Buddhist Law in Burma

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Buddhist Law in Burma: A History of

Dhammasattha Texts and Jurisprudence,
1250–1850
D. Christian Lammerts
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Buddhist Law in Burma
A HISTORY OF DHAMMASATTHA TEXTS

AND JURISPRUDENCE, 1250–1850
D. Christian Lammerts
University of Hawai‘i Press

Honolulu
© 2018 University of Hawai‘i Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
22 21 20 19 18 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Lammerts, Dietrich Christian, author.
Title: Buddhist law in Burma : a history of dhammasattha texts and
jurisprudence, 1250–1850 / D. Christian Lammerts.
Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai‘i Press, [2018] | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018019170 | ISBN 9780824872601 (cloth ; alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Burmese Buddhist law—Sources. | Law—Burma—Buddhist
Influences—History—Sources.
Classification: LCC KNL133 .L36 2018 | DDC 349.59109/03dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018019170
Cover art: (front) Painted mural register depicting the legal judgment of
the bodhisatta Candakumāra in the Khaṇḍahāla jātaka. Zeditaw temple
complex, Aneint, late eighteenth century (photograph by Than Zaw).
Detail of manuscript folios of the Manusāradhammasattha and
Manu raṅḥ nissaya dhammasat (NL Taṅ 10 f. gū recto and UCL 8000 f. jau
verso, respectively). (back) Terracotta plaque depicting the bodhisatta
as the boar-king and judge Mahātuṇḍila in the Tuṇḍila jātaka.
East Hpetleik temple, Pagan, eleventh century (photograph by Than Zaw).
University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free

paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability
of the Council on Library Resources.
Designed by Wanda China

For Chie
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Note on Transliteration and Translation xi
1 Buddhist Law in Burma 1
Part I. Sources
2 Before the Law: Traces of Dhammasattha in Buddhist Legal
and Textual Culture, c. 1250–1600 21
3 Dhammavilāsa: Legal Text and Cosmology in the Early
Seventeenth Century 46
4 Manusāra: History, Jurisdiction, Authorship 89
Part II. Revisions and Reasons

5 Dhammasattha and Its Discontents, 1681–c. 1850 137
6 Conclusion: Sakka’s Thunderbolt 179
Appendix. Four Dhammasattha Bibliographies (1768–c. 1818) 195

Notes 205
Bibliography 253
Index 281
Acknowledgments
I owe my deepest professional and personal debt to Chie Ikeya, not

least for her support with multiple aspects of this book since its initial
conception.
This project began with my research in the Department of Asian
Studies at Cornell University, and I am grateful to Anne Blackburn,
Tamara Loos, Larry McCrea, and Chris Minkowski, for their direction
and encouragement; and also to the other exemplary faculty, students,
and administrators of the department and of the Cornell Southeast
Asia Program. Anne deserves special tribute as a consummate mentor,
critic, and advocate.
For support of my training, research, and writing, I acknowl-
edge the assistance of the American Council of Learned Societies, the
Center for Southeast Asian Studies (Kyoto University), the Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore), the Fulbright-Hays Program,
the Blakemore Foundation, the Cornell Southeast Asia Program, the
Rutgers University Faculty Research Council, and the Department of
Religion, Rutgers University. Sections of the book have been presented
at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, the Asia Research Institute,
Harvard University, Mahidol University, Leiden University, Cornell
University, Princeton University, Kyoto University, the University of
Toronto, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and the University of
Yangon, and I appreciate the willingness of these institutions to pro-
vide a forum.
ix
x Acknowledgments
Conversations with Alexey Kirichenko over the past decade have

yielded precious illuminations, and I thank him for his continued gen-
erosity and collaborative spirit. A number of colleagues have been
particularly helpful in offering criticism of various iterations of chap-
ters and aspects of argument: Arlo Griffiths, Lilian Handlin, Thibaut
d’Hubert, Andrew Huxley, Petra Kieffer-Pülz, Kyaw Minn Htin, Jacques
Leider, Myo Myint, and Peter Skilling. Other teachers, colleagues, col-
laborators, and friends who have given assistance at various stages
of the project include: Ven. Ācāra, Andrea Acri, Ven. Ādiccavaṃsa,
Barbara Andaya, Antika Preeyanon, Arthid Sheravanichkul, Aung Soe
Min, Aung Win Naing, Chris Baker, Olivier de Bernon, Bo Bo Lansin,
Dan Boucher, Erik Braun, Yigal Bronner, John Buchanan, Ven. Can-
damukha, Jake Carbine, Charlie Carstens, Chat Aksornsawad, Clau-
dio Cicuzza, Helen Creese, Don Davis, Dragomir Dimitrov, Christoph
Emmrich, Tilman Frasch, Rebecca French, Charlie Hallisey, Ko Heavy,
Oskar von Hinüber, Hlaing Hlaing Gyi, Htay Win Maung, Htun Yee,
Masao Imamura, Berthe Jansen, Doug Kammen, Ven. Kesara, Takahiro
Kojima, Ven. Kuṇḍala, François Lagirarde, Victor Lieberman, Michel
Lorrillard, Tim Lubin, Mar Lay, Patrick McCormick, Justin McDaniel,
Mya Oo, Mark Nathan, Ni Tut, Peter Nyunt, Nyunt Maung, John Okell,
Ryuji Okudaira, Patrick Olivelle, Ven. Paṇḍavaṃsa, Ven. Paṇḍita,
Nai Pan Hla, Tom Patton, Anne Peters, John Phan, Phyu Phyu Win,
Pat Pranke, Bill Pruitt, Jan van der Putten, Pyone Pyone Aye, Ronit
Ricci, Aleix Ruiz-Falqués, San San Hnin Tun, San San May, San Shwe,
Windhu Sancaya, Saw Tun, Jörg Schendel, Ben Schonthal, Tansen Sen,
Jonathan Silk, Soe Kyaw Thu, Ven. Sumana, Ven. Sutālaṅkāra, Eric
Tagliacozzo, Ven. Tejaniya, Than Zaw, Thant Thaw Kaung, Thara-
phi Than, Thaw Kaung, Thu Nandar, Tin Htway, Tin Tin Win, Ali-
cia Turner, Ven. Vicittañāṇa, Geoff Wade, Win Tint, Margaret Wong,
David Wyatt, and Zaw Lynn Aung.
I sincerely thank my parents on both sides for their continued
kindness and care throughout the gestation of this project: Suzanne
Lammerts Lyon and David Lyon, and Mya Kay Thee and Osamu Ikeya.
No words can express my gratitude to Mio Lammerts-Ikeya.
For editorial and publication support, I am grateful to Pamela
Kelley, Debra Tang, and Grace Wen at University of Hawai‘i Press, Lys
Weiss of Post Hoc Academic Publishing Services, and the anonymous
reviewers of the manuscript for the University of Hawai‘i Press.
Note on Transliteration and Translation
Burmese, Pali, and Sanskrit texts written in the Burmese script are
transliterated according to the conventions outlined in the accompa-
nying table. For a discussion of the rationale behind this transliteration
schema, see my review of Anne Peters’s Birmanische Handschriften, Teil
8 (Lammerts 2015d).
Common personal and place names are generally transcribed
according to conventional Romanizations (thus Alaungmintaya not
Aloṅḥ Maṅḥ Tarāḥ). Important though less well-known names and
titles are transliterated upon their initial occurrence.
Transliterations are diplomatic and privilege forms attested in a
majority of manuscript witnesses, unless otherwise noted. In my trans-
lations of Pali texts I closely adhere to readings and interpretations
suggested by premodern vernacular nissaya glosses wherever such
resources are available for consultation.
In translations and transliterations, I enclose in square brackets
[ . . . ] editorial supplements to the text, whereas I use braces (curly
brackets) { . . . } to enclose either reconstructed forms or variants.
xi
CHAPTER 1
I t is commonplace to read that, unlike Hinduism or Islam, Buddhism

gave rise to no law aside from the vinaya, whose jurisdiction, we are
led to believe, is limited to the monastic community. Standard text-
books and reference works on comparative law that present detailed
discussions of traditions of Hindu law, Islamic law, and Chinese law
neglect Buddhist law entirely.1 Surveys of Buddhist history and litera-
ture do not refer to the deep genealogies of Buddhist law in Southeast
Asia, nor do they note the striking fact that only in this region did an
elaborate legal literature directed toward both monks and the Bud-
dhist laity arise. Called dhammasattha, or “treatise on law,”2 this genre
and its law played a vital role in monastic and lay Buddhist intellec-
tual, socio-legal, and textual practice for centuries—another fact that
is invariably overlooked in studies of premodern and early modern
Buddhist culture in Southeast Asia.
In this book, I offer an account of the history and dynamic juris-
prudence of the dhammasattha genre and demonstrate the centrality
of law as a sphere of Buddhist knowledge and literary production in
Burma between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries CE. Through
a careful study of hitherto neglected dhammasattha manuscripts in the
Burmese, Arakanese, and Pali languages, as well as donative inscrip-
tions, court case records, monastic epistles, legal responsa, chronicles,
and scriptural commentaries, I argue that there were multiple—indeed,
sometimes contentious—modes of reckoning Buddhist jurisprudence
and legal authority in Burma, and that these must be assessed in the
1
2 Chapter 1
context of specific intellectual histories and in relation to local textual

