of jungle, little attention was
paid to draining deep ditches which served as mere reservoirs of stagnant
waters.79

M’cosh in 1837 also stated that so far as the health was concerned,
Gauhati was worse chosen and the unhealthiest station in Assam. The rate
of mortality in Gauhati surpassed that of few stations in India. According
to him the only advantage of the station was its location. Though Gauhati
situated on the bank of the mighty river, yet its climate was not suitable
for living. The high range of hills surrounded the station on its three sides
obstructed the prevailing wind to come fully inside the station. On the
other hand, the fitful breeze, which ventilated it, carried the germs of
many diseases like malaria as it had to pass over the dense wooded
marshy jungle on the three sides. M’cosh further observed that many

77
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.280
78
Hamilton F., An Account of Assam , compiled in 1807-1814, DHAS, Guwahati, 1940, p.29.
79
B.R.C., 15 April, 1831, No.94.

75
unclean old tanks throughout the station also became the breeding ground
of germs of many diseases.80

Similar views also had been extended by Assistant Surgeon A.

Mclean, Medical in-charge, Gauhati in his letter to A.J. Moffatt Mill in
1853. Like M’cosh, Mclean also wrote that the station was not by any
means a healthy one. The easterly and southerly breezes were obstructed
by the hills surrounded on three sides. After passing through a vast tract
of jungle, the wind from the southern direction when arrived brought the
germs of diseases like malaria for which fever of all kind were very
common especially during the months of April, May and June, and again
in October and November. During February and March when there was
little or no rains, weather became very hot and oppressive. The north-east
wind, which blew constantly during the day, gave some relief especially
to those who lived near the bank of the river. But the people living in the
interior areas experienced a different climate as the temperature was
much higher due to radiation of heat from the ground. Another
disadvantage of the station, which Mclean noticed, was that the level of
the ground near the river was higher than that of the back part of the
station. The result was that during the rainy season when the level of the
river water started raising, the channel Bharalu, which formed the
southern boundary of the station proper, overflew its banks because of
entering river water into the channel, and thereby inundated the whole
neighbourhood. After receding the flood water in October and November,
the low lying areas were covered with decomposing animal and vegetable
matter which made the environment so offensive that the people seldom

80
M’Cosh J., op.cit. no.21, p.88-89

76
visited that portion of the station except from necessity, and so poisonous
that scarcely a third of either convicts or sepoys escaped fever.81

Both M’cosh and A. Mclean had suggested some measures to

check unhealthy conditions of Gauhati. Encouraging the civil authorities,
M’cosh wrote that a great deal had already been done by the civil
authorities to obviate the sickness of Gauhati, much jungle had been cut
down, many tanks had been cleared out, the sloughs throughout the
station had been drained, new roads and bridges had been formed, and the
cultivation in the immediate neighbourhood had been liberally
encouraged; but very much still remained to be accomplished. However,
with the available resources of the station and its unfortunate locality,
Gauhati never could be made as healthy as many other positions in
Assam were capable of becoming.82 M’cosh also favoured an idea of
shifting administrative centre from Gauhati to North Gauhati because of
the availability of high land there making the region more suitable from
the point of view of healthiness. He realized that the great obstacle to the
removal of the head quarters would be the sacrifice of the property both
public and private; but he pointed out that there were many examples
extant in India of such changes being thought advisable, sometimes made
at far greater expense than would be incurred at Gauhati. He observed
that most of the public buildings of Gauhati were of the cheapest and
most perishable construction requiring constant repairs and had to be built
a new every seven or eight years. Eventually, the cost of erecting new
buildings on a new site would amount to the same expenditure.83

81
Mill A.J. M., op. cit. no.18, p.378-379.
82
M’Cosh J., op.cit. no.21, p.90
83
Ibid, p.90-91

77
 Despite this, Gauhati continued to remain as the chief
administrative centre of Assam due to its central position.84 Being the
head station of Assam, Gauhati was the residence of the Commissioner
and Agent to Governor General, Captain Jenkins. It was also the
headquarters of the Assam Sebundy Corps commanded by Captain
Simonds and Lieutenant Mathews. The Judicial and Revenue Department
was managed by Captain Bogle, Principal Assistant to the Commissioner
as well as the Collector of Kamrup, and his Assistant, Lieutenant Vetch.
Only one Assistant Surgeon was allowed for the double duties of the
Station.85 For the improvement of the roads, tanks and drains, the hearth
tax was retained in 1836 though it was abolished elsewhere.86 Attempts
were made to improve the condition of Gauhati and the same was
reflected in a report published in 1857 which stated “Insalubrity of
Gowhatty has been brought to the notice of the government, and
improvements have in consequence been carried on from time to time
with the view of remedying the unhealthiness of the station. Though must
yet remain to be done in this respect, great benefit is stated to have
resulted from the means already adopted”.87

The officers employed in the conducting the civil duties of the

district were a senior Assistant to the Commissioner, a Junior Assistant, a
Deputy Collector, a Sudder Ameen and five Munsifs.88 The district of
Kamrup was divided into seven political thanas – Gauhati, Chamaria,
Byderghar, Kamalpur, Nalbari, Bajali, Bawanipur, each thana having a

84
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.336
85
M’cosh, op cit. no.21, p.84
86
B.R.P., 18 June, 1836, No.29
87
Edward Thornton, A gazetter of territories under the Government of East India Company and of the
native states of the continent of India, London, 1857, p.366.
88
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.282

78
certain number of Paraganas under its jurisdiction. Gauhati thanna had
jurisdiction over Desh Dumuria, Panbari, Beltala, Paragana Ramsai.89

Captain E.A. Rowlatt, who succeeded Captain Bogle, was the

Principal Assistant and Collector of Kamrup when A.J.M. Mill visited the
province in 1853. E.A. Rowlatt was assisted by C.K. Hudson, Junior
Assistant to the Commissioner of Assam and Dy. Collector, Baboo
Anandaram Dhekial Phukan and Baboo Gangaram Barooah.90 With the
establishment of the chief commissionership of Assam, Gauhati ceased to
be the chief administrative centre of the province, but continued to be the
headquarters of the Commissioner and Judge of the Assam Valley
districts as well as the district administrative centre of Kamrup.

3.2.2 Goalpara and Dhubri:

Prior to the British occupation, Goalpara and Dhubri were under
the control of Koch dynasty and later under the Mughal Emperor. In
1765, the British took control of these areas from the Nawab of Bengal
and they became thanas under the district of Rangpoor of Bengal
province. Situated in the vicinity of a number of Garo hats, Goalpara was
an important steamer ghat with considerable import and export trade.
Since its occupation by the Mughals, Goalpara on the south bank and
Jugighopa on the north bank were the eastern outposts of Bengal from
where its merchants conducted their trade with Assam. Being situated on
the banks of the river Brahmaputra, Goalpara was the junction of
communication between Bengal and Assam. The boats took 25 to 35 days
to complete the voyage from Goalpara to Calcutta and from 33 to 43 days
from Calcutta to Goalpara. In 1755, Jean Baptiste Chevalier, a French
Merchant established a trade and settled at Goalpara. Chevalier left

89
Ibid, p.286
90
Mill A. J.M., op. cit. no.18 , p.328

79
Goalpara in 1763 and his trade agency was taken over by John Robinson.
Paul Richards, an English merchant, established his trade at Jugighopa in
1757.91 After its occupation by the British in 1765, Goalpara become the
trade centre of the East India Company with Assam and other
neighbouring countries.

