PSYCHOLOGICAL WRITINGS

All Galen's surviving shorter works on psychology and ethics -

including the recently discoveredAvoiding Distress,and the neglected
CharacterTraits,extant only in Arabic - are here presented in one
volume. Each appears in a new translation, with substantial introduc~
tion, notes, glossaries and indices. Original and penetrating analyses
are offered of the psychologicaland philosophicalthought, both of
the above and of two absolutely central works of Galenic philosophy,
Affectionsand Errorsand 7he Capacitiesof theSoul,by some of the fore~
most experts in the field. Each treatise has also been subjected to fresh
textual study taking account of the latest scholarlydevelopments, and
is presented with accompanying textual discussions; this adds greatly
co the value and accuracy of the work without detracting fro1n the
book's accessibility to a wider readership. The book thus provides a
major contribution to the understanding of the ancient world's most
prominent doctor-philosopher in his intellectual context.
P. N. SINGER is Research Associate at Newcastle University, where
he is preparing a series of texts for the Cambridge Galen Transla-
tions prQject, including the treatises on bodily composition (De tem-
peramentis)and health (De sanitatetuenda).His Galen:SekctedWvrks
(1997) constituted the first-ever English translation of several major
texts. Galen's psychology has been central to his research interests,
which include also other ancient psychological theories; works of
practical ethics; and Greek drama and performance culture.
DANIEL DAVIES is a Research Associate in the Taylor-Schechter
Genizah Research Unit at Cambridge University Library, and has
taught Religious Studies at Canterbury Christ Church University.
His research interests are in Arabic and Hebrew philosophy, with
particular focus on medieval writers. He is the author of Methodand
Metaphysicsin Maimonides''Guidefar the Perplexed'(2011).
VIVIAN N UTTON, Emeritus Professor of the History of Medicine at
University College London, is also professor in the Department of
Classics at the University ofWarwick. He has edited several works by
Galen, including On My Own Opinions(1999), and On Problemati-
calMovements(2011), and is preparing an edition of the short pseu-
donymous On the Propertiesof the Centaury.A revised version of his
Ancient Medicine appeared in 2013. Vivian Nutton is a Fellow of the
British Academy, a Member of the German Academy of Sciences, and
an honorary Fellowof the RoyalCollegeof Physicians.
 CAMBRIDGE GALEN TRANSLATIONS
GALEN: PSYCHOLOGICAL
General editor: Philip van der Eijk
WRITINGS
G~en's works represent one of the most impressive monuments of classical medi-
cine. They dominated medical theory, teaching -and practice in the medieval
European and Islamic worlds and remained a key source of medical wisdom down EDITED BY
to the twentieth century. But his works also concern themselves with all the philo-
sophical issues involved in understanding the human body, soul and health, and
P. N. SINGER
in diagnosing and treating illness, and Plato and Aristotle were key influences
on his thought. Furthermore, as the court physician of several Roman emperors,
Galen is an important source of information about social and cultural life in the
early Empire. Avoiding Distress
Cambridge Galen Translations provides a co-ordinated series of scholarly English
CharacterTraits
translations of works of Galen in a unified format with substantial introduction
and annotation, glossaries and indices. Many of the translations have been new- The Diagnosisand Treatmentof the Affections
ly commissioned, while others are revised versions of good translations which and ErrorsPeculiarto Each Person}Soul
have for some time been out of print. Editors and translators are drawn from the
world's leading scholars of G~en and of ancient medicine. The series is intended The Capacitiesof the Soul Depend on the Mixtures of the Body
·both to contribute to international Galenic scholarship and to make Galen's work
more easily accessible for a wider, non-specialist readership including historians
and philosophers of science and readers with a medical background.
TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTIONS
Titlesin series:
AND NOTES BY
Writings,ed. P. N. Singer, with .contributions by Daniel Davies and
Psychologi,cal
Vivian Nutton VIVIAN NUTTON, DANIEL DAVIES
AND P. N. SINGER
In preparation:
Workson Human Nature,ed. Philip van,der Eijk and P.N. Singer, with
contributions by R. J. Hankinson and Mark Schiefsky
Commentaryon Hippocrates'Progn.o;tic,ed. Christine Salazar WITH THE COLLABORATION OF
Mattersof Health,ed. P. N. Singer
SimpleMedicinesI-V. ed. John Willdns PIERO TASSINARI
Ihe Functionof the Partsof the Human Body,ed. Julius Rocca

CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS

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!\o l',rrihir ni ra\ar
i Jo...,iihro ....\ rv, i<tas
i "i,h-m;i d,· i;i(.j! .. i, ,·a,
 Contents
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8Bs, United Kingdom

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University'smission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521765176 List of illustrations page vii
© Cambridge University Press 2013
Serieseditorspreface viii
Philip van der Eijk
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collectivelicensing agreements, Editorspreface xii
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written Note on citations and abbreviations xvi
permiSSiOnof Cambridge UniversityPress.
First published 2013 General introduction
Reprinted 2014 RN. Singer
A cataloguerecordJOrthispublicationis availablefrom the BritishLibrary
Libraryof CongressCataloguingin Publicationdata I AVOIDING DISTRESS 43
Galen. - Vivian Nutton
[Works.Selections. English~2014J
Galen: psychological writings I edite4 by P. N. Singer; translated with introductions and Introduction 45
notes by Vivian Nutton, Daniel Davies And P. N. Singer ; with the collaboration of Translation 77
Fiero Ta$Sinari. The text of chapters 4-5 and 16-18 100
pag~s/ cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-521-76517-6 (hardback: alk. paper) 2 CHARACTER TRAITS 107
1. Galen. .2. Psychologyand philosophy.
TramlatedbyDanielDavies
L Singer,P. N. (Peter N.), 1962- editor of compilation. II. Title.
B577.G24G25 2014 Introduction 109
150-dc23 2013045692 RN. Singer
ISBN 978-0-521-76517-6 Hardback
· Translation 135
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
Book! 135
ofURLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, Book II 151
accurate or appropriate. Book III 160
Book IV 164
Quotations in lacer sources 173

v
vi Contents
3 THE DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT OF THE
AFFECTIONS AND ERRORS PECULIAR TO
EACH PERSON'S SOUL 203
RN Singer List of illustrations
Introduction 205
Translation 237
Book I (Affections) 237
Book II (Errors) 283
Textual notes 315
1 Map indicating the area affected by the fire of 192, with rhe
4 THE CAPACITIES OF THE SOUL DEPEND possible locations of Galen's storeroom and Rome's libraries page 60
ON THE MIXTURES OF THE BODY 333 2 Schematic diagram of the markings on a water-dock
RN Singer (klepsudra),as described in Errors,eh. 5
(after Marquardt 1884, p. xx) 302
Introduction 335
Translation 374
Textual notes 410

· List of textual departures.from the edition used 425

List of titlesand abbreviationsof Galensworks 429
Bibliography 443
English-Greekglossary 475
English-Arabicglossary 483
Greekword index 490
Arabic word index 508
Index of names 514
Index ofpassages 516
Generalindex 530

vii

Serieseditor'spreface
The works of Galen of Pergamum (129-c. 215 CE), 'the Prince of Physi-
cians', constitute one of the most impressive monuments of classical medi-
cine. They comprise all areas of medical theory and practice, ranging from
anatomy, physiology, pathology, diagnosis and prognosis, dietetics and
regimen in health, therapeutics, pharmacology and surgery, gynaecology,
embryology and theory of reproduction to psychiatry and ethics. In addi-
tion, they cover philosophical and methodological aspects fundamental to
the acquisition, systematization and communication of medical knowl-
. edge, such as logic, terminology, epistemology, philosophy of nature and
theory of causation. And however voluminous and wide-ranging, they are
bound together by an intrinsic and coherent (if eclectic) comprehensive
theory of the human body, the human psyche, their place within the natu-
ral world, the nature of medical knowledge, and the technical and ethical
components of medical expertise. , collaboration. Indeed, the translations in this volume, and in those to fol-
Galen's works were of enormous infl.uenc~ on the subsequent history
of medicine and science, both in the West and in the East (and in Arabic
medicine), and Galen's authority remained powerful until well into the
seventeenth century and, in some r.espects,beyond that. Yet, more recent-
ly, Galen's works have also found,strong resonance beyond the domain of
medical history. Galen was, after all, not only a brilliant doctor and prolific
writer but also the court physician of several Roman emperors, a keen pub-
lic debater and dissector, and an active participant in social and cultural
life, first in Pergamum and subsequently in Rome. It is therefore not sur-
prising that Galen's work commands a rapidly growing interest from clas-
sicists, ancient historians and students of Greek and Roman literature, phi-
losophy and society; and his writings are being exploited as a rich source
for the social, cultural and intellectual history of the early Imperial period.
Yet Galen's works are difficult to access. Many are available only in old
editions that do not meet current standards of classical scholarship, such
as the nineteenth-century edition by Karl Gottlob Kilhn (Greek text with
viii
Serieseditor'spreface ix
Latin translation), which is still the most recent edition aspiring to com-
pleteness but which is universally regarded as unsatisfactory- and, in spite
of its tide Opera omnia, it lacks a number of Galenic works preserved
in Latin or Arabic adaptation (such as, in the present volume, Character
Traits) or deemed lost but later discovered (such as the recently found
Avoiding Distress,also included here). For only a handful of Galenic texts
have the basic modern philological requirements of a critical edition with
translation and commentary been fulfilled; and although Galenic scholar-
ship of the last decades has seen significant improvement, it is still the case
that large parts of Galen's work are not available in English translation.
While interest in Galen thus seems greater than ever before, the language
skills required to read him in the original are becoming more and more
scarce.
The Cambridge Galen Translations series aims to address this need. The
purpose of the series is to provide a co-ordinated series of scholarly English
translations of works of Galen in a uniform format consisting of introduc-
tion, translation, explicative notes, glossaries and indexes.
The series has been planned in close co-ordination with other ongo-
ing Galen projects, such as the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum (CMG)
at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences,1 the Galen volumes in
the Bude series published by Les Belles Lettres (Paris),2 and those in the
Loeb Classical Library published by Harvard University Press,3 in order
to minimize duplication and, where possible, to promote international
low, are based on critical editions that have been published, or are being
prepared for publication, in the CMG, or Belles Lettres, or in some cases
by other publishers (such as the Galenic Scripta Minora published in the
Teubner series).
Yet the novelty of the project lies not only in its provision of English
translations. It also aims to make a new contribution to international
Galenic scholarship, especially through substantial introductions, notes
I
A list of workspublishedin the CMG (whichwas foundedin 1907)and of worksin preparationcan
be found on the CMG websiteat http://cmg.bbaw.de/Startseite.html
2
SeeJ. Jouanna and V. Boudon, 'Pr6sentationdu projet d'edition de Gallen clansla Collection des
. Universit6sde France',Bulletinde /'AssociationGuillaumeBude 1993, pp. 101-135. So far, six vol-
umes have been published:Ars Medica/Protrepticus (Boudon, 2000), De ossibusad tirones/Dedissec-
tionemmculorum(Garofaloand Debru, 2005), De librispropriis/Deordinelibrorumsuorum!Quodop-
timus medicus(Boudon-Millot,2007), De dissectioneneruorum/Dedissectionevenarumet arteriarum
(Debru and Garofalo,2008), !ntroductiosive medicus(Petit, 2009), De indolentia(Boudon-Millot,
Jouanna and Pietrobelli,2010). '
3 So far, two Galenicworks have been published: On the Natural Faculties(Brock, 1916)and Method
of MedicineQohnston and Horsley,2011),
x SerieseditorSpreface Serieseditors preface xi

and glossaries, which are intended co provide resources for the study of disseminate his ideas and the rhetorical strategies he employed to persuade
Galenic language and thought, and indeed of Greek medical terminology his readers and to distinguish himself from rival doctors with whorn he was
at large. In this regard, the format of the series is closely modelled on Rich- in constant competition.
ard Sorabji'sAncient Commentators on Aristotle (published by Duckworth), The project is generously supported by the Wellcome Trust through a
from which it has drawn most of its inspiration, and on the Cambridge se- History of Medicine Programme Grant, which has allowed the appoint-
ries of translations of Proclus' Commentary on Plato>sTimaeus.Moreover, ment, at Newcastle University, of three designated academic staff for the
the project is meant to open up Galen's work to other disciplines beyond first five years of the project. Thanks are due to Newcastle University for
Classics and History of Medicine, such as the History of Philosophy, the its institutional support, and to the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation,
History and Philosophy of Science, Cultural History, Linguistics and Lit- the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and the Humboldt University for
erary Studies, and to readers with a medical background. ensuring the continuation of the project, and providing additional fund-
ing, after my move to Berlin. The project is further supported by the help
Galen's work is vast, and the series will therefore, in the first instance, give of the members of the Advisory Board, which consists of Vivian Nutton
priority to works that have not yet been translated into English (or indeed (London), Heinrich von Staden (Princeton), Christopher Gill and John
into any modern language), or to works for which an English translation Wilkins (both Exeter), Jim Hankinson (Austin, Texas), Christian Brock-
exists which, however, is out of print, 4 or in need of revision or replace- mann (Hamburg), Veronique Boudon-Millot (Paris), Amneris Roselli
ment in the light of recent developments in Galenic scholarship. Further (Naples) and Daniela Manetti (Florence). For the practical organization
considerations in the planning of the series have been the availability of of the project, we would like to thank Cambridge University Press, and in
critical editions and the interest of the texts to be included and their rel- particular its Classics Editor Michael Sharp, who have supported the idea
_evance to some of the rhajOr issues that Galen)s work raises. Thus the works right from the start and have been a patient source of help during the final
translated in the present volume are important witnesses to Galen's views stages of manuscript preparation.
on the relationship between body and soul, on mental health and well-
being and on the psychological management and treatment of human Philip van der Eijk
emotions. The volumes to follow will testify to Galen's views on the nature
of human beings; the nature and methodology of medical prognosis and
prediction; the preservation of health and the, promotion of a healthy style
of living; the structure and purposive arrangement of the human body;
and the theory and therapeutic practice of simple medicines. They will
also provide insight into the ways in. which Galen arrived at his views and
tried to justify them, how he accommodated and appropriated the various
intellectual traditions, both medical and philosophical, to which he was
indebted, and how successful he was in his attempts to create a synthesis
out of these often conB.icting tendencies. Furthermore, they will give a
lively picture of the social and cultural environment in which Galen lived
and how it impinged on the formation and development of his ideas; and
finally, they will be illuminating for Galen's activities as a writer and com-
municator, for the ways in which he presented his ideas, the-consistency of
his terminology, the audiences for whom he wrote, the genres he used to

4 E.g., P. N. Singer'sGalen:SelectedWbrks,Oxford 1997; translationsof a number of Galenictexts

included there are revised, with extensive new introductions and notes, for the present series.

Editor'spreface
The present volume comprises all that survive of Galen's shorter works on
psychological and ethical themes. Though small in extent, they represent
a particularly important and interesting part of his philosophical output,
as well as reflecting the ways in which that philosophy interacts with his
medical thought and role as a doctor. At the time of writing, there is no
book in print in English containing any of these works. 1
Avoiding Distress(Jnd.2), a hitherto lost work, dramatically discovered
in an overlooked manuscript in Thessaloniki in 2005, here receives its
. first full translation and commentary in English. CharacterTraits(Mor.), a
work surviving only in Arabic, and in condensed form at that, appears here
in a thoroughly revised and updated version based on the only previous
English translation, that of Mattock in 1972. The translations ofA.ffections
and Errors(Aff. Peec. Dig.) and The Capacitiesof the Soul Depend on the
Mixtures of the Body (QAM) began as.revisions by the editor of his own
1997 translations, but developed in the' proc~s - a process driven mainly
by considerations of increased precision and internal consistency, as well as
the need to take into account a range of modern scholarly developments -
into essentially new translations.
The present volume is the result of collaboration, and rhe individual
translators and editors of each'.treatise have benefited from each other's
advice, as well as from that of Christopher Gill and Ralph Rosen, who
1 text, discovered in 2005 in a single, extremely error~prone, manuscript,
The largerand morewide-ranging- but also moredifficultand moretechnical- work of Galenic
psychology,TheDoctrines ofHippocratesandPlato,is accessiblein Englishin PhilipDe Lacy's1978-
1984editionwith CorpurMedicorumGraecorum (orviathe CMGwebsite),whichmaybe studiedby
the readerinterestedin pursuingfurthersomeof the themesraisedin thisvolume.Thepresentseries
aimson thewholeto avoidunnecessary overlapwithworkswhichareavailablein modern,scholarly
EngUshtranslations.
2 Forthe abbreviations givenhere in parentheses,and subsequently,see the list of titles and abbre~
viationsof Galen'sworksat the end of this book. The Greektitlesare,respectively, nspi CY\v,r(a5;
nspi T}6&v;nsp\ 61ayvOOcrsevs 1<a\6spa,relas T&vtv ,fi t1<6:a,ouqivxfi l6!evv1rae&v [Ka\]
OµapTnµ&revv; ~0T1Ta1s100 a(i)µcrrosKp6:aeaiv al Tfjsqivxf\s6vv6:µHsf1roVTa1.
xii
Editorspreface xiii
were involved in the volume at the planning stage, and of the series editor,
Philip van der Eijk. Each of these gave invaluable derailed advice and sug-
gestions at various draft stages, for which we are profoundly grateful. (In
the particular case of Christopher Gill, the availability to the editor of a
pre-publication version of his 2010 book NaturalisticPsychologyin Galen
and Stoicismwas of particular value in the development of the introduc-
tory material.) The editorial assistant, Piero Tassinari, also provided ex-
tremely useful guidance, including on scholarly matters, in a way that goes
beyond the remit that that title would imply.
However, it remains the case that each of the chapters of the book has
largelyrepresented a separate task; and the distribution oflabout can be sum-
marizedas follows.AvoidingDistresswas translated,annotatedand introduced
by Vivan Nutton; Affectionsand Errorsand TheCapacitiesof the Sou/by P.N.
Singer; CharacterTraitswas translated by Daniel Davies, in dose collabora-
tion with Singer, this collaboration extending also to the notes; its introduc-
tion is by Singer. The overall introduction to the volume is also by Singer.
The compilation of the List of titles and abbreviations of Galen's works and
of most of the other index materials, the rationalization of the Bibliography,
and a range of other editorial tasks aimed at increasingthe work'saccuracy,
consistencyand usefulness,have been the work of PiereTassinari.
The book is designed to make these central works in Galen's intellec-
tual output accessible and comprehensible to a wider audience, who may
have interests in philosophy; in Graeco-Roman culture; in the history of
medicine, ethics or psychology. At the same time, our aim has been to
take appropriate account of the considerable recent historiographical and
philological developments in the specialist field of Galen studies.
In the latter context, especially, the volume perhaps goes further than
would normally be expected for a translation, in discussion of and attempt
to establish the correct text. Perhaps a word may be needed here in justifi-
cation of this: there are, in fact, specific reasons why each of the texts here
included required such attention.
In the case of Avoiding Distress,the justification is dear enough. The
has since that date been the focus of a large volume of scholarly activity.
Nutton has been deeply involved in this activity, and has in effect estab-
lished his own text in response to the ongoing scholarly discussions. In the
context of these discussions - which extend to considerable areas of doubt
on substantive questions-. it has been necessary for him at times to discuss
MS variants in considerable detail, and even to offer in appendix form his
own version of one particularly problematic passage.
xiv Editorspreface Editorspreface xv
CharacterTraits,extant in an Arabic summary rather than a full Greek of whom gave extremely useful advice on translation and other questions;
text, presents its own textual problems. Though previously translated into to Athena Bazou for making available to us the results of her research in
English, and discussed (fairly briefly) in a couple of well-known pieces by advance of the 2011 publication of her edition of 7he Capacitiesof theSoul,
Richard Walzer, it has not, in fact, been the focus of any very serious or as well as for a number of valuable personal communications; to Hinrich
extended scholarly attention. The main textual problem, however, is that Biesterfeldt, for personal communications about an unpublished Arabic
that summary version stands in need of supplementation from a variety of manuscript of 7he Capacitiesof the Soul; and, for advice and insights on
later Arabic, Hebrew, and Judaeo-Arabic souices, which at times give fuller a number of individual matters, Galenic and para-Galenic, to Catharine
quotations of the text. This has necessitated the addition of a substantial Edwards, Brooke Holmes, Caroline Petit, Thomas Rtitten and Christine
appendix of such quotations. Salazar. Especial thanks go to Rotraud Hansberger, for technical advice
The text of Affectionsand Errors,meanwhile, though surviving in Greek, and help with the Arabic material in the volume at a late stage, and to
and in a number of modern editions, nonetheless presents massive prob- Anna Oxbury, the Press's copy-editot, for her painstaking and meticulous
lems of its own. The single important Greek manuscript·is extremely cor- contribution.
rupt; and the number of variant readings, some of them on substantive
questions, suggested by a host of modern scholars, is considerable. More- P.N. Singer
over, a recent critical edition, by Giuseppina Magnaldi, in many respects
at odds with the previously accepted one, and not reflected in any modern
translation, needed to be taken into account. In the process, it is again
hoped that a translation has been arrived at which represents a better text
than previous versions. ··But where philological detail has been discussed
beyond the level that would interest a wider audience, the results of rhis
have been placed in a separate section of textual notes.
In the case of 7he·Capacitiesof the Soul, finally, though the textual dif-
ficulties are on the whole less, there were.again particular reasons for atten-
tion to philological detail. In this case a new critical edition, by Athena Ba-
zou, appeared in the course of our work~ and Just in time for us to take into
account. This new edition again presented a different approach from that
previously used as standard, and raised a number of questions, especially
in relation to the importance of considering the Arabic tradition of the
text; and so, here too, a careful coinparison of the textual solutions offered
by the different modern editio"Ilsseemed necessary. There are sometimes
differences of substantive importance to the sense; but, again, a separate
section of textual notes has been added covering the more intricate and less
accessible questions.
In addition to the individuals acknowledged above, thanks go to
Peter Adamson for taking time to advise us, especially on Graeco-Arabic
questions; to the participants in the Warburg lnstitute's Arabic Reading
Group, which discussed CharacterTraitsin the spring of 2011; to the par-
ticipants in two Galen workshops, organized by Philip van der Eijk at the
Humboldt-Universitiit, Berlin, in the summers of 2010 and 2011, many
 Ncte on citationsand abbreviations xvii
The following is a list of the most common abbreviations used through-
out the volume (full titles are given in the bibliography):

Note on citationsand abbreviations ANRW = Haase and Temporini (1972-)

C!L = Corpuslnscriptionum Latinarum
CMG= CorpusMedicorum Graecorum
K. = Kiihn (1821-1833)
KRS = Kick, Raven and Schofield (1983)
L. = Lime (1839-1861)
LS = Long and Sedley (1987)
Titles of works of ancient authors, if given in full in a discursive context, LSJ = Liddell, Scott and Jones, Greek-EnglishLexicon
are usually translated. For precise references in footnotes; the standard ab- SVF=vonArnim (1903-1905)
breviations of the Greek-EnglishLexicon of Liddell, Scott and Jones (LSJ)
are used, with a few exceptions for more familiar authors or works. How-
ever, works by Galen are cited in the form given in the List of titles and
abbreviations of Galen's works at the end of the book.
All references to Galenic works are by page and line number of the most
recent critical edition, followed by the editor's name in abbreviated form,
. and (where available) by·ihe volume and page number of the older edition
of Kiihn in round brackets. The full list of Galenic titles in abbreviated
form, along with full title in Latin and English, and the abbreviations
for editors' names, is·to be found in the List of titles and abbreviations of
Galen's works. A typical reference to TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato
might therefore be: PHP 323, 15-17 UL(V.465 K.). Similarly, all Hippoc-
rates quotations are identified by the Littre.yolume and page numbers as
well as those of the recent critical edition.
As a rule, book and chapter number are not given when passages are
thus referenced with page and line number.
Throughout the actual texts trahslated in this volume, references to the
Kiihn page numbers, when available, are printed in the left-hand margin.
References to page and line numbers of the modern edition used as basis
for the translation are printed in the right-hand margin. The traditional
division of the text into chapters (as in modern editions) has been retained
in the translations.
Notes in the quotations section of CharacterTraitsand in the Textual
notes to Affectionsand Errorsand The Capacitiesof the Soul are always pre-
ceded by the part number within this volume. So, those in the Quotations
section of CharacterTraitsare numbered '2.1 \ etc.; those in the Textual
notes to Affectionsand Errors'3.1 \ etc.; and rhose in the textual notes to
The Capacitiesof the Soul, '4.1 ', etc.