and ritual practices. This approach to the study of Buddhist law in
Burma reveals significant shifts and reorientations in legal discourse—
about both law and Buddhism—between the seventeenth and nine-
teenth centuries. These in turn call into question arguments for the
unchanging nature of precolonial Burmese legalism, as well as the
decisive transformative impact of British colonialism on Burmese law.
Dhammasattha treatises were written in verse and prose, in vernac-
ular languages and Pali, and were copied, commented upon, glossed,
reedited, and rewritten throughout this long period. Their laws partly
survive, reconfigured and legible primarily through case law, as an
authoritative source of Burmese “customary” and “personal” law
for Buddhists in the legal system of contemporary Burma.3 Buddhist
monks across precolonial Asia were subject—in theory if not always in
practice—to the jurisdiction of varieties of locally compiled or trans
regional monastic regulations, many of which fell under the broad
rubric of vinaya.4 But Burma—and, relatedly, neighboring polities in
what is now eastern Bangladesh, central and northern Thailand, Laos,
Yunnan, and Cambodia where dhammasattha texts also circulated—is
the only region of the Buddhist world to have developed a written
corpus of Buddhist law that claimed jurisdiction over all members of
society. Thousands of manuscripts containing hundreds of individual
dhammasattha treatises and related texts have come down to us today,
but until now this rich archive has not been adequately investigated
by scholarship.
The following chapters have two interconnected goals. The first is
to map and describe the significance of the production, circulation, and
transformation of dhammasattha treatises in precolonial Burma. The
second is to provide an account of the genre’s general jurisprudence—
the way different treatises represent their authority and function,
particularly in relation to Buddhism and Buddhist literature—and
to examine how and why this jurisprudence changed over time up
until the mid-nineteenth century, when British colonial rule began to
encroach upon Burmese legal discourse and practice. The first of these
goals is presupposed by any sort of historical or philological work with
the genre, for we cannot engage in meaningful dialogue with these
texts without some understanding of the scope and distribution of
their production—where, when, and by whom they were written. This
is foundational work requiring extensive scrutiny of a complex manu-
script archive that has not been properly done until now. When I first
Buddhist Law in Burma 3
began working with this material, my initial interest was to study how
dhammasattha laws could shed light upon Buddhist ideas and prac-
tices relating to slavery and gender in precolonial Burma. It quickly
became apparent that any attempt to utilize this archive for such a
project would be premature until basic questions about the history
and jurisprudence of the genre could be answered. Chronologies of
dhammasattha treatises and authors began to be compiled by Burmese
bibliographers and jurists in the late seventeenth century. However, as
chapter 5 shows, these projects did not aim to establish the empirical
textual history of the genre; instead, they were intended as jurispru-
dential arguments about the nature of Buddhist law. In the colonial
period these Burmese bibliographies were received by British judicial
officials as more or less trustworthy accounts of the genre’s genealogy,
and they provided the basis for subsequent scholarly presentations of
dhammasattha history that have remained largely unquestioned since.5
The second goal of this book serves to contribute to certain scholarly
debates under way in Southeast Asian and Buddhist studies. As elabo-
rated below, the history of the dhammasattha genre and its shifting
varieties of jurisprudence raises provocative questions for these fields.
The book is thematically divided into two parts: Part I, “Sources,”
and Part II, “Revisions and Reasons.” I argue that dhammasattha con-
stitutes a tradition of Buddhist law—or, minimally, a tradition of legal
discourse and jurisprudence so intermeshed with Buddhism that any
alternative characterization is impossible to analytically sustain. Part I
(chapters 2–4) explores the archive for our knowledge of the history of
dhammasattha in Burma between the thirteenth and mid-seventeenth
centuries, in part by focusing in detail on the two oldest witnesses
to the genre, the Dhammavilāsa dhammasat and Manusāra dhammasa
ttha. It attends to the sources of our sources, by discussing the various
Buddhist texts, narratives, and repertoires invoked to formulate and
authorize the law, and also examines how dhammasattha itself was
considered as a source for certain types of cultural production and
legal practice. Part II (chapters 5–6) addresses the reception of dha
mmasattha between the 1680s and mid-nineteenth century. In chap-
ter 5 I document and diagnose the development around the genre
of a legal-commentarial tradition of textual reform (“purification”),
innovation, and historiography, one arguably stimulated by changes
in the broader economy and in intellectual and ritual culture. Chapter
6 expands this inquiry to consider explicit rationales for the sponsor-
ship, study, or production of this legal literature. It shows how the
4 Chapter 1
discourse of dhammasattha law was fundamentally associated with

Buddhist socioeconomic concerns related to prosperity, ritual, merit-
making, and the preservation of the sāsana6 of Gotama Buddha.
Buddhism and Law

To the casual observer it might seem that if there is anything that
can be said in general about the aggregate of historical practices and
ideologies now generally referred to as Buddhism, it is that Buddhism
is a legal tradition. Scholarship in Buddhist studies and translations
of primary Buddhist texts into European languages are saturated with
the idiom of law. Already in the sixteenth century, as Buddhism was
in the early stages of being named as such by Jesuit authors writing
in Latin, Portuguese, and Spanish,7 missionaries seeking to propagate
the Christian faith in Asia brought with them a range of theologi-
cal presuppositions concerning an essential relationship between law
and religion.8 Tracing the European genealogy of this presupposition
would take us very far afield, and others have probed the long histo-
ries of the associations of law and religion in earlier Judeo-Christian
theology and political thought.9 The first Jesuit texts from Asia rou-
tinely articulate the project to convert the heathen through the idiom
of a confrontation of laws, between the Christian “law of God” (ley de
Deus), on the one hand, and the various regimes of infidel law they
encountered on their missions, on the other. Writing in 1552, Fran-
cis Xavier characterizes conversion to Christianity by the Japanese as
their acceptance of the law of Christ as the only ley verdadeira (“true
law”). For Xavier, the laws of the Japanese (suas leys, “their laws”)
were leis falças (“false laws”) fabricated by non-Christian “saints” (that
is, buddhas) and disseminated by Buddhist “priests” (bomzos).10 In the
Sumario de los errores (“Summary of Errors”), composed probably in
Spanish by Jesuit friars in Japan in the mid-1550s, the term lei is
already used to gloss buppō (佛法, “hō [法] of a buddha”), the Japanese
parallel of Sanskrit buddhadharma (“dharma of a buddha”), a term the
Jesuits employ in the text to designate the Buddhist “sect” in general.11
This conceit that adherence to a certain law indexed religious (albeit
heretical) identity was hardly restricted to Jesuit discourse concerning
Buddhist lands. On their understanding, Hindus, Muslims, and others
were also defined by their legal commitments. For Roberto de Nobili
writing in India in 1613, for example, law (lex) was the central pre-
occupation of Brāhmaṇism, and meant firstly the veda to which the
veram Christi legem (“true law of Christ”) was opposed.12 Around the
same time in the Philippines, the missionary idiom of the Spanish fri-
ars invoked the acceptance of the “law” of Christ by indios as the sign
of their true conversion.13 For our purposes, noting whichever local or
vernacular terms were recognized as signifying law is less important
than recognizing the seemingly universal and unquestioned presuppo-
sition that the inhabitants of Asia possessed a prior, non-Christian law
and that their legal commitments were intimately connected (at least
in the Jesuit imagination) with their perceived religious identities.
Conversion, therefore, marked the dramatic transition of the infidel
subject from one regime of religious law to another.
Nineteenth-century scholars responsible for laying the founda-
tions of the modern field of Buddhist studies carried forward a closely
similar discourse of law. To offer only one among hundreds of possible
examples, Eugène Burnouf, an extremely important and influential
pioneer in the nascent field, followed earlier commentators and trans-
lators in understanding dhamma (Pali) and dharma (Sanskrit) as “law”
(loi)14 or “la loi de Çâkyamuni,”15 and even glossed Buddhism itself as
a species of “loi religieuse.”16 Burnouf did not stop there, and among
many other things he names the abhidharma as law,17 the āgamas as
“collections of the law” (recueils de la loi),18 and the concept of karma
as the “loi de la transmigration.”19 In his pathbreaking Introduction à
l’histoire du Bouddhisme indien published in 1844, Gautama Buddha’s
teaching is rendered as his “law” and “religious law.”20 Such choices of
translation continue to the present day, where rhetorics of law (or loi,
Gesetz, and so forth) remain prevalent in studies of Buddhist literature
and culture.
My aim in drawing attention to these issues is not to disparage
the continued usage of legal metaphor to gloss Buddhist terminology.
Rather, I find it necessary to register the hitherto unremarked irony
that despite the seemingly universal consensus that law, as dhamma or
otherwise, is to be regarded as constitutive of and operative through-
out the phenomena scholars today call Buddhism, there have been
virtually no studies until fairly recently (and still not terribly many)
of what can be regarded as the more conventional aspects of Bud-
dhist legalism: for example, how Buddhists in various historical con-
texts have negotiated crime, marriage, inheritance, slavery, contract,
the authority of legal institutions, the function of courts and judges,
or indeed the theorization of such domains as what we might call
jurisprudence. What is to account for this fact? Is it that, although
6 Chapter 1
law appears everywhere in the discourse of scholarship on Buddhism

to constitute the essence of its object, Buddhists themselves had (or
have) no real law to speak of? On this account, Buddhism is a curious
cultural entity that speaks the language of law but does so only ana-
logically, for Buddhists themselves have remained aloof from the nor-
mative realities of legal institutions, ideas, practices, and processes.
Ethnographers of contemporary Buddhism, as well as schol-
ars of monastic law and the vinaya literatures, have been attuned to
questions and complexities of Buddhist legalism as more than mere
metaphor, and the present work is very much intended as a supple-
ment to their analyses.21 However, I seek to push consideration of
Buddhist law beyond the context of the monastery and, moreover,
to wrest it from the hands of monks (and nuns, where applicable).
Although the following analysis reveals that the Pali vinaya consti-
tuted one important source of dhammasattha jurisprudence and sub-
stantive law—though at other times dhammasattha also expressly con-
tradicts vinaya—and monks were responsible for authoring a number
of dhammasattha texts, it is a gross error to characterize Buddhist law
as coextensive with monastic law or vinaya. One misapprehension that
I hope this book will help redress is the conceit, of which we have
been frequently reminded since Max Weber put it so forcefully, that
aside from the monastic vinayas, Buddhism produced no religious law
proper to itself, although—and this is the usual caveat—the “ethics”
of the tradition has informed the legal thought and practice of Bud-
dhists throughout history. According to Weber, it was precisely Bud-
dhism’s preoccupation with moral “mental disposition” (Gesinnung)
and “ritual formalism” that prevented it from developing any sort of
genuine “sacred ‘law’ ” (heiliges “Recht”) or “Buddhist law” (buddhist
ische Recht) worthy of the name.22 Writing several years before Weber,
and in spite of his own ubiquitous deployment of the English word
“law” to gloss dhamma and other Pali terms in his translations of Bud-
dhist texts, T. W. Rhys Davids remarked that “in the strict sense of the
word there is no Buddhist law; there is only an influence exercised by
Buddhist ethics on changes that have taken place in customs.”23 Rep-
resenting essentially the same view more recently, J. Duncan M. Der-
rett has asserted that “Burma and Śrī Laṅkā between them provide no
literary evidence of a distinctive Buddhist jurisprudence.”24
The proposition that Buddhists both have law (as dhamma,
and so forth) and do not have law (as “real” law and jurisprudence)
aside from the vinayas constitutes a puzzling aporia, one that is no
doubt rooted in the way that the contours and boundaries of Bud-
dhist identity and practice have been, and continue to be, demarcated
by scholarly discourse. This is not the place to offer a genealogy of
how Buddhism, or even Buddhism in Southeast Asia, has come to be
represented by scholarship, nor to discuss the degree to which Bud-
dhism has been understood as referencing either a broad civilizational
or cultural predicament (as a sort of fait social total), a religious (as
opposed to a “secular”) habitus, or even, in a still narrower formula-
tion, merely a species of ritual praxis. Nonetheless, it is obvious that
unquestioned assumptions concerning the nature of Buddhism as an
object of inquiry still shape the directions taken by scholarly research,
which continues to lay great emphasis on topics—such as monks, rel-
ics, meditation, ethics, pilgrimage, hagiography, magic, devotion,
ritual—conventionally associated with the inverse of the secular in
modern Euro-American thought. Law and lawmaking, however, are
frequently located outside of such properly Buddhist domains, as the
comments of Weber, Rhys Davids, and Derrett suggest. I propose here
that the evidence of the dhammasattha histories considered in the
following chapters offers an abundance of resources that can enable
scholarship on Buddhism and law to begin to engage with Buddhist
law as something other than a mere metaphor of the dhamma or the
simple interaction between law, on the one hand, and Buddhism, on
the other. That is, part of my concern in this book is demonstrating
how the histories of writing, revising, and commenting upon dhamma
sattha texts reveal the development of a dynamic, historically situated,
and changing discourse of law by and for lay and monastic Buddhists,
one that in every sense deserves consideration as a modality of reli-
gious law, just like Islamic or Hindu law.
This is not to forestall necessary projects to destabilize “reli-
gious law” discourse and its imperial heritage, and I am the first to
acknowledge criticisms of my approach, for in seeking to explore a
particular case of Buddhist law, I am maneuvering to represent a cat-
egory that did not exactly exist in precolonial Burma. There is no term
neatly equivalent to the English word “law” as such in thirteenth- or
seventeenth-century Burmese, Arakanese, Pali (or any other Asian lan-
guage I am familiar with),25 nor is there a precise term for “Buddhism,”
and an objection can be raised that there is slippage, if not anach-
ronism, in employing such language in any description of dhamma
sattha texts and the histories and imaginaries associated with them.
More important, we must also remain critically aware of the colonial
8 Chapter 1
inheritance of this terminology. Like “Hindu law” and “Islamic (or