Goalpara became the residence of the Agents of the Society of

Trade appointed by the East India Company. Hugh Baillie, one of the
agents appointed in November 1765, established his agency at Goalpara.
The selection of Baillie to the agency at Goalpara which was established
to supply the articles of inland trade to Assam and other neighbouring
countries was due to his previous experience of the trade with those areas
in which he had been engaged as the Agent of Henry Vansittart,
Governor of Bengal. As the demand of Bengal salt in Assam was great,
Baillie’s agency at Goalpara succeeded in making profit. However, the
Society of Trade ceased to exist from August, 1768 when the Company
declared that the creation of any monopoly in the inland trade for the
benefit of Europeans was like an intrusion upon the natural right of the
natives. The inland trade was, therefore, thrown open to all persons,
Indians and Europeans. Assisted by Richards Barwell, the newly
appointed member of the Calcutta Council, permission was given to
Baillie to establish trade at Goalpara again in 1774. Baillie remained at
Goalpara till his appointment in April, 1779 as Assistant Collector in
Bihar. During his absence, the Goalpara concerns were managed by his
agent, Kasinath Ghose.92

During the period when Baillie was residing at Goalpara with

special license from the British Government, a number of private
merchants were also engaged in trade with the Assamese from Goalpara
91
Bhuyan, S.K., op.cit. no.1, p.55, 64
92
Ibid, p.69, 76, 88

80
either on their own account or on behalf of their principals. Among them,
the most prominent were two English merchants, George Lear who came
to Goalpara in 1769 to carry trade with the Assamese and Daniel Raush
who resided at Goalpara since 1769 without special license from the
Government but carried a trade at that place as the agent of David
Killican, a Bengal civil servant and Calcutta merchant.93 In 1788, Daniel
Raush was in a position to send a force of 700 armed guards to fight the
Moamarias who had rebelled against the Ahom King.94 Other prominent
English merchants were William Dow, Robert Bigger and Bernard Mac
Cullum who resided at Jugighopa and had branches at Goalpara. Among
the French merchants residing at Goalpara, the most noted were Laval,
who settled at Goalpara in 1769 as the agent of Jean Baptise Chevalier,
Giblot and Campagnac. Both the latter ones were arrested by the British
after the outbreak of war between England and French in1778. A number
of Indian merchants like Sooberam Palit and Ganasyam Sarkar were also
engaged in the Assam trade at Goalpara.95

In 1780, Huge Baillie was appointed as Resident of Goalpara to

regulate the Assam trade and receive the revenues while his business
colleague, David Killican, was granted exclusive privilege of the Assam
trade by the Government. After having obtained the grant Killican
applied for a posting of a company of sepoys in Goalpara to protect the
Assam trade and to guard the chowkies and the factory. The Government
ordered a company posted at Dacca to be transferred to Goalpara. In the
meantime, Baillie had joined his duties at Goalpara from where he shifted
his headquarters a few months later to Jugighopa and then once again
reverted to Goalpara.96 In 1783, Baillie was withdrawn as resident of

93
Glazier E.G.(ed.), Report on the district of Rungpore, Calcutta, 1873, p.46-47
94
Hunter, W.W., A statistical account of Assam, Vol. II, London, 1879, p.49
95
Bhuyan, S.K. op. cit. no.1, p.99,101
96
Ibid, p.129, 141, 155

81
Goalpara.97 Killican’s factory at Goalpara with its entire appendage was
purchased by Daniel Raush. However, in 1787, the Supreme Government
issued orders to open the trade with Assam to all merchants reserving the
traffic in salt to the company, to appoint Baillie as the Company’s
resident at Goalpara to conduct salt trade on behalf of the Government
and to give protection to the merchants. The Government also created a
new collectorship comprising of Goalpara, Rangamati, Bijni and
Karaibari with Baillie as the incumbent.98 Ballie did not like the climate
of Goalpara as it seriously affected his health. He also recommended the
abolition of the Goalpara Residentship by pointing out that the civil
dissensions leading to an implacable civil war in Assam would destroy
the prospect of Assam trade. He further suggested that in the event of the
Government abolishing his residentship, the area under his jurisdiction
should be placed under the Commissioner of Cooch Behar. In 1790
Baillie was directed to deliver his charge to Henry Dougals, the
Commissioner of Cooch Behar. Thus, Goalpara was included in the
Commissioner’s Circuit at Cooch Behar.

In 1816 David Scott was appointed as the Commissioner of Cooch

Behar and Joint Magistrate of Rangpoor. David Scott was deeply
involved in the affairs of the North East India and had already questioned
the suitability of the Bengal Regulation Act for the inhabitants of these
frontier areas. He suggested that the Government introduce a non-
Regulation system with its own rules suited to the customs and
temperament of the local people. Scott drafted a Non-Regulation Act
containing twenty six sections in which he proposed that the
administration of civil and criminal justice, the collection of revenue, the
superintendence of police and every other branch of government within

97
Firminger W. K., Rungpore District Records, Vol. IV, Calcutta, 1873, p159
98
Bhuyan, S.K , op cit no.1, p.168, 179, 183

82
the tract should be vested in a special commissioner appointed by the
Governor-General-in-Council.99 On 19 September, 1821, Regulation X of
1822 was passed by the Government by embodying Scott’s
administrative proposals. Its preamble declared:

“With a view to promote the desirable object of reclaiming these races to the
habits of civilized life, it seems necessary that a special plan for the administration
of justice, of a kind adapted to their peculiar customs and prejudices, should be
arranged and concerted with the headmen, and that measures should at the same
time be taken for freeing them from dependence on the zamindars of the British
provinces.”100

Accordingly, section II of the Regulation separated the tract of

country comprising the thanas of Goalpara, Dhubri and Karaibari from
the jurisdiction of the district of Rangpoor, and was formed into a
separate district with headquarters at Goalpara.101 David Scott was
appointed as its first Civil Commissioner with a salary of Rs.40,000/- per
annum including all travelling and other personal charges. In addition to
this laborious duty he was to continue to hold the office of the
Commissioner of Cooch Behar. To these joint posts was added on 15
November, 1823, the office of Agent to the Governor General for the
North East Frontier of Bengal just before the outbreak of Anglo-Burmese
war in 1824. When Assam was constituted into a commissioner’s circuit
in 1826, this tract was included in it. Scott was also selected by the
Government for appointment as Commissioner of Revenue and Circuit of
Assam with special power in 1829.102 Thus Goalpara was upgraded from
its status as a trade centre to an administrative centre during the
nineteenth century.

99
Barooah N.K., op. cit. no.41, p.57
100
Ibid, p.62
101
E. Gait, op.cit. no.73, p.283
102
Barooah N.K., op.cit. no.41, p.8

83
 The Ahom kings established a customs house with guards called
Assam chowky at Hadira opposite to Goalpara to regulate the access of
trading boats into Assam from Bengal. As a consequence, merchants and
traders used to settle at the town of Goalpara or at Jugighopa on the
opposite side of the river. Apart from local traders, the products of Garo
hills on the south and of the Bhutia Hills on the north were brought to
Goalpara for sale.103 Montgomery Martin wrote that the conglomeration
of European merchants at Goalpara made it resemble a European city. He
further stated that Goalpara was the chief town, and contained some good
thatched houses and a street of shops, and that the place was looked upon
as one of utmost elegance. In proportion to its size, it probably far
excelled any place in the west. The number of houses seen in the town
was 400 while Jugighopa had 150 houses. The facility of procuring
timber and bamboos from the forests, and some degree of improvement,
that the trade of Assam had introduced at Goalpara and Jugighopa, had
rendered the houses of this division much better than that of the other
parts of the province.104 Hamilton, who visited Assam during `1808-1814,
also observed that a number Europeans, both English and foreigners,
were formerly settled at Goalpara and Jugighopa.105

After the occupation of Assam by the British, Goalpara was made

the administrative centre of the district of the same name. The civil
station was located on the west of the low hill and the public buildings
and the residence of European officers were situated at the summit.
M’cosh justified the selection of Goalpara as the district administrative
centre by stating that the station of Goalpara was first selected by Captain
Davidson, after the conquest of Assam, and was as judiciously selected as
could be in such a country. The oblong hill, about 320 feet high and
103
Hunter W.W., op. cit. no.94, p.49
104
Martin M., op. cit. no.75, p.477
105
Hamilton, F, op. cit. no.78, p.544, 46

84
nearly three miles in circumference, projected out into the Brahmaputra,
so that its three sides bounded by the river. The projecting position of the
hill always secured for it the fresh breezes of the river and as the
prevailing winds were either up or down the stream, and the reaches were
several miles in extent, the environment of the station was very healthy.
The height of the hill protected the station against the intense fog that
brood during the night on the plains. The hill was also rich in copious
springs of the finest water. But the natives gave it no preference to that of
the Brahmaputra. One of the sides of the summit was cut down and
leveled to convert it into a parade ground having an area of one acre
which added very much to the comfort of the station and was the usual
place for recreation.106