xvi
 Generalintroduction

Galen: biographical summary and position of 'psychology'

Galen ( Galenos)was born in Pergamum in Greek-speaking Asia Minor
under the Roman Empire in 129 CE, but spent most of his mature years
(after 161) in Rome, where he probably died, some time after 200. 1 His
farher was a well-to-do architect, and his own early studies (after some
training in geometry, mathematics and the usual Greek linguistic-literary
education of the time) were in philosophy before he took up medicine.
Both philosophical and medical studies took place first in Pergamum and
then (from 149 to 157) abroad, especially in Smyrna and Alexandria. 2
After four years back in Pergamum, as physician to the gladiators (157-
161), he left for Rome. In transit between the two, he also extended his
knowledge (and collection) of the herbal and mineral remedies of his time,
visiting a wide range of places, especially in the eastern Mediterranean
region, including Cyprus and Palestine. At Rome he seems quickly to have
established a reputation on the basis of public debates and demonstrations

1
For a good recent summary of Galen'slifeand works see Hankinson (2008c);and for a still fuller one
Boudon-Millot (2007a) vii-xc ('Biographie'). Still valuableas a frameworkis Hberg (1889-1897),
though with the provisos made below on date, and, more sped6cally, rhe revision to the dating of
Affectionsand Errors;see below,pp. 34-41; much more derailon the earlychronologyis provided by
Nutron (1973); for arguments in favour of a date after 210 (insteadof the traditional 199/200) for
Galen'sdeath, see Nutton (1984). See now also Mattern (2013).
2
The evidence (as, to a large extent, for the facts of Galen's biography more generally)is from Ga-
len's own accounts; see esp. Ajf: Pecc.Dig. 28,9-21 DB (V:41-42 K.), Lib. Prop. 140-141 BM
(XIX,16-17 K.) and Ord. Lib. Prop, 98--99 BM (XIX.57-58 K.). In Pergamum he studied with
representativesof all four major schools (Platonist, Stoic,Aristotelian,Epicurean),and with a doctor
called Satyrus; then in Smyrna with a Platonist philosopher (Albinus)and another doctor, Pelops;
Pelopswas a pupil ofNumisianus, in whose teachingGalen wasparticularlyinterested,and Jn search
of which he also visited Corinth and Alexandria.It is during this 'study tour' that Galen must have
acquiredhis serious_uainingin anatomy,as wellas his knowledgeof the 'latest' physiologicaltheories
of the Hellenisticworld, especiallythose of Herophilus and Erasistratus.For more detail on Galen's
anatomicaleducation, see Rocca (2008).
2 Generalintroduction
(which involved anatomy as well as disquisition) and spectacular feats of
'prognosis'; and simultaneously to have gained the patronage of certain im~
portant figures in Roman society. And to this first period in Rome belongs
also the first phase of composition of his great work on 'psychology' in
relation to physiological function, 7he Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato.
He left Rome in 166 after an outbreak of plague; but returned (via a brief
period spent with the army on campaign in Aquileia) to the capital at the
summons of the imperial family in 169; and probably spent the rest of
his professional life there, much of it working with the status of physician
within the imperial family. It is to this second period in Rome, and more
specificallyto that part of it which coincided with the emperor Marcus Au-
relius' absence on military campaign (169-176), that the composition of a
large part of Galen's major medical and scientific works can be dated. The
works assembled in the present volume, however, probably belong rather
to Galen's later life, the earliest of them written after 192.
In spite of losses (some of them detailed in Avoiding Distress,below
pp. 84-87), the extent of Galen's surviving works is huge, with treatises of
more than a hundred pages - in several cases, many hundreds of pages -
devoted to each of: lo"gfcand scientific method; anatomy; physiology; the-
ory of the fundamental elements (or mixtures); disease classification; tech-
niques of diagnosis and prognosis (in particular by the pulse); therapeutics;
'hygienic' (i.e. the maintenance of a healthy lifestyle - diet in its broadest
sense); pharmacology or drug lore; and last, but by no means least, com-
mentary on works by Hippocrates. Aga.in, the works in this volume belong
not to that huge body of medical/scientific (or scholarly) work, but to a
smaller-scale, more 1occasionar type of literary production. 3
Galen had a serious engagement with philosophy, which was for him
both an additional accomplishment, to be taken as seriously as his medi-
cal work,' and something intimately (and complicatedly) involved with
3 See further below,pp. 10-15 on genre. The above summary is basicallyof the works that survive,
althoughin someof those categories(esp. that of logic) there are significantworks that do not; and
therearealsocasesof worksthat surviveonly in Arabicand/or only in fragmentaryform. In addition
to this list, there is quite a large number of 'occasional'or shorter philosophicalworks, similar to
thosein this yolume,that do not survive;and whole categoriesof works (esp.scholarlyones on use
of languageand on rhetoric, and summariesor conunentarieson philosopherssuch as Plato, Aris-
totle and Theophrastus)which have perished almost completely(a commenta,ryon Plato's Titnaeus
survivesin fragmentaryform). See esp. Lib. Prop.chs. 15-20 [12-17], with discussionof genresof
Galen'sworksbelowpp. 10-15, as well as Galen'sown accoulltof the works lost in the fire in 192,
Ind. 5-11 BJP.
4 The importanceof philosophy in Galen's self-imageis famouslyillustrated by the perception of
him which, in his self-publicizingwork Prognosis, he attributes to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius:
'first among doctors, but the onlyphilosopher', Praen.128,28 N. (XJV.660K). It should also be
Generalintroduction 3
and informing his medical and scientific thought. Indeed, how far, how
successfully, and in precisely what ways various philosophical discourses
are assimilated into his medical-scientific thought is a major question for
Galenic studies, as we shall see - at least in the context of his works of
psychology - in what follows. The main contexts in which philosophy
surfaces in his work are those of (a) logic and scientific method; and (b)
the soul.5 It is to this latter context that the works in this volume essentially
belong.
Now, it should be understood at the outset that the English terms 'soul'
and 'psychology' both refer, in Greek terms, to the same subject area: that
of the psuchi!. This term, though indeed usually translated 'soul', corre-
sponds to .a range of connected concepts in Greek, the central of which
could more accurately be translated 'mind'. Even the term 'mind', how-
ever, is really too narrow, since psuchein Greek biological thought - and in
particular in Galen - is responsible for a range of physiological functions;
and indeed not just 'neurological' ones (to use an anachronistic modern
approximation) but also a number of other functions necessary for the
maintenance oflife. In 7heDoctrinesofHippocratesand Plato the functions
of both heart and liver are, in a sense, 'soul' -functions. Relatedly, the term
psuchi!- in borh traditional and philosophical usage has a fundamental
connotation, not just of'mental' or 'emotional' activity, but of'life' or 'that
by virtue of which one is alive'.
There can thus be - as neither the term 'soul-theory' nor the term
'psychology' would readily suggest - both a philosophical and a medical
discourse regarding the soul in Greek (and the latter in the senses both
of a physiological theory and of a medical psychopathology and psycho-
therapy); and indeed Galen engages in both (or, all three). In the area of
soul/psychology, then, as we shall see, that question of 'assimilation' of
philosophy to medicine is particularly complex. For the question of op-
position and/or assimilation arises, not just in relation to discussion of the
soul versus discussion of more obviously medical/scientific matters, but
also within Galen's discussions of the soul themselves, since the 'soul' can
mentioned that this self-imageis not a straightforwardone, and that there are times when Galen
seems to put himselfin a group which is aggressivelyopposed to 'philosophers';see below,Ajf Pecc.
Dig. 51,23 DB (11.75K); 59, 23-27, DB (V.88K); 62,6 DB (V.92K); 67.10 DB (11.101K); and
(though controversially)68,5 DB (V.104K), with notes. For detaileddiscussionof this subject see
now Singer(2014).
5
But discussionof the fundamental components (elementsor qualities)of both the universeand the
human body was a topic within the philosophical tradition; and Galen draws on this tradition in
his own discussionof these questions. This, too, then, can be viewedas in a sense a philosophical
discourse.
 4 Generalintroduction
be viewed both in a physiological light (explaining aspects of the function-
ing of the body) and in a moral or ethical light. In the latter case, moreover,
connections may or may not - in different contexts - be made between the
nature of the soul and the state of the body.
Tue works in the present volume belong in the category of 'philosophy',
and are so categorized by Galen himself. 6 They seem clearly distinct in
kind from those works in which Galen goes into the details of medical,
physiological ot anatomical questions, and in particular from the works
which represent the core of his medical curriculum; the distinction will
become clearer in what follows (pp. 11-13). At the same time, one must
acknowledge that such boundaries of genre or theme are not rigid in Ga-
len; and that The Capacitiesof the Soul (QAM), in particular, shows con-
siderable overlap in content and sryle with Mixtures - which definitely is
central to that curriculum.
Galen as philosophical writer in his cultural context
In approaching Galen's works of a philosophical character, then, and at-
. tempting to locate therif ·'in a historical and cultural context, we are faced
with a fairly complicated set of data. This complexity is due, to a very large
extent, to the multi-faceted and multifarious nature of Galen's own works
and, to a somewhat lesser extent, to the complexities of the culture of his
time. It may be helpful to identify two main types of opposition, in relation
to which Galen has, in varying ways, been placed by modern scholarship.
Tue first is that between contemporary R9man society and traditional
Greek culture; the second, which arises within the latter pole of that oppo-
sition, is between the broad literary-rhetorical culture (sometimes referred
to as the 'Second Sophistic') of the Graeco-Roman world of his period and
the much more specific philosophical culture.
The second opposition, the'n, is one between the literary-rhetorical
world - the world of public debates, display speeches and highly literate
engagement with the 'classical' tradition, the world of authors like Lu-
cian, Dio of Prusa, Aelius Aristides, Maximus ofTyte - and the established
'schools' of philosophy - Stoics, Platonists and Aristotelians, Epicureans,
Sceptics with their mote technical and abstract debates?
6 See below,p. 12 with n. 26. · (1993), (2003); Hankinson (199la), (199lb). (l 994a), (1997), (1999), (2008b),
One may, further, make the opposition between either or both of the above literary backgrounds
7 In particularSwain (1996), esp. 362-379, who sees Galen as fundamentallyhostile to, insecurein,
and specificallymedical traditions of writing. Such an opposition, or relationship, is certainly of
enormous importance in Galen, but is not of great relevanceto the works consideredin the present
volume.
Generalintroduction 5
Within this context, the relevance to Galen of the philosophical, and
more specifically of the Placonist, tradition, has tended to receive che most
scholarly attention until fairly recently. There have been attempts to char-
acterize Galen's position within a Platonic (and at points an Aristotelian,
or 'Aristotelianizing') framework of thought; to establish the relevance of a
Stoic model of the soul and its affections (a model which Galen explicitly
rejects but which seems to intrude on his 'officiaf Platonist model in vari-
ous ways); and to clarify the complexities arising from Galen's synthesis,
in his 'psychology', of the terminology of Plato, Aristotle and the Stoics -
as well as the complexities arising from the synthesis of that psychology
with physiological ideas which are developments of theories of Alexan-
drian doctors. Such attempts have proceeded from a number of different
scholarly or philosophical standpoints. 8 These analyses are relevant to all
the opusculacontained in this volume, and alsoi in a rather different way,
to the physiological/psychological magnum opus, TheDoctrinesofHippoc-
ratesand Plato (PHP). We shall consider this area of enquiry below, in the
context of the relationship between the disparate works brought together
here, pp. 18-33; and we shall look in mote detail at the philosophical posi-
tions and alignments of each text in the individual introductions.
The other pole of our second opposition, that is to say, the literary cul-
1
ture known as the Second Sophistic', has also received considerable at-
tention in more recent years. The question posed by our first opposition -
Greek culture versus Roman Empire - has also been the focus of some
scholarly attention. In this latter context) some have pointed to Galen's
apparent isolation from Roman society (even while working at its very
heart-within the Imperial court); his insistence on Greek culture; his pre-
dominantly Greek and/or 'Eastern' social milieu.9 Tue impression of social
insularity may seem to be heightened by a sort of temporal insularity: his
8
For analysisof Galen's philosophicalpsychologyor soul-theory,see esp. Garcia Ballester(1972),
(1988); Donini (1974). (1980), (1982). (1988). (1992), (1995), (2008);M,nuli ru,dVegetti(1977);
Mornux(1981), (1984), (1985); Vegetti(1984). (19861199%);M,nuli (1986). (1988). (1993); De
Lacy (1988); Lloyd (1988); Hankinson (199lc), (l99ld). (1992). (1993). (2006); Singe, (1991).
(1992); Nickel(1993); Gill (1998), (2007a),(2010); von Sraden(2000);van der Eijk (2009);Jouan-
na (2009). (Amongthese, the work of Gill and Hankinson in particularanalysesGalen'spsychologi-
cal thought in wayswhich bring it into explicitrelation with modern philosophicalcategories.)See
alsoTieleman (1996a), (2003a), (2003b) for an attempt to locate Galen in a specificallyHellenistic
and post-Hellenisticdoxographicaltradition. For analysisof Galen'sphilosophy in relation to the
areas of logic, epistemologyand scientificmethod, see esp. Frede (1981), (1985); Barnes (1991),
9
and insulatedfrom the Roman environment;and points to his socialand cultural alignmentwith the
Greek East, familiaritywith the literary productions of the great Greek authors (Plurarch, Lucian,
AeliusAristides,etc.) of his period, and apparent ntdenessabout Roman education.
6 Generalintroduction
tendency to engage in debate, explicitly, with philosophers or doctors from
a more or less distant past, rather than with those around him in Rome.
Thus, it is Chrysippus (not contemporary Stoics) char he attacks, openly
and in detail, regarding Stoic doctrine, and Plato (not the Platonists of his
own time) that he enlists as sharing his opinions. It is certainly true that
more recent, even contemporary, figures are mentioned from time ro time
in his work, but usually anonymously, and often in vague terms; and even
where, as at the beginning of Affections, a specific contemporary philoso-
pher is mentioned by name-which is quite a rare case - insufficient detail
is given to enable us to construct any clear picture of him; as the argument
unfolds (here, as also in lhe Capacitiesof the Soul and CharacterTraits)the
concrete individuals mentioned and named are Plato and others from the
classicalpast.
One may feel, though, on closer consideration, chat both these forms of
'insularity' are more illusory than real. In the latter, Galen is using 'the an-
cients' co conduct contemporary debates. 10 Although, in (for example) Af
factionsand Errors('people professing philosophy', etc.) and lhe Capacities
of the Soul ('so-called Platonists'), 11 his contemporary opponents ate shady,
unnamed individuals, it can hardly be doubted that these contemporary
individuals werethe target of his writing.12
Jtist as Galen's 'temporal isolation', then, is something of a smokescreen
(and often a frustrating one, making it impossible to know who, actually,
Galen is talking to or about), so too the opposition 'Roman sociery versus
Greek culture' may tend to disappear. on closer analysis. The insistence
on a distinctively Greek culture is certainly. an interesting phenomenon
of Galen's time, and one to .which he enthusiastically subscribes (it is, for
example, difficult to find any clear evidence that he read a Latin author);
and there was undoubtedly a certain cultural snobbishness in play. At the
same time Rome, specifically, and Roman Imperial institutions more gen-
erally, provide the framework,for Galen's extraordinarily successful career;
there was, arguably, considerable permeability of the two cultures, and
10 This phenomenon {with the related difficultyof getting clear information about his actual con~
temporaries)has been analysedin differentwaysby Manuli (1984), (1986), Vegetti(1986/1999b),
(1999a),(2002);Lloyd (1993); see also Nutton (2004) 208-215; Tieleman (2009),
11 On the 'Middle Platonist'and Aristotelianindividualswho provide the backgroundto TheCapaci~
tiesof theSoul see the introduction to that treatisebelow,pp. 359ff,
12 Thereis a parallelwith Galen'sMixtures,where considerableattention is devoted to the refutation
of certaindoctrinesregardingthe number of differentmixturesin the body, and which is best; al~
thoughno dear informationis givenabout the personswho hold these doctrines,it seemsclearthat
the argumenthas arisenin relation to actualdebates going on in Rome at the time. On Mixturesin
relationto its intended audience,see now van der Eijk (2013); and c£ Singer (2014).
Generalintroduction 7
transfer of information between them; one very prominent function· of
the Roman Empire in Galen's time was precisely that of supporting and
providing stability for specifically Greek cultural institutions, especially in
rhe East but also in Rome itself; 13 and Galen can be seen, in fact, as one
of the most successful beneficiaries (or exploiters) of the set-up which can
be crudely characterized as 'Roman power patronizes Greek culture.' 14 It
must, s·urely,be acknowledged that Galen excels spectacularly at using his
specifically Greek skills of philosophically based argumentation - and of
medical expertise in a way which brings him status and influence in
Rome; and, further, that he excels at this precisely in that intensely com-
petitive environment which was specific to the Graeco-Roman world of
his time -.the same competitive environment in which Dio, Maximus,
Aelius and Polemo also excelled, and by the same kind of process of po-
lemical, public engagement - albeit with a very different kind of claim to
knowledge. 15 That, in a sense, provides the clearest answer to the nature of
Galen's relationship, both with Rome and with (whether one approves the
term or not) the 'Second Sophistic'.
A parallel question, then, arises when we consider Galen's works, espe-
cially those in the popular-moral vein. More specifically: to what extent
is he engaging, in a quasi-medical way, with the world around him, with
the problems which arise among his acquaintances and in (mainly Roman)
society, and to what extent rather with the world of Greek philosophical
texts and the problems which arise within schools - the technical debates
over thorny issues? The question is in a sense unanswerable: we have, as it
were, only his word for it that the philosophical concepts and debates he
engages in were important among -his friends and society in the way that
he says they were. Certainly, a classical Greek philosophical language - a
set of terms which have mostly existed in the philosophical tradition for
four hundred years or more, albeit (arguably) developed in subtly different
13
Seee.g. Marrou (1956) 265 ff. (on the adoption of Greek educationalnorms by the Romans);ibid
293-294 (on the extent to which the Roman Empire supported and perpetuated Greek notions of
civilization).
14
See Flemming {2007) esp. 245-247; her assessment- as also that of Nutton (2004) - provides
an opposingperspectiveto that of Swain (1996), cited inn. 9 above. For further analysesof this
cultural environment, see esp. Bowersock(1969), Reardon (1971), Gleason (1995), Too (2001),
Whitmarsh (2001), Trapp (2007), Gold.hill(2009); and specificallyon Galen, the essayscol1ecced
in Gill, Whitmarsh and Wilkins (2009). More broadly on issuesrelating to bilingualismin che
ancient Roman world, seeAdams,Janse, Swain(2002); Adams (2003).
15
For discussionof Galen'ssuccessin the competitivearena (including both verbal and anatomical
displays)seeBarton (1994) eh. 3, Debru (1995), von Staden (1995), (1997b), Hankinson (2008c),
Lloyd (2008), Gleason (2009); and aboveall Galen'sown self~publicizingaccountsin Prognosisand
TheDoctrinesof Hippocmtesand Pl.ato.
8 Generalintroduction
directions during the Roman Imperial period - provides the categories
which Galen uses in his analysis of contemporary individuals' actions and
'affections' . 16 Moreover - a point which will be developed further in the
introduction to Affectionsand Errors- this language, in relation to human
emotion, is lacking in richness and variety when compared with that em-
ployed by some of his near-contemporaries within the same philosophical
tradition (Plutarch, Epictetus, MarcusAurel1us). In other words, there are,
arguably, other authors who have adapted the philosophical language in
more subtle ways to the phenomena they are uying to address.
Still, Galen presents us with vivid anecdotes which suggest that, in
his mind and in the minds of at least some of the people around him,
the philosophical language he employs does have a genuine contempo-
rary significance. In the consideration of the 'social reality' underlying
such texts, we may argue, too, that writers such as Plutarch, and even
more so Epictetus - who ran a school in the provinces to which individu-
als, including wealthy or important Roman citizens, could, in theory at
least, 'retreat' from public life in the attempt to gain peace of mind, or
'cure their souls' - provide evidence for a genuine social context to this
kind of discourse. Still more so, arguably, the spectacular - and directly
contemporary - example of Marcus Aurelius: one can hardly, it might
be thought, have better evidence of the social and political relevance of
Greek ethical philosophy than the production of a work in that category
by the incumbent Emperor. 17 · effect that any layman with 'the kind of education approved by the Greeks
So, Galen is employing the (traditional) philosophical language of his
culture as the glass in which contemporary society is reflected - however
adequate or inadequate one may feel that glass to be. An interesting further
question then arises (related to those considered above) as to whether this
language, and the project of improvement which Galen proposes, is one
that may have been applied - by Galen, at least within the 'Greek', or
Greek-speaking, community,, rather than that of Romans. The answer to
16 For various aspects of the adaptation of Greek philosophy to the Roman context see Griffin and
Barnes (1989), Braund and Gill (1997), Barnes and Griffin (1997); also Rutherford (1989); for
Roman ethical norms more generally, and from a not specificallyphilosophical perspective, see
Edwards (1993),
17 One may,rno, wish to cakean examplefrom a couple of generationsbefore Galen - one which does,
in a sense, cross the divide between Greek and Roman culture - that of Seneca. On such parallels,
see below,pp. 210-217. Such examples,however,do not simply confirm the 'relevance'thesis, but
arguably raise problems for it, in a way which we do not have space to explore here. One might
wish to say, for example, that the particular way in which Marcus Aurelius deploys those ethical
concepts - put crudely, the absence from his text of anything of clearly contemporary political
relevance- points away from the 'real' contemporary importance of that philosophical project. For
recent discussionsof Marcus Aureliussee Rutherford (1989); Gill (2007b).
Generalintroduction 9
this must be speculative. It is true that most of the people Galen explicitly
addresses in Affectionsand Errorsare probably in some sense Greek (on the
personaeof that text see below, pp. 218-219); on the other hand, there is
the prominent example given of the Emperor Hadrian (not that anyone is
actually attempting to cure his anger); and, in fact, the world of the trea-
tise's personaeand addressees· is too shady to admit of any precision. 18 If
Galen's dismay at, or contempt for, the corrupt souls of chose about him is
to some extent also a contempt for the specifically Roman nature of those
souls, that is a theme that is so deeply submerged as not to be clear in the
texts that we have.
Perhaps, though, it is legitimate to point out that the 'powerful peo-
ple', attendance upon whom is a sufficient condition for being regarded
as corrupt, would be overwhelmingly Roman people; and perhaps it is
true, too, that the kinds of dinner-party excess adverted to may be more
specifically Roman than Greek (the corruption of the capital, as opposed
to the comparatively innocent ways of places outside it, was, of course, a
commonplace already in Galen's time). Whether the dismissive remarks
about people's education these days, about people being unable to follow
the simplest logical argument, and about people with false pretentious
to philosophy, have specifically Roman individuals in their sights, again,
the text does not allow us to answer. Certainly it is a specifically Greek
education that is needed to solve these problems; but the remark to the
from the beginning' would be superior to these soi-disant philosophers
may express a nostalgia for a time when this education could (suppos-
edly) be taken for granted, rather than for a place distinct from Rome -
let alone a comment on the education of Romans as opposed to Greeks
within Rome. 19
18
On the society within which Galen moved see now Schlange-Sch6ningen(2003). The most vivid
picture of Galen'sinvolvementwith actual individuals remains his own account in Prognosis, which
does include 'Greeks' (Eudemus, in fact a fellow Pergamene)and 'Romans' (SergiusPaulus, Flavius
Boethus-both men of high rank), though the latter are also imbued with Greek culture. That work
in any case relates to Galen's earliest period in Rome, and specificallychronicles his rise to favour
within the higher echelons of Roman society.For more detail on the personalitiesinvolved,see the
notes on the relevant individuals in Nutton (1979); and see now Singer (2014).
19
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 52,l DB (V.75 K.), p. 296 below,with n. 82. See the remark in the preface to Lib.
Prop.135,6-9 BM (XIX.9 K): 'This kind of lazinessexisted many years ago too, when I was a
young man, but it had not yet reached the extreme state it has now'; and indeed, earlier in the same
passage, 134,14-135,2 BM (XIX.9 K.), the terms in which someone is praised who was able cor-
rectly to identify a work as inauthentic 'Galen': 'schooledin the fundamental earlyeducation which
Greek children alwaysused to be given by teachers of grammar and rhetoric'.
10 Generalintroduction
Galen's literary production: genre and orality
Genre
Let us try to be a bit more specific as to how the above phenomena relate
to our actual texts, and in the process attempt to investigate a little more
of their genres.
The category of 'gen~·e)is an important one in relation to Galen, but at
the same time a problematic one. We can detect large differences in the
style, intellectual tradition and, apparently, audience and context of pro-
duction of different Galenic works. Galen works simultaneously within a
tradition of medical writing that stretches back to the Hippocratic corpus,
while also being informed by a vast range of treatises and intellectual de-
velopments of the Hellenistic period, and a tradition of philosophical writ-
ing which stretches back to Plato, and is at least equally diverse. He also
shows some literary features which belong very much to the culture of his
own period. It is not, however, the case that there is any set of clear genre-
categories into which any given work can be fitted; 20 nor is the relationship
between written text a'ridoral presentation a clear one - though it is clear
chat there is some such relationship.
Three things, at least, may be stated fairly uncontroversially: first, that
the social reality of public debate provid.es one crucially important frame-
work for the understanding of Galen's literary production: 21 secondly,
chat there are certain pre-existing styles of literary production, with which
Galen's works have a (more or less complicated) relationship; thirdly,· that,
in relation to both these frameworks, Galen presents his own very particu-
lar 'cake' - partly because of his very discursive argumentative style, which
is difficult to discipline within a formal structure, and partly because of
his peculiar intellectual interests and projects. No other author that we
know of combines serious phifosophical ambitions, advanced knowledge
of medical theory and practice, and a sophisticated scholarly engagement
10 See Schenkeveld(1997) for an analysisof'genres' of 'philosophicalprose' within the rhetoricalcon~
text. While such an account (includingsuch terms as prQtreptikos, parainesis,diatribe,thesis)seems
to be the closestwe can get to a viewof the officiallyestablished'genres'in Galen'stime, it emerges
from such analysishow fluid (and in some casesrelianton later interpretatioii)-thesecategoriesare -
a caution which is re-emphasized,in the particular case of Galen, by the very dear and incisive
analysisofvon Staden (1998), esp. 91-92. See now also Curtis (2009) for further explorationof
genrein Galen;and c£ Nutton (1972)56 ff. and (1979)59 ff. on the problematicgenreof Prognl)sis
in relation to the categoryof aurobiographyand to other kinds of contemporaryparallelin the field
of'moral diatribe', e.g. works by Lucian.
21 See further below,esp. n. 30,
Generalintroduction 11
with the writings and usage of previous authors; and combines all the
above with the public-debating context already discussed.
Valuable information on the way in which Galen himself categorized his
works is contained in My Own Booksand 7he Orderof My Own Books-
but perhaps not, for rhe purposes of the present discussion, as much as we
would like. The headings under which works are placed, in the differenr
chaprers of these works, are largely those of theme and content. The actual
terms Galen uses to describe the works are of limited usefulness.22 Neither
the chapter headings nor these terms cell us much about the nature of the
works from the point of view of their intended audience or readership - or