“Muhammadan”) law,” the language of “Buddhist law” has an impe-
rial genealogy. The collocation used in reference to the dhammasa
ttha corpus dates from the mid-nineteenth century (earlier European
commentators on dhammasattha referred to it as “Burmese law” or
the “lex loci of the Burmese”). The rise to prominence of the con-
cept, first in English and subsequently in Burmese (“buddhabhāsā tarāḥ
upade”) was a direct consequence of requirements of British imperial
justice. Dating back to Hastings’s “Plan for the Administration of Jus-
tice in Bengal” (1772), British justice mandated a religiously plural
legal system, according to which, as rearticulated in the Burma Courts
Act of 1872, the “Buddhist law” should govern disputes concerning
“succession, inheritance, marriage or caste, or any religious usage or
institution” involving Buddhists.26 Parallel provisions for the jurisdic-
tion of “Muhammadan law” over Muslim inhabitants and “Hindu law”
over Hindu inhabitants were also issued, and the degree to which this
version of religious legal pluralism impacted subsequent perceptions
of Buddhist, Muslim, and Hindu norms and identities should not be
underestimated, although for the Burmese context there has been
comparatively little research on this subject.27
As in the development of colonial legal pluralism elsewhere, and
in particular with the fate of dharmaśāstra in British India (to which
the southern half of Burma was annexed in 1826 and 1853), Burmese
dhammasattha texts were collected, interpreted, edited, translated,
and reordered by judicial officers and scholars in their quest to fulfill
administrative obligations handed to them by parliamentary legisla-
tors in the metropole. The texts were received as a more or less uniform
expression of customary norms binding on all Buddhists28 that could
be redeployed within the novel legislative frameworks of the imperial
judiciary. Forchhammer’s speculations notwithstanding (on which see
chapter 5), the British made no concerted attempt to address dhamma
sattha as a living, dynamic, and self-critical historical tradition, and
they made little effort to comprehend the rationales and function of
written law in Burma prior to their occupation of the country, during
which period the legal texts did not operate as state law in any direct
fashion, as this book amply demonstrates. While innovative Buddhist
readings of dhammasattha as a variety of royal legislation had already
been sketched by commentators like Ariyāvaṃsa Ādiccaraṃsī29 in the
early decades of the nineteenth century (see chapter 5), British appro-
priations of the genre officially silenced precolonial discourses of the
essential role of law in the service of the sāsana (see chapter 6) by the
very same gesture with which they began to construct dhammasattha
as a new form of Buddhist law. This secondary, colonial formation
of Buddhist law engaged narrowly with only fragments of the prior
textual tradition. It was constituted exclusively of domestic laws relat-
ing to marriage and inheritance, reflecting the colonial state’s keen
interest in regulating family matters. It presupposed, and worked to
conjure into a messy reality, a difficult separation between “religious”
and “secular” legalism operative throughout the juridical armature of
empire. The purportedly secular state30 was the self-anointed arbiter
of this boundary, and up to independence in 1947 the British courts,
in part by drawing on dhammasattha, continued to play a major role
in defining and adjudicating Buddhist norms, identities, and jurisdic-
tions. Largely because it was the only example available to them in
English translation, early colonial officials selected the Manu kyay
dhammasat published by Richardson in 1847—a never very popular,
late eighteenth-century compendium discussed in chapter 5—as rep-
resentative of what they took to be a unified religio-customary written
law tradition with little internal substantive or jurisprudential diver-
sity. As a rule they did not engage with and work through the manu-
script corpus, scattered across monastic libraries throughout the coun-
try, in which particular texts might have dozens of variant versions
requiring careful comparison, and when they were forced to deal with
manuscripts to access a text, they were content to ask their Burmese
assistants to edit or translate only a single witness.
“Buddhist law”—like “Hindu law” or “Islamic law”—is, then, a
phrase for which there is no neatly corresponding emic expression
anywhere in precolonial Asia, for the conceptual stakes that enable
and are at play in varied discourses of law in English—distinctions
between law and morality, religious and secular legal regimes, posi-
tive and natural law, primary and secondary rules—are mostly alien
to the historical context under consideration.31 However, the value of
preserving the collocation lies precisely in such difficulties and the
questions they raise for local and comparative scholarship. How does
the changing jurisprudence represented by the precolonial Burmese
dhammasattha tradition argue its normative or regulatory claims in
terms of Buddhist idiom and on the basis of intimate engagement with
Buddhist texts and concepts? To what extent are such arguments of
Buddhist law different from those found in other Buddhist contexts
(including that of colonial Burma), or indeed in other cultures of “reli-
10 Chapter 1
gious” law? To what degree do the dynamic, shifting articulations of

Buddhist law in Burma that this book documents enable us to see
the formation of this law as a contingent, discursive project, and thus
help us to recalibrate approaches to the study of Buddhism and law
elsewhere in Southeast Asia and beyond? The utility of the colloca-
tion lies not in any claim that Buddhism has some necessary relation
to law,32 but rather in the degree to which histories of the formation
of instances of Buddhist law such as that offered herein may call into
question current presuppositions about both law and Buddhism while
providing a general rubric for comparison with other contexts of reli-
gious law discourse.
I am not the first to argue for seeing dhammasattha as represent-
ing a form—or, as I would have it, forms—of Buddhist law in preco-
lonial Burma. In a series of important and provocative contributions
spanning over two decades until his sadly premature death in 2014,
Andrew Huxley forcefully advocated for a version of this position.33
For Huxley, the primary criterion that established dhammasattha—
both in its Burmese expressions and in examples of the genre from
Laos, Thailand, and Cambodia—as a variety of Buddhist law was
its intimate reliance upon what he referred to as the “Pali cultural
package”—that is, the literary and intellectual resources of a trans
regional Pali or Theravāda Buddhism whose adoption in Southeast
Asia he (alas, erroneously) dates to the eleventh to fourteenth cen-
turies.34 This imported Pali cultural package brought with it in the
form of the vinaya “a source of law for monks but no source of law for
the laity.”35 On his analysis, which here follows that of Robert Lingat
to some degree,36 legal specialists in different regions of Southeast
Asia consequently set to work to rectify this deficiency by crafting
lay legal texts (namely, dhammasattha) by selectively appropriating
and redeploying the normative repertoires of a shared Pali Buddhist
culture. Following this felicitous insight, much of Huxley’s subsequent
work was preoccupied with exploring juridical parallels between this
corpus of transregional Pali Buddhist literature (that is, the tipiṭaka
and its commentaries) and the locally composed Buddhist law texts
from Southeast Asia—showing, for example, how features of dhamma
sattha laws on theft can be traced to the Samantapāsādikā, an early
(c. fourth–fifth century) Pali vinaya commentary, or how Northern
Thai legal texts were written after the model of certain jātaka tales.37
While Huxley’s understanding of what makes dhammasattha law Bud-
dhist is borne out by much of the textual evidence presented in the
following chapters, this book also advocates for a crucial revision to

his core thesis. Varied forms of engagement with a transregional Pali
Buddhist culture cannot constitute the basic criterion for determining
the “Buddhist” character of dhammasattha precisely because there are
many instances in which the genre—even in some of its most indubi-
tably Buddhist moments, concerning such things as laws for monks—
expressly contradicts the imaginary of that cosmopolitan tradition.
As chapter 3 elaborates through a reading of Dhammavilāsa, the gulf
separating the transregional “Pali cultural package” and the local dha
mmasattha tradition is already evident in the basic jurisprudence of the
derivation, authority, and function of written law represented by the
earliest datable dhammasattha treatise. As subsequent chapters show,
while jurists and critics of the genre, particularly in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, made considerable effort to “purify” and
recalibrate written law to bring it into increasing alignment with the
normative dicta of the transregional Pali literary tradition, this align-
ment must be understood as a contentious work in progress, rather
than as a defining general feature of the genre in Burma or elsewhere
in the region. The sources and repertoires of dhammasattha law and
jurisprudence are far messier, more complex, and more dynamic than
Huxley’s analysis allows, and the legal imaginaries of these texts often
find no identifiable parallels in documented transregional Pali literary
materials. Moreover, in addition to the sources of law, one must also
attend to the purposes or aims of dhammasattha composition and use,
a question that Huxley did not consider in any great detail. That the
production of dhammasattha law was explicitly motivated by concerns
having to do with the socioeconomics of patronage of the evanescent
sāsana of the Buddha Gotama is a theme examined in the conclusion.
Varieties of Written Law

Southeast Asia, and Burma in particular, is significant as the site
where discourses of Buddhist law are most conspicuous across sev-
eral genres of written law that have survived to the present day.38
There is extensive documentation of the proceedings of vinaya courts,
a record that begins no later than the first decade of the seventeenth
century with the Decisions of Sirīsaṅghapāla, discussed in chapter 2.
Dozens of collections of monastic vinicchayas (“legal opinions and/or
judgments”) have survived from the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies, and a robust tradition exists of vinaya commentary in Pali and
12 Chapter 1
nissaya,39 represented, for example, by Tipiṭakālaṅkāra’s monumental