Regarding the cantonment area, kutcherry, jail and hospital,

M’cosh further stated that the lines of the sepoys were laid out in a
curving but horizontal manner along the bold eastern brow of the hill.
Two terraces had been cut out of the solid clay for that purpose. The
construction of this as well as the roads upon the hill was carried out by
the prisoners. As the position of the station was one of the healthiest, the
sepoys were also well satisfied with it. A well at the end of the lines
supported the entire area with very good quality of water. The sepoy’s
hospital stood upon a small flat near the summit of the hill. The
kutcherry, the jail and the jail hospital stood upon a rocky point of land at
the foot of the hill (shown in Map No.4).107 Having been a trade centre
for many years, Goalpara was unique in that it had one long street of
shops and almost every necessity was procurable locally. The merchants
were chiefly Marwaris. The residents of Goalpara during 1837 were
Captain Davidson, the Magistrate, Strong, the Junior Assistant, the

106
M’Cosh J., op. cit. no.21, p.76-77
107
Ibid, p.77-78

85
Assistant Surgeon and a Lieutenant commanding the Sebundies. Goalpara
was also the headquarters of three companies of the Assam Sebundy
corps. Previous to 1835, a customs house was established at Goalpara and
a duty levied upon all the articles of trade, but in March of that year the
duty was abolished.108

To protect the station from floods of the Brahmaputra, a bund

(embankment) with sluice gates was constructed. M’cosh mentioned that
prior to the formation of the bund at ‘e” (Map No.4) across the nulla, the
town was completely inundated during the rains. After the bund was
completed, the town was still inundated to a certain extent if the sluice at
“o” (Map No.4) was inadvertently left open. Therefore, the bund at “e”
was constructed in the middle of February, 1835 by carrying the red clay
soil from the hill. Alluvial soil from the river bank was also used in
constructing a small portion of the bund. It had since been made as stout
as any other portion of the bund. The whole length of the bund was
around 200 yards. It was in form of a segment of a circle, with the
convexity towards the river. It was about eight feet broad at top with a
base of equal proportions. M’cosh hoped that the bund would add in a
very great degree to the health and comfort of the inhabitants of
Goalpara.109

W.W. Hunter in 1874 mentioned that the British Civil station at

Goalpara was built on an oblong hill which was 6500 feet above sea
level. There were a few private houses on the hill occupied by the
officials of the district and the missionary. At almost all seasons of the
year, there was a breeze blowing and the only objection to the spot was
the fatiguing ascent which was too steep for carriage. The native town of
Goalpara was situated on the western side of the hill. It was dry and
108
M’Cosh J., op. cit. no.21, p.76, 78, 81
109
Ibid, p.80

86
regularly built, consisting of several large streets running parallel to each
other with cross roads at right angles. In the main street- the one nearest
the river were all the shops. The immediate vicinity of the town consisted
of plain land, a good portion of which was under cultivation intersected
with small hills and large marshes.110

Goalpara continued to be part of Assam till 1867 when it was

included in the Kooch Behar Commissionership. However, when Assam
was constituted into a Chief Commissionership in 1874, Goalpara was
again transferred to the Assam Commissionership.111 Although the
selection of Goalpara as administrative centre was a judicious decision, it
was later found highly malarias as for miles around the station except the
north, there was nothing but flat marshy ground with the greater part
covered with jungles. In 1853, John B. Barry, Civil Surgeon, Goalpara
also wrote to A.J.M. Mill about the unhealthiness of the particular site at
the foot hill where Goalpara jail was situated. He states “I am unable to
trace under what circumstances and at whose, the present site was
selected, but that it was chosen with very bad judgment is manifest, from
the subsequent history of the jail and its prisoners”.112 The unhealthiness
of Goalpara led the shifting of the administrative centre to Dhubri in
1879.113

The shifting of administrative centre from Goalpara to Dhubri was

opposed by some residents of Goalpara by submitting a petition to the
government on 18 February, 1897. In their petition to the Viceroy and
Governor General of India, the residents of Goalpara mentioned that
Goalpara hold the first place in Assam with respect to commerce. They
further argued that there was no place in Assam in which trade was
110
Hunter W.W., op. cit. no.34, p.49
111
Bose M.L., op. cit. no.13, p.16
112
Mills A.J.M., op. cit. no.18, p.315
113
Allen B.C., Assam District Gazetteers, Shillong, 1905, p.105

87
carried in such an extensive manner that it could be compared with the
principal commercial places in Bengal. While forwarding the petition to
the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam vide his letter No.80
dated 22 May, 1897, A. G. Campbell, the then Deputy Commissioner of
Goalpara, wrote that he failed to see how the proposed change if carried
out would possibly affect the petitioners. The Chief Commissioner in his
letter No. 165 dated 5 September, 1879 to the Government of India
supported the proposal of shifting of the headquarters from Goalpara to
Dhubri. The Chief Commissioner’s letter described the advantages of
Dhubri over Goalpara. While Goapara was a “decaying” place, Dhubri
emerged as “growing” one as it became the ultimate point of connection
of the northern Bengal State with Assam, the Chief Commissioner
argued. He further pointed out that the chief point of acceptance of
Dhubri as the headquarters of the district was its geographical position,
and the expenditure involved in the transfer would be inconsiderable. He
mentioned that although the proposal was not formally sanctioned, the
change had practically, to a great extent, in actual operation for the last
two years.114

Prior to becoming administrative centre, Dhubri was a thana under

the British district of Rangpoor. The office of the police thana of Dhubri
was established at the junction of the Godadhar river and the
Brahmaputra. Its rocky nature secured it from the encroachments of the
river, while it was just high enough to be free from inundation. This site
had been chosen by a certain Mano Singh, the officer who first managed
this tract of country for the Mughals, as his place of residence.115 When
the Goalpara district was formed, Dhubri had been the head quarters of
the sub-division of the same name and the seat of a subordinate Judge’s

114
Home (Public-B), No. 177-178, June, 1879
115
Martin M., op. cit. no.75, p.469

88
Court. It was also the headquarters of the Executive Engineer of the
Lower Assam Division. Dhubri’s prominence was rapidly rising as a port
of call for the Assam steamers where passengers and goods for the
western Duars or Kooch Behar docked. In March 1871, Dhubri was
declared to be an additional place of embarkation of tea garden labourers
proceeding to the Assam districts.116

After the shifting of administrative centre of the Goalpara district

to Dhubri in 1879, the population of Goalpara town remained stationary
while that of Dhubri on the other bank nearly doubled. Although Dhubri
was handicapped in its development due to its confinement to less than a
square mille, its importance as administrative centre had grown because
of its connectivity to Calcutta and other parts of Assam and also because
it was not frequently inundated or eroded by the river Brahmaputra. After
the formation of municipality under Act of 1884, Dhubri had eleven miles
of road in 1900, half of which were metalled.117 The boundary of Dhubri
Municipality in 1894 was the river Mora Godadhar at north, the river
Godadhar at east, the river Brahmaputra at north and the Bidyapara road
at west.118

3.2.3 Nowgong:
Prior to the occupation of British, Nowgong was a newly created
village in which one thousand paiks were settled along both banks of the
Kallong river under the direction of Momai Tamuli Barbarua, an officer
during the reign of the Ahom king Pratap Singha (1603-1641). S.K.
Bhuyan wrote “The Barbarua established new villages or resettled them
with the repatriated fugitives. The new settlement was therefore called

116
Hunter W.W., op. cit. no.34, p.50
117
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.339
118
A.S.A., Home-A, No. 155, 19th March, 1894

89
Nagaon or a new village settlement”.119

Nowgong’s importance lay in the fact that it was situated on a high

ground on either banks of the river Kallang. It was not affected by the
inundation of either the Brahmaputra or the Kallang.120 However, the
history of Nowgong as an administrative centre can be traced only from
the time of its annexation by the British. When David Scott first arrived at
Nowgong on 15 April, 1824, from Sylhet, Nowgong was then one of the
largest towns in Assam extending for about seven miles along both banks
of Kallang river. He first learnt about the paik system of Ahom
administration at Nowgong and took advantage of the system by taking
the service of about five hundred existing paiks to maintain the station.
As Nowgong was found healthy and better provision than any other part
of the frontier, Scott recommended for keeping the 2nd battalion of the
23rd Regiment at Nowgong. There was another reason for his
recommendation. On their stay at Nowgong, the Burmese forcibly
married wives and daughters of the common people as well as the chief
inhabitants of Nowgong. On account of their marriage ties with the
Burmese, Scott thought that the prominent people of Nowgong were
perhaps less inclined to a change of masters than those in any other
district in Assam.121 So, Scott pointed out to the Government that the
maintenance of a body of troops at Nowgong was required.