of Galen's own view of their 'genre'. On the other hand, Galen does explic-
itly address. che distinction between works originally intended as notes for
himself and/ or friends, and those intended for wider circulation. There are,
further, rhe named addressees of a number of works, 'Bassus', 'Glaucon',
etc., which in a sense put them in an epistolary tradition. 23
More concretely, there is a broad distinction, arising from these auto-
bibliographical listings, between works which can be seen as part of a
'core' medical curriculum, and those under other headings. The ones in
the former category include works of logic, anatomy, physiology, disease
classification and diagnosis, etc.; and there is a further sub-category of
works 'for beginners'. These, then, can be seen as bearing some relationship
(whether as records of public lectures, or as reading matter) to a course
of study. 7he Orderof My Own Books,which was written earlier than My
Own Books,actually states that none of his works was originally intended
for publication: they were either for friends, and in that case aimed at the
particular friend's level, or for beginners. 24 He proceeds co talk of works
written to refute doctrinaire advocates of sects; there is an implication that
such works 'of more combative character' belong more properly to the
context of public debate. 7he Orderof My Own Books- obviously enough,
22
The most common terms are bib/ion ('book' in a very broad sense), sungramma('composition',
perhaps with stronger connotations of an elaboratedpiece of writing),pragmatda ('treatise',again
with more technical or theoreticalconnotations) or hupomnimata('notes' or 'commentaries'- the
term is discussedat greaterlength below,n. 40). But c£ againvon Staden (l 998) 67 ff.,who is even
less optimisticabout the usefulnessof these distinctions, and regardsthe differenttern1s,of which
he givesa fuller account, as largelyinterchangeable.On the question of audiencesand addressees
see now also van der Eijk (2013).
23
To frame a piece of writing, usuallyon some kind of moral theme or advisorytheme, as a letter to
a specificindividual, while in fact intending it for wider publication,was a well~escablished
literary
trope {although,again, the use Galen puts it to, in some cases,with works of a medicalnature is
unusual); and, as we shall see below, pp. 51, 62, 213-215, parallelscan be made between both
Affectil)nr1mdErrorsand Avl)idingDiJtressand certain worksof Plutarch.
" O,d. Hb. Prop.88,6-10 BM (XIX.49-50 K.).
12 Generalintroduction
in relation to its purpose - cakes further than My Own Books the notion of
a 'core curriculum' of books to be read by the student, and the paedagogi-
cally appropriate order in which this should be done. It is also true that
the absence from The Orderof My Own Booksof some books which do not
belong within this 'core' may be due to its earlier date.
On either analysis - conceptual non-centrality, or lateness of date - we
are left, then, with various categories of Works, distinguished by Galen
himself, and appearing in the later chapters of My Own Books,but not in
TheOrderof My Own Books- works which Galen himself sees as belonging
outside the broad medical curriculum; as, in some sense, 'extra' to the main
body of his medical activity or oeuvre. 25
Now, these 'extra>categories are of particular interest to us in this volume,
since all the works here translated belong within them. Specifically, chapters
15 [12] and 16 [13] of My Own Booksare headed, respectively, 'Books of
ethical philosophy' and 'Works concerning the philosophy of Plato'. Affec-
tions and Errors,Avoiding Distressand CharacterTraitsare listed under the
former head; The Capacitiesof the Soul under the latter. 26 This latter list
also contains TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato- interestingly, in view
of the connections, which we shall explore below, pp. 30-33 and 344 ff.,
between the two works. Under Galen's own classification, then, these latter
two belong within the more theoretical realm of works relevant to Plato
(though The Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato appears under other head-
ings as well). 27 The 'moral-philosophy' ones, meanwhile, include 'letters',
25 But it is important to note in this context that this 'e_xtra'status does not apply to all works of
philosophy: the lost work Demonstrationhas a special 'stitus, in 1he Orderof My Own Bookr,as
(ideally) necessary for the doctor, if he wishes his learning to proceed from proper foundations; a
whole range of other more detailed works on logical questions; mentioned at Lib. Prop. 164-169
BM (XIX.4 l-45 K.), are clearlynot of this n;,i.rure,and in some caseswere done 'purely as a personal
exercise'. · d7aling with the latter would seem to include 1heDoctrinesof Hippocrates
26 Lib. Prop.169-171 BM (XlX.45-47 K):Affectionsand Errors,CharacterTraitsand AvoidingDistress
are the first, second and fourth items,in eh. 15 [12]; all the others there mentioned are lost. The ac-
rual chapter heading is a conjecture by Millier, which Boudon-Millot omits; still, the introducwry
clause, 'My views on the issues of ethical philosophy ... ', sun1marizesthe content just as well. The
adjective 'ethical' (ithikos)in Greek is, interestingly, derived from the term 'character' or 'character
trait' (ethos)- the subject of the second work in the present volume.
NB: the chapter numbers in Boudon-Mil!or's edition of My Oum Booksdiffer after eh. 2 from
those used in previous editions, because of insertions due to the recently discoveredVlatadon Co-
dex: a new chapter division, '3', at the beginning of the period after the return from Rome to Per-
gamum, at 141,6 BM (XlX.17 K.) and two new chapters, '5' and '6', covering, roughly, physiology
and the physical composition of the body, at 152-156 BM (XIX.30 K.). For chapter numbers after
2, then, I cite the new number but retain the old one (where existent) in square brackets, for the
convenience of those consulting previous editions or translations.
27 The list of works relevant to Plato includes among other things a commentary (extant in fragmentary
form) on medical statements in the Timaeus;eight books of summary of Plato's dialogues; a discus-
sion of 'AnalogicalProcedures in the Philebul. Apart from TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato,
Generalintroduction 13
discussions of very specific behavioural matters, avowedly autobiographical
material, records of particular debates, and a number of works specifically
discussing aspects of the public-debate situation (the titles are in some cases
reminiscent of some of Plutarch's). 28 We seem here to have, in the case of
eh. 16 [13], works which belong almost within a school-discussion context;
and, in eh. 15 [12], a distinct category of work which is very much for the
laypersbn - albeit (in most cases) a layperson at least literate in philosophy.
A, we shall see, the text of Affectionsand Errorsitself makes clear the extem-
pore, public-debate context in which it (and other discussions referred to
within it) arose; and both this text and Avoiding Distressframe themselves
in an epistolary style, as written responses to a particular individual's ques-
tion. In any case, the first three works in the present volume (AvoidingDis-
tress,CharacterTraits,Affectionsand Errors)in some sense belong together
as 'ethical' works; Avoiding Distress,indeed, could be seen as providing a
more specific account of one of the single affections discussed in more gen-
eral terms in Affectionsand Errors.Gill has discussed some points of com-
parison between these three ethical works and particular works elsewhere
in the Greek ethical tradition, e.g. by Plucarch; 29 we shall consider Galen's
TheCapacitiesof the Soul and the fragmencary con1mentary,all the works listed in this chapter are
lost. 1heDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Platois also mentioned in chs 1 and 3 {2]of My Own Books,in
a chronological ordering, which precedes the thematic one: it is one of those works partially written
during his first stay in Rome, and completed during his second stay: Lib. Prop. 139,27-140,2 BM
(XIX.15 K.); 143,9-10 BM (XIX.20 K.). It is also, in a way consistent with this latter citation, men-
tioned in the context of the thematic account (books 'containing the activities and functions of the
parts manifest in dissection') in eh. 5 of My Own Books:Lib. Prop. 155,8-10 BM. (This physiologi-
cal part of My Oum Book/thematic account at 154, 16-155,12 BM was previously wholly missing,
and has now been supplied from the Vlatadon Codex, which has filled the lacuna at XIX.30 K.
One 1naycompare with this also the reference to works dealing with activities, both 'of nature' and
'of the soul', at Ord Lib. Prop.92,19 ff. BM (XIX..54-55 K.), where the 'larger number' of works
and Plato,though it is not
mentioned explicitly.)It is not, then, the case that there is no overlap between the works mentioned
in these 'extra' categories in the lacrer chapters of My Own Booksand the 'core curriculum'; and
presumably TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato appears in both because, while indeed a crucial
work of Galen's physiology, it is also in a different sense a scholarly work addressed to some quite
specialized areas of Platonic scholarship. In any case, though, such overlap is rare; and the remain-
ing works in chs 15 [12] and 16 [13], as well as those in eh. 17 [14] (related t0 Arisrode), 18 [15]
(related to Stoics), 19 {16] (related ro Epicurus) and 20 [17] (linguistic and rhetorical·interest) do
not seem to be mentioned any<Nhereelse.
28
. Among the titles (oflosr works) in eh. 15 [12] (169-170 BM, XIX.45-46 K.), which emphasize
quite how 'occasional' or context-specific such works could be, are: 'The relationship with their
hearers of those making public demonstrations'; 'On the discourse [diatribe]with Bacchides and
Cyrus in the house of Menarchus' (but c£ below, p. 92 n. 93); 'To orators in the forum'; 'Things
said in public against flatterers'; 'Slander, containing also material on my own life'; 'Things said in
public in the time of Pertinax'; 'To wharexrent one should worry about one's esteem and reputation
amongst the many'; 'The making ofwiUs'.
29
See Gil! (2010) esp. 246 ff.
14 Generalintroduction
relationship with this type of writing in more derail below) in the introduc-
tion to Affectionsand Errors,pp. 207-217.
The movement or cultural phenomenon known as the 'Second Sophis-
tic', then, as well as, more broadly, the Greek rhetorical-literary culture
(including educational institutions) of the Roman Empire in the second
century CE, should be seen as the formative (and informative) back-
ground to the various categories of Galen's literary production, without
in any way giving an ,exhaustive explanation of that production, or even
clear-cut genre descriptions for most of his works. The most concrete
points to note here are: (1) the context of public demonstration and de-
bate on set themes: 30 these appear both in the oppositional, sometimes
tendentious way in which the argument is framed fro-m the outset, and
also in the fact that our written version of the text often bears definite
signs of a relationship with an oral perhaps in some cases extempore -
presentation; (2) certain literary-rhetorical habits which can be seen
within the context of the rhetorical education of the period. Under this
second head, most clearly identifiable are: (a) the use of quotation from
authority in support of an argument; (b) the specific 'classic' authors used
in quotation; (c) a Wide range of rhetorical techniques used in the at-
tack on the opponent's point of view. Perhaps oddly, this aspect (which
at some level is obvious to any reader of Galen) has not received direct
attention in the scholarly literature. While everyone is aware of the 'rhe-
torical' nature of Galen's texts, they have not been subjected to a direct
analysis in rhetorical terms, or one wP;ich compares them stylistically with
other 'rhetots' of the period (e.g. Dio). 31 Perhaps it will here suffice to
mention the very lengthy expositions Galen devotes to the fallacies of
his opponents; the hypothetical type of argument (whereby one adopts
one's opponents premisses, and shows that, given thesepremisses,still the
opponent is wrong3 2); praeteritioarguments, along the lines of: it is not
1
my task here to refute all theil: mistakes, as that would take all day, and fill
many more books'; attributing argumentativeness to the other side Cit is
30 On this point, and for an excellent analysis of the relevance of public demonstration to Galen's
literary production, see von Staden (1997b); on Galen'spublic demonstrations in anatomy see also
von Staden (1995), Debru (1995), Gleason (2009) .
.3! On this point see also the introduction to 1he Capacitiesof the Soul, below pp. 343 ff. But cf. now
Mattern (2008), Curtis (2009); and an interesting recent development is Rosen (2010), providing
points of contact between Galen and the literary tradition of satire.
.32 This type of argument is examined more fully in the context of The Capacities of the Soul, below
pp. 346-354; and is exemplified also by Galen's treatment of (in particular) Chrysippus in The
DoctrinesofHippocratesand Plato.
Generalintroduction 15
not my fault but theirs that I've gone on so long'); plain insult; exalting
of one's own ethos.33
Technique (a) is particularly impressive in its manifestation in The Ca-
pacities of the Soul, with its transition from authority of Plato to Aristotle
and to Hippocrates, as each appears best to support a particular point in
the argument. As regards (b), if one leaves aside the authors that Galen is
using tn support of very specific points of 1doctrine', and looks at authors
he cites when in less formally philosophical mode, it is possible to show
a considerable congruence between his habits of quotation and those cur-
rent in the Second Sophistic'. 34 There is also recourse to other types of text
1
that were in popular currency in the school curriculum or elsewhere at this
time; we shall, for example, encounter in Affectionsboth '.Aesop'and 'Py-
thagoras', probably in forms in which they were current in the educational
institutions of the time. 35
Orality
The point about the relationship of a text with an oral presentation is
worth exploring in a little more detail. First, as stated above, the nature of
the relationship is usually less than cleat. But in many cases Galen talks of
an argument's having arisen on a particular occasion, or of his being asked
to give a written version for a friend of some such argument; Affectionsand
Errorsin fact is an example of both these phenomena. 36 Galen also talks
not infrequently of being sidetracked, or forced to speak at greater length
than intended on a particular subject - either simply by the nature of the
errors which he is trying to refute, or specifically by someone demanding a
fuller exposition. 37 The oral nature of the compositions has another aspect,
too, namely that they were dictated. 38
33
For an analysisof Galenic texts in rhetorical terms, highlighting the social-historicalaspect (knowl-
edge claimsin relation to power stnLctures),see Barton (1994) eh, 3, which does indeed discussthe
question of ethos;see also Curtis (2009).
34
On Galen's relationship with the literary culture see Bowersock(1969) and Reardon (1971). His
'dassicizing'attitude to and use of the literary tradition from Homer onwards is striking, as are such
features of that literary culture as the preponderance of quotations from Euripides. It is possible,
however,that these should be regarded as features of a broader Graeco-Ro1naneducational tradi-
tion, rather than as belonging to something that we should call, more sped.fically,the 'Second So-
phistic'; see Morgan (1998) 69 ff. On other possible literary relativesof Galen, see now also Rosen
(2010) ,nd (2013).
35 36 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 3.4-7 DB (Y.l K.).
See belowpp. 216-217.
" See ,.g.PHP 168,26-170,2 DL (Y.287 K.); Lib. P,,p. 159-160 BM (XIX.33-35 K.).
38
Galen himself mentions, atAff. Pecc.Dig. 32,17 DB (Y.48 K.), the importance of the training of
slavesto copy or work as amanuenses: there is further evidence of the great importance to him
of shorthand transcribers ar Praen..98,27-100,1 N. (XIV,630 K). Of course, this method of
16 Generalintroduction
We potentially have, then, in the case of a work like Affectionsand Errors,
rwo levels of orality: that of the original extempore 'answer' which Galen
(he tells us) gave on a particular occasioni and ·chat of rhe composition as
he 'remembers' and dictates it for writing-down. There could, additionally,
have been a third level, if we imagine that the original speech may not, in
fact, have been extempore, but perhaps delivered from notes - which again
would presumably have been dictated. 39
The term hupomntnrata - lit., 'reminders' or 'aides~mtmoire' - refers, at
least in some cases, precisely to such a relationship between the oral and
the written. Such notes may be taken to remind one of what was said, or to
assist one when making a speech or demonstration in the future. Affections
and Errorsintroduces itself as the hupomnemata of an oral response given
on a particular occasion. 40
Some works seem to have been written as display speeches (whether the
text as we have it was written down before or afterwards). The Exhortation
to Study the Arts looks like one such, as probably also TheBest Doctor is also
a Philosopherand Thrasybulus:these are works of literary artifice, aimed at
a lay public, with a clear polemical aim of exalting the status of the medical
composition was perfectly standard in the ancient world, and so may not seem worthy of com-
ment. It seems to me, however,that it is at least worth consideringwhether the practice, in Galen's
particular case, contributed to the extremelylengthy and discursivenature of his text. It is difficult
to be quite so readyto followa thought which is'not in the originalstructure of your design, and to
do so ar such length, as Galen does, if you are writing yourself,in long-hand - and perhaps also if
you do not have a public-debateor lecturing context constantlyin mind. Thus, possibleobjections,
new lines of thought, digressions,may occur to G~en while speaking;and this may happen both in
the context of a public debate and in the context of his o_wl1study,while dictating to a literate slave.
3,1 The situation in Affections and Errorsis actuallyeven more complicated than this, with more than
one oral answerrecalledor 'framed' in the literary text; see below pp. 205; 218-219.
40 The term hupomnbnatais worthy of a little further consideration. With a literal connotation of
'reminding', or aide-mbnoire, the term can.,referto various forms of notes, i.e. written versions
of oral texts (e.g, lectures), or notes ma?e' for oneself without the intention of publication, s·ee
Lib.Prop.159,10-162,11BM (XIX.3~-'.37K.};cf. the distinction made at Hipp.Prorrh.24,9-10
Diels (XVI.532K.}: mentioning a patient's name is something Hippocrates would do only in a
hupomnema (here""something like 'case-nore'),not in a treatise (sungramnut}.The term can also re-
fer to a 'commentary' on a text, Hupomnemata, indeed, becomesthe standard word for literarycom-
mentaries;and Galen does use it so for his own commentarieson Hippocrates, in the passagecited
abovefrom Lib.Prop.In that passage,though, this usageseemsto derivepreciselyfrom the fact that
he regardedthem, originallyat least, as 'informal notes', 'not for general publication' (cf. rhe usage
at Jiipp. Prorrh.161,8-9 Diels (XVI.811K): 'Hippocrates' mngrammata and my hupomnbnata
[on them]'). It is worth noting that a reciprocalrelationship, wherebyGalen'shupomnemata con1e
to be used (perhaps in distorted form) as the basis for someone else'spublic lecture or display
(epideixis),is also alluded to at Lib.Prop.135,24-5 BM (XIX.10K.). For a detailed discussionof
the terminologyof hupomnema, see Flemming (2008)esp. 324-326. Flemming is not committed
ro the connection of the term to an oral context, at least not in every usageof the term; still lessso
von Stade11(1998) 73, who sees no connection of the sort which I would detect with the original
meaning of the term as aide-mtmoire (seen, 22 above).On Galen'sHippocratic commentary activ-
ity more generally,see Smith (1979); Manuli (1984);Manetti and Roselli0994).
G'eneralintroduction 17
profession as Galen understood ir, and of Galen in particular. It is possible
rhar The Capacitiesof the Soul should be read in rhis light too. One of Ga-
len's greatest and most interesting works, too, 1he Doctrinesof Hippocrates
and Plato, is (as its content itself makes clear) something that was delivered
in the context of a public display, which included an anatomical - in fact,
a vivisectional - dimension, rather than just words. 41
Other works of a more technical sort, though we think of them as 'trea-
tises', may very well represent some sort of relationship with Galen's lec-
tures to his students. 42 We should bear in mind that there was no formal
'university', and that the group attending such lectures might be a fluid
one, including interested laypersons and intellectuals of various kinds; and
also rhar the period mentioned above as productive of many of Galen 1s
greatesr works (169-176) should perhaps be seen rather as the period of
the writing-up43 of rhese works - which may have been given in some
form in oral instruction previously. Such may, for example, be the case
with Mixtures, the TherapeuticMethod and many of the works regarding
physiology, diagnosis and pathology (e.g. rhe works on the pulse, and on
categorization of diseases). In the case of the Hippocratic commentaries
Galen himself records a process whereby what began as works written for
his own benefit, or for friends, developed into works wirh a more avowedly
polemical intent, to refute false interpretations he had heard; 44 here too,
then, even in the case of what one might think of as a scholarly activity
confined co the study, the oral context is important, both in the sense of
the false interpretation that Galen has 'heard', and in the sense that it is
difficult to imagine that the finished works were not used in some kind of
public-debate or lecture context. Galen himself describes the procedure
whereby, in the context of public competition, a passage from a text was
chosen 'at random', and extempore comment on it required; commentary
is thus irself part of the competitive, public process. 45
41
For literature on this seen. 30 above.
42
Seevan der Eijk (2013) for discussionof addresseesof works of instruction, and the attempt to link
a set of treatiseswith a more or less coherent set of readersor listeners.
43
The concept is discussedin greater detail below,pp. 36-38.
44 Lib. P,,p. 159-162 BM (XIX.33-37K.).
45
. The followingpassagesgiveinsights into the oral, as wellas the occasional,contextof Galen'scompo-
sitions, and of the relationshipbetween spoken textsand their written versions.Lib.Prop.134-135
BM (XIX.8-9K.): the existenceof spuriousworks of'Galen' in his own lifetime,and people passing
off his work as their own because he had circulated it privatelywithout his name. Ibid, 135-136
BM (XIX.9-10 K.): the mistakes and mutilations which occur in such texts. Ibid., 135,18-20
BM (XIX.10K): some works were written for friends or pupils, purely for them to have a record
-hupomnbnata- oflectures rhat they had attended. Ibid, 136,4-13 BM (XIX 10-11 K.): the par-
ticular nature of these textsderivesfrom the intellectualattainment of the persons they werewritten
18 Generalintroduction
Philosophical psychology within Galen's oeuvre
The individual philosophical arguments of each work are addressed in de-
tail in their specific introductions. Here we shall attempt to outline their
characteristics, and Galen's philosophical affiliations, in more general
terms, as well as considering their relationship with each other, and with
other Galenic works not included in this volume which in different ways
address psychology.
Galen,P!atonism,Middle P!atonism
All Galen's writing on 'psychology' (unless one includes the discussion of
specifically medical psychopathological categories - see below pp. 26-28)
is, broadly speaking, Platonic. That is to say: he openly declares himself in
agreement with the theory of Plato on the soul; and insists on distinction
between rational and non-rational drives, as well as the more specific three-
fold division of the soul (rational, 'spirited' and desiderative) which appears,
in particular, in the Republic,Phaedrusand Timaeus;and asserts the vital
importance of this division - both in the context of ethics and in the context
of the physiological activity of the soul - in particular against the Stoics.
We can say more, though, both about the specific form this Platon-
ism rakes, about problems or limitati~ns with it, and about its historical
for, Ibid. 138-139 BM (XIX.13-15K.):two ;o,rks o(anatomy were written i11a 'more co~bative
spirit' in the context of a debate with a certain MartialiuS'; an1 more such material was1i~tated, i.n
the aftermath of a public demonstration, at the request of a fnend, so that he could use 1tin public
against Martialius while examining patients, this material then circulating widely without Galen's
knowledge,Ibid. 144-145 BM (X.IX,21-2i·K): a work addressed to the errors ofLycus is the writ-
ing-up of a public demonstration chat ~alfn was 'forced' to make. Ibid. 1~9-160 BM_(XIX.33-35
K.): some of his Hippocratic commen_firiesstarted lifepurely as notes (again, hupomnemata) on the
texts written as an exercisefor himself, but after a certain point, works were composed with an eye
to general publication. PHP 168,26-170,2 DL (Y.287 K.): Galen was 'compelled' (,parebiasen) by
a sophist who claimed he could not refute all Chrysippus' arguments to return to the subject and
write more, thus distorting the structure of the work (cf. Lib. Prop.139,27-140,2 BM, XIX.15 K.:
PHPwasitself composed at the behest ofBoethus). Praen.98,27-100,1 N. (XIV.630K.): relaysof
slaveswere provided by the rich patron Boethus for Galen to dictate to.
There is, of course, a further question of how ingenuous Galen is being in his claim that works
were not intended for general consumption, which may rather be of a piece with his claim th~t he
did not wish to make public demonstrations, but was cajoled into them by friends. The denial of
any personal interest in public reputation is, to be sure, part of Galen'srhetorical self-presentation;
furthermore, and more specifically,the claim that others are responsible for public circulation of
one's works, and that one only publishes in order to correct their errors, seems to have been some-
thing of a topos:see the Prefaceto Epictetus'Diss.,whereArrian makes an essentiallyidentical claim.
Cf. A.ffPecc.Dig. 5,21-22 DB (V.5 K), where Galen anticipates rhat that work may 'fall into the
hands of others'.
Generalintroduction 19
context; and then about the different form Galen's soul-theory takes in the
different works in the oeuvre.
First, we should consider Galen's Platonism in relation to other Platon-
ist writing and teaching of his period, to which, traditionally, the term
'Middle Platonism' has been applied. 46 The extent to which it is sensible
to see Galen as belonging within this specific tradirion is debated. Mini-
mally, belonging within 'Middle Platonism' may be taken to mean that
one adopts a broadly Platonic-Aristotelian synthesis, especially in 'moral
psychology', as against the common enemy of Stoicism. This does seem
to be true of Galen. The distinction of rational and non-rational faculties,
which the Stoics denied, is central, and - at least when there is no spe-
cifically anatomical or physiological point at issue - transcends the more
specific features of Plato's or of Aristotle's theory. Some have seen a specifi-
cally Middle Platonist tendency in this Platonic-Aristotelian 'bipartition',
which in a sense glosses over the differences between the philosophers,
especially in the area of Platonic tripartition, and in other aspects of the as-
similation of Aristotle to Plato. Certain ethical and theological views have
been related to Middle Platonism, too: the use of the term homoiiJsis theoi
('approximation to god') in relation to the human good; the perception of
a gulf; with attendant problems of transition, between the divine world
and the biological realm (as suggested especially in certain passages in 7he
Functionof the Partsof the Bodyand 7heShapingof the Embryo);also, argu-
ably though not certainly and not explicitly, the doctrine of metriopatheia
('moderation of the affections'; on this see below, pp. 208 ff.). Attention
has been drawn, too, to the prominence of certain texts - especially the
Timaeus- for both Galen and the Middle Platonists. 47
One would have to admit, conversely, that the Platonic-Aristotelian
assimilation takes a distinctive - and indeed distinctively tripartite - form
in Galen, in the context of his anatomical-physiological theory.48 Further,
46
For a swnmary of 'Middle Platonism' - which at the same time urges caution for any possibilityof
reconstructingin any detailed way a 'school' which n1ighthave been of specificrelevanceto Galen -
see Dillon (1977/1996).
47
For varying statements of these kinds of connection, see Donini (1974), (1980), (1982), (1992),
Vander Waerdt (1985), Donini and Ferrari (2005) esp. 276 ff. I also explored some such connec-
tions in Singer (1992).
48
Galen is keen to assert that what Aristotle calls the nutritive (a biologicalcategory - what ani·
mals and plants share) can be unproblematical!y equated with what Plato calls the epithymetic
(essentially,a moral-philosophicalcategory);and that both can be mapped onto his own tripartite
psycho-physiologyof centres of power: brain, heart, liver. In the process he also denies the essen-
tially monistic (as opposed to eitherdualistk or tripartite) narure of Aristotle'sbiologicalthought in
this area: for Aristotle the heart is the only important such centre. On these points see Manuli and
Vegetti (1977), ManuH (1986), Vegetti (1986/1999b).
20 General introduction
it is surely tight to point out the enormous gulf between Galen and his
Platonic contemporaries in certain epistemological areas, and (relatedly)
in their attitude to the investigation of the natll.ral world, on the one hand,
and to metaphysical or theological speculation, on the other. 49
In this context of Middle Platonism and of possible influences on Galen
one should mention also the philosopher Posidonius of Apamea. Posi-
donius was a Stoic philosopher of the second-first century BCE, who,
however, combined this allegiance with a syncretist approach, including
Platonist elements in his philosophy. Now, the syncretist approach itself is,
in some sense at least, a significant element both in the intellectual climate
of Galen's time and in Galen's work in particular; we shall see various ways
in which this is the case, both in this chapter and below, in the introduc-
tion to Affectionsand Errors.There is, however, a more specific proposi-
tion regarding Posidonius, namely that his 'Platonizing Stoicism' exerted