Vinayālaṅkāra-ṭīkā (Pālim-nṭ) and the vernacular glosses of the Pali
vinaya by Jambudhaja (both mid-seventeenth century; see chapter 4).
We have countless surviving transcripts of disputes involving layper-
sons and sometimes also monks, beginning in the Old Burmese epi-
graphic corpus of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries (on which see
chapter 2) and continuing into nineteenth-century manuscript com-
pendia of court reports. And lay involvement in these proceedings
necessarily represents a Buddhist legalism, for the juridical orienta-
tions of legal practice are inseparable from Buddhism, down to the
nature of the oaths performed and the textual precedents—including
dhammasattha, but also jātaka tales and other tipiṭaka sources—
invoked as authoritative by judges. There is also the royal legal tradi-
tion, attested since the thirteenth century, of edicts issued by Burmese
monarchs, self-characterized defenders of the sāsana who eventually
envisioned their legislative prerogatives as authorized by the paradig-
matic example of their imagined forbearer Mahāsammata and other
(mythic and historical) Buddhist sovereigns. Finally, we have the
dhammasattha literature itself, productively approached as a multidi-
mensional expression of Buddhist law in consideration of its sources,
jurisdiction, jurisprudential transformations, and aims, as this book
sets out in considerable detail. The changing fortunes of this genre are
also symptomatic of how the imaginary of elite Burmese Buddhism
was reformulated between the early seventeenth and mid-nineteenth
centuries. As chapter 5 demonstrates, this dynamism was a result of
reconfigurations of sāsana patronage and novel arrangements of inter-
monastic competition, factors occasioned by the marked expansion of
the Burmese economy during this period.
Dhammasattha, then, is but one genre of written law among sev-
eral that circulated in precolonial Burma. Vinaya regulations and
monastic vinicchaya decisions, court transcripts, and royal orders—
not to mention the upadesa legislation issued by kings Mindon (r.
1853–1878) and Thibaw (r. 1878–1885), the last two kings of the
Konbaung dynasty (1752–1885)—also constitute bodies of Burmese
written law, and encode specific jurisprudential and normative log-
ics that are not entirely parallel with those that are brought to light
through a study of the dhammasattha genre alone. We can also pre-
sume, as suggested by Huxley, that there were oral traditions of legal
knowledge and unrecorded practices of dispute resolution from the
period under study that may remain forever inaccessible to scholar-
ship.40 As this is the first book to undertake a critical approach to

Burmese dhammasattha literature and its shifting textual repertoires
and theoretical paradigms, it does not address these other archives in
detail. This work does not seek to provide a comprehensive history of
the “legal system” of precolonial Burma or of any individual substan-
tive laws (such as those concerning debt, slavery, gifts, or marriage) in
the dhammasattha corpus or beyond. Rather, it is intended to serve as
a sort of prolegomenon to any such future study by focusing, via close
critical engagement with the manuscript sources, on those aspects of
dhammasattha and related texts that illuminate the sources, status, and
logics of the genre’s law, and the ways in which this jurisprudence,
and its intimate yet dynamic relation to Buddhism, was subjected to
revision over the course of the second millennium CE, prior to the
imposition of colonial rule.
Dharmaśāstra Seen from the East

As its name may imply, dhammasattha is distantly related to a far bet-
ter studied corpus of written law, that of Brāhmaṇical dharmaśāstra
in Sanskrit. Dharmaśāstra texts, a development of earlier legal-textual
traditions (most proximately the dharmasūtras),41 began to be written
in Sanskrit in areas of what is today northern India in the early cen-
turies of the Common Era.42 Saying that dhammasattha is related to
dharmaśāstra is different from saying that dhammasattha was born out
of the dharmaśāstra tradition, or that the genre had Sanskrit or other
Indic-language texts as its immediate basis, model, or inspiration.43
Both genres have certain similar (mainly formal or structural) features,
but they are fundamentally divergent with regard to the vast majority
of their substantive content and legal theory. The most salient parallel
is the organizing framework of what in Sanskrit is referred to as the
eighteen vyavahārapadas (“titles of law” or “grounds for litigation”),
explored in chapters 3 and 4 in relation to the Dhammavilāsa dhamma
sat and Manusāra dhammasattha. In many dharmaśāstra texts, such as
the Mānava dharmaśāstra (“Manu’s Code of Law” or “Laws of Manu,”
c. second to third centuries CE)44 and the Vaiṣṇava dharmaśāstra (the
“Law Code of Viṣṇu,” c. sixth to eighth centuries CE),45 treatment
of these eighteen titles constitutes only a portion—and sometimes a
rather small portion—of the overall composition, while in most Bur-
mese dhammasatthas the eighteen titles (called “roots,” mūla in Pali,
amrac in Burmese) serve to loosely structure the entire treatise. San-
14 Chapter 1
skrit dharmaśāstra discourse comprehends a very large number of

regulations pertaining exclusively to non-vyavahāra matters—āśrama
duties, expiatory ( prāyaścitta) and ancestral (śrāddha) rites, and so
on—that have no parallel in Burmese or other Southeast Asian law
texts (including, from the relatively little that is known of them, those
that survive from the more ostensibly Brāhmaṇized contexts of Java
and Bali).46 In terms of scope, perhaps the Sanskrit Nāradasmṛti (fifth
to sixth centuries CE),47 more than any other dharmaśāstra text that
survives in full, most closely parallels the structure of the Burmese
dhammasatthas in that it is mainly devoted to an exclusive treatment
of the eighteen titles.
The precise historical relationship between dharmaśāstra and
dhammasattha is uncertain, and it is likely that the nature of their
remote connections will never be determined, due to a lack of firm
archaeological and textual evidence. On the basis of current research,
it appears that Buddhists in South Asia never developed interest in
dharmaśāstra as such, for as yet no clear testimony has come to light
from epigraphy48 or literary texts that Buddhists in that region were
writing dharmaśāstra-type law or were actively concerned with its
patronage.49 Robert Lingat proposed that this is because lay Buddhists
in first-millennium South Asia were governed by the regulations of
Brāhmaṇical dharmaśāstra, at least in matters covered by the eigh-
teen titles, such as inheritance and contract, while Buddhist monks, of
course, had their vinayas.50 This conjecture remains unsubstantiated,
although we may note that today, within the plural legal system of
postcolonial India, Buddhists are treated as legally “Hindu” in mat-
ters of personal law, and thus fall under the jurisdiction of colonial
marriage laws and other personal laws that in part derive from the
Brāhmaṇical dharmaśāstra corpus.51 (There have been recent calls,
most notably in Maharashtra, to emend this provision and for the state
to legislate a specifically Buddhist variant of personal law.)
Earlier scholars, such as Forchhammer and Lingat, understood
the Burmese dhammasattha tradition as the end result of a direct pro-
cess of translating Brāhmaṇical Sanskrit dharmaśāstra into a Pali Bud-
dhist idiom, and they posited that it was the Mon—in their opinion
the earliest Buddhist inhabitants of the region that today comprises
coastal Burma—who performed this operation.52 While any posi-
tion on this early history is necessarily conjectural, those attempt-
ing to identify Mon translators as the original authors of Buddhist
dhammasattha texts in Southeast Asia are very likely searching in
the wrong location. As I discuss in chapter 2, there is no evidence

of widespread Sanskrit literary culture at any point in the history of
precolonial Burma, nor is there any record of the presence of Sanskrit
dharmaśāstra in Burma before the late eighteenth century (on which
see chapter 5). Moreover, in Southeast Asian epigraphy of the late first
and early second millennia there are already several clues that suggest
that patron-kings of Buddhism elsewhere in the region were aware of
dharmaśāstra and, on rare occasions, even represented themselves in
terms of the genre.53 “Dharmaśāstra” is referenced in numerous dona-
tive inscriptions across mainland Southeast Asia, beginning no later
than the mid-seventh century.54 In many of these inscriptions it is dif-
ficult to determine whether such endowments were made by donors
who patronized Buddhist institutions, although the multiple or joint
patronage of variously affiliated (Śaiva, Vaiṣṇava, Buddhist) deities
and ritual specialists was not uncommon in Southeast Asia during this
period, just as it was not uncommon in certain locales in South Asia.55
For example, early clues to the promotion of dharmaśāstra in
ostensibly Buddhist contexts in Southeast Asia are available in the
Mỹ Sơn corpus of inscriptions of Campā. A lengthy vernacular Cam
inscription (C. 89) dated 108856 eulogizes King Jaya Indravarman as
possessed of the thirty-two mahāpuruṣalakṣana—almost certainly an
evocation of his capacities as either a bodhisattva or Buddhist cakrava
rtin. The inscription praises him with several formulae that draw upon
dharmaśāstric and arthaśāstric idioms of kingship, including the four
upāya for overcoming enemies57 and the sixfold strategy of foreign pol-
icy.58 Then the king is described as knowing the “eighteen-fold path of
Manu,” an unambiguous reference to the eighteen vyavahārapadas.59
The epigraph seems to have as one of its purposes recording the instal-
lation of a Buddhist deity called Śrī Indralokeśvara60 in a vihāra61 in
a district of the royal realm. Another Cam inscription (C. 92), dated
1170,62 has been cited as proof that Brāhmaṇical dharmaśāstra cir-
culated among the Cam.63 While this inscription refers, in Finot’s
translation, to King Jaya Indravarman as “learned in all the śāstras
[ . . . and . . . ] versed in all the tanatap (dharmaśāstras),64 especially
following the Nāradīya and the Bhārggavīya,”65 in fact we can say lit-
tle about what these possibly vernacular texts may have looked like.
There is no reason to speculate merely on the basis of these appar-
ent titles that the texts referenced were identical with or even largely
similar to the extant dharmaśāstras of Nārada and Bhṛgu (the latter
being the Mānava dharmaśāstra). Yet it is significant that this reference
16 Chapter 1
to the king’s capacities with respect to what are presumably legal trea-
tises are couched in a eulogy that describes him as possessing “knowl-
edge of the Mahāyāna” (mahāyānajñāna). Part of the purpose of the
inscription, moreover, was to record his installation of images of two
Buddhist deities, Buddha Lokeśvara and Jaya Indralokeśvara, as well
as those of two probably Śaiva goddesses.66
In nearby Angkor as well, the Vat Sithor Inscription (K. 111) from
the reign of Jayavarman (c. 968–1000/1) is one of the few documents
from the period to speak in an exclusively Buddhist tenor, which may
reflect the contemporary ascendancy of Buddhist ritual among royal
patrons at this time and place. It begins by praising the three bod-
ies of a buddha and, after eulogizing the king, celebrates the activ-
ity of a certain Kīrtipaṇḍita, a royal teacher and practitioner of the
mantranaya who may have sent abroad for or been sent on a journey
to collect certain Buddhist tantra texts.67 The inscription is concerned
primarily with articulating the king’s ordinances for the conduct of
the saṅgha and lay Buddhists within his domain. Therefore, it is not
insignificant when Jayavarman himself is characterized as a king who,
with respect to law (vyavahāra), “illuminated the unequalled path of
the virtuous taught by Manu and the other [sages].”68 Another inscrip-
tion from Cambodia (K. 161) begins with homage to both the Buddha
and Śiva, and goes on to eulogize the patron-king Sūryavarman (c.
1002–1050), describing his thought as “having the dharmaśāstras, etc.,
as its head.”69
Although it is not possible to ascertain the specific nature and
content of the dharmaśāstra materials that were in circulation in Cam-
bodia and Campā during this period of Southeast Asian history, the
foregoing examples are sufficient to illustrate that the Buddhist appro-
priation of dharmaśāstra, at least as an idiom of political authority if not
as an instrument of legal administration, was a salient phenomenon in
the region. We may conjecture, moreover, that to the extent that such
milieux were Buddhist—and this is by no means easily decided on
the basis of epigraphy and archaeology alone—the genre may there-
fore have represented something other than simply Brāhmaṇical law.
In this sense it may be useful to think of dharmaśāstra, if only when
scholars approach the subject from the eastern reaches of the Bay
of Bengal, not as the exclusive preserve and bastion of Brāhmaṇical
legalism—as that which necessarily “defines the orthodox stream of
Hindu religion”70—but rather as a somewhat flexible normative dis-
course, textual form, or learned discipline whose relation to religious
identity and praxis is historically dynamic and variable. A shortcom-