During the early period of the British rule (1824-1833), Nowgong

was first administered with Kamrup and Darrang as the lower Assam
Division. In 1833, Nowgong was included in a separate Central Assam
Division along with Desh Darrang, Naduar and Chaiduar. The district of
Central Assam was then administered by two Assistants to the

119
Bhuyan S.K., Kachari Buranji, Guwahati, 1951, Introduction, p.XIX.
120
Martin M., op. cit. no.75, p.632
121
Barooah N.K., op. cit. no. 41, p.85

90
Commissioner, the senior one was placed at Desh Darrang (Mangaldai)
covering North Central Assam division while the junior one was posted at
Nowgong administering the South Central Assam Division. This
experimental division of Central Assam into two separate units when
found to have worked satisfactorily was made permanent in 1834 by
upgrading the post of Junior Assistant at Nowgong into a Principal
Assistant.122 Thus Nowgong was separated from Darrang and was then
first placed under distinct British management. No regular settlement,
however, was made till 1834, prior to which the paik system prevailed.123

The headquarters of South Central Assam Division had been

removed to different places since it became a substantive division. It was
first established by Lieutenant Rutherford in July, 1833, at Poorani
Godown in the midst of the village of Meekir Hat on the left bank of the
river Kallang. Poorani Godown was situated eight miles east of the
present Nowgong station. However, Poorani Godown was given up in
May, 1835 because it was very congested and there was hardly any scope
for expansion. Subsequently, the headquarters was shifted to Runggagora
in 1835.124 Runggagora had the advantage of being situated on elevated
land on the banks of the Kallang. The civil duties of the Principal
Assistant at that time were performed by Ensign Brodie. Initially, there
was no Medical Officer attached to the station and so medical duty was
entrusted to the Surgeon posted at Biswanath.125 The second shifting of
administrative centre of Nowgong District took place when Runggagora
was found to be unhealthy and not sufficiently central for the
convenience of the people coming to the courts. In June, 1839, the third
and the present station of Nowgong was selected on the left bank of

122
Barpujari H.K., op. cit. no.19, p.76
123
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.305
124
Butler J., Travels and Adventure in the Province of Assam, London, 1855, p.231
125
M’cosh J., op. cit. no.21, p.94-95

91
Kallang river. Nowgong was also known as Khagarijan (Reed stream)
from the name of a small stream which had forced its way out of the
Kallang river, a little above the station on the opposite bank and passing
through Taleagaon to the Rupahee river.126

Butler, the Principal Assistant of Nowgong, stated that there were

many carriage roads in Nowgong as any zilla in Assam. The road,
winding along the banks of the Moree Kallang was particularly
picturesque, passing beautiful gardens, cultivated fields, and innumerable
hamlets, which evinced the comfort and prosperity of the inhabitants. The
road to Demoruguri, east of the station, and leading on to Beloguri, which
was nine miles away, presented a picturesque scene with cultivated lands
and flourishing villages. An extensive bund road protected and secured
the entire front of the station from annual deep inundations; but despite
this, the water percolated through the sandy bund-roads, and inundated
the land during the rainy season.127

Nowgong was not regarded as a healthy station in Assam. Butler

observed that at times, the heat was very oppressive and diseases like
malaria and kalazar were very common in the district. The little that was
done by the government to improve the condition of the station was not
adequate.128

Butler stated that the public buildings at Nowgong included a

spacious kutcherry or court in which the Principal Assistant in charge of
the district, a Junior Assistant, a Sub-Assistant, a sudder ameen and
munsif (the native judges), conducted business in the judicial,
magisterial, and revenue departments. A new brick jail and circuit house
had likewise been constructed, and a brick thanna and a record office

126
Butler J., op. cit. no.124, p.231
127
Ibid , p.232.
128
Ibid, p.232-34

92
were erected in 1845-46. There were two ghats on the river, and a
stupendous bridge on sal posts over the Kallang river, 202 yards long, 30
feet high, and 16 feet wide, was erected by the magistrate in 1847. In the
same year, the magistrate erected a 150 square feet churchyard wall of
brick. This was much required, as the sight of the exposed Christian
graves, daily desecrated by the natives, and apparently utterly neglected
and uncared for by Europeans, was discreditable. There were seven
residential bungalows, three of brick, and four of lath and plaster,
occupied by the Principal Assistant, Junior Assistant, Sub-Assistant,
apothecary, and missionaries.129

Narrating first impression of Nowgong town when she arrived

there on 12 January, 1880, Jessie T. Moore observed that Nowgong
station was neat and pretty. The ground was level with fairly good roads
and many beautiful trees, several of them bright red and yellow blossoms.
Nowgong was on the Kallang river which got nearly dry in the cool
season. Nowgong station was centrally located in the district, its
population being about 4000.130

Regarding the sanitary condition of Nowgong in 1874, Hunter

mentioned that the station of Nowgong was intersected with numerous
deep hollows and excavations, and in the rains they were filled with
water, which in a few months' time, became stagnated from rotten
vegetation, and the effluvia rising from these stagnant pools had a very
offensive smell, and caused malaria. Although several of the deep
hollows and excavations in front of the station had been filled with sand
taken from the bed of the river, there were a very great number of them in
the interior of the station requiring to be filled up, to make the station
salubrious and healthy. Hunter proposed that excavation of the large tank
129
Ibid, p.232-33
130
Moore P.H.(ed.), Twenty years in Assam , Delhi, 1982, p.15-25

93
in the centre of the station, which had been started earlier by Captain
Biggs, the Magistrate of Nowgong, should be completed immediately.
This could be used to store water during all seasons of the year, and the
earth which would be taken out, could be used for the filling up the
hollows in the interior of the station. He pointed out that the cost involved
would be much less than getting sand from the bed of the river which was
at a distance. Besides, the residents of the station would have clean and
wholesome water from the excavated tank throughout the year.131
However, there was a marked improvements in general sanitary condition
of Nowgong after the conversion of the town committee into a second
class municipality under Act V of 1876. The roads were reported to have
been kept in good order and adequate arrangements were made for
drainage, conservancy and lighting.132

3.2.4 Mangaldai (Desh Darrang) and Tezpur:

Prior to its occupation by the British, Mangaldai was under the rule
of the Darrangi Rajas who were tributary to the Ahom Kings. The
Darangi Rajas built their capital at Mohanpur near the present day
Mangaldai town. Robinson mentioned that on their subjugation to the
Ahom king, the Darrangi rajas were maintained by rent free land grants
(estates) given by the Ahom king.133 Major Cooper established his camp
at Mangaldai in 1824134 when the Anglo-Burmese war broke out. During
the early period of the British rule (1824-33), Mangaldai was
administered from Gauhati as it was then under the jurisdiction of Lower
Assam. After the creation of Central Assam district comprising Naduar,

131
Hunter W.W., op. cit. no.34, p.501
132
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.335
133
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.291
134
Wilson H.H., op. cit. no.2, p.51

94
Chaiduar and Darrang on the north, Nowgong and Raha on the south of
the river Brahmaputra in 1833, Mangaldai (Desh Darrang) was selected
as its administrative centre. Captain Bogle was appointed as the Principal
Assistant of the Central Assam District. As the British built some
godowns at Mangaldai, it was then also known as godown town.135 A
native agent was employed to construct a circuit house at Mangadai, but
it was not completed till March, 1834.136

In 1834, the Central Assam District was formally bifurcated into

two districts - North Central Assam known as Darrang district having
administrative headquarters at Mangaldai and South Central Assam
known as Nowgong district having its headquarters at Nowgong.
However, Mangaldai could not retain its status as district administrative
centre for a very long period as the British found it unsuitable in several
ways.137 Apart from the fact that it was not centrally located, it was also
liable to inundation because it was situated on low land. The shifting of
the headquarters was found necessary as the encroachment of the
Brahmaputra had threatened to sweep the station entirely away.138
Moreover, sicknesses like kalajar or malaria were rampant. The British
therefore shifted the district administrative centre from Mangaldai to
Tezpur in 1835.139 Elaborating the necessity of shifting of the head
quarter from Mangaldai to Tezpur, Robinson stated that it was at a
considerable distance from the divisions of Chariduwar and Noiduwar, in
which the Duphalas were at the time extremely troublesome. Tezpur
would enable the officers in charge to watch over the proceedings of
these restless predatory tribes, and give confidence to the rayats, who
were fast deserting the eastern divisions. The removal of the headquarters
135
Mangaldai, a souvanior published on 41st session of Assam Sahitya Sabha, Mangaldai,1975, p 17
136
Mills A. J. M., op. cit. no.18, p.421
137
Gait E, op. cit. no.73, p.283
138
M’cosh J, op. cit. no.21, p.93
139
Sarma K.C., Tezpur Nam Ito Nagar Vishesh, Guwahati, 2001, p.5