a crucial influence on Galen, particularly in the area of moral psychology.
The problem is that, although Posidonius was undoubtedly a very
significant figure, we possess his work only in fragments; and moreover
a large part of the evi~ence in the relevant areas comes, precisely, from
Galen. Although an.important influence from Posidonius cannot be ruled
out, it seems to us methodologically suspect to posit with any confidence
an influence from an earlier, non-extant author on a later one, when that
l.ater author is a major source of out knowledge of the predecessor - a pred-
ecessor whom he may quote selectively and fot his own purposes. Moreo-
ver, Posidonius is explicitly mentioneP. in only two of the vast number of
Galen's works: 7heDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato and 7he Capacitiesof
the Soul. In both these (as, .in the latter case, we shall see below) he plays an
important part in a particular argument, against orthodox, Chrysippean,
Stoic psychology. The lack of a mention anywhere else - for example in the
lists in My Own Booksof texts·which Galen himself wrote commentaries
on - would seem very remarkable in the case of an author who had had
a profound and significant influence upon him. It seems more sensible,
then, to see Posidonius as an authority whom Galen uses for a particular
rhetorical purpose - an example of a Stoic who disagrees with Stoic or-
thodoxy - than as an important figure in his intellectual formation. (The
point is also considered below, in the context of Richard Walzer's Posido-
nian interpretation of CharacterTraits.)
4~ TI1islast point is made strongly by Chiaradonna (2009), who gives a powerful statement of the
scepticalview of Galen'sMiddle Platonism in general (whilealso providing a usefulswnmary of the
previous literature on the subject).
General introduction 21
Great care has to be exercised here, for while it is surely right co detect
points of contact between Galen and the Platonic-Aristotelian tradition of
his time, any signing-up of Galen to a particular movement will tend to
deny the undoubted originality- and at times, downright strangeness - of
his own position. It is undoubtedly true, for example, that he had his own
very particular reasons for using the Timaeus, as being the work where he
could get closest to identifying his own, specifically physiological, views
within Plato's text - a far cry from the interests of most Middle Platonists -
and that he had his own very particular interpretation of it. The same stric-
tures must apply to the attempt to see him as indebted in his expositions of
his predecessors' philosophies to doxographical 'handbooks'.50 That Galen
had his own deep, and indeed individualistic, engagement with a whole
range of texts, Platonic, Aristotelian and other - if one doubts it after
reading a text like 7he Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato - is given ample
further support by the titles of a huge range of non-surviving works in My
Own Books,especially those related explicitly to the works of Plato, Aristo-
tle, Theophrastus, as well as to Stoic and Epicurean writing.5 1
Distinctive aspectsof Galen~soul-theoryand ethics
In this brief summary, then, of Galen's philosophy of the soul and his
ethics, though we have started with a discussion of Platonism, we shall
identify aspects of Galen's thought which, while appearing to start under a
Platonist heading, take us away from what we would expect either of Plato
or of an 'orthodox' Platonist of his time. These aspects, then, detract from
any notion of Galen as a 'School' philosopher; they are, conversely, inter-
esting for the positive information they give us about Galen's philosophical
position(s). It will be helpful to identify four such aspects.
(1) 7he varyingassertionsof tripartition
While it is true that a very distinctive role for the 'middle' part of the
soul, the thumoeides,is discussed, both in Affectionsand Errors5 2 and in
CharacterTraits,at other times thumosappears as a pathosalongside others;
5
? The atgurnent is elaborated in detail byTielernan (l996a) and (2003a); see alsoTieleman (2003b).
51
The relevant chapters of My Oum Booksare: 16 [13]-19 (16]; seen. 27 above. The material now
availablein the text AvoidingDistress(seeesp. hid. 6,7-21 BJP) supports and elaboratesthis point:
Galen had extensivemanuscripts of 'ancient' texts which he had himself laboriously';narked up' as
one does in the preparation of a new edition; see below,p. 82.
52
But see the detaileddiscussionbelow,pp. 220-228. Though the role of shame in the subject'sprogress
is, arguably,an instance of the role of the thumoeides,the explicit discussionof that distinctive role
takesplace,withinA.ffectiomand Errors,only in the context of a cross-referenceto CharacterTraits.
22 Generalintroduction
just one of rhe affections in a list, in need of eradication. Furthermore,
tripartition takes a quite different form, which goes beyond the theory of
affections and indeed the ethical discourse altogether, in the physiological
sections of PHP, where che primary association of the 'middle part' of the
soul is with the heart and the fundamental animal functions (see further
(4) below).
(2) The 'intrusion'of a Stoic modelof the soul, especiallyin the area of the
theoryof affections,and in the extent to which soul-therapytakesplace
throughrational means
If Galen were advocating an orthodox Platonic(-Aristotelian) view, the
total eradication of the affections should not be the airh; this represents,
rather, a distinctively Stoic approach. In fact, Galen never clearly states (at
least in Affectionsand Errors)whether he advocates such total eradication
or, rather, the orthodox Platonic-Aristotelian aim of metriopatheia - mod-
eration of the affections (a term which he never uses). 53 Yet a number of
instances in Affectionsand Errorsseem, at lease, to hint in the direction of
complete apatheia;so., too, one might think, does the general thrust of the
argument of Avoiding Distress- even though, in fact, the latter work gives a
more explicit denial than we had previously that apatheia is in fact his aim:
theoretically, Galen acknowledges the possibility of circumstances arising
which would cause him distress.
It can be argued, too, thar the whole Galenic project of self-improve-
ment looks Stoic, because of the central importance of specifically rational
engagement - the 'therapy of the word' -which seems to belong within
the Stoic 'monistic' conception of the soul and its passions. That is: there
is, on the Stoic view, no distinct 'non-rational faculty' of the soul, and so
affections are, or arise from, false judgements - ultimately, they are errors
of reason. Galen's attempt to su'fe the affections by reasoned engagement
may seem to belong within that framework, in spite of his determinedly
anti~Stoic doctrinal position. 54
53 The point has been discussedby Hankinson (1993) 198-204, Donini (1988) and more explicitly
(2008) ,nd Gill (2010) esp. 259-260.
s4 Identificationof other Stoic 'influences'or 'intrusions' on Galen'smodel of the mind is difficult,
both becauselanguagewhich looksdistinctivelyStoic may by Galen'stime.be used indiscriminate¥
ly between the schoolsand, arguably,becausethis syncreristtendency is somethingwhich Galen
consciouslyescalates.Among the terms worthy of considerationhere are hormeand sunkatatheiis.
The problemsarising in this area - from Galen'sattempt to abolish or ignore the significanceof
linguisticdifferences- were first exploredin a number of seminal articlesby Manu.!i,esp. (1988),
(1993). On the doctrinal and linguisticinterrelationsbetween the schoolsmore generallyin the
Roman period, see Sedley(1980); Gill (2003); Donlni and Ferrari (2005) e.g. 274: oikeiOsis has
become 'un bene comune delle scuoledi filosofia';Donini (2008) esp. 205, n. 39 specificallyon
Generalintroduction 23
The practical implications of this may be seen in the importance ·of
doxai or dogmata - beliefs or doctrines - in affecting one's behaviour. As
will be discussed tnore fully in the introduction to Affectionsand Errorsi
Galen seems close to authors like Epictetus, both in this emphasis on hav-
ing the right beliefs/doctrines as a way of getting rid of affections, and even
in some of the precise phraseology used in this area. This is particularly
true of Affectionsand of Avoiding Distress.
(3) Theimportancewithin Galenicethicsof the conceptionof nature in
conjunctionwith earlyhabituation, and of the relatedconceptionof ethos
(character)- theseconceptionsall having somekind of Aristotelianparentage
Galen talks often of the pairing nature/ early upbringing, as providing an
essential basis for the formation of good character. This is particularly true
of CharacterTraits,where these causative roles are given extended discus-
sion; but the importance of both surfaces also in Affectionsand Errors(with
the autobiographical account of the importance of Galen's own father).
The focus on this pairing can also be seen as bringing Galen's ethics into
line with his thinking in more clearly biological or medical areas (e.g. in
Matters of Health). The conception of ethos in CharacterTraits,as essen-
tially a result _ofa nature in conjunction with early habituation of the non-
rational parr(s) of the soul, seems indebted to Aristotle's thought in this
area - though the conception is not identical to Aristotle's. 55
It is interesting that this central importance of nature-nurture seems po-
tentially to conflict with the perception outlined above under (2), namely
the Stoic-style centrality of doxai (and with the statement, albeit perhaps
not very convincing, of the possibility of improving one's character after
the age of 40 or 50 - which seems to have Stoic connections). The differ-
ence may be reconcilable: Galen in fact explicitly mentions doxai along-
side nature and nurture in Avoiding Distress;the concepts are considered
together in Affectionsand Errors;and, to look at it from the other point of
view, Stoic philosophy regards early upbringing as vital, too. It is more that
Galen, at different points, seems to draw on different technical jargons:
ethosin this kind of sense is a term from the Aristotelian ethical debate; the
'use) of doxai for self-improvement belongs within Stoic (and to an extent
other) works of popular morality from near to Galen's own time (on which
see more in the Introduction to Affectionsand Errors,below pp. 210-217).
Galen'sexploitationof the ambiguitiesof the 'Stoic' term honne.Seenow Gill (2010) esp.eh. 5. for
a dedicateddiscussionof such interrelationsas a backgroundto Ga.!enicthought.
55
On this point see Gill (20I 0) esp. 257 ff.
24 Generalintroduction
(4) 7he varyingdiscussionsof the soul in relationto the body
A consideration of the soul-body relationship in Galen should start with
the major work not included in this volume, 7he Doctrinesof Hippocrates
and Plato: this was his major attempt to address questions of soul-theory
in a specifically physiological context. Though, certainly, there are points
of contact, especially with 7he Capacitiesof the Soul, there emerges in that
work an approach to the relationship of soul and body which is at points
fundamentally differe11t from that of the works in this volume. (And we
may note that the issue of 'Stoic intrusion' arises in that different context
too.56) 7he Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato is extremely complex both in
its synthesis of different intellectual sources and in its variety of intellectual
aims. We may summarize by saying that in that work Galen:
• first, presents a theory of the tripartite soul as a model of physiology,
with the bodily and anatomical relations of each 'capacity' or 'part'
of the soul central to his understanding: the rational, in the brain,
governs intellectual activity, perception, and voluntary motion; the
spirited (thumoeides),in the heart, governs blood-pumping and cer-
tain non~voluntary motions central to the functioning of the body;
the appetitive (epzthumetikon),in the liver, governs blood,production,
nutrition and sexual activity;
• secondly, launches a lengthy attack on the Stoic Chrysippus' theory of
the affections, ·asserting against it ~he essential importance of positing
distinct rational and non-rational faculties, rather than regarding af-
fections as errors of reason.
This latter polemic, which occupies bo.oks IV-V of the work, is in
an obvious sense of a piec:;ewith the discourse of ethics addressed in the
present volume, especially in Affectionsand Errorsand in CharacterTraits.
The former model presents the .relationship of body and soul in a very
particular way, with - to summ'arize a complex situation rather crudely -
some blurring of the categories of psychic and physical capacities. To com-
pare this situation with the works of the present volume: the soul-body
relationship is nor in any real sense addressed in any of these, with the ex-
ception of 7he Capacitiesof the Soul - where it is central. Avoiding Distress,
Affectionsand Errors,CharacterTraits,all ralk of rhe soul as essentially treat-
able without reference to the body. What may be called 'bodily desires' are,
56 On this point see the different analysesofManuli (1988), (1993) and now Gill (2010), esp. 87-
124, who arguesthat Galen'sphysiologicalpsychologyis monistic in its tendency,and that he would
have been, in a sense, more comfortable allied to Stoicism than attacking it, if the ideologicalbarri~
ers to it could have been removed (or perhaps simply if the Stoicshad accepted the brain, and not
the heart, as the seat of intelligence}.
General introduction 25
of course, relevant, in the sense that they have to be denied or rigorously
controlled; but that control comes about through the discipline applied by
or within the soul itself (rather than, say, by diet or exercise). ]he fact that
the soul may, on some analysis, actually be a bodily item is nor considered-
as it is, quite explicitly, in 7he Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato and 7he
Capacitiesof the Soul. Nor - perhaps even mote strikingly, in what are after
all intended as practical works- is any particular effect on the soul of bod-
ily factors taken into account in these discussions, as it is at various other
points passim in the Galenic oeuvre. For example: food, drink and exercise
(in short, diaita in the Galenic, perhaps rather the Hippocratic-medical
sense) are discussed in relation to character traits they affect in Matters of
Health.57
Galen on soul and body: the variety of approaches
The following categorization of Galenic discussionsof the soul may be of as-
sistance in our understanding of Galen's range of subtly distinct positions
on the relation between soul and body. I emphasize the term 'discussions',
because, while it is tempting to present such a categorization as one of
different texts - the differences related to the differences in genre or type
of text already mentioned - such a presentation would be at least partially
misleading. Rather, the different discussions, or approaches, to the soul ap-
pear across Galen's oeuvre in a complex wayi which is not- or at least is only
partially - a function of the compartmentalization of topics of different
treatises. It should be added as a further proviso that this categorization -
which both summarizes what has been said so far and adds some further
relevant information - should be understood to be a simplification of the
situation, rather than an exhaustive description.
( I) Ethical discussionsof the soul, and how to treat it, within an independent
philosophicaldiscourse.
All the works in this volume, with the exception of 7he Capacitiesof the
Soul, belong in this category (although CharacterTraitsarguably pays more
attention to the bodily correlates of certain ethical phenomena).
57 Relevanttexts on soul-body interrelationshipsare e.g. at San.Tu.9,4-10 Ko. (Vl.15 K.); 14,19 Ko.
(VI.28 K); 19,14-20 Ko.(Vl.39 K); 19,24-20,18 Ko.(Vl.40-42 K); 20,31-21,3 Ko.(V].42-43
K); 26,H Ko. (VI.54-55 K); 28,12-29,4 Ko. (V].59-<51K); 61.23-34 Ko. (V].138-139 K);
99.32-34 Ko. (V].226 K); 106,3-4 Ko. (VI.240 K); 112,6-7 Ko. (V].253-254 K); ,nd seefu,-
ther Manuli (1988).
26 Generalintroduction
(2) Dieteticdiscussions,which list what would elsewherebe classedas soul-
affectiomin a continuum offactors which relatedto bodi!:yhealth
Among the most relevant texts in this area are Mattersof Health and the
Commentaryon Hippocrate/ 'EpidemicsVI'; relevant also are some of the
discussions of the pulse, differences in which can be used as diagnostic
signs of certain affections of the soul. 58 Without addressing 'soul' affec-
tions as a separate category, such texts rh'us acknowledge an important
influence of body on soul; it is also the case, though, that this relationship
is sometimes presented as complex and reciprocal.
(3) Pathowgicaldiscussions,which talk of affectionsof the soul under medi-
cal headings- as, in our terms,psychiatriccomplaints, with a clearphysical
aetiology
'The intellectual framework and tradition in which these discussions operate
seems different, certainly from that of those in the present volume, and to
an extent even from that of TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato. Indeed,
such medical discussion of the soul's affections does not surface to any sig-
nificant extent in the psychological works of this volume. It is, nonetheless,
of considerable importance for Galen's thought, and for his position in the
history of medicine; and therefore a brief account of it follows.
Galen adopts from the existing medical tradition a range of concepts for
mental disturbances or illnesses: concepts such as mania, melancholiaand
phrenitis - illnesses with a physical aetiology (related, for example, to par-
ticular imbalances of the humours, or .to feverish states), but which present
mainly with psychological symptoms. Delusions of various kinds are also
discussed; and there are also such items as athumia, lupe- depressive states
which can be caused by some fault in daily regimen, or other physical cause.
There is no single treatise devoted specifically to rhis medical psycho-
pathology; rather, relevant d~.scllssions are to be found in a number of
works of general pathology, disease-classification and therapeutics (includ-
ing Hippocratic commentaries). Perhaps partly for this reason, the area has
been less well studied in comparison with the philosophical discussions of
the soul. More work needs to be done, indeed, on the relationship between
the two. But a little should be said here to fill out a picture of Galen's medi-
cal approach to psychopathology- since rhis is more fully covered in other
texts than it is in the specifically 'psychological' ones. · of intellect), paranoia (derangement or madness) and various presentations
In certain texts that focus on disease-classification and disease-descrip-
tion, Galen discusses a range of mental disturbances, characterizing them
ss Seeintroductionto Aff. Pecc.Dig., below,n, 64.
Generalintroduction 27
as impairments of function of che brain. Two texts in particular give a fairly
detailed account (with some overlap in the cases they discuss): chapter 3 of
Distinctionsin Symptomsand book III of TheAffectedPlaces.The former text
identifies a general heading of 'harm to the hegemonic activities' (i.e., chose
of the 'leading' or rational capacity of the soul), which then admits of a divi-
sion into the conceptual (.phitntastike, more precisely that concerned with
the interpretation of sense perception) and the intellective (dianoetike).The
distinction accounts for the fact chat someone may be otheiwise rational
but experience hallucinations (the example of someone able to see and hear
non-existent musicians resident in his house), on the one hand, or, on the
other hand, be able to identify all objects around him, but behave irration-
ally towards them (the example of someone who throws all his belongings
out of the window while being fully aware of what they are).
In the latter rext, further examples are given of impairment of the 'psy-
chical' or 'hegemonic' capacities; and these are analysed in terms of the
particular part of the brain affected, and also related in detail to the domi-
nant 'bad-mixture' (duskrasia)- e.g. cold, cold-plus-wet - that is in play
in each case. Cold on its own, for example, will lead to impairment of
memory and to loss of intelligence (morosis),while cold and wet combined
will lead to heavy sleep or unconsciousness (kataphorikakai karodepathe).
There is a further distinction as to whether an impairment of the hegem-
onic activities - a mental disturbance - is accompanied by fever, as is the
case with phrenitisand lethargos,or without fever, as in mania and melan-
cholia.(The disease entities here mentioned are important ones in ancient
medical thought, and the aetiological distinction one that Galen recurs to
in a large number of other places in his work.)
In both the texts mentioned, then, we get quite a wide range of medi-
cally conceived mental disturbances, which are brought into close relation
to physical causes, understood in terms of the four qualities (hot, cold, wet
and dry) and, relatedly, to lifestyle factors that may pathologically increase
one or more of those qualities. As well as those already mentioned, the
terms - which in some cases seem to have overlapping, rather than clearly
distinguished, senses include anoia ('mindlessness' or failure of mental
function); katalepsis;paraphrosune (derangement or delirium - a very fre-
quently mentioned phenomenon); koma (lethargic state); moria (dullness
of epilepsy, convulsion or paralysis are also discussed in this context.
There are other texts where the theoretical or explanatory scheme un-
derlying the mental disturbances is less prominent, but the detail of the
case-histories more vivid and interesting. The most striking of these are
28 Generalintroduction
probably certain passages in Galen's Commentaryon Hippocrates'Epidemics,
which both describe the powerful negative effects that disturbed states -
grief, shame, being in love, anxiety - can have On one's physical state, and
also detail a number of specific delusions. Grief (at the loss of a child,
or even at the loss of one's books) can lead, via sleeplessness and fever,
to death; so too can anxiety caused by the belief chat one has seen a sign
predicting one's own death; and even the shame occasioned by the embar~
rassment of letting wind in public can (by a process whose physical detail
is not explained) have the same fatal outcome. The delusion is described of
a woman who believes that she has swallowed a snake; and that of a man
who believes that a dead person is calling to him from a cemetery; and a
case of melancholy occasioned by anxiety that Atlas might tire of holding
up the heavens. In the former two cases, Galen also recounts the trick by
which the doctor relieved the patient of the delusion.
The emphasis in these case-histories is on the pathological physical ef-
fect that a mental delusion, or disturbance, may have. But one may wish
to consider such phenomena alongside the discussion of the effects of diet
and mixture on the mental state, especially in Matters of Health, and also
in 7he Capacitiesof the Soul, discussed above. A complex, though by no
means systematically explicated, picture emerges of the reciprocal effects of
bodily state, usually conceived in terms of mixture, and of mental capacity
or activity. 59
It is certainly too simplistic to say that this medical pathology of the
soul belongs to a completely different framework of explanation from the
philosophical. The medical concepts of heat, in particular, and indeed of
the pulse, have a relationship with the heart conceived as the seat of the
Platonic spirited soul. Relatedly, anger is something which is considered
both in the context of dietetic and pathological accounts based on four-
quality theory and in the pur~ly'ethical context (where what is important
is its control by the rational soul) - and it is even stated, in the latter,
that it may verge on mania. One might like to characterize the different
discussions as belonging within a continuum: anger, distress, and so on
admit of treatment in ethical or cognitive terms until, via imbalances of
59 For the medical psychopathologyand case-historiesdiscussedabove,see Symp.Di.ff 216, 14-226,
22 G. (Vll.55-62 K); Loe.Aff.Vlll.160-168 and VIIl.226-227 K; Hipp.EpM.ll0?,26-30 WP
(XVIIA.213-214 K.); Hipp.Epid.I/207,45-208,35 WP; Hipp.Epid.v7 485,25-487,23 WP.Th,
caseof the scholar dying of griefat the loss of his books is recounted also in this volun1e,Ind. 4,6-8
BJP; and on the physicaleffectsof love-sicknessand anxiety (and Galen'sskill in discerning them)
see also Praen.94,19-24 N. (XIY.625-626 K.}; ibid 100,7-110,12 N. (XIV.630-641 K.). For the
reciprocaleffectsof body and soul in San. Tu.,see the texts cited in n. 57 above. Mattern (2008,
173-202) has a very useful appendix summarizingthe case-historiesthat Galen describesthroughw
out the corpus of his work.
Generalintroduction 29
the physical qualities, they cause pathological states which require actual
medical intervention.
And yet it seems unavoidable to conclude that there are in some sense
different models of explanation in play. When it comes to the medical de-
scription of 'affections of the soul', as we have just seen, the heart and the
liver - the lower two parts of the tripartite soul - have, if not no explana-
tory role, at least a very diminished one: the focus is rather on the brain,
and its effect on - or the effect on it of - the state of the body as a whole.
One may contrast this with the central role of heart and liver, or of their
related soul-capacities, in characterizing the affections of the soul in the
philosophical texts, Affectionsand Errorsor The Capacitiesof the Soul - or,
indeed, in 7heDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato.
Both 7he Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato and 7he Capacitiesof the
Soul are interesting in this context. Boch, as we shall see, do in different
ways attempt to reconcile or incorporate the medical and philosophical
discourses of the soul. Yet in neither does the medical pathology of the soul
have a significant role.60
(4) Otherphilosophicaldiscussions,whichgive an analysisof the soul in bod-
ily terms- whetherin terms ofphysiological function, wherethe chiefexam-
ple is The Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato, or of bodilymixture (of the
basic 'qualities'),as most clearlyexemplifiedby The Capacities of the Soul
Here some kind of mind-body identity is, at least, entertained (though
the final positions are subtle, perhaps varying, and far from easy to sum-
marize). It is noteworthy, as we have remarked, that both these texts appear
under rhe head'ing 'Works concerning the philosophy of Plato' in My Own
Books (though The Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato appears elsewhere
too); as we shall discuss in the context of 7he Capacitiesof the Soul, the
1
strong physicalist' statements may bear a relation to what Galen is trying
to prove specifically to Platonists.
(5) Biologicalor embryologicaldiscussions,whichseemtogive the soul a
strongcausalrole- or at leastdiscusssuch a role- in reproductionor in the
accountof animal characteristics
Most relevant here are 7heFunctionof the Partsof the Body, Semen and 7he
Shaping of the Embryo. These texts raise questions, both of philosophical
60
Ic is a striking fact about TheDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Platothat though a largepart of the work
is devoted to a physiologicalunderstanding of Platonic psychology,when it comes to pathology it
is the path? in the ethical sense - within the philosophical,and not the medical, tradition - that
provide the focus of attention. In TheCapacities of the Soulsome of the medicalcomplaints (melan-
choly, mani1J, derangement)are mentioned, but not in a waycentral to the analysisthe work offers.
30 Generalintroduction
interpretation and of consistency between texts, which are beyond our
scope here.61
Galen on soul and body: the detailed discussions
Leaving those complexities aside, then, and focusing on those texts which
address themselves specifically to the soul, the most significant comparison
would seem to be beiween The Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato and The
Capacitiesof the Soul; and this is quite an interesting one. The two works,
in fact, have radically different approaches, in relation to their different
purposes and contexts of discussion. 62 The Doctrines.of Hippocratesand
Platois focused on physiological functioning and capacities, and on their
anatomical location: here a view is expressed that Hippocrates and Plato
were describing the same phenomena, the former focusing on bodily or-
gans, the latter on capacities of soul. One might, rather precariously, try
to translate this into modern philosophical language by saying that each
event in the mind has a physical and a mental aspect, which are, in Galen's
view, simply different,_-but compatible, ways of describing the. same event.
To advance any such theory in anything like a comprehensive way, howev-
er, would be to put far too great a strain on the cext.63 What does emerge,
61 SeeSinger(l997b), van der Eijk (2014); Singerand van der Eijk (forthcoming);and c£ the discus-
sion in the introductionto QAM,belowpp, 344 ff.
62 Seethe introduction to QAMbelow,pp. 344-3)4, on the extent of the relationshipbetween QAM
Generalintroduction 31
rather, is that the bodily organs - especially rhe brain, bur theoretically also
the heart and the liver - can, in Galen's view, be described, in compatible
terms, in both a philosophical and a medical/physiological language; to
talk about the soul, in this context, is not really to do something different
from (in our terms) physiology, bur to describe the bodily phenomena
from a certain perspective. 64
As has by now emerged, then, the situation in relation to Galen's discus-
sion of mind in telation to body is complicated (at least from our point of
view) by the fact that Galen is, within this model, describing some events
which cannot really be seen as belonging within a description of the mind
at all. This is true especially in relation to the hearr and the liver, and the re-
lated activities of breathing and blood-production. 65 Relatedly, the picture
of the 'rational' soul he ends up with, located in the brain and controlling
rational thought, voluntary motion and perception, begins to look (again,
at least from our point of view) remarkably like a picture of, simply, the soul.
In other words, mental events, and indeed moral conflicts, begin to look as
if they should relate simply to this part of the body (which would be to ig-
nore the other two parts of the Platonic tripartition - at least in their physi-
cal instantiation). It is as if Galen's thought - at least when considering the
soul in its physical relations - almost requires him to adopt a monistic soul,
like the Stoics. Again, Gill's suggestion is relevant here that Galen would- if
only he could abandon his ideological posture - actually be happier with a
Stoic, monistic picture of the soul than with his 'official', Platonist one. 66
·