ing of many approaches to the study of law in precolonial Southern
Asia is the relatively narrow focus on singular linguistic (if not also
national and religious) traditions. While recently there have been
efforts to move beyond such constraints in the study of the circulation
of Islamic and early imperial legalisms,71 with respect to interactions
among precolonial South and Southeast Asian legal cultures, there
has been less investment in critical research on plausible connections,
aside from the colonialist paradigm (still evident in much scholarship
on dharmaśāstra) that the juridical texts and histories of Bali or Burma
are merely derivative of or modeled on Indic prototypes. In any event,
apparent Buddhist engagements with dharmaśāstra in Southeast Asia
substantially predate the earliest thirteenth-century evidence for the
circulation of dhammasattha in Burma, and provide an approximate
regional backdrop for its emergence in that locale. This important Bur-
mese evidence, an inscription recording a lengthy legal case that took
place in Pagan, forms the point of departure for the following chapter,
in which we turn to the long history of dhammasattha circulation and
composition in Burma.
Bibliography
Bibliographical entries for editions of Pali texts are in many cases listed
alphabetically according to the standardized abbreviations of their titles as
employed by the Critical Pali Dictionary and described in Bechert 1990
and von Hinüber 1996b.
Abbreviations
BL British Library, London
-cs Chaṭṭhasaṅgītipiṭaka Edition
FPL Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation, Nonthaburi
HRD Historical Research Department Library, Ministry of Culture, Yangon
MIK Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin
MORA Ministry of Religious Affairs, Research Library, Yangon
-nis nissaya
NL National Library of Myanmar, Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw
RCAMM Resource Center for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, Yangon
Shwe Shwedagon Pagoda Manuscript Library, Yangon
UBhS U Bho Thi Manuscript Library, Thaton
UCL Universities’ Central Library, Yangon
Manuscripts
Ādikappa kambhā ūḥ kyamḥ: UCL 13045; UCL 10540
Ākāsashyattara: UCL 167191; UCL 8663; UCL 6438
253
254 Bibliography
Dhammasat atui kok, Dhammasat kvaṇ khyā akhyup, or Dhammasat khyup: NL Toṅ
2131; NL Bhāḥ 2074; NL Bhāḥ 853; UCL 9121-pu; UCL 167702; UCL 11843;
UCL 149165; UCL 6228; MORA 4888
Dhammavilāsa dhammasat (Central Burmese; cf. Manu dhammasat below for Ara-
kanese variants): BL Or Add 12248; BL Or Add 12249; BL Or 11775; NL Kaṅḥ
18; UCL 7490; UCL 9926; UBhS 163–582
Gaṇṭhi dhammasat nissaya: NL Kaṅḥ 68
Gaṇṭhi dhammasattha pāṭha: NL Kaṅḥ 67
Jālī maṅḥ dhammasat laṅkā: UCL 8148-pu
Lokasāra pyui.: UCL 38862; UCL 63455
Mahābuddhāṅkura dhammasat: UCL 14879
Mahārājasat: UCL 4645; UCL 7121; UCL 8720; UCL 13143; UCL 105690; Shwe
976; UBhS 88–610; NL Bhāḥ 2016
Mahāsammata vinicchaya: UCL 137007
Manu dhammasat (Arakanese; attributed to Dhammavilāsa): BL Add 12254; NL
Kaṅḥ 143 (entitled Kyamḥ nak dhammasat)
Manu dhammasat nisya sac (Naymyo Min Htin Sithu): NL Kaṅḥ 125
Manudhammasatthapāṭha (Ketujā): NL Kaṅḥ 2
Manu kyay dhammasat: NL 6; BL Man Bur 3429
Manu raṅḥ dhammasat nissarañḥ (1864, by a disciple of Paññāsāmi): UCL 5517;
NL Kaṅḥ 151
Manu raṅḥ dhammasat nissaya (Nandamālā): UCL 8000; NL Kaṅḥ 39
Manusāra dhammasat nissaya (Tipiṭakālaṅkāra and Kaingza): BL Add 12241;
MORA 9421; NL Taṅ 10; UCL 105682; MORA 95; UCL 17761; UCL 5440; NL
Toṅ 1540 (books 3 and 5); NL Toṅ 1495 (book 1); NL Bhāḥ 874 (book 10);
UCL 11941 (book 9); NL Bhāḥ 11 (books 1–5); UCL 7373 (books 6–10); Than
Tun Collection, Ludu Library, Mandalay, 008 (book 5); UCL 9781 (books
2–10); UCL 11460 (book 1); UCL 11841 (book 3); UCL 136906 (book 2); NL
Kaṅḥ 73 (books 4–10)
Manusāra dhammasat nissaya: UCL 9183
Manusāradhammasatthapāṭha (Tipiṭakālaṅkāra and Kaingza): BL Add 12241;
MORA 9421; NL Taṅ 10; UCL 105682
Manusāradhammasatthapāṭha nissaya (attributed to Ghosa-isi and called Dhamma
vilāsa dhammasat in colophon): UCL 14782
Manusāra rhve myañḥ (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 8398 ( pāṭha text only); UCL 158021;
FPL 2630; FPL 3740; FPL 5425; MORA 4746; MORA 7057
Manusāra rhve myañḥ laṅkā (Laṅkāsāra): Collection of the Jetavaṅ Monastery,
Monywe (books 4–6); UCL 7481 (book 4); UCL 5220 (books 3 and 4); Collec-
tion of the U Pu Gyi Library, Mingun (books 1, 3–5)
Manusāra rhve myañḥ nisya (Tejosāra): NL Kaṅḥ 127
Manuvaṇṇanā dhammasat (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 8294; UCL 11227
Manuvaṇṇanā pyui. (Ñāṇasaddhamma): UCL 6726
Ññoṅ ramḥ maṅḥ tarāḥ amin. tau tamḥ krīḥ: NL Kaṅḥ 234
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ: RCAMM 1297
Bibliography 255
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ (Saddhammaghosa): NL 556; MIK Hs-Birm 8; FPL 5967; FPL 3656;
UBhS 246–475
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ (Uttamasikkhā): UCL 9171
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ mau kvanḥ mhaṃ (Ñāṇavara): UCL 5325
Prū maṅḥ dhammasat: NL Bhāḥ 2
Samantacakkhudīpanī (Sirimālā lhyok thuṃḥ): FPL 618
Saṃkhepatthajotikā-ṭīkā: NL Kaṅḥ 2
Sirīsaṅghapāla viniccahaya: UCL 10716; UCL 4893
Tisāsanadhaja achak anvay cā tamḥ: NL Kaṅḥ 85
Toṅ bhī lā aphre: NL 1315
Vārū maṅḥ dhammasat: NL Bhāḥ 36
Vinicchayabhedaka dhammasat: NL Kaṅḥ 1; UBhS 78–617
Vinicchayapakāsanī dhammasat laṅkā (Letwe Sundara): UCL 38914; UCL119457;
UCL 5500; UCL 9338; FPL 2771
Vinicchayapakāsanī (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 6526; UCL 9381; NL Kaṅḥ 37 ( pāṭha
only)
Vinicchayarāsī dhammasat (Khemācāra): UCL 119441; UCL 153938; UCL 15114;
FPL 2435; BL Or 6456b; Sāsanā. roṅ khraññ Monastery, Salay
Yuvadhāraṇa kyamḥ: UCL 147111
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Index
abhidhamma, 29, 98, 122, 128–129, 138, Anaukphetlun, King, 120, 122–124, 128
145, 149, 160, 184 Angkor, 16
Abhidhānappadīpikā-ṭīkā (Abh-ṭ), 27, 42, Aniruddha, King, 26, 27, 212n32
69 ānisaṃsa, 191
abhiññā, 63, 108, 109, 191 apāya, 58, 62, 80, 82, 139, 183, 189–190
Abhisaṅketasāra, 120 Arakan, 24, 139, 178, 181, 210n7
Account of the Monastic Lineage of Arakanese, 1, 7, 50, 57, 183, 187
Tisāsanadhaja, 120–121 Arimaddana. See Pagan
Ādāsamukha, King, 156, 160, 169, 189, Arindamālaṅkāra, 51–52
196, 197, 202 Ariyālaṅkāra, 121, 122–124, 126
Aḍḍasaṃkhepavaṇṇanā dhammasat, 178, Ariyāvaṃsa Ādiccaraṃsī, 8, 52–56, 86,
245n143 106, 119, 149, 150, 154–158, 159, 160,
Ādikappa kambhā ūḥ kyamḥ, 220n56 170–173
agati, 35–36, 44, 58, 83–86, 100, 187, Arthaśāstra, 69, 208n54, 223n117
189–192, 214n66 asaññ, 121, 131
Aggañña sutta, 66–68 Asātamanta jātaka, 153
Aggasamādhi, 35 Assam, 178
Aggavaṃsa. See Saddanīti astrology, 26, 33, 44, 52, 116, 129, 152,
Ākāsa-shyattara, 30 155. See also bedaṅ
akkhadassa. See judges Atityā (Ādityā) dhammasat, 139, 151, 169,
Alaungmintaya, King, 143, 146–149, 203, 195, 197, 198, 200, 238n14
204, 246n155 aṭṭa, 229n33
alchemy, 116, 141. See also bedaṅ Aṭṭhasālinī (As), 160, 241n79
Amarakośa, 27, 30, 213n48, 241n76 Atula Sayadaw, 177, 203, 204, 239n36,
Amarapura, 152, 154 246n155
Ambaṭṭha sutta, 153, 155; subcommentary authorship, 50, 53–56, 92, 115–118, 129,
on, 70, 156, 157, 167 153, 159, 173, 178; divine, 65
Amve kvai puṃ krīḥ, 53, 202, 232n86 Ava, 37, 42, 120, 121, 122–128, 130–131,
Amyint, 37, 176 143, 145–146, 148, 176, 201, 202,
Anantadhaja, 126 204
281
282 Index
Badon, King, 149, 152–154, 168, 172, 176, citation, 23, 39, 59, 61, 96, 155, 160, 161;
202, 213n48 in Dhammavilāsa, 78–86
Bago. See Haṃsāvatī Cittasambhūta jātaka, 157
Bārāṇasī (Vārāṇasī), 81, 82, 153, 156, 202 Collins, Steven, 66–67, 69–70
Bayinnaung, King, 102, 104, 106, 122, 139, colonialism, 2, 3, 7–9, 14, 17, 47, 49, 87,
149, 169, 198, 201, 203 119, 146–147, 178, 180–181, 192–193
bedaṅ (vedāṅga), 65–66, 109–111, 124, colophons. See manuscripts
130, 132, 139–140, 142, 150–152, 155, conversion (religious), 4–5
157, 175, 182, 220n62 cosmological texts, 108, 115, 155, 240n47
Bengal, 8, 50, 152, 154, 187, 188
bibliography, 31, 44, 47, 53, 105, 137–143, Dabbhapuppha jātaka, 161
170, 172. See also piṭakat samuiṅḥ Dala, 53–55, 200
biography, 119–120 dāna. See merit-making
Bodawhpaya, King. See Badon, King dasarājadhamma, 189
Bode, Mabel, 27 Dasaratha jātaka, 243n104
bodhisatta, 33, 66, 153; as model lawgiver, Davis, Donald R., 71
156–160, 173, 189, 198, 250n45; Dāyajjadhammasattha, 94, 117
Tipiṭakālaṅkāra as future, 127, 129 de Nobili, Roberto, 4–5
body-price, 228n23 Decisions of Sirīsaṅghapāla (Sirīsaṅghapāla
boundary wall of the universe. See vinicchaya), 11, 37–43, 45, 75, 114,
cakkavāḷa-pākāra 203
Brahmā Sahampati, 184 Derrett, J. D. M., 6, 7, 71
Brahmadeva, 107–110 dhamma, 33, 34, 55, 184, 188; as law, 4–7;
brāhmaṇas (puṇṇāḥ), 34, 65, 67, 70, 73, conformity with, 38, 67, 71, 84–85,
81–83, 151–155, 157, 182, 187 110, 153–154, 157–159, 161, 177,
Brāhmī script, 23, 211n15 191–192; embodiments of, 23, 40; prac-
brahmins. See brāhmaṇas tices of, 111, 124, 125
Buddhaghosa (dhammasattha compiler), Dhammacetī, King. See Rāmādhipati
102, 104–107, 170, 190–191, 198, 201 Dhammadāyāda sutta, 243n121
buddha-prize, 127 Dhammadhaja jātaka, 156
Buddhist law, 1, 88, 181; and colonialism, Dhammanīti, 188
7–9; definitions of, 3, 4–11, 158; variet- Dhammapada (Dhp), 23, 79–80, 84–85
ies of, 11–13, 158. See also dhammasa Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā (Dhp-a), 35, 84–86
ttha; vinaya Dhammarājaguru, 120, 121
Burnouf, Eugène, 5 Dhammasat atui kok (Letwe Sundara), 55,
106, 169–170, 198–199, 218nn25–26
cakkavāḷa-pākāra (boundary wall of the uni- Dhammasat kvaṃ khyā akhyup. See Dham
verse), 51, 99, 107, 141, 167, 170, 191; masat atui kok
texts inscribed on, 63–64, 109, 115, Dhammasat kyau, 55, 94, 139, 140, 143,
144, 155–158, 168, 173, 198. See also 144, 196, 197, 201
legal cosmology dhammasattha: bibliographies of, 3,
cakkavatti, 184–186 47, 168–172; cosmic derivation of,
cakravartin, 15 61–66; definitions of, 1–2, 12; earliest
Campā, 15, 24 epigraphic references to, 21–22, 29;
Candakumāra, King, 156 earliest surviving witnesses of, 46; his-
Candapaññā, 149, 164 toriography of, 47, 49, 102–107, 162,
Caturaṅgabala, 27, 111 168–172, 173; monastic authorship of,
Cetiyakathā, 56 115–116, 119; motivations for writing,
Charā tau tui. achak anvay. See Lineage of 11, 181–193; perceived conflicts among,
Teachers 144–145, 151–152, 155, 157–158,
Chiang Mai, 123, 156, 199, 203 173; references in early Burmese
Chin, 126 poetry, 32–36; and royal legislation, 8,
Chittagong, 50, 187 141–143, 156–158, 160–161, 177–178;
Index 283
and sāsana, 4, 9, 188–193; as science, Gadibagaing Sayadaw, 242n96