95
proved very fruitful in the long run. The depredations of the Duphalas
had been put a stop to, and arrangements were entered into with all the
hill chiefs, by which they were no longer levied posa, but received fixed
payments direct from the officers of Government who also adjusted their
annual demands on the Duars.140

Tezpur was never the capital either of the Koch or Ahom kings.
When the British had decided to shift the headquarter to Tezpur, it was
sparsely populated place consisting of small hillocks and highland
covered by the jungles in between low lying swamps (hollas) which were
connected to Mora Bhoroli river. B. C. Allen stated that Tezpur was
nothing more than a small viilage when the British came to establish its
administrative centre.141 The people resided at only two villagers named
Kachari gaon and Kumargaon which still exist in modern Tezpur town.
The British built the roads on the high land by clearing the jungles and
established administrative buildings on the small hillocks.142 Although
Allen described Tezpur town as the most salubrious station in 1905, it
was not the same in 1853. John Campbell, the civil surgeon and medical
in-charge of Tezpur, stated that the station stood on the right bank of the
small river Mora Bhoroli, about a mile away from its junction with the
Brahmaputra. It was situated on the high land intersected by swamps.
Some of the swamps, which were cultivated by clearing the long grass
and weeds, prevented the growth of diseases like malaria. On the other
hand, the development of long grass and weeds in the non cultivated
swamps gave rise to all kinds of fever. One of such swamps, which was
situated near the Circuit Bungalow to the west of the station, had all the
potential to be the source of the diseases as the westerly wind directly
blew over the tract of the swamp would carry the germs of malaria. The
140
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.298
141
Allen B. C., District Gazetteer, Vol III, Shillong, 1905, p.184
142
Sarma K.C., op. cit. no.139, p.5, 21

96
Surgeon further observed that if bunds were constructed across from the
projecting points of each swamp, the malaria would cease to exist and
Tezpur would become healthier.143

Describing Tezpur town in 1874, Hunter stated that the town stood
on a plain between two ranges of low hills at an elevation of 278 feet
above sea level, most of the houses of the European residents were
situated on these hills. The town had been greatly improved of late years.
In the bazar, where formerly only thatch roofed huts were to be found,
large masonry shops with titled or corrugated iron roofs had now taken
their place, and in the course of a short time no thatch roofed house
would be left. Around the present court house, there were lying many
carved stones and pillars, indicative of its having been the site of a palace
in ancient times.144

After establishment of administrative centre at Tezpur, the small

district of Biswanath was placed under the jurisdication of Naduar
Division of the Darrang district in 1838 when the Lakhimpur and
Sibsagar district were created. In 1867, Chaiduar area comprising of four
mouzas – Gohpur, Kalangpur, Gamiri and Kalabari were separated from
the Lakhimpur district and placed under the administration of the Darrang
district. Haribilash Agarwalla wrote “In 1870, the Deputy Commissioner
of Lakhimpur Mr. Stuart had arrived at Gomirighat and he submitted the
report for inclusion of the four mouzas with the Darrang district”.145

The houses of the British officers were built on the low hills along
the bank of the river Brahmaputra. After burning down the kutcherry on
26 February, 1845, the government decided to build a new building with
brick and lime. In 1848, construction of the new building was

143
Mills A. J. Moffat, op. cit. no.18, p.442-443
144
Hunter W. W., op. cit. no.34, p.120
145
Sarma K.C., op. cit. no.139, p.4

97
completed.146 Mills commented that it was capacious and suitable
administrative building.147 Tezpur also became the headquarters of 2nd
Assam Light Infantry. Campbell, Civil Surgeon, observed that the sepoy
lines of 2nd Assam Light Infantry were originally constructed in a
crowded manner. So, he proposed that they should be made wider to pass
free flow of air between them. He further suggested for building two
pucka brick wells close to the lines for drinkable water. Tezpur Jail was
also a large pucka building plastered with mud and whitewashed. It was
capable of containing of about 500 prisoners.148 The list of British
officers who were posted as Principal Assistants or Deputy
Commissioners at Tezpur during 1835-1900 is shown in Appendix – B.

Considering Tezpur was centrical and healthier than Gauhati, the

Board of Revenue proposed in 1867 to move the chief administrative
centre from Gauhati to Tezpur. But Hopkins considered it inexpedient as
the station was a mere village incapable of supplying the requirements of
food and other necessaries to the regiment, civil officers and their sub-
ordinates who would move along with the transfer of the headquarters.149
In 1891, the map of Tezpur town (Map No.6) was prepared in a scale 8
inch equals to one mile under the authority of E. C. Barret,
Superintendent, Survey of India. The boundary of Tezpur town shown in
the map was Dekargaon, Bamun Chuburi and Barika Chuburi at north,
Brahmaputra river at south, Kaolibari at east and Hazarapar and
Dekargaon at west. When Tezpur town was constituted a Municipality in
1894, its area was 2325 bighas of which 721 bighas was reserved for
government and public purposes while roads and drains constituted 219

146
Home, Letter No.359, Vol. 13(a), 1848
147
Mills A. J. M., op. cit. no.18, p.412
148
Ibid, p.443
149
Barpujari H. K. (ed.), op. cit. no. 8, p.334

98
bighas.150 The Municipal Committee comprised of ten members, eight of
whom were nominated by the Chief Commissioner while the Deputy
Commissioner who acted as chairman and the Civil Surgeon, were ex-
officio members. Drinking water was obtained either from the
Brahmaputra or from four excellent brick masonry wells. Tezpur
Municipal Committee maintained nine miles of metalled road and six
mile of unmetalled road.151

3.2.5. Lakhimpur and Dibrugarh :

Before the arrival of the British, Lakhimpur was first ruled by the
Baro Bhuyans and later by the Chutiyas. On the arrival of the Ahoms, the
Chutiyas sustained a long struggle with them, but were finally subdued.
During the early period of the British rule (1824-1833), Lakhimpur was
included in the Upper Assam Division. It came under the administration
of the Ahom king Purandar Singh for a brief period (1833-1838) when
the British restored the Ahom prince as a king of Upper Assam. During
the early period of the British rule, its revenue administration was entirely
managed by the native agents appointed by the government; the revenue
was taken in money instead of personal service. The exactions of these
agents, the continuance of the same revenue system by Purandar Singha
and the aggressions of the frontier tribes, added to the ravages of the
Burmese, combined to make this tract almost a wilderness.152 Describing
the mismanagement of revenue administration, Robinson observed that
four years after the conquest of the country by the British troops, no
officers could be spared for the management of the district and it suffered

150
Sarma K.C., op. cit. no.139, p.23
151
Allen B. C., District Gazetteer, Vol III, Shillong, 1905, p.184
152
Mills, A.J.M., op. cit. no.18, p.645

99
considerably under native agency.153

When the Lakhimpur district was created on the resumption of

Upper Assam by the British Government in 1838, Lakhimpur became its
administrative centre. Thus, Lakhimpur was for the first time brought
under the British administration. Captain Vetch, who was appointed as
the Principal Assistant of the district, laid the foundation of British
administration at Lakhimpur. In addition to Captain Vetch, the other
officers connected with the civil duties of the district were a Sub-
Assistant, a Suddar Ameen and a Munsif.154

When Lakhimpur was selected as administrative centre of the

newly created Lakhimpur district, its boundary on the east was the Dihing
river, on the west by the Kobijan separating it from Noiduwar in the
Darrang district, on the north by the continuous range of mountains and
on the south by the Lohit. The easternmost part of the district was
inhabited by Abor tribes, then by the Miris and the Dophala tribes.155 At
that time, Sadiya and Matak country, ruled by their own chiefs, were not
included either in the Lakhimpur district or in the Sibsagar district. This
tract was placed under the management of the Political Agent posted at
Sadiya aided by a Junior Assistant to the Commissioner.156 Four
companies of the Assam Light Infantry having headquarters at Biswanath
were stationed at Sadiya under the command of a British officer invested
with political authority.157 After establishment of the most advanced
frontier post of Eastern Assam at Sadiya, the British selected Lakhimpur
as another frontier post as well as administrative centre to check the
aggressions of the adjacent hill tribes.