with its emphasison bodily mixture, ·and PHP,with ·itS'accountbased on psychologicalor physi-
ologicalcapacities. . ·
63 The clearestpassagein this vein is: PHP418,29-33 DL CV.571K.): 'it makesno differencewhether
one callsthe liver the source of veins,or of blood, or of the desiderativesoul; but it wassomehow
moreappropriatefor a physicianto pres~rithis teaching (didaskalian) in terms of bodily organs, a
philosopherin terms of capacitiesof the soul; but once the one has been proved the other fo1lows
fromit' (translationafter De Lacy).,.Closeattention to the passage,indeed, suggestscaution against
basingany far-reaching'compatibilist'theory on it, for the followingreasons.(1) The specificcon-
text of the quotation is a highly tendentious rhetorical move on Galen's pan, since this precise
equation (of desiderativesoul with liver and with the related blood-producing functions) is both
extremelycontentiousand difficultto justifyand essentialto Galen'speculiarsynthesisof anatomy-
physiologywith Platonicthought. (2) The actual opposition here made seems,on closerinspection,
to be one between physicallocation (bodily organ) and function (soul's capacities)- rather than
betweentwo aspectsof function, a 'mental' and a 'physical',In other words, 'soul'scapacities'in the
relevantsenseare something that belong within a physiologicalaccount; the distinctive feature of
the 'doctor'saccount' in this context seemsto be simply that it tends to focus on details of anatomy
rather than function. (Again,a convenient argument for Galen, since it absolveshim of finding
anythinglike the physiologyhe is looking for in Hippocrates!)
Comparein this context the slightly different picture Galen paints of Plato's and Hippocrates'
contrastingaccountsin the area of the heart at PHP422,9-12 DL (V.580-581 K.): 'in the case of
this organ [the liver] they proceeded as if they had shared the argumentsout betweenthem, the one
[HippocratesJspeakingof cheorgans, the other [Plato]of the capacitythat governsthem; but in the
caseof the heart, both treated of it in both ways,. , '
The distinction between the 'physician's'and the 'philosopher's'accotu1t,in fact, is conditioned
largelyby how many relevantquotations Galen can muster from each source in the context of each
particular argument.
64
But we should bear in mind that to summarize Galen'sposition in these terms is to gloss over the
difficultieswhich arise- at other poinrs in his discussions- on such questions as: what, considered
in itself,is the nature of rhe soul? to what extent are its activitiesdetermined by physicalconstitu~
tion? what exactlyis the distinction betweenthe activitiesof 'soul' and choseof'nature'?
65 Whether these events can be seen as, however,properly belongingto the pmchein the Greek philo-
sophical tradition is a more complicated question. Aristotle may seem relevanthere: for him (De
anima 412a27) the soul is the 'first actuality of a natural body chat potentially has life';and its
,.activitiesthus include nourishment and growth alongsideperception, motion and intellection.Ar-
istotelianconcepts are undoubtedly of great importance to Galen, though he continues to insist on
a stronger Platonic allegiance.On this particular point see van der Eijk (2009). On Galen'sengage-
ment with Aristotelianism- and in particular his striking interpretation of the conception of the
soul in De anima- see introduction to QAM, below pp. 359-369; and see also Singer (2014).
66
Seen. 56 above;see also Gill (2010) 321 ff., exploringthe extent of convergencebetweenGalen and
the Stoics in the area of therapy.
32 Generalintroduction
The complexities do not stop there, however. A distinction emerges, in
Galen's physiological model in Ihe Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato, be-
tween 'vital' function and 'psychological' (or 'soul') function, which maps
onto the distinction between 'non-voluntary' and 'voluntary' activities al-
ready mentioned. In this context we get, also, a 'vicar and a 'psychic' type
of pneuma ('breath'), which are the 'instruments' by which these activi-
ties are carried out or communicated. 67 Essentially, psychological pneuma
is the instrument of perception and voluntary motion, vital pneuma of
the non-voluntary functions essential for life which are controlled from
the heart. Here again, the distinction between 'psychological' and 'vital'
makes it look as if the former - the realm of the psychological, or the soul,
i.e., something like 'mind' in our sense - is relevant to brain-functions
only, reinforcing Gill's point about the difficulty of triparrition within this
model. But we here touch on a specific point of particular relevance to
Ihe Capacitiesof the Soul, because it is in this context that Galen in Ihe
Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato addresses the 'mind-body question', or,
1
more precisely, the question of physicalism', most directly.
Galen on the substance of the soul
The question is posed, especially in Ihe Capacitiesof the Soul: 'what is the
.substance of the soul?' Now, 'substance' (ousia)in Greek philosophical, es-
pecially post-Aristotelian, language, refers to 'what something is essentially,
i.e. according to its definition' (as opposed to characteristics, or (accidents',
it may have which are not in that way essential). Perhaps significantly, the
term may also be used (and quite often is in Galen) to mean 'substance' in
something more like the everyday English sense: a bit of physical matter of
some kind. When Galen poses the question of the 'substance of the soul', it
seems almost that he assumes. this 'physical' answer in advance, or at least is
unhappy if he cannot find such a physical candidate for it. In any case, he
does raise the question on a number of occasions throughout his work, and
always professes his ignorance of the answer, which (he sometimes argues)
is beyond the domain of worthwhile enquiry according to his criteria. In
Ihe Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato, however, he moots the possibility
that this psychic pneuma is, in fact, the substance of the. soul - that, in oth-
er words, it in some sense actually is the soul; he contents himself, however,
67Seee.g.PHP444-446 DL (Y.606--609K.).
Generalintroduction 33
with the formula that the pneuma equates either to this 'substance of the
soul', or at least to 'first instrument of the soul'. 68
That possibility (pneuma = 'substance of the soul') is, in fact, raised
at a number of points throughout Galen's oeuvre, always with the same
inconclusiveness. One of the most distinctive features of 7he Capacitiesof
the Soul is that another physicalist candidate for 'substance of the soul' is
presented to us, a completely different one this time - and in a polemically
much more forceful way. The context, as always in Galen, is all-important.
In Ihe Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato and Ihe Function of Breathing
Galen was addressing issues of physiology; and it was there that the medi-
cally understood concept of pneuma came into play. In Ihe Capacitiesof the
Soul Galen addresses the physical composition based on the fundamental
qualities (hot, cold, wet, dry) and their mixture. The discourse here, then,
has clear relations with other Galenic works such as Mixtures and Ihe Ele-
ments Accordingto Hippocrates,as well as to the 'Hippocratic' and Aristo-
telian tradition of elemental analysis more generally, and to works which
address the health of the body in terms of this kind of mixture.
It is in this context that Galen moots the notion that krasis,'mixture',
specifically the mixture within the brain, actually is the soul. As in the case
of pneuma in Ihe Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato, however, he seems
to have a 'stronger' and a 'weaker' thesis in play. sometimes arguing that
the soul (or its faculties) follows the mixture, 69 sometimes that it actually
is the mixture. 70 It is also notable that the same difficulty arises as already
mentioned for Ihe DoctrinesofHippocratesand Plato, in a slightly different
form: it is the brain, specifically, that ends up providing the seat, and pos-
sibly even the definition, of the soul, in spite of the theoretical importance
of heart and liver in the Platonic (and Galenic) model in other contexts.
Nor is it just the centrality of the brain that re-emerges in this treatise; the
same agnosticism emerges too, whereby Galen wiU in the end simply not
commit himself on the bodily nature or otherwise of the soul.71
68 See introduction to QAM, below, nn. 19 and 21, for reference to the various texts where Galen
states this uncertainty.
69
On the terminology of'following' (hepesthai,akohuthein),its interptetation and translation, see the
Introduction to QAMbelow, pp. 337-338 with nn. 8 and 9,
70
But on the limitations to Galen's physicalism in QAM, and in particular on the precise status, and
'hypothetical' nature, of his argument for the stronger position, see below pp. 346-354 in the dis-
cussion of QAM.
71
We have already alluded to the consistency of this agnosticism (seen. 68 above); it is, in particular,
restated again in My Own Opinions,a work in which Galen is apparently summarizing his views,
towards the end of his career.
34 Generalintroduction
Date of the treatises; problem and usefulness of 'date' in relation
to Galen's works in general
1he four works in the present volume are presented in the order: Avoiding
Distress,CharacterTraits,Affectionsand Errors,TheCapacitiesof the Soul. As
we shall see below, this corresponds to the most likely working hypothesis
as to their relative order; it seems too that they all belong to a late phase in
Galen's output, after the year 192 CE.
Before going into the detailed argument regarding the dates of these
works, however, it will be worthwhile to spend a little time considering
the problem, and usefulness, of date in relation to Galen's works in more
general terms. As is traditional in classical studies, attempts have been
made to assign relative dates to works on the basis of the 'development of
thought' n The extent to which this is valid in Galen's case is doubtful. As
has, to some extent, already emerged from our discussion, it is the particu-
lar intellectual or argumentative project Galen has before him in a work
(which includes also the particular texts in the tradition of which he is
writing in each case . e.g. physiological, 'hygienic', moral-philosophical,
Hippocratic/Aristotelian element-theory) that seems mainly to determine
the subtly different position, or focus, of each work.7 3 It seems more help-
ful to see a treatise as - to put it rather informally- 'Galen's work with this
particular hat on', father than 'Galen's. work from this particular phase in
his career'.
The developmental hypothesis that.has been most confidently described
is a gradual shift towards a more physicalist position on Galen's part; and
for that reason The Capacitiesof the Soul has been thought to belong to
the latest phase of his career. And yer, though The Capacitiesof the Soul
may appear more physicalist in its leanings, it in fact asserts a very similar
dilemma and agnosticism regarding mind-body definition to that raised
elsewhere - both in the definitely earlier TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand
Plato and in the undoubtedly later My Own Opinions.74 What is, indeed,
most striking from a chronological point of view is that, on any accepted
chronological account, TheDoctrinesofHippocratesand Platopredates, by a
considerable disrance, all the works in this volume.7 5 That very distinctive
72 Seenn. 1 and 2 abovefor bibliographyregardingGalen'scareerand the chronologyof his works.
73
Thisargument is more fully developedin Singer(l997b).
74 The point is discussedmuch more fully in the introduction to QAM, below,pp. 335 ff. See also
above,p. 33, and introduction to QAM, rin. 19 a.11d
21, on the consistencyof this agnosticism.
75 See belowp. 35 with n. 77 on the date of PHP.
Generalintroduction 35
and remarkable work, with its synthesis of Platonic tripartite soul-theory,
Aristotelian thought and 'Hippocrates' with Hellenistic findings in physi-
ology (confirmed by Galen's own experiments) is, in fact, the product of
Galen's most intensive research and thinking on the subject of the soul. 1l1e
sophisticated physiological doctrines of that work - in relation to the nerv-
ous and vascular systems, to blood-production, or to sense perception -
fonn nO part of the present volume's opuscu!a.We have, rather, a refer-
ence to that work in the context of the more straightforward doctrine that
there are three parts of the soul with three separate locations in the body.
But it would seem bizarre to suggest that this is because 7he Doctrines of
Hippocratesand Plato'ssophisticated docrrines on the relationship of the
soul to the nervous and vascular systems have been in any sense rejected or
departed from by the older Galen. What we have, rather, is a shift in inter-
ests and presentation of the material as a function of Galen's project in an
individual text, rather than any evolution of thought. That work has a par-
ticular focus on Galen's anatomical and physiological views; the first three
works in the present volume are largely concerned (each in a somewhat
different way) with ethics and moral training; The Capacitiesof the Soul is
concerned with a particular thesis in relation to the soul-body relationship
and in response to arguments in the Platonic-Aristotelian philosophical
tradition.
So, when Moraux, for example, tries to trace an evolution of thought/ 6
from rhe early books of TheFunction of the Partsof the Body, at one end
(with rhe apparently dear Statement of 'instrumentalism': the body's
characteristics are 'for the sake of' the soul), through The Doctrines of
Hippocratesand Plato and Mixtures to The Capacitiesof the Soul's physi-
calism at the other extreme, the problems for the argument are manifold.
First, neither The Capacitiesof the Soul, supposedly at the culmination
of this process, nor The Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato, at an earlier
stage of it 77 - nor, indeed, Mixtures - has a clear or univocal position on
rhe soul-body relationship.7 8 Secondly, we have no good grounds for
76
See esp. Moraux (1984) 778-780. He characterizesthe later developmentas 'den Durchbruch von
GalensNaturalismus'(779). C£ Bazou( 1999)xviii-xxvfor a discussionbroadlysimilarin outlook
, to the presentone, and a critique of previous'evolutionary'scholars,includingMoraux and Garcia
Ballester;see also Doniui (2008). The !iteratUreis surveyedmore fully in the introduction to QA.M,
below,nn. l-2.
77
Bur the earlierbooks of the work, at least,do not in facebelong to a differentphase from JheFunc-
tion of the Partsof the Body.
78
Jhe Doctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato,Mixturesand TheCapacitiesof the Soulall expresssome form
of agnosticismon questions relevant to the soul-body relationship: TheDoctrinesof Hippocrates
36 Generalintroduction
regarding lhe Capacities of the Soul as lare - cerrainly not as extremely
late - other than its 'physicalist' position, so that the argument risks
being circular. 79 Thirdly, Affections and Errors, one of the few works of
Galen addressed specifically to soul-questions, cannot be placed at any
point on this developmental arc - not because it contradicts that devel-
opmental picture, but simply because it does not address the soul-body
relationship directly at all. · text. Ill such a historical context, indeed, there is a limitation to the useful-
The difference between lhe Capacities of the Soul and lhe Doctrines of
Hippocrates and Plato - or indeed between it and all the others above,
is better accounted for by the specific, and very unusual, aims of the
former work, namely to prove the imporrance of the body, especially to
contemporary Platonists; and, more specifically, the relationship of the
Platonic soul to a Hippocratic/Aristotelian theory of composition from
fundamental physical qualities. And similar distinctions - in terms of
probandum, of addressee, of texts being referred to - apply across Galen's
oeuvre.
But it is not just that there are limits to the usefulness of a dare-based
approach. There are, t? some extent, problems inherent in the very notion
of'the date of' a workofGalen-problemswhich arise from the particular
manner of composition of Galen's texts. We have already seen some indi-
cations of a complex relationship between oral and written phases of the
same text, and of the fact that the sa~e text may exist in different forms.
The texts of My Own Booksand 1he Order of My Own Books, indeed, show
us a number of specific ways in whi<;h the 'composition' of Galenic works
may be a fluid, and thus not readily dateable, process;80 and the new ma-
terial from Avoiding Distressin some ways enriches this picture. 81 In ad-
dition to the various processes already considered, of particular interest is
Galen's description of his 'writing-up' of a number of works in the second
period at Rome. Ir seems here that he is referring to the production of a
final version of texts which had already been given as lectures on a number
and Platoand 1he Capacitiesof the Soul in ways which we have already seen, and Mixturesin the
aporiaas to whether the overall constirution of our bodies can be attributed to mixture of the four
elements, or whether we need to look to a 'more divine cause', Temp.79,23-28 H. {I.635-636 K.).
It is also arguable that the position of Mixtureson the direction of causation in relation to soul- and
body-characteristicsis unclear or undecided (in a way related to its use of material from Aristotle's
biology- where similar questions arise).
79 See further below, p. 40; also the fuller discussion in the Introduction to QAM below, pp. 335 ff.
80 See the discussion of orality above, pp. 15-18, and esp. n. 45.
a1 See esp. Ind 3-12 BJP; the text among other things draws attention to the various processes of
revision and distribution of drafts of texts, both Galen's own and others'.
Generalintroduction 37
of occasions (or possibly even previously dicrated in a different form). 82
There is, then, the potential for reworking or correction which may arise
naturally when a work has its origin in a public lecture or demonstration.
Beyond this, more broadly, there is always the possibility of an author's
:revisingor updating his own work, in an age when his own personal library
of manuscripts, and not a printed book, represented the 'final' version of a
ness of the concept of a 'final' or 'definitive' version of the text.
And we may speculate, at least, that such fluidity - such a tendency to
rewrite and update - might be exacerbated in the case of an author like
Galen, with his obvious preoccupation with the listing, and the intercon-
nectedness, of his own works. What does seem clear, certainly, is that cross-
references (of the type 'as I wrote in my treatise on Mixtures', etc.) were
sometimes added in the course of such updating. In other words, Galen
might return to a work some time after composition and add a cross-refer-
ence to a treatise which had been written in the meantime. For, as various
scholars have noted, 83 a consistent picture of relative date does not emerge
from a consideration of the totality of such cross-references; at the very
least, one has to regard some of them as later additions. Thus, the appear-
ance of such remarks in a given text can at best - and even in cases where
we are sure that they are not additions by a later hand, also conscious of the
connections between Galen's writings - be taken as evidence for the date of
the latest versionof that text.
The very nature of publication in the ancient world, indeed, introduces
the likelihood of phases of composition. A work is 'published' by having
one or more copies made by scribes, and then circulated to friends; who
may then have further copies made, and circulate it further. At any point
in the process, the original author may have sight of one of these copies,
and - either in response to· actual errors, as Galen explicitly describes, or
perhaps also in the light of his own afterthoughts produce a corrected
version. Or he may simply order a new copy made on the basis of hand-
written corrections which he personally inserts in the copy he has kept in
82
The precise wording of what Galen says at Lib. Prop.142,25-27 BM (XIX.19 K.) is interesting:
'I collected and brought into a stable [or permanent] state (hexin... monimon) both whac I had
!earned from my teachers and what I had discovered for myself'; the sense of revision and writing-
up of previous drafts seems clear. The following lines are equally interesting, apparently referring to
a category of works of private study, but perhaps including works on 'research in progress', which
were mostly lost in the fire at the Temple of Peace.
33
See e.g. Ilberg (1889) 215-216 and Bardong (1942) 604-605.
38 Generalintroduction
his own personal 'library' (a process which Galen explicitly describes in
AvoidingDistress,in the context of manuscripts of other authors, though
84
not actually of his own works).
All these processes - revision of an existing copy. writing-up of notes
of a work which has already existed in some form, writing-up of a speech
given in public in response to a specific .request, or simply of 'lectures';
and, one may add, recomposition from memory of a work which has been
lost or is thought losr85 - reinforce the proposition that, at least in certain
cases, there is no such thing, straightforwardly, as the date of a work by
Galen, but, potenrially, a series of dates corresponding to phases - phases
which may involve performance, composition, transcription, writing-up,
revision.
It is, then, within the limitations of this framework that any ascriptions
of date should be understood.
To return to the texts of the present volume, it may be instructive in
this context to consider the relationship - or lack of it - between Avoiding
Distressand Affectionsand Errors.Both deal with rhe problem of distress
(lupi!),the former as i.ts main rheme, the latter in the conrext of a broad-
er discussion. Neither mentions the other, and therefore no evidence is
gained for their relative dates on those grounds. One might, perhaps, rhink
rhat rhe failure of Affectionsand Errorsto mention Avoiding Distress,if rhat
work has already been written, is mo~e surprising than the converse omis-
sion, especially in the conrexr of Galen's denial that he has suffered a seri-
ous loss.86 Such an omission does not, to be sure, contradict the theoretical
position of AvoidingDistress- the burden of which is precisely that Galen's
loss of a large number of manuscripts and other irreplaceable objects was
not, in fact, a terrible one. It remains odd, however, that the argument -
and experience - of Avoiding Distressis not here mentioned at all: Galen
rather confines himself to the· i:ecollection that he 'may have lost an ox, a
horse, or a domestic servant'.
J suggesr, though, rhat, rather than casting doubt on the relative dating
put forward below (Affectionsand Errorsposrdares Avoiding Distress),this
apparent omission in fact points to something rather more fundamental -
namely, to the complicated process of composition already discussed.
" Ind. 6,7-21 BJP.
85 Such is the case reported by Galen at Comp.Meri. Gen.XlII.362-363 K. as regards the first two
booksof TheComposition of DrugsAccordingto Kind:after the fire at the Temple of Peace,although
(it is implied)the work had already been 'published', none of his friends at Rome admitted to hav~
ing a copy; he thereforerewrote those books.
86 Alf Pecc.Dig. 29-30 DB (V43-44 K.).
Generalintroduction 39
Affections and Errors presents itself at the outset as a reconstruction, ac a
later dace, of a talk given on some previous occasion. 87 When we talk of its
dace, then, we have (if that account of its genesis is co be taken at all seri-
ously) potentially nor one but rwo dares. Specifically, this 'rwo-phase' proc-
ess may explain the apparent oddity of the non-reference by Affectionsand
Errorsto Avoiding Distress.The explanation would be thar rhe larrer work is
not mentioned because it had not been written at the time of the original
oral exposition, of which our text is a more or less accurate transcription.
If we rake this possibility seriously, we rhen have a siruation in which
Affections and Errorsshould, in one sense, be dared to the ! 90s, but in
another sense to an earlier date - perhaps even, though it would be impos-
sible to be specific about this, to a much earlier date. 88 The reference to
CharacterTraitswould, on this view, belong to the date of writing-up, not
to that of the original exposition. Although the reference in question is
nor one which has simply been inserted withour any other change being
made to the text, ir is nonetheless something which could easily enough
have been added in the course of a light rewriring; 89 and such a procedure
would seem narural enough if Galen had composed CharacterTraits- a
considerably more substantial treatment of the relevant subject matter- in
the intervening years.
Let us turn, then - with these provisos - to the specific considera-
tions on the dates of the treatises in the present volume. Our working
hypothesis on relative date is argued for persuasively, and with much
greater historical detail, below; we therefore here confine ourselves
to a brief summary of the hypothesis, as well as some cautions as to
its certainry. 90 Avoiding Distress, certainly, and Character Traits, with
great probabiliry, were composed afrer 192 CE: the former describes
a fire that took place ar the end of that year; and the larrer apparently
87
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 3,5-7 DB (Vl K.).
88
There is (as discussedfurther below, pp. 218-219) a further, embedded, framing within the frame
of Affectionsand Errors,whereby Galen recallsremarks made on a still earlier occasion, to a distress~
prone youth of his acquaintance, apparently from Pergamum.Though it might be going too fur to
regard this passageas representing yet another, earlier, phase of composition, it does again point to
the complexityand fluidity of composition, and the interrelation of oral and written elements.
89
A.ff Pecc,Dig. 19,8-15 DB 0/.27 K.).
90
See the introduction to AvoidingDistress,below, pp. 45-48. As will be dear from a comparison
of the arguments here and there, Vivian Nutton is more confident of the certainty of this relative
dating; I am, however-with the aboveprovisoson fluidity of date - happy ro regard it as the most
plausible hypothesis. At the same time, Nutton's summation of Jouanna's alternative view of the
relativedates again reminds us of the potential complexities,and in particular of the extent to which
later additions and revisions have to be considered - in a way which confuses and multiplies the
range of possibilities.
40 Generalintroduction Generalintroduction 41
includes positive reference to resistance to the tyranny of the emperor an earlier, more experimental time when Galen was both establishing his
Commodus, who also died at chat date. Beyond these data, we are in intellectual reputation at Rome and, relatedly, still formulating his views
the realm of plausibility rather than certainty; but if we accept it as in an original way, the works of 193 onwards (works written, that is, when
probable chat Avoiding Distress was written very soon after the fire, it he was at least 63) belong to the period when his views had become es-
would predate CharacterTraits;and it then follows that Affections and tablished. And indeed there may be truth in chat perception. The clearest
Errors- which as we have seen, contains a reference to CharacterTraits- differences between the two ci.tegories, however (and, further, the clearest
must, in its final form at least, postdate both those works. We thus have differerices within the second category - the psychological works of the
91
a clear order: Avoiding Distress, Character Traits,Affections and Errors. present volume), seem, rather, to depend on the different intellectual con-
This leaves 'Ihe Capacitiesof the Soul. This work contains a reference to a texts and purposes of the different wocks.
discussion on the different characteristics of small children which sounds
like chat of CharacterTraits- as well as possibly, though by no means
certainly, an explicit reference to chat work. 92 Ir shouid be noted in this
context, though, that if the reference here is not to CharacterTraits- or,
indeed, if CharacterTraitsdoes not after all postdate 192 93 - there is no
clear internal evidence from 'JheCapacitiesof the Soul that it is a late work
at all, let alone (as almost univecsally maintained by modern scholarship)
a verylate one. 94
We may note, finally, chat we do have a fairly clear date (at least within
the limitations we have laid out) for the other major work of 'psychology''
'IheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato. Interestingly, in fact, this is known
on the basis of Galen's explicit account to have been written in (at least)
two phases, since it was begun during ),is first period in Rome (161-166)
and completed in the 'productive' period already discussed (169-176).
There is, then, in purely chronologi,cal terms, a clear gap between that
work of Galen's early-to-middle period (and begun, at least, in his early
thirties) and chose in this volume, belonging - on the hypothesis stated,
and with the provisos discussed - to a late phase of Galen's output, from
193 onwards.
We might expect chat the main difference between the former and the
latter would be that while 'Jh;Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato belongs to