152–154, 192; and transregional Pali Gāmaṇicanda jātaka, 156
literature, 10–11, 48, 72–88, 109–110, Gambhīsāra chumḥ ma cā, 34–35
112–115, 179 Gaṇṭhi dhammasat, 245n138
dhammasattha manuscripts, 2, 25, 47–51, Gaung, Kinwun Mingyi U, 167, 178, 205n5,
53, 57, 91, 98, 107, 140, 151, 162, 163, 216n1
174, 181; colonial approaches to, 3, 9, Gavaṃpati, 104, 198, 200
17, 49, 87, 106, 147 ghosts, 58, 62, 78–83
Dhammavilāsa, 54–56, 171, 196, 199, 200 gihivinaya, 160–161
Dhammavilāsa dhammasat, 3, 11, 13, 46–88, gilānupaṭṭhāka, 39–41, 75–77, 113–114,
89, 93, 98, 103, 109, 114, 139, 140, 164–167, 243n121. See also inheritance
141, 143–145, 150, 151, 160, 161, law
162, 165, 167, 168, 171, 173, 177, Glass Palace Chronicle, 52, 56, 246n154
196, 197, 200, 201; Arakanese recen- good man, 21, 45, 60, 65, 102, 105, 143,
sion of, 50, 57, 187–189; attribution 190, 210n3
to twelfth-century Pagan, 48, 53–54, Gotama Buddha, 4, 11, 55, 66, 79, 84, 103,
86; concepts of textual abridgment in, 121, 125, 128, 129, 133, 137, 139, 141,
64–65, 86; date of composition, 46, 153, 160, 164, 171, 175, 184, 188, 191
54–56, 86, 171; format of, 57–61; on grammar, 27–32, 44, 129, 138, 141, 149,
inheritance, 73–77, 164; intertextuality 152
of, 48, 72–88; jurisprudence according Guṇālaṅkāra, 111–112
to, 61–66, 99, 132, 145, 158, 183–186; Guṇṇalaṅkā, 56
manuscripts of, 50–60, 155; on sons,
73–74, 163 Haṃsāvatī (Haṃsavatī, Bago), 55, 106,
Dharmaśāstra, 8, 24, 38, 59, 61, 65, 69–71, 121, 122–125, 139, 146, 169, 171, 176,
77, 91, 101, 106, 114, 188, 206n12, 197, 199
206n25; texts in Burma, 53, 152–154, Hatthipāla jātaka, 32–34
155, 172; early epigraphical references Hatthipāla pyui., 32–34
in Southeast Asia, 15–17; historical Hindu law, 1, 7, 8–9, 87. See also
relationship with dhammasattha, 13–17, dharmaśāstra
44, 77, 87; on sons, 74, 96. See also von Hinüber, Oskar, 43
vyavahārapada historiography: legal, 3, 47, 49, 105, 143,
Dhatukathā-ṭīkā, 122 162, 169, 173, 180, 192; monastic, 116,
Dīpaṅkara Buddha, 75, 76, 82, 83, 87, 164 176
Doṇabrāhmaṇa sutta, 70 Hkwe Hpyu. See Khemācāra
donors, 15, 21, 29, 40–42, 51, 52, 130, hluttaw, 178
138, 145, 159, 175–176, 183 Hsinbyushin, King (r. 1763–1776), 164,
Dravyaguṇa, 30, 213n47 201
Duroiselle, Charles, 26 Htun Nyo. See Laṅkāsāra
Duttabaung, King, 139, 141, 156, 195, 198, Huxley, Andrew, 10–11, 12, 69, 77, 106
200, 203
Dvāravatī, 199 Ikeya, Chie, 250n56
inheritance law, 9, 21–22, 73–78, 163–
eater (title), 131 164; monastic, 38–43, 96, 112–115,
Eater of Kaing. See Kaingza Manurāja 164–168, 174, 180
eight dangers, 58, 62, 78–79 intertextuality, 35, 48, 72, 78, 86
Elāra, King, 203, 238n12 Islamic law, 1, 7, 8–9, 17
Fifth Council, 175. See also saṅgāyana Jāli, King, 170, 198, 200
Finot, Louis, 15 Jāli maṅḥ dhammasat, 139, 141, 151, 195,
footprints of the Buddha. See Shwesettaw 197, 200
Forchhammer, Emmanuel, 8, 14, 90, 104, Jāli maṅḥ dhammasat laṅkā, 238n18
106, 146, 148 Jambudhaja, 12, 121, 127, 128
284 Index
Jambuka, King, 157, 158, 159, 238n12 Konāgamana Buddha, 220n61

jātaka, 10, 12, 28, 32, 65, 87, 157, 159, Konbaung dynasty, 38, 78, 88, 119, 143,
160–163, 169, 171–173, 177. See also 146, 147, 148, 158, 159, 162, 174, 176,
Paññāsa jātaka 177, 183, 201; dates of, 12
Javanese legal texts, 14, 17, 77 Kü Nā, King, 156, 203
Jetavan Monastery (Monywe), 51–54, 202 Kukku jātaka, 157
Jinālaṅkāradhaja, 128 Kulāvaka jātaka, 243n105
judges, 35–36, 58, 65–66, 78, 80–81, Kumbhaṇḍa sutta, 80, 161
182–186; and the agati formula, 83–86; Kyeḥ maṅḥ dhammasat, 139–140, 141
women as, 183, 210n2. See also legal
cases and proceedings; vinicchaya Lan Na, 146
jurisdiction, 1–2, 9, 14, 43, 45, 71, 74–75, Laṅkā, 6, 55, 114, 123, 139, 140, 141, 151,
90, 112–115, 132, 161, 180, 192 169, 197, 202
jurisprudence, 1, 6, 35, 46–48, 61–66, 77, Laṅkāsāra, 52–54, 148, 171, 204
86–88, 107, 132–133, 142–143, 148, Lariviere, Richard, 70, 101
158, 163, 165, 167, 179–193; contin- law: as learned discipline or science, 16,
gency and dynamics of, 9–11, 13, 181, 29, 31–33, 44, 45, 110–112, 119, 133,
193; definitions of, 2, 5, 13; factors 153–154, 180, 192; and religious iden-
stimulating changes in, 174–178; legal tity, 4–5
historiography as, 3, 47, 143, 168–174. legal cases and proceedings: transcripts of,
See also legal cosmology; positive law 12, 21–22, 37–43, 182–183, 203. See
and legislation also phrat thuṃḥ; vinicchaya
legal cosmology, 48, 64–65, 86, 89, 99,
Kaccāyana, 27, 28, 31, 149 132, 141, 145, 155–158, 169, 180. See
Kaing, 131 also cakkavāḷa-pākāra
Kaingza Manurāja, 89, 94, 99, 103, 105, legal digests, 47, 53, 55, 98, 143–145, 170,
107, 109, 112, 114, 115, 130–131, 139, 180, 202, 204
145, 147, 155, 162, 165, 169, 179, 197, legal history. See dhammasattha historiogra-
201 phy; historiography
Kakusandha Buddha, 169, 197, 220n61 legal pluralism, 8, 192
Kala, U, 103–104, 130, 246n154 legal roots and branches, 13, 77, 99–103,
Kalyāṇī Inscriptions, 55–56, 106, 123–124, 132, 181. See also titles of law
171 Letwe Nandasithu, 202
Kan tau pakiṇṇaka dhammasat, 239n35 Letwe Nauratha (U Ne), 148–151, 217n9
Kandaw Minkyaung Sayadaw, 36 Letwe Sundara, 55, 58, 106, 169–170, 171,
Kappālaṅkāra nissaya, 240n47 198–199, 204
kapparukkha, 186 lexicography, 32, 52, 149, 213n48
Kārikā, 27 lhyok thuṃḥ. See responsa
Kassapa Buddha, 126, 139, 141, 151, 198, Lieberman, Victor, 176
200, 220n61 Lineage of Teachers, 121–122, 124–125
Kātyāyana dharmaśāstra, 101 Lingat, Robert, 10, 14, 38, 90, 206n25
Kāvyādarśa, 30, 140, 149, 227n15 litigants, 38, 44, 62–63, 81, 85, 100, 182,
Kayin Ba, King, 196, 202 186, 187–190
Ketujā, 168 Lokabhinaviddhi, 64
Khaṇḍahāla jātaka, 156 Lokanīti, 140
Khemācāra, 53, 55, 74, 106, 146, 158–164, Lokasāra pyui., 36
168, 169, 170, 171, 195, 201 lokavat (lokavatta), 33, 35, 41, 43, 111, 124
Kieffer-Pülz, Petra, 40, 216n96 lokiya (lokī), 71, 109–112, 141, 142,
Kiṃchanda jātaka, 82, 232n85 145–146, 150, 160, 166, 227n15
kingship, 15, 36, 67, 103, 107, 112, 132,
141, 177–178, 188–189. See also royal magic, 7
legislation magical power, 36, 63, 64, 86, 108, 109,
Kirichenko, Alexey, 37, 176, 217n7 150
Kīrtipaṇḍita, 16 Mahābodhi jātaka, 156, 160
Index 285
Mahābuddhaṅkura dhammasat, 143–145, Manusāra dhammasattha (Tipiṭakālaṅkāra