153
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.324
154
Ibid, p.325
155
Ibid, p.322
156
Ibid, p.332
157
M’cosh J., op. cit. no.21, p.147

100
 However, Lakhimpur could not hold its administrative centre status
for a very long time. After the expulsion of the Burmese from Assam, the
British had to face insurrection of the frontier hill tribes and there was
always an apprehension in the minds of the British that these tribes might
join hands with the Burmese against them. Similar suspicion also
prevailed against the plain tribes like Mattaks and Morans who lived in
Moran and present day Tinsukia. Although the chiefs of these tribes were
recognized by the British Government as the lawful ruler, they were
under the control of the British Political Agent posted at Sadiya. Knowing
the strategic importance of Sadiya frontier post, the British appointed
Lieutenant Charlton as officer in charge of Sadiya in 1834 with duties to
take cognizance of all criminal cases within the territory of the Singphos,
the Khamtis and the Mattaks.158 Towards the close of 1834, the British
took control of Sadiya tract from Sadiyakhowa Gohain, the post occupied
by the chief of the Khamtis after overthrow of the Ahom viceroy of
Sadiya in 1794. The Khamtis were however left undisturbed under their
respective chiefs although discontents prevailed among them. But after
the attack on the Sadiya post by the Khamtis in January, 1839 during the
shifting of headquarters of Assam Light Infantry from Biswanath to
Sadiya in which Major White was killed, the British raided the Khamtis,
burnt their villages and adopted vigorous measures to apprehend the
culprits. This incident demonstrated the vulnerability of Sadiya and hence
the cantonment was immediately shifted to Saikhowa where it would be
nearer to the sources of supplies and less exposed to the sudden raids of
the refractory tribes.159 After dissensions broken out between the Mattak
and the Morans, the Barsenapati Maju Gohain, the chief of Matak
country, refused to accept the terms set by the British Government.

158
B.P.C., 1834, 24th July, No.78
159
Barpujari H. K., op. cit. no.19, p. 149

101
Thereafter, a proclamation was issued in 1842 announcing the
incorporation of Matak and Sadiya to British territory. Both tracts were
added to the Lakhimpur district, the headquarters of which were then
transferred to Dibrugarh in the Matak country.160

Prior to selection of Dibrugarh, Rangagora, near the present day

Tinsukia was temporarily made the headquarters of the Lakhimpur
district. Dibrumukh or Dibrugarh was soon found to be more conveninent
and centrical with reference to Sadiya and Matak area as well as
Lakhimpur on the North.161 However, Dibrugarh was not a populous or
important place before the arrival of the British. It was not a centre of
pilgrimage nor did it have any distinguishing cultural importance as the
name of the place was not found either in ancient or mediaeval Assam.
When the British were looking for a convenient place in the Matak
country which could be used as a frontier outpost as well as
administrative centre against the turbulent tribes, Dibrugarh emerged as
front runner as it was located about thirty miles from Tinsukia, the capital
of Matak kingdom. The strategic position of Dibrugarh was further
enhanced by the Khamti insurrection of January, 1839 when the British
outpost at Sadiya was attacked. Thus, Dibrugarh was chosen by the
British as a strategic outpost in the eastern frontier of the province to
provide protection and security to their subject against the raids of the
frontier tribes.

When the British established an administrative centre at Dibrugarh,

they had to build a fort on the bank of the river Dibaru in 1841 as a
protective measure against the refractory Muttaks. It is said that
thenceforth the place which was earlier called simply as Dibaru, came to
be known as Dibrugarh. For strategic reasons, the head quarters of the
160
Gait E., op. cit. no.73, p.295
161
Barpujari H.K, op. cit. no.19, p.153

102
44th Assam Light Infantry were stationed at Dibrugarh. This military
force consisted of 5 British officers and 491 natives of all ranks.162
Dibrugarh also became the headquarters of the district staff Battalion of
Military Police of Assam Valley Light House in 1890. Although
Dibrugarh was selected by the British considering its strategic
importance, the prominence of Dibrugarh as administrative centre had
been greatly enhanced after the experimental tea cultivation by the British
at Chabua, twenty miles to the east of Dibrugarh in 1840 and discovery of
oil at Digboi in 1889 and coal at Ledo and Margherita in 1884. In
subsequent years, it became the centre of industrial, commercial and
administration activities. Sanitation and health soon demanded the
attention of the local authorities as the station was subjected to inundation
of both rivers Dibru and the Brahmaputra. Besides strengthening the bund
of the Dibru from time to time, a small canal was cut parallel to the river
half a mile rear of the station and emptying itself into the river. The
drainage from the station ran at right angles to the canal itself. This was
rendered possible when in 1847; the town improvement committee was
authorized to appropriate local funds for municipal development.163

3.2.6 Sibsagar and Jorhat:

After the expulsion of the Burmese, Neufville was appointed as
Junior Commissioner in March 1828 to administer the Eastern Assam.
Rangpur situated on the south of the Dikhow river, was then the first
position chosen as the headquarters of Upper Assam. But this place was
shortly abandoned by Captain Neufville for Jorhat which was the seat of
the Ahom Kings before the conquest of the country by the British

162
Hunter W.W., op. cit. no.34, p.365
163
Barpujari H.K (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.332-333

103
troops.164 Jorhat continued to be the capital of the last Ahom King
Purandar Singh who ruled Upper Assam during 1833-38 when the British
installed him as the raja of Upper Assam. After the resumption of the
Upper Assam from the Ahom King, Sibpur (Sibsagar) situated on the
north of the Dikhow river was selected as the administrative centre of the
newly created Sibsagar district in 1839.165 The British built the residence
of civil authorities at Sibpur, immediately opposite Rangpur, as this place
was considered a more central location.166 Commenting on its suitability,
H.K. Barpujari observed that Sibsagar enjoyed a commanding position
with regard to several highways and was situated on the bank of the
Dikhow River which was navigable throughout the year.167

The history of Sibsagar as an administrative centre can be traced

only when the British built Sibpur or Sibsagar town on the banks of the
Sibsagar tank (also known as Barpukhuri) dug by the Ahom king Shiva
Singha in 1733 covering an area of 114 acres. The British built the civil
buildings, courts, jails, residences of the European officials and sepoy
lines along the embankments of this artificial lake. The grand old
temples on the south side of the tanks and the houses peeping through the
foliage made up a very picturesque scene. There were not many dwelling
houses in the native town and most of these were in a dilapidated state.
The bazaar which ran along the banks of the Dikhow river, was simply a
collection of grass huts.168 The British cleared the jungle around the three
temples, besides taking steps for the repair and maintenance of the outer
walls of the complex.

W. Johson Long, the civil surgeon, Sibsagar stated that the station

164
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.319
165
Gait E., op. cit. no.73, p.293
166
Robinson W., op. cit. no.22, p.319
167
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.329
168
Hunter W., op. cit. no.34, p.246-247

104
was situated about 14 miles east of the Brahmaputra river. It was a piece
of low land lying between the two rivers Dikhow and Doreeka, selected
by the Raja Shiva Singh, on account of the place being very swampy and
therefore suitable for digging a tank of large dimensions. On the banks of
the tank (called after its maker Sibsagar) were placed, the public building
and the residences of the officers attached to the station as well as those
of some American Baptist missionaries, the bazaars and houses of the
native officials being situated in the plain of the south side near the bank
of the Dikhow river. The country lying to the east of the tank upto the
hills was not usually affected by inundations from the Brahmaputra, but
when the Disang, the Doreeka, the Dikhow and the Jazee overflowed
their banks, this was not the case. The bund of the tank was the only place
that stood at all times above the level of the higher inundation that
appeared to recur once in six years.169