9! But note that the hypothesisis here dependent on AvoidingDistresshavingbeen composedverysoon

after the fire; there is otherwise nothing establishing its date relative to either CharacterTraitsor
Affections
andEn'Ors.
92 Theapparentgeneralreferenceis at QAAf32-33 M. (IV,768K.), the explicitreferenceat 32,8 M.
(lV.768K.). In the translationbelowI do not, in fact,adopt the readingTjt'.:M:w,
accordingto which
th.iswouldindeedbe such an explicitreference;see p. 374, n. 4, with texttialnote 4.2, and note on
thispoint too the slightlydifferingviewofNutton, below,p. 47.
93 TheviewofJouanna;seeagain introduction to Ind.,p. 47.below.
4
9 Seefurtheron this point the introduction to QAM, belowpp. 335-336 and esp. n. 3, listing the
onlyother textsand dates cited in that work.
 l

Avoiding Distress
Vivian Nutton
 Introduction

Avoiding Distressis one of the most personal as well as one of the most
striking of all Galen's works, and the rediscovery in early 2005 of the
complete Greek text has added considerably to our understanding of him
and his milieu. 1 Not only does it confirm and amplify biographical de-
rails previously known only through Arabic biographies of varying degrees
of unreliability, and give greater insight into his psychological and moral
theories, but it also provides new information on ancient books and li~
braries. 2 Above all, it also gives an insider's view into court life during the
reign of one of Rome's most bloodthirsty emperors, Commodus (reigned
180-192). What had previously been left entirely to the imagination of
historical novelists in English and Italian can now be ascertained directly
through Galen's own writing. 3

Date of composition
Although this treatise ostensibly deals with the immediate consequences
of.the Great Fire of Rome in spring 192, the overt criticisms of the em-
peror contained in it can hardly have been made during the lifetime of
Commodus, hence Boudon-Millot's 4 plausible suggestion that this text
was written in the first months of 193, shortly after the assassination of
the emperor on the last day of 192. Galen was certainly in Rome then, for
he recorded in a tract now lost many of the public pronouncements that

I
Before then, it was known only through a referenceto its title in Greek at Lib. Prop.169,17 BM
(XIX.45K.) and a handful of quotations in Arabic and Hebrewauthors. For the problem of the
Greek title, lTEpiO'Avrrlos
or nsp\ ai\u1TfJO'{a5,
see below,p. 77,
2
Meyerhof (l 929), and, on questions of reliability,Swain (2006) 411-418. For boolc.~and libraries,
seebelow,pp. 51-61. Jouanna,BJP lxH-lxiii,listssuccinctlythe new information.
3 Pranrera(1991); Magrl (2004).
4
Boudon~Millot(2007b) 76. For a generaldiscussionof the problem of dating Galen'sworks, see
above,pp. 34-41.