152 and Manurāja), 3, 13, 64, 68, 88,
Mahādhammarājādhipati, King, 143, 145, 89–118, 128, 129, 130, 131–133, 139,
148 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 148, 149,
Mahāhaṃsa jātaka, 189 155–156, 160, 162, 164, 168, 170, 173,
Mahānāradakassapa jātaka, 243n106 174, 177, 179–180, 182, 191–192, 201;
Mahāniddesa (Nidd I), 70 alternative titles of, 94; authorship of,
mahāpadesā, 141, 161, 229n36 115–118; colophons, 116–118; date of
Mahārājasat dhammasat, 115, 118, 129, composition, 46, 118; on inheritance,
162, 165, 166, 169, 197, 199, 201, 203, 90, 94, 95–96, 100, 112–115, 132;
227n16; authorship of, 46, 89, 130–131; on judges, 182; manuscripts of, 91,
date of composition, 46, 130 228n18; nissaya version of, 90, 94–99,
Mahāraṭṭhasāra. See Raṭṭhasāra 165; paratexts of, 97–98; pāṭha version
Mahāsammata, 12, 33–34, 35, 58, 61–66, of, 90–94, 147, 163, 165, 166, 167,
72, 78, 81–83, 86, 102–104, 107–110, 170; on sons, 95–96
112, 115, 132, 139, 141, 144, 149–152, Manusāra rhve myañḥ dhammasat
154–158, 160, 161, 167, 170, 173, 177, (Tejosāra), 146, 147–148, 162, 201
179, 180, 191, 198, 200; in transre- Manusāra rhve myañḥ dhammasat
gional Pali literature, 66–71 (Vaṇṇadhamma Kyaw Htin), 105, 115,
Mahāsiggavama, 200 164–166
Mahāsīhasūra, King, 29 Manusāra rhve myañḥ laṅkā (Laṅkāsāra),
Mahāssapura sutta: subcommentary on, 70 52, 53, 54, 148, 204
Mahātuṇḍila, 156, 158, 159, 160, 173 manuscripts, 1, 2, 9, 25, 53, 57, 58, 181,
Mahā-ummagga jātaka, 156 centrality of, 47–50; colophons of, 51,
Mahosadhā, 156, 189, 190, 203 56, 116–118, 129, 187–191; donations
Mānava dharmaśāstra (MDh), 13, 15, 69, of, 28, 51, 137, 138, 142, 145, 159,
70, 106 175, 176; inheritance of, 40, 41; tables
Manipur, 146, 152, 178 of contents in, 97–98
Manosāra, 61, 150, 151, 198, 200 Manussika dhammasat, 139, 140, 196, 197,
Manosāra dhammasat, 104, 139, 170, 195, 198, 200
196, 197, 198, 200 Manuvaṇṇanā dhammasat, 165, 167, 169,
Manosāra kyay dhammasat, 104, 140, 195, 186, 199, 201, 229n36
200 mariyādā, 35, 69–71, 156
manta (mantra), 33, 64, 109, 110, 111, 115, marriage law, 8, 9, 14, 60, 73, 95, 100,
129, 154, 155, 156–157 154, 181, 193, 204
Manu, 15, 16, 33–36, 46, 47, 51, 54, 58, Mātaṅga jātaka, 83
61–66, 72, 78, 79, 83, 86, 102, 109, Matasantakakathā, 38–43, 75, 114, 165–
112, 115, 131, 132, 144, 145, 150, 151, 167. See also gilānupaṭṭhāka; inheritance
156, 157, 160, 167–169, 173, 179, 188, law; Vinaya-mahāvagga
191, 200; in transregional Pali litera- Maung Pu, 51–53, 148, 202, 232n86
ture, 66–71. See also Mahāsammata; McDaniel, Justin, 98, 231n72
Manusāra medicine, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 116, 129, 152
Manu dhammasat: as Urtext, 34, 54, 64–65, Mehti, 159, 201
107, 132, 144, 151, 173, 190, 191 Meiktila, 183
Manu kyay dhammasat, 9, 49–50, 146–147, memory, 39, 51, 92, 93, 98, 149
167, 168, 182, 201–202 merit-making, 4, 22, 29, 51, 113, 118,
Manu pyuiv., 162, 196 137, 142; as catalyst of legal change,
Manu raṅḥ dhammasat (Nandamālā), 92–93, 174–177; definition of, 188; dhamma
146–147, 148, 167, 168, 189 sattha as an instrument supporting, 36,
Manudhammasatthapāṭha, 168; nissayas of, 174, 187–193; legal action as a form of,
245n146 34, 35, 44, 183–184, 192
Manurāja. See Kaingza Manurāja Milindapañhā (Mil), 29, 110–111, 185
Manusāra, 61, 107–110, 132, 155, 160, Mindon, King, 12, 175, 248n20
167, 191, 198 Mingaung II, King, 32, 35, 36, 121
286 Index
Minye Kyaw Htin, King, 137, 175 Pakhangyi (Pakhan), 121, 127, 128, 176,
Minye Kyawswa, Prince, 121, 125, 128, 244n127
234n112 Pali: Buddhist culture of Pagan, 27–29;
Mon, 14, 89, 90–91, 104, 124, 149, 198, “cultural package,” 10–11, 77; epigra-
231n63. See also Rāmañña phy in early Burma, 23–24; perceived
Mon language texts, 23, 24, 25, 26, 50, 55, characteristics of, 93–94, 144, 227n17;
57, 104, 105, 106, 107, 139, 190, 198 transregional literary corpus in, 10–11,
Monywa, 155 44, 48, 49, 72, 77–78, 81, 87, 96, 109,
Monywe, 51–54, 57, 148, 154, 202 179
Mottama (Martaban), 104, 105, 156, 170, Paññāsa jātaka, 77, 235n124
190, 198, 202 Paññāsāmi, 128, 158–159, 245n146
Myaing, 176 parabaik, 32, 98, 181; definition of, 214n55
Myat Aung. See Vaṇṇadhamma Kyaw Htin Parakammabāhu I, King, 114
Myat San. See Letwe Sundara paritta, 23, 64, 123, 126
Pāsā(da) dhammasat, 162, 196, 197, 202
Nadaungmya, King, 21, 203 patronage, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 37, 89, 90,
Nāgarī script, 26, 27, 211n15 107, 115, 118, 120, 121, 125, 128,
Namakkāra, 127 129–130, 132, 133, 143, 145, 152, 154,
Nammadā River, 125–126 174, 175–178, 180
Ñāṇābhivaṃsa, 152–154, 155, 172, 173, Petavatthu (Pv), 232n85; commentary on
192 (Pv-a), 225n134
Ñāṇālaṅkāra, 148–152, 154, 167, 172, 174, phrat thuṃḥ, 53, 170, 196, 203–204.
227n15 See also legal cases and proceedings;
Ñāṇasaddhamma, 150 vinicchaya
Ñāṇavara, 145–146, 160, 175 Pindale, King, 118, 128
Ñ(ñ)āṇavilāsa, 196, 201 Pinya, 37
Nandabayin, King, 102, 198, 201, 203 piṭakat, 25, 26, 28, 48, 66, 72, 124–125,
Nandamālā, 92–93, 119, 127, 128, 146, 126, 130, 166, 177, 182, 189; copying
148, 167, 168, 189–190 projects, 175; exclusion of dhammasa
Nārada dharmaśāstra, 14, 15, 70, 101 ttha from, 133, 139–143, 145–146, 150,
Narapati, King (r. c. 1442–1468), 29, 123 172, 180; inclusion of dhammasattha
Narapati (Shwenanshin), King (r. c. in, 29–32, 45, 74; shifting boundaries
1501–1526/7), 36, 121 of, 30, 138, 175, 192; as a source of
Narapatisithu, King, 53, 54, 56, 171, 200 dhammasattha law, 73–74, 87, 159–164,
Naungdaw, King, 149 167–168, 173, 174. See also piṭakat
Navadīpa (Navadvīpa), 153, 154, 202 samuiṅḥ; tipiṭaka
nibbāna, 34, 140, 183–184, 190 piṭakat samuiṅḥ, 31–32, 47, 125, 137–142,
nissaya, 12, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 56, 59–61, 145, 160, 175. See also bibliography
78, 104, 125, 127, 128, 132, 147, 160, positive law and legislation, 8, 9, 47,
168; definitions of, 93, 207n39; struc- 65, 86, 89, 118, 143, 169, 171, 173,
ture in Manusāra, 94–97; of vernacular 177–178, 180, 192
source-texts, 92–93. See also translation Prome, 120, 123, 128
Nyaungyan, King, 37, 123 prosperity, 4, 29, 69, 72, 85, 102–103, 104,
105, 107, 111, 118, 132, 147, 151, 153,
Olivelle, Patrick, 65 160, 162, 174, 187–192
omens, 30–31, 127 pucchā-vissajjanā. See responsa
orality, 12, 64, 88, 93 puṇṇāḥ. See brāhmaṇas
orthopraxy, 176 Puṇṇovāda sutta: commentary on, 235n122
purification (of texts). See reform
Pagan, 17, 21–22, 24–32, 44, 48, 53–56, Pyu Min Hti, King, 102–107, 139, 149,
86, 103, 104, 105, 123–124, 138, 156, 151, 156, 200
171, 196, 198, 200, 201
Pakhan Nge, 92 Questions of Letwe Nauratha, 148–152
Index 287
Rājādhirāj areḥ tau puṃ, 104 Sāriputta, 55