No conservancy system was in force since no Municipal Board

existed at Sibsagar until 1876. However, sanitation at the civil station was
healthy and its conservancy arrangements fairly good and effective. The
bazar and habitants of the local people situated in the south near the
Dikhow river with dilapidated houses, drains, cesspits and old tanks in
the neighbourhood were highly insanitary.170 Hunter in 1874 observed
that no sanitary or municipal committee existed in Sibsagar. The Deputy
Commissioner was responsible for the conservancy arrangements of the
district and it was carried out by the Civil Surgeon with the means at his
disposal. That part of the civil station which was situated on the high
embankments surrounding the magnificent tank and which constituted the
European quarter was healthy and its conservancy arrangements were
good and effective. It was well raised about the general level of the

169
Mills A.J.M., op. cit. no.18, p.631-632
170
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.329

105
station, free from filth and jungle, and the road drains, sewers, etc. were
all clean and in good working order. However, the sanitary condition of
the district, in general, was said to be exceedingly bad.171

In consideration of these facts and the difficulties of

communication by rail and steamer in particular, the shifting of the
headquarters of the district was in the air for some years. In the beginning
of the 20th century, the proposal of shifting of administrative centre to
Jorhat got weightage when Jorhat was connected by a railway line of
Assam Bengal Railway. It was also situated close to Nematighat, the
steamer port for the navigation on the river Brahmaputra. Jorhat was also
located in the centre of the district. On the other hand, Sibsagar was
located ten miles from the railway with which it was connected by an
unmettalled road providing a troublesome journey during the monsoon
season. From the steamerghat too, it was ten miles away with a road
which served little for wheeled traffic during rainy days. Being situated
on the extreme boundary of the district, the remoteness of Sibsagar was
felt by the general public, particularly by the district and inspecting
officers. Planters and trading communities too could see the district
officials only at great inconvenience.172

When the Chief Commissioner found that a sum of Rs.1,87,000/-

would be required for construction of roads if Sibsagar was to continue as
the head quarters of the district, he wrote to the Government of India
seeking permission of the transfer of the headquarters to Jorhat after
ascertaining the public opinions. It was objected to on the ground that
Sibsagar had historical connection as the capital of the Ahom Kings.
Opposition chiefly came from pleaders and those holding subordinate
offices as the transfer would entail change of residence. On the other
171
Hunter W.W. , op. cit. no.34, p.285-86
172
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.330

106
hand, official opinion was unanimous in favour of the change. Besides
strong support of the people of Jorhat as well as Golaghat, the proposal
was favoured by the religious heads of the satras of Majuli who
experienced considerable difficulties in having communications with the
district headquarters via Jorhat. When the weight of the public opinion
was in favour of the transfer, the Government of India accorded its
approval for shifting of the administrative centre to Jorhat on 21st March,
1905, and the Chief Commissioner was advised to afford facilities to
those adversely affected by this transfer.173

3.2.7 Shillong:
Prior to the coming of the British, the Khasi hills was ruled by
numerous independent chiefs known as Syiems administering
independent governments within the boundaries of their territory.
Syiemship emerged when the other chiefs, Basans and Lyngdohs, were
willing to surrender their individuality in return for a common protection.
Since 1824, the British started a policy of negotiations to maintain cordial
relations with the Khasis in which they were successful by making
treaties with the Khasi chiefs. On 30 November, 1826, Scott was
successful in concluding a treaty with Tirot Singh, the Syiem of
Nongkhlaw, who agreed to help the British for the construction of a road
connecting Sylhet with Gauhati through the Khasi hills. After the
massacre of Nongkhlaw in 1829, in which two British officers and about
fifty others were killed, the British began a campaign against the
confederacy of most of the Khasi chiefs under Tirot Singh. On complete
subjugation of the refractory Khasis, a separate agency of the newly

173
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p.330

107
acquired Khasi hills district was created under Captain Lister as the
Political Agent with administrative centre at Cherrapunji in 1835.174

In fact, it was Scott who conceived Cherrapunji as the

administrative centre of the district. As early as in July, 1827, Scott
discovered that Cherrapunji was comparatively healthier place than
Nongkhlaw and planned to bring about further improvement to that
place.175 The next great advantage possessed by Cherrapunji was the
abundant supply of building materials such as lime, timber, sand, etc.
procurable from a range of hills which bounded the station on the west.176
For this purpose, Scott acquired a long tract of land to the east of
Charrapunji from Dewan Singh, Siyem of Cherrapunji for erection of
government offices in 1829 on the assurance of giving equal quantity of
land in the plains of Sylhet district.177 In suggesting the use of the Khasi
hills for European settlements, he asked whether “it might not be
practicable to substitute for regular troops, European military colonies
which after a comparatively trifling outlay of not exceeding 100 rupees
per man would be able to maintain themselves.”178 Scott proposed to
make a military sanitarium at Cheraapunji, and before the government’s
decision, he built accommodation for forty invalids and two small
cottages to be hired by officers or by private individuals. On Scott’s
persuasion, the government agreed to despatch a body of European
invalids to Cherrapunji on an experimental basis. This station soon
became a very common place of refuge for invalids of all classes, many
houses had been built in consequence, suitable to the climate for their
accommodation and even schools had been established for children for

174
B.P.C., 23th February, 1835, Nos. 1-2.
175
White Adam, A memoir of the late David Scott, Guwahati, 1988 (reprint), p 54
176
Pemberton R.B., Report on the Eastern Frontier of British India, Guwahati, 1991 (reprint), p 258
177
Aitchison C.U. Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Vol. XII, Calcutta, 1931, p 232
178
B.P.C., 13th August,1830, No.72

108
whose health it had been found.179 However, incessant rain and moist
climate led the recall of the European invalids from Cherrapunji in 1834.
It led to apprehension in the mind of other European residents in the
station that they might be denied the medical facilities since the only
physician of the station also departed with the invalids.180 In response to
the petition of the European residents, the government decided to locate
the headquarters of the Sylhet Light Infantry at Cherrapunji.181 These
measures were thus begun to consolidate the British administration in the
Khasi hills.

The Jaintia rebellions against the British policy of taxation in 1860

and 1862, which were responsible for radical changes in the
administrative pattern of the Khasi and Jayantia district, also led to
another important administrative measure – shifting of administrative
centre from Cherrapunji to Shillong. Even before the outbreak of Jayantia
rebellions, the British officers desired to establish a sanitarium for
European troops in a more healthy climate than Cherrapunji in the Khasi
hills. W.J. Allen proposed in 1858 that Lylenkot area of the Khasi hills
reserved by David Scott might be utilized as headquarters as it was
healthier than Cherrapunji.182 The Government of India in 1860 asked
Jenkins, the Agent to the Governor General, about the steps that had been
taken to test the value of Noomaipunji as sanitarium for the location of
British troops183. The Government of Bengal also instructed Jenkins to
submit a report on Cherrapunji and on Noomaipunji in particular.184
Jenkins replied that the proposal of relocation of European troops in the
Khasi hills had been revived lately in view of the recent disturbance of
179
Pemberton R.B., op cit no.176,., p 263
180
Ibid, p 262
181
B.P.C, 23th February, 1835, Nos. 1-2
182
Allen W.J., Report on the Administration of the Cossyah and Jayanteah hill territory, Calcutta,
1858,, p75-76
183
Home (Public-A), Vol. 62, No.9526, 28th May, 1860,
184
Home (Public-A), Vol. 44(a), No.2212 , 5th June, 1860

109
the Jaintia hills. Expressing his doubts about Cherra and Noomai as
sanatorium, he proposed the “neighbourhood of Shillong” which offered
the greater advantage for the purpose as recommended by Captain
Rowlatt. He farther suggested that prior to establishing the settlement of
Europeans, a party of invalids or a detachment of troops should be first
located in some selected sites to remove the disquiet from the minds of
intending settlers.185

In September, 1860, Rowlatt, the Deputy Commissioner,

proposed that the administrative centre of the district should be removed
to the vicinity of the proposed sanitarium at Shillong enjoying
commanding position besides salubrious climate suitable for residence of
the Europeans. He also sought to have a new line of communication,
Shillong to Gauhati which could reduce the distance from 105 to 75
miles.186 Supporting Rowlatt’s first proposal, Jenkins recommended that
he should be allowed to remove his headquarters to the vicinity of
Shillong, as his presence at Shillong would facilitate the construction of
buildings and roads at the new station and marking out allotment of lands
for the European settlers.187 Thereafter, the government of Bengal
approved the proposal of shifting of district headquarters from Cherra to
Shillong vide letter no. 2758A dated 29 October, 1861. However, Jenkins
was skeptical about the utility of the new road from Shilling to Gauhati
proposed by Rowlatt because the terrain between Shillong and Gauhati
was very malarious.