45
46 Avoiding Distress
were made in the time of the new emperor, Perrinax (Lib. Prop. 170,11
BM, XJX.46 K.), but the reperirion of some of the same incidents men-
tioned in this tract in the final book of his commentary on Epidemics VJ
advises caution. In the closing sections of this commentary, which contain
Galen's most detailed account of physical illness brought on by psychologi-
cal stress, the case of the grammarian who.wasted away after losing all his
books in the Great Fire at the Temple of Peace is used to exemplify rhe con-
sequence of grieving: the scholar could no longer sleep, and fell into a fever
from which he soon died. Galen also mentions the loss of his own books in
the recent fire, singling out Prognosisas one of those of which he no longer
had a copy. He also recommends a variety of distractions, such as attend-
ing the theatre, that he had in the past used as a way of reducing the stress
levels of those who feared that they were about to be rhe victims of some
plot by the emperor, or to be poisoned. 5 As an integral part of the com-
mentary, these references indicate that it too must have been composed, or
at least made public, shortly after the death of Commodus. 6 The absence
of any mutual cross-reference in either treatise makes it hard to determine
which was finished earlier, bur Galen's failure to mention Avoiding Distress,
a treatise on a specific·'theme relevant to the point at issue, in a more gen-
eral commentary may be a better indication of priority than the reverse. A
safer conclusion, however, is to consider the two works as being composed
at the same time, sOon after the demise of the emperor.
Even if their precise order cannot be determined, these two disc.ussions
appear to mark a shifr in Galen's interests. Although Galen often returned
to questions he had first raised many years before, and although most of
his so-called ethical trearises do not survive and hence cannot be dated, it
is striking how many of those that do were written in the 190s or later.
'Public statements in the reign of'Pertinax' (Lib.Prop. 170, 10 BM, XIX.46
K.) can hardly have been written before the accession of Septimius Severus
in late 193. Quotations in later authors suggest that CharacterTraitsmust
also be later than 192, for Galen could not have allowed its approving
reference to the bravery of the slaves of Perennis under torture in 185, be-
low, p. 50, to appear while Commodus was still alive.7 How much later is
not clear, but it is very unlikely to predate Avoiding Distress.Affectionsand
5 Hipp. Epid. v1486,19; 494,22; 495,2 WP. For the context, see Garda Ballester{1988) 148-152.
6 Smith (1979) 124 simply dateSthe commentaryto c. 189, without noting the referencecotheTem·
pie of Peace.Cross-referencesto this commentary suggestthat it is likelyto have been finished by
195 at the verylatest.
7 TheArabicsummaryomits the name of Perennisor the date of the conspiracy,but they are given by
Ibn Abi U$aybi'a;see below,CharacterTraits,Quotations 2.l2b.
Introduction 47
Errors,which at 19,8 DB (V.27 K.) cites CharacterTraitsin a way that can-
not be a later addirion, must be later still. As is argued below, pp. 335 ff.,
there is little reason to accept the traditional argument that The Capacities
of the Soul Depend on the Mixtures of the Body must be among the latest
Works of Galen because it supports a somaticist view of the soul that would
appear to be very different from Galen's usual opinion. But this date can
still be maintained especially if the very plausible emendation in chapter l
is accepted, for this would then refer to CharacterTraits,rather than Cus-
tomary Practices. 8 For that reason it has been generally located among the
last works of Galen, perhaps in the first decade of the third century, or even
a little latet.
Jouanna 2 suggests a slightly different relationship between these trea-
tises. In his view, the absence of any reference in Affectionsand Errorsto
Galen's own experience of the fire is improbable if that tract was written
after 193, and he reverts to the older view that both it and CharacterTraits
were written considerably earlier. The reference to the slaves of Perennis
must thus be a later addition to something Galen had written some fifteen
years previously. 10 Bur, although making judgements on the basis of pas-
sages preserved as extracts and a summary in Arabic is hazardous, the form
of this discus_sion is different from Galen's usual insertion of brief cross-
references to his own writings which can be removed from the text without
interfering with the grammar or with the line of thought. Here, by con-
trast, the example of the slaves of Perennis is the basis for a new strand of
argument in the overall discussion: love of the good does not always derive
from educatio!)., but can be innate. Nonetheless, even if Jouanna is right,
this reference at the very least shows that CharacterTraitsunderwent some
modification in 193 or later, and that Galen was still at least sufficiently
interested in the topic to introduce some new material into his copy.
More difficult is the question of the date of Affectionsand Errors,for one
would expect some reference to the events after the fire and to this treatise.
But Galen's omissions are not always easily explicable, and it is possible
that his method of composition accurately reflects comments that he had
made in a situation twenty or more years earlier before his losses in the fire.
It is also striking that he makes no mention of any of the other disasters
that had befallen him much earlier and that are noted in this treatise. 11
8
See below,p. 374. Singer,however,is lessconvincedof the need to emend.
9
BJP Ix.
to Ch,irticterTraitspostdates TheDoctrinesof Hippocrates
and Plato,which was completedin the early-
mid 170s.
11
See also below,p. 274 with n. 203.
48 Avoiding Distress
Although each tteatise has its own agenda, they form a coherent set of
investigations into aspects of morality, caking up themes already discussed
decades before in The Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato. Within the same
overall framework Galen transfers ideas from one treatise to another, as
he shifts his immediate focus. 12 A study of one particular psychological
problem, distress, in a personal and in a m~dical context, is broadened to a
wider study of character traits and to a concern for the natural maJce~upof
the individual. Galen then repeats at some length his advice on how to deal
with psychological affections and errors by a programme of psychologi-
cal therapy and philosophical or logical training. This in turn stimulates
speculation on the nature or composition of the soul, which continues to
trouble Galen even in his final treatise, My Own Opinions.13
Addressee
The anonymous friend of Galen to whom this treatise is addressed
had known him almost since birth and had attended school with him
(Ind. 16,18-19; 18,19-20; 24,12-14 BJP). 14 He must thus be in his six-
ties or early sevendes, and is unlikely to have been the young man who
came to see him in person about being troubled over something minor
(Ajf Pecc.Dig. 25,15-19 DB, V. 37 K.), and whose question was slightly
different from that posed by Galen's old friend. He had written to Galen
from (almost certainly) Pergamum (c£ Ind. 11,15 BJP), where he had first
heard from an informant of the disasters that had befallen Galen in the
fire of 192.15 He was reminded of a similar incident many years earlier
12 I use 'transfer' rather than 'develop',for_,themain lines of Galen'sthought, and much of hi~vo·
cabulary,remain stable often over de9des, and the context of a particular treatise is often more
imponant for the way in which Galen dealswith a theme than a desireto securetotal consistency.
On Jouanna'schronology,Galen returns after some time to theoriesand advicehe had given·earlier.
13 Prop.P!ac.173,13-18; 178,22-26; 188,21-190,16 BMP,with Hankinson (1991c) and Nutton
(1999) 140-145.
14 PaceBJP 114, Galen'sreminder at Ind. 13,9-11 BJP does not necessarilymean that the addressee
had attended lecturesby Galen, only that as a friend of long standinghe had heard Galen make the
samepoint over and over again
l5 Galen'sevidencethat the fire took place at the end of willter,beforethe sailingseasonbegan(Ind.
9,7-11 BJP), settlesthe controversyof the dare of the fire. Neither Herodian, Hist. I.14, nor Dio
Cassius,!iist. LXXIII.24, givesthe year, merelyassociatingthe fire with.portents of the death of
Commodus.Eusebiusof Caesareain his Chronicleplacesit in the thirteenthyearof Commodus, i.e.
March-December 192, but Jerome, who depends on Eusebius,puts it in the tvvelfth,i.e. 191-2.
Textson the fire are most accessiblein Daguet Gagey (1997) 251-254, and Tucci (2008) 134, but
omitting the Galenic referencespreservedin Arabic.Scholarshavebeen divided over the year,but
a firein Februaryor March 191 is lesslikelyto have been taken as a portent than one a year later.
A date in February-March 192 would also fit better with the seriesof communicationsbetween
Introduction 49
when Galen had lost many slaves in an attack of plague, and when he had
had the opportunity to see Galen's demeanour in person (Ind. 2,5-8 BJP).
This friend is also assumed by Galen to share his opinion of the disastrous
reign of Commodus, and to know of Galen's distaste for, or even dismissal
from, court life (Ind. 16,3-8; 18,1-4 BJP). 16 The impression rhat they
had maintained some sort of friendship for years, despite living several
hundreds of miles apart, is nor contradicted by Galen's references to mat-
ters his informant would already have known, e.g. about Teuthras or his
family, for such redundancy is not uncommon amongst old friends, and is
also demanded by the semi-public nature of this composition.
Galen and Commodus
Whether Avoiding Distressis dated to the first months of 193 or a little
later, 17 such negative comments by a courtier so soon after the event are
extremely rare in the surviving literature from the Roman Empire. They
bear comparison with Philo's recollections of his visit on behalf of the Al-
exandrian Jews to see the emperor Caligula in 40 CE, but Philo was not
an insider, and with the reflections of the historians Tacitus and Suetonius
on the reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, Nero and Domitian. 18 But Tacitus
and Suetonius were writing well after the events they describe, whereas this
treatise reflects the great relief that Galen and his friends felt at the death
of their persecutor. Its closest parallel may be found in Pliny's Panegyricus,
with its damning comments on the emperor Domitian, who had died rwo
years previously.
Galen's own relationship with Commodus had been fraught, ever since
he had been entrusted with the care of the prince's health in 169 when his
father, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, rejoined his army on campaign in
northern Italy. Then Galen had followed the prince to palaces around Italy,
taking advantage of his relative leisure to write a large number of medical
and philosophical treatises. He records only one incident from this period
involving Commodus himself, his treatment of the prince's tonsillitis, less
perhaps for its medical significance than for the disdain with which he was
treated by Annia Faustina, a cousin of the emperor. 19
Rome and the friend in Pergamum,allowingenough time for the friend to hear about the disaster
and write backwith his concerns.
16
Unlesswe read at Ind. 18,1 BJP 1TSTl'e\cr(6>cn,
when the beliefwould be Galen's.
17
Seeabove,pp. 45 f£
lS Philo, Legatioad Gaium,written in 41 CE or a little lacer;Tacitus,Annales;Suetonius,Caesares.
"Pmen. 118,30-120,3; 126,13-15; 130,11-134,8 N. (XN.650-651; 657; 661--665 K). Fo, th,
problem of the identificationof Annia Faustinasee commentaryat 222-223 N.
50 Avoiding Distress
In this tract his opinion of Commodus is severely critical. His reign is
the worst in recorded history, a view he believes is shared by his friend
(Ind. 18,1-4 BJP). Its unpredictable savagery left all the court uncertain
whether they would be alive the next day, exiled to a desert island, or
dismissed with the loss of much of their property (Ind. 18,7-9 BJP).
Galen himself had wished several times to abandon his post as an impe-
rial doctor, but had continued as long as possible, perhaps because of
the consequences of any resignation (Ind. 16,4-8 BJP). 20 At the time
of the fire he was in Campania, where he was making preparations for a
much longer, if not permanent, stay. He had other personal reasons to
rejoice at the emperor's death. At least rwo of his friends had suffered
at rhe hands of Commodus. A former patient, the younger Quintilius
Condianus, then in Syria, was hunted down, and, although he man-
aged to escape, his eventual fate was unknown. 21 C. Aufidius Victori-
1
nus, to whom Galen dedicated his Commentary on Hippocrates'Regimen
in Acute Diseases'(see also below, p. 86, n. 55), took his own life (Dio,
Hist. LXXIII.11). Another friend, Arria the female philosopher, may be
related co Arrius Antoninus, another senator condemned to death on
a false charge (Scrlpt. hist. Aug., Comm. 7,1). The sympathy shown by
Galen in Character Traits (below, Character Traits, Quotations 2.12b)
for the bravery of the slaves of Perennis, who refused in 185 to reveal
under torture thC'·names of anyone. who might be incriminated in his
conspiracy, suggests that he too felt that Perennis had been unjustly
put to death on a trumped-up charge. There were others who had ap-
proached him with their worries about-imperial intrigues against them,
or worse. 22 Even ifi on a wider perspectivei the reign of Commodus
brought tangible benefits to provincials across the Empire, as Olivier
Hekster has argued, senators viewed it as a reign of terror - ahd, accord~
ing to Galen, they were rig~t ·to do so. 23
2°For the possibilitythat Galen had himself been dismissed,see below,pp. 91-92 with n. 92.
21 Galen, Praen.120,8-15 N. (XlV.651 K.), with the commentary, 214 N.; Dio Cassius, Hht. LXX-
II.6,4 and 7,1; Script. hist. Aug., Comm.4,9. There may be an allusion to this or to similai events
at Ind.22,2-4 BJP.
22 Galen, Hipp.Epid.VJ494,22 WP. Zonta (1995) 48-49, fr. 15, suggeststhat the comment that a
virtuousfather can produce an evil son 'as we have seen in our own days' (fr. 16), is also an allusion
by Galen to Commodus and his philosopher father Marcus Aurelius.
23 Hekster (2002). A similar differencecan be observed between the favourableconclusions of some
modern hismrianson many aspectsof the reigns of Tiberius, Nero and Domitian and the universal
hostUityof such upper-classhistorians as Tacitus and Sueronius. Note also Galen'supper-classdis-
dain for those who were not 'respectablecitizens' (Ind. 20,12-14 BJP).
Introduction 51
Writing, copying and publication
Avoiding Distressis of particular importance fOr the new evidence it brings
for the composition, publication, and preservation of ancient writings. Al-
though elsewhere Galen provides an abundance of information about his
own methods of writing, inclllding his use of trained stenographers to take
down his words while talking, here he presents new details about the way
in which his writings were distributedi as well as the preservation of the
writings of others in the libraries of Rome.
The work itself is ambiguous in its aim. Although ostensibly a private
letter to a friend, written in response to a personal query, it has a wider
audience in mind. Particularly in its second part, with its stories and
quotations, it resembles other treatises in both Greek and Latin aimed
at providing consolation or giving advice to others on the way in which
they should face difficulties in their lives. Of particular relevance is the
treatise by Plutarch Depl EV6vµias, or, in its traditional Latin title, De
tranqui!litate animi, 'keeping a tranquil spirit', which has a similar pur-
pose and uses some of the same examples. 24 That too is avowedly com-
posed in response to a letter from a friend (464e), although the focus
here on eve_nts in Galen's lifei as well as his references to experiences
shared with his correspondent, imparts a much more personal flavour to
this tract than to any similar production. Avoiding Distressis at one and
the same time an immediate response to a friend's letter and a document
whose moral encouragement its author intends for a wider audience.
The friend thus provides Galen with the justification for writing (a typi-
cal strategy of Galen's), and is also complicit in affirming the message
of Galen's success to an audience that knows Galen only rhrough his
writings. 25
This contrast berween public and private may not have been as sharp for
Galen as it would be for us, for, as he tells us here, the manner in which his
works circulated involved a combination of private and public initiatives.
The word that Galen uses to describe the transmission of his writings,
ekdidonai (Ind. 8,20 BJP), although often translated as 'publish', is more
precisely represented as 'distribute', for, although there were booksellers
who had for sale copies of Galen's own writings (as well as others that
purported to be by him), the process began with a decision by an author
24
BJP xxxix-lviii,rightly stressingthat the personal elements in this treatisegive it a very different feel
from that of Plutarch.
25 Asper (2005) 23-26.
52 Avoiding Distress
to let a work out of his own possession. 26
As his comment on che origins
of his tract On WealthyMoney-loversshows (Ind. 26,1-3 BJP), Galen was
often spurred to writing by some incident or question, and he regularly
responded to requests from friends or distant admirers. Whether he wrote
down his thoughts himself, or, more likely, had them taken down by one
of his copyists, the result remained with hi.m until he decided to distribute
it to others. For ease of consultation (Ind. 8,19-9,5 BJP), he had planned
to have copies made of all his writings so that he could have them both in
Rome and on his country estate in Campania where he planned to spend
at least part of the year. He also allowed friends to have their own copies,
arranging for some to be sent from Rome to Asia Minor. Once there, it
was up to their owners to decide what further should be done. 27 Certainly,
by the time of writing, Galen knew that many of them had placed cop-
ies in public libraries, and he was happy to comply with the demands of
friends with this in mind. Other doctors had also had their writings placed
at public disposal in this way. The Emperor Tiberius had ordered a recipe
of the doctor Paccius Antiochus to be placed in all public libraries, and
the Emperors Had~,i~nand Antoninus Pius are said to have done the same
wirh the Chironides{7he Daughters of Chiron) of Marcellus of Side. 28 It
was in part by such donations that the many libraries that are known from
epigraphic, literary and archaeological evidence continued to grow after
the death of their original donor. These libraries in turn provided an op-
portunity for anyone who wished, like Galen himself in Rome, to have a
private copy made of whatever book took their fancy. The existence of his
writings in these external repositories also explains why Galen could trace
so many of them after theloss of his own library in the fire. Although some
of them will never have been recovered, like the first edition of 7he Compo-
sitionof Drugs (Ind. 12,22-13,l' BJP), others, like Anatomical Procedures,
seem to have been quickly replaced, while others, like Prognosis,were not
apparently retrieved for sorhe time, and perhaps were never seen again by
Galen.29The decision to give out a work was that of the author, but he had
little control from then on over its distribution.
In his account of his losses, Galen lays great stress on the holdings of
the Palatine libraries, and the double disaster when both they and his own
26 Lib.Prop.134,2-136,9BM (XIX.8K.); Dorandi (2000) 103-126; Pernot (2007).
27 Not alwaysto Galen'sliking, Ord.Lib.Prop,89,12 BM (XIX51 K.).
18 ScriboniusLargus,Comp.97; Antho!ogiaGraeca7, 158.Tiberius also ordered copiesof certain poets
to besimilarlyplacedin public libraries,Suetonius, Tib.70,2, and in general,but without mention-
ingGalen,Starr (1987)216.
29 Galen,Hipp.Epid !11495,2-10WP.
Introduction 53
books perished in the flames together, for they were a major source for his
°
own copies (Ind. chs 12-20). 3 For some of rhe texts he found there, he
made an edition of his own, correcting mistakes and ensuring that what
was there corresponded to the words of the author, before handing them
On to scribes to make a fair copy. The result was an extrernely accurate 'edi-
tion', preserving exactly all the punctuation as well as the editorial mark-
ings, th'e single and double lines and the coronis that marked off groups of
poems or the ending of a book, an act, or a whole work. 31 These signs were
usually copied into the margins of the papyrus roll, and were essential for
making sense of passages and works within a continuous roll.
At this period the roll was still the standard form in which most Greek
and Latin books were written, but it was not always easy to find a particu-
lar place within a large roll. It is no coincidence that one of the earliest
examples of a detailed table of contents to survive occurs in a treatise by a
pharmacologist, Scribonius Largus, writing around 48 CE. Simply by list-
ing and numbering the recipes at the outset of his collection, Scribonius
indicated to the reader whereabouts in the large roll to look for the one
or two remedies that he might need. Most of Galen's works were copied
in this form, but he also indicates another way of conserving drug reci-
pes (Ind. 11,21-12,2; 12,9 BJP), for one of his sources, a doctor called
Eumenes (or Eudemus), kept his collection of recipes in the form of two
parchment codices, similar to modern books. These would easily allow
for consultation and for other recipes to be added, either to pages left
incomplete~ or on separate pages that could be sewn in.32 The practical
advantages of such volumes gradually became recognized.
Roman libraries
Bui: it is the new information on Roman libraries and their contents that
is perhaps of greatest interest. 33 Although much is known about the main
3
3
° For the identityof these libraries,see below,pp. 57-61.
i Ind. 6,13-16 BJP.For such markingsin general,see McNamee {1992). For the dipli (double line:
>), which could serve a varietyof purposes,seeTurner (1980) 115-118, (1987) 14 and pl. 16, 21,
22, 25. The coronis,Turner (1987) 12, with exampleson pl. 15, 17, 21, 43, 74, wasa complicated
figure usuallymarking the end of a book to guarantee that it was complete. But it could also be
used, as the papyrus examplesshow, to mark the end of a group of poems or an act of a comedy
within a roll, and, Jouanna argues, BJP 58, to separateone book from another.
32 Nicholls(20l O);see also below,p. 87 with n. 67, for possibleother instancesof recipeskept in this
way. Ephraim Lev tells me that some of rhe recipe collectionspreservedamong the medical frag-
ments from the (medieval)Cairo Genizawere made up in this way,and could be used for private
purposesas well as made availablefor wider copying.
33 Roselli(2010). For Roman libraries,see Fedel!(1988), Dix and Houston (2006), Jones {2009).
54 Avoiding Distress
libraries in the city of Rome, what they contained is much less familiar.
Galen's lists reflect at least in part his own interests in philosophy and in
Attic comedy, but even that glimpse into the holdings of books in Rome
indicates the riches that Empire had brought to the capital. Galen divides
them into two categories. The first comprises, as well as autograph copies
of ancient grammarians, oratorsj doctors. and philosophers, several vol-
umes that had .been special!)'.f'epared for famous collectors and that were
renowned for their accuracy. 3 They included the copy of the works of Pla-
to that had belonged to the Stoic philosopher Panaetius, who had lived for
a while in Rome in the 140s BCE. He had died at Athens, and his books
may have been among those brought to Rome after the conquest of Athens
by Sulla in 86 BCE. 35 There were also the 'two Homers' of Aristarchus
(c. 216-144 BCE), the scholar, critic and head of the Alexandrian library.
What these 'two Homers' were is much disputed. The phrase could refer to
the two parts of Aristarchus' critical edition of the Iliad and Odyssey,but,
since Aristarchus vigorously opposed the theory that two different poets
by the name of Homer had composed the Iliad and the Odyssey,another
interpretation is possible. 36 Aristarchus famously changed his mind about
the interpretation ofthe Homeric poems, and the phrase could then re-
fer to the two different recensions of the Homeric poems, parts of which
were utilized by Didymus, a grammarian who lived in the period of the
early Roman Empire. Galen's comment that the originals were destroyed
in Rome in 192 resolves the old problem about whether Didymus was able
to work on Aristarchus) originals in. preparing his studies either ·in Alex-
andria or elsewhere, or whether they had already been lost by fire at one
of the Alexandrian libraries.37 Other volumes belonged to distinguished
famous scribes or collectors, like Callinus, Atticus, and the more obscure
Peducaeus. 38
34 Jouanna, BJPxviii and 54-56, argues strongly that the reading o:IJ,6ypcxqio: (autographs), which
wouldappearto havebeenalreadypresentin the Greeksourceof the Arabictradition, should be re-
placedby &v,(ypo:qio: (copies).While one can agreewith Jouanna about the exaggerationinvolved
in claimingthat there were many autographsand about the implausibilityof the autographs identi-
fiedin the Arabictradition, Galen is here talking primarily of works in the Royal Libraries,not his
own collection,and the possibilityis therefore greater that some of them were, or were assumed to
be, autographs.The phrase 0:VTlypaqio: l31{3Akxwould also be odd in this context, for 6:v,!ypaqio:is
usuallyfound on its own.
35 PaceGourinat(2008), who suggeststhat Galen'swording implies an 'edition' of Plato by Panaetius.
Seenow Doran& (2010).
36 For Aristarchusand his recensions or commentaries, see Pfeiffer(1968) 213-219; Fraser (1972)
462-465;McN,mce(1992).
37 For Didymus,see Pfeiffer(1968) 274-279; West (1970), and below,p. 85 with n. 51.
38 Lucian,Adv,Indoctum 2,24, twicementions a famous scribecalled Callinus, both times linked with
the name of Atticus. Jones (2009} 391-392, plausiblysuggeststhat this otherwise unknown man
Introduction 55
The second group consisted of works on medicine and philosophy.
Galen says nothing further abour the former, unless by 'all rhe ancients' he
was specifically referring to a small group of authorities, mainly active in the
fifth and fourth centuries BCE, whom he frequently mentions collectively
as 'the ancients'. 39 Far more striking are his listings of the philosophers that
he was able to copy. Leaving aside Chrysippus the Stoic, and the mysterious
Clytus (or Clitomachus), 40 they are all Peripatetics - Theophrastus, Aristo-
tle, and two of the latter's early pupils, Phaenias of Eresus and Eudemus of
Rhodes. The Palatine collections contained much genuine material that was
included in the 'so-called Catalogues', either the combination of biogra-
phy and bibliography that went back to Alexandrian librarian Callimachus
in the early· third century BCE, and which became the standard reference
point in antiquity for deciding upon authenticity, or, perhaps more likely if
Galen is referring specifically to this philosophical material, the catalogues
of Peripatetic writings drawn up by Andronicus of Rhodes in the late first
century BCE. 41 There were also other works that Galen adjudged to be
spurious on grounds of content or style. Some of the books he noticed
were common, 'which everybody has', but there were also less familiar
works by Theophrastus, especially on what we might term science, and by
Aristotle which, although included in the Catalogues, were more difficult
to find. 42 Galen's emphasis on Peripatetic writings may simply reflect his
is Catlinus of Hermione, a Peripatetic philosopher to whom Lycan, one of the heads of the School,
bequeathed around 225 BCE his unpublished MSS in the hope that he would publish them, Dio-
genes Laertius, Vit. phil V.73. Atticus may be identified with the cultured bibliophile friend of
Cicero, T. Pomponius Atticus. Galen quotes the variant reading of a passagein Plato's Timaeusfrom
one of the Atticiall MSS, Plat. Tim. fr. 2, 13,3 K.w, and Atticus' manuscripts have been presumed
to Heat the base of the modern manuscript tradition of severalauthors, Gourinat (2008) 146-148
and BJP 50-52. Jones (2009) 391, proposes to emend to 11.TTiK<O:v>O. No Roman name corre·
sponds to Boudon-Miliot's (2007b) PeductlS/Peducius,but Gourinat (2008) 146, and Jones (2009)
3:?I, independently emend to ne6ovi<aTa,or ne6ovKa1a11&:, linking him with Sextus Peducaeus
(c. 75 - after 32 BCE), the friend of Cicero and Atticus, who may be assumedto have shared their
literary tastes.A grave-inscriptionfrom Rome, CILVI.2.9218, mentioning a freedman bookseller,
Sex. PeducaeusDionysius, may be connected with Cicero's friend. Another possible identification
would be a member of a later family of Peducaei,which was prominent in court circles from the
eighties, and continued for three generations to hold consulships. Dorandi (2010) argues that all
three names are those of famous scribes.
39 Gal., Opt.Med. Cog,t,68-69 I,, is a typical example of his choice of'ancients', see Nunon (1990}
246-247; Roselli(1999) 364-365; van de<Eijk (1999,).
40
·Forpossible identifications,see p. 82 n. 34 below.It is unlikely that this was [Hera]clitus.
41
For the Alexandrian catalogues, see Pfeiffer (1968) 127-134; Fraser (1972) 452-453; Plutarch,
Su!l 26.3. The suggestion that these were the cataloguesof Andronicus I owe to Matthew Nicholls.
The phrase 'so-called' rules out the possibility that these cataloguesare those of the Roman librar-
ies, for Galen uses the phrase elsewhereeither to comment on an unusual technical term, which
,r(11aK€$is not, or to refer to a spe<:ific,famous example, as here.
42 For the text of sections 16-18, and the problems of interpretation, see Rashed (2011) and below,
pp. lOO!f.
56 Avoiding Distress
own interests, but it raises the possibility, as Matthew Nicholls suggests,
that the holdings on the Palatine included the manuscripts of Aristotle and
Theophrastus that had been brought back by Sulla after his conquest of
Athens in 86 BCE, and were edited by Andronicus of Rhodes later in the
century.43 Arabic biographers of Galen also claimed that he had lost in the
fire manuscripts of the writings of Anax~goras and Andromachus, as well
as a treatise on poisons by Rufus of Ephesus. 44 None of these authors is
mentioned in this treatise, and although Galen certainly had some of the
works of Andromachus, whether this is the elder, doctor to Nero, or his
son, doctor to Trajan, a copy of Anaxagoras is highly unlikely. 45 Although
Galen mentions the theories of Anaxagoras from time to time, he shows no
direct acquaintance with any tract, and it is extremeiy doubtful whether,
at this stage, he could have gained access to any treatise except through a
doxography or later citations.4 6 Similarly, although Galen admired Rufus
of Ephesus greatly, and knew his work on theriac, (Ant. XIV.7 K.), it is Teu-
thras whose collection of theriacs and antidotes was lost in the fire. The fault
may not lie entirely with the Arabic biographers who quoted this passage. 47
Except for their fandful claim that Galen had lost a manuscript written
in black silk on whife silk, all the apparent errors in their accounts can be
explained as misunderstandings or miscopyings of the Arabic. Greek names
in particular, once turned into Syriac, and then into Arabic, are frequently
mangled out of all recognition, not I.east because of the difficulty of read-
ing and copying letters that lack any distinctive pointing. The translation
method of!;:!unayn and his school,.which gave the sense of a passage rather
than the meaning of individual words, may also have contributed to what
seems to be, at best, a relaxed interpretation of Galen's account. But one
must always remember that Arabic biographical accounts were intended
more as an entertaining, and to,that end often exaggerated, description of
a great name from the past t,hiin as a carefully researched factual biography.
Even Ibn Abi U~aybi'a, who is far more scrupulous than al-Mubassir, and
who indicates his own erudition and gives added weight ro the truth of his
exposition by naming the Galenic texts on which he draws, still builds on
earlier and less reliable sources. 48
43 Nicholls(2010), See Strabo, Geqgr.XlIL 1.54; Plutarch, Sull 26.1-3,
44 Boudon-Mil!ot (2007b) 84-85, who gives the passagesin Ibn Abi U~aybi'a-andal-MubasSirin
French.See also Meyerhof(1929); Rosenthal(1975) 33-36; BJP lxxi-lxxiii.
45 Nutton (1996). For his sourcesin pharmacology,Fabrkius (1972),
46 PaceStrolunaier(1970)in his commentaryon Distinctions betweenUniformPartsin CMG.
47 If Rufus' book is the same as his work on poisons and antidotes, there are severalreferencesto it in
later Arabicauthors, Ullmann (1970) 321-322,
48 Swain(2006) 411-418.
Introduction 57
More problematic, for a variety of reasons, is Galen's description ofche
libraries thar he had visited in Rome. One of the ambiguities is not of
Galen's own making, for in his day the Greek word Tiai\c'mov could mean
both the imperial palace and the Palarine hill on which it stood. 49 1be
inosr celebrated of Rome's public libraries, rhe Greek and Latin libraries
that formed part of the complex of rhe Temple of Apollo, were, strictly
speaking, outside the palace proper, although the temple irself was delib-
erately sited so as to emphasize the close link between it and Augustus'
palace. 50 It is also a moot point whether the library of rhe Domus 'flberi-
ana, rhe House of Tiberius, could be considered as being on the Palatine,
especially if ir is to be located on the lower slopes of rhe hill, see below. But
Galen's eleganrly varied prose also hampers precision, for he refers to both
library and libraries 'in', 'on', or 'at' the Dafl.6T1ov.5 1 Further confusion
is imparted by the poor quality of the text at this point, which requires
considerable emendation and which has even suggested to more than one
scholar rhar Galen is nor referring to books he had seen in Rome, but to
some in the imperial palace on the cliffs at Antium (Anzio).5 2 Jones' argu-
ment, although implausible, points to a further difficulty, the identifica-
tion of rhe library whose contents, ravaged by damp, had cost Galen so
much time and effort to copy. 53Given the difficulties of the text (discussed
in the section below, pp. 100 ff.), total certainty may never be achieved,
but the limits of the problem can be clearly defined.
Galen's Greek throughout this section is clearly structured by his use of
particles, even if some of the wording is open to doubt, and his general
argumenr can. be easily followed. He had come across some minor works
49
Boudon-Millot (2007b) 105 n, 240, hesitantly translatesas 'Palatin', although her assertion, re-
peated at BJP 48, that there were sevenpublic librarieson the hill is a misunderstandingofFedeli
(1988). Tucci (2008) 134 prefersPa!atium,and (2009) 'Pa.lace'.
50
Dix and Houston (2006) 681-688. Gros (1993) 57 stressesthe interconnectionsbetween temple
and palace.
51
SingularInd, 7,3 (MSVlatadon 14 and Boudon-Millot2007b); 8,2. Plural Ind. 5,17; 7,3 (emend-
ed); 7,15. Ev5,17; 7,2; 7,16. KO:T6: 7,14; 7,20 BJP.At Comp.Med. Gen.Xlll.362 K., Galen talks
of'the great librariesat (Kett6:) the Palatine'.The plural could refersimply to the Greek and Latin
52
librariesat the Temple of Apollo, but it could also encompassother collections.
Jones (2009),394-395, Rashed(2011)60; rightlyrejectedbyTucci(2009).
53
Jouanna, BJP 74, arguesthat the subject of the sentencerefersto Galen'sown copies,and that any
, discussionof the fate of the library at the DqmusTiberianais irrelevant,But althoughgrammatically
possible,this suggestionis implausiblefor severalreasons.The site of the warehouseswasa little way
up the slopeof the ViaSacrafrom the forum towardsthe ArchofTirus, not in a marshyarea. Even
allowingfor indoor storage,if the site itselfwas as unfavourableas Galen would imply,he and the
emperors'servantswould have been foolishto havestoredvaluablebooksand documentsthere. Th.is
interpretationalso requiresGalen to haveleft the remainsof his libraryout amid the ruins for many
months beforereturning to attempt to uruoll his carbonizedcopies.That such deterioration could
have taken place through damp in eighteenmonths is unlikely.See now Tucci {2013),
58 Avoiding Distress
of Theophrastus and Aristotle, some of which were not recorded in the
Catalogues, and others which had not circulated widely, if at all (or, keep-
ing the manuscript's reading, were mentioned' but were not on rhe shelf in
a particular library or libraries). Still others appeared to be pseudonymous.
Many of chem he had found in the libraries on the Palatine, and others
elsewhere. The fire had begun at the Temple of Peace,54 before spreading
to the repositories along the Sacred Way, arid then to chose on the Palatine,
which were likewise destroyed or severely damaged. One library, possibly
that in the Domus Tiberiana, was already in a bad state as a result of ne~
glect (or worse) and, if the last part of the sentence refers to this library,
of damp as well, because it was located in a hot, sticky low-lying marshy
area that caused the book rolls to become stuck together. Galen had ex-
pended much time and effort in procuring copies, but, he concedes in a
parenthetic aside, all this is now in vain (since both originals and copies
have perished). 55
Pier Luigi Tucci (2008), (2009) rightly argued that a library on the airy
Palatine hill itself could scarcely be called stiflingly low lying, and sug-
gested chat Galen was referring to an area at the base of the northwest
corner of the Palatine;' 1n the valley between it and the Capitoline through
which the CloacaMaxima flows. This had been a marshy area, and there
are archaeological remains of a building on the site of the later church of S.
Maria Antiqua that more than one scholar has posited was once a library.
There are spaces where books might be stored, and the careful construction
of the floor suggests that it was laid.down in a damp area. 56 This, Tucci
suggested, was the library of the Domus Tiberiana,part of the extension of
the palace under Caligula that brought it down the hill and almost into the
forum.57 His argument is plausible, but for one thing: this building was
not damaged in the fire. The archaeological evidence for burnt buildings in
54 Although Galen implies that the fi're began at the Temple, now in part under the church of SS.
Cosmasand Damian, Daguet Gagey(1997) 61-63 plausiblysuggestson the basisof archaeological
evidencethat it had started a little further to the nonh, in the SUbura,beyondTrajan'sForum and
near to his markets, confirming Dio Cassius'comment, Hist. LXXIIL24, that it beganin a private
house.The Temple of Peace,which gaveits name to this outbreak, was the first major building to
be destroyed.
55 If a library within the Domus Tiberianahad been consumed by fire, its MSScould hardl}'have
continued to exist in a damp and water~damagedstate, so that a parenthesis or some similar
punctuation is certainly needed at Ind. eh. 19, before Galen explains why he had difficulty in
obtaining copies, If it is another (surviving)library that is indicated, then the clause could refer
merely to the results of its continued deterioration over the years, and one could then followthe
Budepunctuation.
56 Hurst (1986); Coare!H(1993), with bibliographyof earlieridentifications;Tucci (2008) 143-144.
57 Krause(1993); Hurst {1993); Daguet Gagey(1997) 337-338 and pl. V; Dix and Houston (2006)
690-<>91;Tucci (2008) 143 n. 31, (2013).
Introduction 59
this part of Rome gives a consistent pattern chat can be clearly marked on
a map. The fire spread in a roughly southerly direction from the Temple of
Peace, across the Vt'aSacra,and reached the Palatine via the warehouses,
missing Tucci's proposed site of the library of the Domus Tiberiana58 (see
Figure !). There is clear proof of damage by fire near the Domus itself,
which was extensively repaired in the Severan period, confirming Galen's
claim that it was destroyed or badly damaged.59 But Tucci's proposed site
of the library of the Domus Tiberianawas untouched: even if sparks and
debris from burning buildings landed on it, the fire did not take serious
hold. 60 There is no evidence of burning or of any rebuilding in the Severan
period. It would also have been sheltered to a certain extent by the ramp
leading up the hill chat separates it from the main palace complex.
There is here a conflict of evidence that cannot easily be resolved. Ga-
len's text, with its careful use of particles, makes it clear that he believed
that at least part of the Domus Tiberianahad been destroyed, and perhaps
with it its library. 61 On the other hand, there is a possible library building
in a site that corresponds very closely to Galen's description, but which was
not burnt or seriously damaged in 192. There are three possible solutions,
none of which is entirely satisfactory.
The first is .that this untouched building was not the library of the Domus
Tiberiana,which must have lain further to the east, in the lea of the Pala-
tine, although no suitable archaeological remains have yet been securely
identified. The second solution is to say that Galen was misc.ken, and
that returning to Rome in the immediate aftermath of the fire, and seeing
the devastation caused to his property and the area around the Via Sacra,
he presumed that all the buildings in the vicinity had fallen victim to the
flames. But several months had elapsed between the fire itself and the writ-
ing of this treatise, and it might be thought odd that Galen, a resident in
Roine, had not been able to correct his misunderstan,ding during this time.
Tucci's latest (2013) proposal is that while book repositories associated
with the Domus burned down, the library itself remained untouched. No
solution is without its problems, but those who wish to use this evidence
to place the library of the Domus Tiberianaon the site of S. Maria Antiqua
58
Tucci (2008) 135, with a dearer map than Daguet-Gagy(1997).
59 Krause(1993); Tucci (2008), (2009). Galen'sevidencerulesout a recent theory that puts the Domus
on the Southwestside of the Palatine,closerto the Capitoline,for this areawasnot damaged in 192.
°
6
Coaxelli(1993), who suggestsa slightly different identificationfor the building; Hurst (1993) re-
ports recent archaeologicalfindings.
61
Galen's formulation, 'in/at (tv) which there was also a library', does not suggest that he saw the
library and Domusas so distinct that one would have survivedwithout the other.
60 Avoiding Distress Introduction 61
should be aware that in doing so they may be contradicting a contempo-