Rājamaṇicūḷā Cetiya, 130, 139, 199, 201 sāsana, 4, 9, 55, 69, 103, 119, 123, 133,
Rājamārtaṇḍa, 30, 31, 213n48 140, 145, 166, 177; definition of,
Rājindarājavaramaṇḍanī, 52, 56 205n6; disappearance of, 126, 175, 188,
Rājovāda jātaka, 161 191; patronage of, 11, 12, 23, 29, 105,
Rājovāda kyamḥ, 52 107, 137, 187–192
Rāmādhipati, King, 55, 123 Sāsanālaṅkāra, 120, 122, 128, 149
Rāmañña(desa), 55, 90, 102, 104, 149, Sāsanasuddhidīpaka, 127
180, 198 Sāsanavaṃsa, 119, 128, 158–159
Rammasīri Kyaw Htin, 202 śāstra, 15, 25, 30, 31–32, 110–111
Raṭṭhasāra, 32–36, 44, 45, 71, 111 Sattubhasta jātaka, 156, 242n88
reform and reformulation, 158, 159, 168, Schendel, Jörg, 176
172–178; as legal-textual “purification,” scribes, 49, 50–51, 54, 56, 58, 92–93, 97,
3, 11, 88, 105, 118, 149, 158, 166–167, 98, 105, 117, 183. See also manuscripts,
174, 180–181 colophons
reincarnation, 122, 129 secularism, 7, 9, 45
responsa, 1, 52, 89, 125, 129, 130, Senaka, King, 156
148–158, 171, 203 Shwebo, 147, 149
Rhys Davids, T. W., 6 Shwesettaw, 121, 125–127, 128, 129, 133
Richardson, David, 9, 147 Sīhaḷasāsana, 55, 123–124
ritual, 2, 3, 4, 7, 15, 16, 24, 31, 98, 118, Siṅgāla sutta, 84
174, 175, 192. See also merit-making Singu, 37
royal legislation, 12, 65, 118, 143, Singu, Eater of, 164
156–159, 162, 173, 177–178. See also Sirimālā, 155, 171
positive law and legislation Sixth Council, 175. See also saṅgāyana
royal orders, 12, 65, 122, 125, 127, 129, Skilling, Peter, 57
131, 137, 162, 173, 178, 183 slavery, 3, 5, 13, 22, 38, 40–43, 59, 60,
100, 181
Saccabandha Mountain, 126, 235n122 slaves, 21–22, 29, 38, 40–43, 67, 75, 95,
Saddanīti, 27, 28, 42, 71, 111, 138 100, 101, 112–114, 126, 244n135
Saddhammaghosa, 237n3 Sonemyo Sayadaw, 127, 130
Saddhammapāla, 204 sons: legal classifications of, 73–74, 95–96,
Sagaing, 37, 41, 121, 122, 124, 125, 129, 144, 163, 174
130, 149 Śrīkṣetra (Sarekhettarā), 156, 198
Sagu, 37, 125, 126 Subhadra, 108, 109, 110, 155
Sakka, 33, 102, 104, 123, 126, 160, 173, Sukkadanta, 200
184–186, 198, 200 Sumaṅgalavilāsinī (Sv), 160
Salin, 120, 121, 122, 128 Sūrassatī (Svarassatī, Sarasvatī), 227n15
Samantacakkhudīpanī, 52, 154–158
Samantapāsādikā (Sp), 10, 39, 40, 41, 68, Tamil, 26, 203, 238n12
73, 160, 161 Tantric texts, 16, 29–30
Sambhava, 189 tāraḥ, 94, 101, 206n25
Saṃkhepatthajotikā-ṭīkā, 245n145 tarāḥ sū krīḥ. See judges
Saṃkicca jātaka, 161 Taungbhila (Sagaing), 118, 121, 124, 125,
Saṃkhittadhana sutta, 250n48 127, 128, 234n118
saṅgahavatthu, 34 Taungbhila Sayadaw. See Tipiṭakālaṅkāra
saṅgāyana, 125, 138, 140–141, 150, 161 Taungoo, 169, 176, 197, 202
Sañjaya, King, 156 Tāvatiṃsa, 184, 185
Sanskrit, 13–17, 33, 53, 59, 69, 70, 77, 79, Tejosāra, 146, 147–148, 149, 162, 164
87, 96, 110–111, 140–141, 152–154, ten punishments, 58, 62, 79, 190
155, 172; literary culture in Burma, Tenasserim, 178, 181
23–32, 44, 93, 138 Tesakuṇa jātaka, 157, 238n12
Sāratthadīpanī (Sp-ṭ), 39, 68, 69, 156 Tet To, Maung, 165
288 Index
Thado Kyawswa, 121 vernacular, 2, 23, 24, 26, 46, 91, 92–94,
Thado Minhpya, 126 144
Thado Minsaw, 122, 126 Vessantara, 170, 198
Thai legal texts, 10, 78, 102, 199, 247n163 Vessantara jātaka, 120, 156
Thalun, King, 121, 124–126, 128–131, 149, Vessantara pyui., 128
199, 201 Vicittārāma, 52
Thein Swe Oo, 183 Vidagdhamukhamaṇḍana, 31, 140, 238n19
Thibaw, King, 12, 248n20 vijjādharas, 83, 108
Three Seals Code (Kotmai tra sam duang), vijjāṭṭhāna, 110–112
247n163 Vimānavatthu commentary (Vv-a), 69, 156
Tibedakatittira jātaka, 153 vinaya, 1, 2, 14, 29, 30, 61, 65, 68, 70,
Tilokālaṅkāra, 124, 126 79, 98; citations of, 10, 38, 39, 72–73,
tipiṭaka, 10, 12, 26, 28, 29, 30, 38, 55, 66, 87, 160, 163; commentaries on, 11–12;
69, 74, 77, 80, 111, 125, 137, 138, 142, courts, 11, 22, 37–43, 55; and monastic
149, 175. See also piṭakat competition, 176–177; in relation to
Tipiṭakālaṅkāra, 68, 89–90, 94, 99, 103, dhammasattha, 6, 10, 12, 32, 43, 45,
105, 107, 109, 112, 114, 115, 117, 74–77, 90, 96, 112–115, 132, 145,
131–133, 139, 145, 147, 148, 149, 165, 160–161, 164–168, 180
179, 199, 201; biography of, 118–130 Vinayālaṅkara-ṭīkā (Pālim-nṭ), 12, 39, 68,
Tisāsanadhaja, 120, 121 114, 121, 124, 125, 128, 129, 131, 133
Tisāsanadhaja achak anvay cā tamḥ. See Vinaya-mahāvagga, 23, 38–39, 114. See also
Account of the Monastic Lineage of Matasantakakathā
Tisāsanadhaja Vinaya-pārājika, 41, 80
Tisāsanālaṅkāra, 124 Vinaya-parivāra, 42, 84
titles of law, 13, 58–60, 77, 87, 98–102, Vinayasaṅgaha-aṭṭhakathā (Pālim), 32, 39,
199. See also legal roots and branches; 42, 68, 114, 121
vyavahārapada vinicchaya, 11, 12, 37, 160. See also Deci
translation, 5, 92–94, 107, 145, 207n39. sions of Sirīsaṅghapāla; legal cases and
See also nissaya proceedings
tulyapakkhā, 162, 229n36 Vinicchayabhedaka dhammasat, 53–54, 55,
Tuṇḍila jātaka, 156 106, 155, 160, 170, 171, 200–204
Vinicchayapakāsanī, 106, 164–167, 169,
U Pu Gyi Library, Mingun, 239n35 197, 227n16
upadesa (upade) legislation, 12, 178, 180 Vinicchayarāsī dhammasat, 53, 55, 159–164,
Upali, 120 172, 178, 182, 195–196
Uttamasikkhā, 55, 104, 105–106, 117, Vīsativaṇṇanā, 128
120–121, 122, 125, 128, 129, 137–143, Vissakamma, 33, 126
145, 146, 158, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, vyavahārapada, 13–14, 15, 59, 87, 99, 101.
175 See also legal roots and branches; titles
of law
Vaiṣṇava dharmaśāstra, 13
Vajirapabbata, 108 Wagaru. See Vārū
Vaṃsadīpanī, 128 Weber, Max, 6, 44
Vaṇṇadhamma Kyaw Htin, 50, 105, 106, wife-theft, 97, 99
115, 133, 146, 149, 164–168, 169, 170, writing, 23, 24, 64, 157
171, 174, 186, 197, 201, 227n16
Vārū (Vārayū, Vārīrū), King, 104–106, 156, Xavier, Francis, 4
170, 190, 198, 202
Vārū (Vārayū, Vārīrū) maṅḥ dhammasat, 78, Yājñavalkya dharmaśāstra, 106
104–107, 170, 202; colophons of, 190; Yasavaḍḍhanavatthu, 121, 125, 128
manuscript of, 104 Yuvadhāraṇa kyamḥ, 242n96
Vāsudeva, 200
vedāṅga. See bedaṅ Zidaw Sayadaw, 121–122
About the Author
D. Christian Lammerts is associate professor of Buddhist and South-

east Asian Studies in the Department of Religion at Rutgers University.
After completing his PhD in the Department of Asian Studies at Cor-
nell University, he taught at the National University of Singapore, and
has held visiting research appointments at the Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, Singapore, and the Center for Southeast Asian Studies,
Kyoto University. Lammerts has published extensively on the history
and literatures of Buddhist law in Southeast Asia, and is the editor of
Buddhist Dynamics in Premodern and Early Modern Southeast Asia.

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Buddhist Law in Burma: A History of

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A HISTORY OF DHAMMASATTHA TEXTS

University of Hawai‘i Press

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Designed by Wanda China

1 Buddhist Law in Burma 1

Part II. Revisions and Reasons

Appendix. Four Dhammasattha Bibliographies (1768–c. 1818) 195

I owe my deepest professional and personal debt to Chie Ikeya, not

Conversations with Alexey Kirichenko over the past decade have

I t is commonplace to read that, unlike Hinduism or Islam, Buddhism

context of specific intellectual histories and in relation to local textual

discourse of dhammasattha law was fundamentally associated with

Buddhism and Law

law appears everywhere in the discourse of scholarship on Buddhism

inheritance of this terminology. Like “Hindu law” and “Islamic (or

gious” law? To what degree do the dynamic, shifting articulations of

following chapters, this book also advocates for a crucial revision to

Varieties of Written Law

nissaya,39 represented, for example, by Tipiṭakālaṅkāra’s monumental

ship.40 As this is the first book to undertake a critical approach to

Dharmaśāstra Seen from the East

skrit dharmaśāstra discourse comprehends a very large number of

the wrong location. As I discuss in chapter 2, there is no evidence

identity and praxis is historically dynamic and variable. A shortcom-

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and sāsana, 4, 9, 188–193; as science, Gadibagaing Sayadaw, 242n96

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Rājādhirāj areḥ tau puṃ, 104 Sāriputta, 55

D. Christian Lammerts is associate professor of Buddhist and South-

Das könnte Ihnen auch gefallen

mentaries of Kāśirāma Vācaspati, Śrīkṛṣṇa Tarkālaṅkāra and Pandit Śri Bhupen

———. 2000. “Taungpila Sayadaw, 1578–1651.” In Encyclopedia of Monasti