Not sharing Jenkins skepticism of an all weather road from

Shillong to Gauhati, his successor Henry Hopkinson favoured the
proposal of the road which would shorten the distance between Shillong

185
Home (Public-A), Vol. 23, No.92, 16th July, 1860
186
Barpujari H.K. (ed.), op. cit. no.8, p 341
187
Home (Public-A), Vol. 53, No.127 , 24th September, 1861

110
and Gauhati compared to the old road from Cherra to Gauhati by saying
that the malaria existed in the terrain of all hill stations and in this case it
extended to only a small distance. He however agreed with Jenkin’s view
that Shillong possessed favourable conditions to be a European
Cantonment as well as a civil station because its location was central
within the district. He further stated that whatever might be the
recommendation of the committee formed by the Government on the
formation of a new administrative centre at Shillong, the road from it to
Gauhati should be constructed immediately.188 Accordingly, the
government of Bengal approved the proposal for constructions of
Gauhati-Shillong Road vide letter no. 910 dated 25 February, 1862 and
Rowlatt was entrusted to carry out the project.189 However, the
government requested Hopkinson to await the report of General Showers
on the selection of the site for a sanitarium and new administrative centre
and further orders regarding the erection of barracks at Shillong.190

In the height of the second Jaintia rebellion in 1862, Showers

submitted his report to the Government of Bengal. He favoured the
advantages of the hills around Shillong including the adjoining locality of
Yedo situated about six miles from Shillong compared to disadvantages
of Cherrapunji having extraordinary quantity of rain. He mentioned in his
report “the position is favourable for maintaining control over both the
Cosyah and Jayantia hills.” He also supported his views by mentioning
that Shillong would be connected to Gauhati by a road constructed by
Rowlatt, while it was only thirty six miles from Lakat in Sylhet which
was served by good river communication. Shower’s selection of Yedo in
preference to Shillong had caused disappointments and even protests
from the officials who considered the later a healthier place than Yedo.
188
Home (Public-A), Vol. 24, No.44 , 8 May, 1861
189
Home (Public-A),Vol.44(b), No.5066, 28th November, 1861
190
Home (Public-A), Vol.47, , No.2465 , 30th May, 1862

111
Showers, however, recommended that a special commission to be
appointed to fix the site.191

In October, 1862, the committee appointed by the Government of

Bengal which included Haughton, Agent to the Governor General, North
East Frontier, as one of the members gave their recommendation
regarding the fixation of site preferring Shillong over Yedo. The
Committee distinctly recommended that the civil station and the
sanitarium should be located on the plateau of Shillong and the slopes
descending thence towards Yedo.192 As the government of Bengal finally
chose Yedo both as the administrative centre as well military sanitarium,
Hopkinson protested against the decision by saying that the government
had not taken into account the recommendation of Haughton.193 The
government’s decision was also not supported by the Inspector General of
Medical Department who had preferred Shillong because it was healthier
than Yedo, and hence it might be selected.194 However, the Government
refused to alter their decision by mentioning that the advantages of
Shillong were only in a military point of view.195

Before the final selection of the site, Rowlatt had begun the
ground work for establishment of the civil station and sanitarium by
acquiring a large tract of land to the north and west of Shillong hill from
Melay Singh, Syiem of Myllium under an agreement in 1861 (Appendix -
K). Rowlatt informed the government that he wanted to purchase eight
plots having a total area of 910 acres at a cost of Rs.4565/- for the
formation of the proposed station of Shillong through his letter no. 35
dated 29 May, 1862 enclosing a map (Map No.5).196 Haughton also

191
Home (Public-A), Vol. 47, No.32, 1864
192
Allen B.C., Gazetteer of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, Garo Hills, Lusai Hills, Shillong, 1905, p95
193
B.J.P., 28th June, No.122, 1866
194
Home (Public-A), Vol.46, No.6188, 31st Dec, 1864
195
Ibid
196
Home (Public-A), Vol. 10-12, 1862

112
proposed to obtain the lands selected by Rowlatt around Shillong as well
as the lands chosen by the sanatorium committee near Yedo and united
both the lands by actual purchase from the Syiem and other private
owners. By 1863, Houghton succeeded in acquiring two thousand four
hundred and ninety nine acres of land by paying a modest sum of Rs.8433
to the land owners.197 Meanwhile, in 1864, action on the government’s
decision on the shifting of the administrative centre of the Khasi and
Jayantia district from Cherrapunji to Shillong198 was carried out and
accordingly Bivar, the then Deputy Commissioner transferred formally
the headquarters of the district in July, 1864 to expedite the construction
of the buildings at Yedo.

The British government first constructed its head quarter in the

area described in the agreement signed by Melay Sing on 19 March, 1861
which covered the portion of Shillong known as European Ward, Police
bazar Ward and Jail Road Ward of the present day Shillong Municipality
and also the Shillong cantonment area. The land was actually taken on
lease from the Khasi landowners and till date, the successive
governments have been paying annual land rent to the heir of the original
land owners. For the purpose of administration, the British government
treated this area as normal area where the Acts and Rules of the
government were applicable. Later on, in December, 1863, the British
government purchased other plots of land outside the normal area in
which the system of administration was not wholly taken over from the
Syiem and his Darbur.199 Although there was a Khasi market at Yeodo
(the present day Bara bazar) the government established a civil bazaar
(present day police bazaar) of their own.200 To develop the township,

197
B.J.P., 12th January, No.122, 1864
198
Gait E., op. cit. no.73, p 288
199
Joshi H. G., Meghalaya Past & Present, Delhi, 2004, p 23
200
Home (Public-A), Vol.46, No.5918, 1864

113
steps were also taken for the distribution of lands among the intending
European settlers in the sanitarium. An individual was allotted not more
than ten acres of land at an upset price of rupees fifty per acre.201 Thus the
new administrative centre with its variegated complex of civil and
military lines grew up gradually in the township of Shillong.

During 1866-1867, Col. Hopkinson, the Commissioner of Assam,

pleaded with the higher authorities for transfer of the chief administrative
centre from Gauhati to Shilling owing to the unhealthiness of Gauhati and
other causes. Among the other causes, he referred to the necessity of his
presence in Jaintia which was gradually recovering from the recent
disturbances.202 The Board of Revenue, however, objected to his proposal
on the ground of the inaccessibility of Shillong to the people of the plain
districts of Assam. But the matter remained undecided till 1874 when the
government of India decided to reconstitute the province. On the 7
February, 1874, the notification No.380 was issued separating the
districts of Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, Garo
Hills, Khasi and Jaintia Hills, Naga Hills, Cachar and Goalpara from the
jurisdiction of the Lieutenant Governorship of Lower Bengal and
constituting them into a chief commissionership of Assam under the
administration of a newly appointed Chief Commissioner Col. R.H.
Keatinge.203 At first, the government of India did not consider Shillong to
be suitable for chief administrative centre of the newly constituted Assam
province. As a result, for the first forty days of creation of the new
province, its administration continued from Gauhati. However on
recommendation of Keating, the governments allowed the immediate
transfer of the chief administrative centre from Gauhati to Shillong vide

201
Dutta P.N., Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, Delhi, 1982, p121
202
Home (Public-A), Vol. 36, , No.36, 1867
203
Gait E., op. cit. no.73, p 318-319.

114
its notification No.49 dated 20 March, 1874204 on the ground of
Shillong’s central position, easy means of communication by roads and
its climatic suitability for the Europeans. The same day vide notification
No.2344205, Sylhet was attached to Assam thus completing the formation
of the Chief Commissioner’s province of Assam and the emergence of
Shillong as the provincial administrative centre.

On the commencement of British administration in Assam, E. Gait

wrote that what would have been the ultimate fate of Assam had the
British not intervened to expel the Burmese.206 The beginning of British
administration freed Assam from the state of political disorder into which
the country had fallen and also changed the political map of Assam.
Although the formation of an Assamese society began since the Ahom
rule, the formation of a modern Assam set out during the British rule. The
emergence of British administrative centres with modern characteristics
developed the district which in turn ushered the province into a new era.

204
Sengupta S., Dhar B. (ed.), Shillong : A tribal town in transition, Delhi, 2004, p 93.
205
Ibid, p 93
206
Gait E., op cit no.73, p. 266

115