'Piazza Venezia
' '
" "
" " ",l:j~" ~
rary, interested and intelligent witness. who stated firmly that it had been
destroyed or severely damaged by fire.
But there is also a further institution whose existence may point the way
to a different solution, the Athenaeum. Founded by the Emperor Hadrian, it
~ 'o'.,i,1;'', was an educational establishment) a ludus ingenuarumartium (Aurelius Vic-
, ---.......... -...;o~i .
tor, Caes.XIV.1.3) close to the Domus Tiberiana.It would have contained
CAPITOLINE ,~ "~;zV- auditoria and perhaps a library, although nothing is known of its contents. 62
HILL ~~o/ "<'"Tl:!:'ple Scholars have for several decades suggested that this was the building near
~~o Temple
" "of,
Peace
the site of S. Maria Antiqua identified by Tucci with the library of the Domus
Tiberiana.63 Literary sources testify to its continued existence in the third
of Antoninps)i
f and Fausti~ / / ,........,.:,
..\ century, and, as has already been noted, the building at S. Maria Antiqua
~ s (/ /~- escaped serious damage from the fire of 192. If Coarelli is right to place
~ '1c1q,D" l (a) Basp1ca, " the Athenaeum here and if a reference to the Athenaeum library is inserted
~t:t j ::.<ty
'· ......--~,axentu , : , at 7,3 and 8,2 BJP, Galen's credit is restored, for the library of the Domus
cJ S. Maria Antiqua
(b)
Tiberianawouldthen have been elsewhere, within the complex to the east of
:,;.
/}!
,:··:(c)
'•.}
' the ramp. 64 But this remains a very uncertain hypothesis at best, especially
Gl .
as recent excavations have suggested another site for the Athenaeum, to the
northwest of the Forum, by the modern Piazza Venezia.65

Grief, distress and consolation

How to cope with the disasters and uncertainties of human life was a cen-
tral theme in the writings of ancient philosophers, particularly in the Hel-
lenistic period. 66 Cicero was not alone in asserting that nothing was more
wretched, more repugnant or more grotesque than to see a man shattered,
enfeebled and laid low by distress.67 He himself had been badly affected
Augustus•
by the death of his daughter Tullia in 45 BCE, when, as a way of dealing
Palace
(d)
with his bereavement, he not only read everything that he could lay his
hands on that offered to alleviate grief, bur also wrote his own Consolatio
for his own and others' benefit (Attic. XIL14.3). He had written a similar
Figure 1 Map indicatingthe areaaffectedby the fire of 192, with the possiblelocations
of Galen's storeroom and Rome's libraries 62
Becauseit was not a public building, it does not .figurein the lists of Fedeli (1988) and Dix and
Houston (2006). Given his eminence, Galen would have had no difficultyin gaining access.
(a) Horrea Piperataira(SpiceMarket), possiblesite of Galen'sstoreroom 63
Coarelli (1993) givesthe literary and epigraphic texts, and a detailed bibliography.
(b) Horrea Vespasiani, possible site of Galen's storeroom 64
.Jbid.The question of the identity of this mysteriousbuilding still remains even if we accept Leith's
(c) Tucci'sproposed site for library of Domus Tiberiana, COarelli'sproposed suggestionand read ctvT!ypmpain chapters 16-18, see below,p. 101.
site for Athenaeum 65
A report in the Rome newspaper La Repubblica,dated 9 October, 2009, indicates a monumental
(d) Double librnryat Templeof Apollo] building of imperial (Hadrianic?) date, including an auditorium with seats, with a marble flooring
on the same level, and of the same type, as one associatedwith a library adjacent coTrajan'sForum.
This area was unaffected by the fire of 192.
66
The discussionin BJP x:xix-lviiideals at length with all aspectsof this theme.
67
Cicero, Tusc.lV:35, translation based on Erskine (1997) 36.
62 Avoiding Distress
tract before, and had to be reminded of his own earlier advice by his friend
Atticus (Attic. XIl.20.1). Later on, in his Tusculam, he drew on his own
experiences in giving advice on how to deal with 'the various sorrows and
troubles' that afflicted him, also quoting at 111.29-30the same advice from
Euripides that Galen also mentions. Seneca in his letter to Lucilius on the
death of his friend Flaccus admits that he roo had been overcome by sor-
row (Moral Letters68.14-15), although elsewhere, in Letter 69, a consola-
tory letter on the death of a young child, he takes a much stronger line
against succumbing to grief.68
By contrast Galen here is not talking of his own failings, but, as later
in Affectionsand Errors,using his own experience to pass on to his friend
his prescription for equanimity, or the Stoic 'magnanimity', that will allow
him to rise above most of the troubles that will affect him. It is less a con-
solation for things suffered than advice for the future. Such sermons were
the stock in trade of every moralist and every public performer. 69 Plutarch
offCrs similar advice and uses some of the same examples in De tranquil-
litate animi (Keepinga Tranquil Spirit), and, to move from predecessors to
successors of Galen, Jcwas precisely for its moral advice that the Jewish
scholars Ibn 'Aknin 'and Ibn Falaquera drew on this tract for their own
moral treatises. 70 On one level Galen's prescription is banal and common~
place: if one constantly imagines and prepares to face the worst disaster
that might occur; one is likely to be i.n a bettet position to respond calmly
and unemotionally when it happens, and, still more, when it turns out to
be less serious than one had feared.,~omeone in constant fear of execution,
as must have happened often under Commodus, is thus relieved when the
punishment is only exile or imprisonment. Similarly, a right perspective on
the value of what one might lose will prevent undue worry or distress when
books, money or property vanish. What is a loss of 10,000 drachmas, if
one still has 90,000, more than enough to live on comfortably? And life at
court is a mixed blessing. Such sentiments were hardly new: indeed, they
were so commonplace that Juvenal could parody them in Satire 13.71
Galen's title expresses precisely the theme of this tract. Unlike Plutarch
in De tranquillitate, whose aim was to promote a particular lifestyle, that
of tranquility, and who ranged widely over a variety of situations, some
68
Wilson (1997).
69 Boudon-Mitlot reminded me of (lost) treatises ncpl &i\u1rlcxsby, or ascribed to, Antiphon the
Sophist, the Stoic Diogenes of Babylonand Plutarch.
70 In his Consolaticad Apollonium 112d, Plutarch quotes the same passagefrom Euripides as Galen
and Cicero. For the later tradition, see Halkin (1944); Zonta (1995).
7l Braund (1997) 71-75, adapting Peripateticarguments.
Introduction 63
pleasant, others not, Galen's discourse emphasizes a negative, not submit-
ting to Lupi!,distress.72Although this word has usually been translated in
earlier references to this tract as 'grief', the term is more complex and more
extensive than the English word suggests. In Stoic thought Lupi!was one
of the main categories of the passions, which could be further subdivided
according to the type of pain:· so, for instance, grief, penthos,was pain at an
untimely death.73 Their philosophy emphasized that the true philosopher,
the true Stoic, could triumph over passion and pain, and that succumbing
was thus a failure of philosophical intent. The Epicureans also claimed that
their philosophy could eliminate all sorts of disturbance, including Lupi!.
The first half of Galen's essay might suggest that Galen is favouring one of
these appr0aches, especially as at Ind. 16, 10-17 BJP he characterizes 'mag-
nanimity, in Stoic terms as a brave indifference to misfortune.
But as the second part of the tract makes clear, Galen distances him-
self from both Stoic and, to a greater extent, Epicurean ideals in advocat-
ing what he wishes his audience to believe is a common-sense and, on
the basis of his own experience, achievable and effective response. I--Iere-
jects the Stoic notion that one can remain calm in the face of the total
loss of one's property, as their founder, Zeno, was said to have done (Ind.
21, 13-17 BJP), and his praise of Crates (?) and Diogenes the Cynic (Ind.
15,7-10 BJP) in the face of extreme poverty or homelessness is qualified
by the implication that such tolerance is beyond most people. He refuses
to accept that any advice that he might give would produce invulnerability
to any misfortune whatsoever (Ind. 21,13-19 BJP), excusing himself for
his probable inability to remain undisturbed even while being tortured to
death in the bull of Phalaris, a favourite Epicurean claim for their sage.
Their notion of a good life as one free from trouble (Ind. 21,5-10 BJP)
he finds both unattainable and weakly limited, for everyone, and indeed,
every living thing, desires to do something, which. inevitably brings with
it some disturbance of one sort or another. This argument he deployed
elsewhere, not least in his lost writings Agaimt Epicurus.74
His own preference, as he also makes clear in other treatises, is for a
Platonic-Aristotelian emphasis on moderating one,s emotions t.hrough a
combination of natural talent, habituation and education. Both here and
72
At Aff. Pecc.Dig.29, 2-12 (V,42-43 K.) Galen implies that his father reckoned.this negative, not
succumbing to distress,on the same levelas the positive virtues such as courage and temperance.
n Andronkus, Pasf,I (SVF3.39l); Stobaeus,Eel II.91 (SVF3.394). See also (Galen], Hipp. Hum.
XVI.325,14-326,1 K., which may be a genuine fragment preservedin a medievalversion and then
retrans!atedinto Greek. See also the discussionat p. 96.
74
For a possibleidentification, seep. 95 n. 108, and for the textual problem, BJP 165.
64 Avoiding Distress
in Affectionsand Errorshe lays great stress on the example of his father
and of his ancestors before him, who without benefit of philosophy had
brought Galen up in a tradition of professional and moral virtue (Ind.
chs 51, 57-62, 65, 79). Galen's father and grandfather had all been archi-
tects, and his great-grandfather had been a land surveyor.7 5 His friend is
assumed to be able ro follow Galen's advice because he had been brought
up in a similar environment and had a similar nature (Ind. 24,12-14 BJP).
Of rhe three things that his friend suggested might have influenced Galen
(Ind. 2,4 BJP), training, arguments, and doctrines (or preconceptions),
it is the first that the practically minded Galen prefers ro stress in this
treatise. Health in body and mind, along with the wellbeing of friends
and relatives, as well as an adequate supply of material goods, provides
the foundation for the happy life, and that in turn can be maintained in
harsher times through an appropriate education. But all this requires con-
stant training, a daily exercise (Ind. 18,9-16; 23,13-14 BJP) that is almost
spiritual, in order to achieve the required mastery over distress.
AvoidingDistress,however, is rare among philosophical treatises in de-
pending for its effect not so much on the suitability of the advice being prof-
fered, but on the recognition by the addressee that this advice has already
worked.76 This is not some piece of airy-fairy theorization, but an explana-
tion ofhowadesiredsituation in the future can be predicated on the basis of
what has alreadyhappened in the past, It is nor just that Galen is advising his
readersto be like himself; his old friend and his informant have already seen
for themselvesthat Galen has alreadr done in practice what he advises them
to do, and his friend wishes to find out how he can do likewise.
But rwo features prevent this treatise from being a paean of self-praise.
The first is the detailed description in the first part of the losses that Galen
had suffered in the fire-his books, instruments, recipes, drugs, everything:
that was needed for his pr~ctice (Ind. 3]-4,5 BJP). And, most unfortu-
nate of all, had the fire broken our only a few months later, he would have
had copies of everything at his country estate in Campania (Ind. 9,5-10
BJP). After such a disaster few of Galen's readers could themselves fail to
be depressed.We are not all Thomas Carlyle. Secondly, Galen is well aware
of his own advantages and of his own limitations. On the one hand, he has
75 AtLib.Prop.
164,25-165,2
BM (XIX.40K.}Galenstatesthat Nkon, his father,had beeninstructed
inarithmetic andlogicbyhis ownfatherand grandfather.
76 SeealsoforGalen's emphasison the factsof his own lifefor validatinghis message,Praen.92,17-20
N. OCfV,623 K.);Ord.Lib. Prop.91,15-92,2BM (XIX.53K). Jouanna,BJP xlv,Iv,stresseshow
thepersonalelementSin this treatisegivean entirelydifferent feel to it from that of Plutarch'stre.i.·
rise.It is, ashe suggests,a doublegift to the recipient,an explanationof Galen'spersonalabilityto
avoiddistressand a mini-treatiseexplaininghow anyone can attain the same result.
Introduction 65
been brought up in a family whose whole ethos was conducive towards this
moral behaviour. On the other hand, Galen accepts that his prescription
does not work for those who have lost everything or for rhose facing the
most extreme tortures. He admits his probable inability to remain calm
tinder such circumstances, and his comments on Crates (?), Diogenes and
Zeno can be taken not only tci show Galen's admiration for their fortitude
bur also his belief that such self-control was way beyond the capacity of
normal people. At the same time, he is even more severe on an Epicurean
preference for inaction and withdrawal from the world, although without
explicitly naming his opponents. Galen expects his readers to play their
part in society, to be true, active citizens, just as his ancestors had been.
TI1at active·life carries with it the inevitable danger of distressing events -
hopes dashed, property destroyed, friends lost or worse - but that is no
excuse to seek a trouble~free life. It is this insistence on the need to live
wirhin society as best one can, to try to make the best of the most difficult
of circumstances, and to accept that trials and tribulations are inevitable,
that marks this treatise out from others, like Prognosis,where the emphasis
on the successes of Galen may seem to diminish the message they contain
for less favoured individuals.
Galen offers similar practical advice in the later Affections and Errors,
although without citing this treatise. He there tells the story of the young
man already mentioned who came to see him for help when he could not
sleep through worry (Aff. Pecc.Dig. 25,15-19 DB, V.37 K.). His question
closely resembled that posed by the addressee here. He wished to know
by what training or doctrines, or by what natural talent, Galen had main-
tained his composure in the face of disaster. Here Galen emphasizes first
one's natural bent, and secondly the role played by education and train-
ing (ibid. 25,19-21 DB, V.37 K.). He once again emphasizes his father's
influence, quoting from his-letter that encouraged him to try to become
immune to distress, a quality that is universally desired, since, like bod-
ily pain, distress is universally considered something bad (ibid. 25,12-14
and 29,6-12 DB, V.37 and 43 K.). He recalls again his own experiences,
stressing also his father's advice to remain content with whatever remains,
provided that is still sufficient for one's needs. He talks again about the
dangers of always wanting more, and of the constant circle of envy. Un-
bounded desires lead to an inevitable feeling of poverty, even when oneis
among the wealthiest citizens of wealthy Pergamum, certainly richer than
Galen, who counts himself as merely one among the 'well-to-do' (ibid.
29,19-34,5 DB, V.43-50 K.). His therapy is not as precise as in Avoiding
Distress,not least because Galen is talking of a wider range of problems,
66 Avoiding Distress
although its practicality remains the same. Simply by breaking down the
big problems into smaller ones, and by training and practising to eliminate
the problems that now, being smaller, can be eliminated more easily, one
can graduallyover time progress in virtue (ibid. 15,6-15 and 37,5-16 DB,
V.20-21 and 56 K.). Galen does not exclude rhe possibility that one can
immediately alter one's major failings, or that one can act like the true sagei
but this is as much an ideal, and as far out of the reach of most mortals, as
is possessinga body as strong as Hercules'. But just as we are quite prepared
to accepta lesserphysical state, provided that it is superior to that of1her-
sites, and we all know that physical exercise will benefit the body, so one
can always strive to improve one's moral behaviour by exercise, even if the
result is not perfect (ibid. 9,3-10, and 11,15-16,10 DB, V: 11 and 15 K.).
Galen)s message remains the same in both treatises in its emphasis on
educationand training: practice makes, if not perfect, at least an improve-
ment over what has gone before. This is attainable by everyone, and, as
Galen once again asserts on the basis of his own experience, it is shown
to work. It does not involve a withdrawal from society, or a long philo-
sophicaltraining. Galen's common-sense moral philosophy as expressed in
both treatisesreseriiblesmuch of his medical philosophy in its independ-
ence and in its refusal to play theoretical games. Galen's advice is based on
his own wide range of experiences, as well as on a detailed knowledge of
rhe most important earlier authorities (although how detailed is far from
clear).His relucrance to enter philosophical debates on morality or to take
the Stoic or Epicurean sage as releyant to an active life within the com,.-
munity finds its parallel in his medical eclecticism and in his often asserted
agnosticismover many philosophical questions. One may, if one wishes,
indulge in such speculation, but this is of little practical help when dealing
with the sick patient. To those-who oppose him, Galen can reply that he
is far more interested in what' works, and, frequently, he uses his own exw
periencesat and away from the bedside to prove his point. In this treatise,
his behaviourin the face of the loss of his libraty provides both the initial
impetusfor its production and the justification for the advice that he offers
within it.
But Galen would not be Galen ifhe did not elsewhere in his vast oeuvre
make a comment that appears at first sight to run contraty to his general
messageor to contradict details of what is said in Avoiding Distress.At A.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 30,8-10 DB (V:44 K.), for example, he explains to the young
friend who had asked for his advice that his ability to remain free of dis-
tresswas owed both to his education and upbringing and to the fact that
he has not lost all his property and has thus more than enough for his
Introduction 67
needs. He makes no mention here of his severe losses in the fire, although
that would have strengthened his argument, or, except in passing, of the
perils of public office. This silence might well be explained away by assum-
ing that Galen was endeavouring in a tract written after 192 to recreate a
conversation that had occurred before then, but his implication that he
had only lost the occasional slave or animal is odd in the light of his com-
ment (Ind. 2,7-8 BJP) that he had lost all his slaves to the plague in his
first Roman stay. This conversation, if it took place, could have occurred
before 192, but the inconsistency and, still more, Galen's failure to refer
to Avoiding Distressat relevant points in the lacer treatise is still puzzling. 77
A different discrepancy occurs in the introduction to the second part of
his TherapeuticMethod, written in the late l 90s or possibly shortly after.
Here Galen explains to Eugenianus that he has never allowed himself to
be swayed by a desire for fame.78 1bat is of small use to the living, and of
none to the dead. Indeed, those who have opted for a quiet life, sustained
by philosophy, find it a great nuisance, since it distracts them from the
things that are best. The same is true of distress, for, so Galen reminds
Eugenianus, (wewere often so distressed sometimes over so long a continu-
ous period that we could scarcely touch a book'. At first sight, this is far
from the self:controlled Galen that he presents to us in Avoiding Distress,
and it is not easy to reconcile his principles with his practice. One solution
might be to take Galen's 'we' as generic, referring to others like him with
a philosophical training, but not necessarily to Galen himself. But this
would appear to be ruled out by the final comment, which fits Galen's situ-
ation only too well, and seems to indicate that he did fall prey to distress at
some point in his life. An alternative is to focus on the implication in his
opening remarks that, despite the allure of popular fame and the weight
of distress, the person who has been trained to look on life philosophi-
cally, like Galen, will be able to surmount these obstacles in the end. Bur
that does not entirely remove the inconsistency between Galen's claim in
this treatise to total self~control even in the most difficult circumstances
and his admission that his distress lasted for some time over a continuous
period and prevented him from returning to his books. The difficulty is re-
moved only in part if one argues that Galen is exaggerating in both places
for effect. He did suffer occasional attacks of distress, but they were neither
as continuous nor as lengthy as he wishes Eugenianus to believe, and) the
n See above, p. 47, for Jouanna's theory that CharacterTmitsas we have it was revised after 192,
whereasAff Pecc.Dig., which cites it, was written after the original version. For a wider discussion
on the chronologyof Galen'swritings,seeabove,pp. 34-41.
78
MMX.456-457 K For the date, see Nutton (1991) 3-4.
68 Avoiding Distress
point of the comment, they were an obstacle eventually overcome. But in
both treatises, Galen's words are backed up by an appeal to what his friends
already know. Galen is not telling them something new, and any exag-
geration might well have been noticed. The final way out of the difficulty
is ro argue that Galen's descent into a depressed state, when he could nor
touch a book, occurred some time after he had written Avoiding Distress,
or, indeed, other passageswhere he stressed his supreme self-control.79 But
this is also unlikely, for Galen continued to write vigorously throughout
the ! 90s and early 200s, and there is no evidence that there were long pe-
riods where he could scarcely read, let alone think and compose. Besides,
we know of no further tragedies comparable to those detailed in Avoiding
Distress,and several of those mentioned in this treatise occurred well be-
fore 192. It would be strange if a life of supreme self-control in the face of
great difficulties should be suddenly thrown into disarray at a time when,
to judge from Galen's writings, he was happier than he had been for some
time.
But Galen is not on oath, and often in his treatises he may be suspected
of rhetorical exaggeration to add weight to his case. This is perhaps the
easiest way co explatn the inconsistencies. He had, at some points in his
life, been exposed to distress, but he had overcome it through his phi-
losophy, just as he had avoided the equal nuisance of fame. The way in
which he mentions this, in a few lines almost in passing, suggests that
there is some truth in what he says, even if his language is exaggerated. By
contrast, when replying to his interlocutor in AvoidingDistress,and to his
later visitor, he can dismiss (or simply forget) these painful private, and
temporary, incidents in order to concentrate upon what to him, and to
them, is the heart of his public message: Galen has found a way to conquer
distress. And, like many others.-who use their own experiences to convince
the world that they have the scilution to life's problems, he plays up his suc-
cesses and never, or only obliquely, refers to instances where he has failed
to live up to his own prescription.
Distress and the doctor
At the end of the book, Galen explains to his friend the best way to avoid
distress. He emphasizes education, training and family background, all of
79 The word 'touch' is ambiguous. It may mean that Galen could not bring himself to open a book or
to begin writing again (and thus a partial justification for the length of time between the two parts
of the work).
Introduction 69
which he acknowledges are superfluous in his friend's case. But he rwice
quotes at length a passage from a play of Euripides, which he urges on
his correspondent in exactly the same way as he would a pharmacological
I prescription against fever.so This is something that is tried and tested, and
l
Works.
The parallel with the treatment of physical illness is not fortuitous. Al-
i. though many of Galen's treatises with moral connotations postdate the
'i' events of 192, Galen had long had a particular medical interest in what,
I in modern terms, might be called stress-related conditions. His physicalist
psychology, which he traced back to Plato's Timaeus and, somewhat less
f convincingly, to Hippocrates himself, posited a close interaction between
f
f body and soul. This was one of the arguments that, at the end of his life,
f
rI led him, at least hypothetically, to consider that the soul was in some way
something physical, and, at the very least, was dependent for its wellbeing
on the correct elemental balance of the body.81 Many of his arguments
were commonplace, and would have been accepted by most doctors of the
time. The effects of drunkenness or physical tiredness on human behaviour
would have been obvious to all, while madness often involved clear physi-
cal malfunction as well as psychological disorder.82
But Galen's interest in the interaction of mind and body involves
a claim that, if we can trust his assertions, was by no means universally
acknowledged, and, even when it was, was not always followed up clini-
cally.83 He argued that emotional states, including those that would not
usually be thought of as abnormal, had a direct effect on the body, and that
rhis could be detected and identified by the competent physician. Jn Prog-
nosis,for example, he devotes two of his detailed case histories to expound-
ing his successful identification of forms of emotional stress. His diagnosis
of the wife of Justus, in love with the actor Pylades, not only places Galen
in a tradition of great bedside doctors that goes back to Erasistratus in the
third century BCE, but also allows him the opportunity to challenge the
80
The point is unaffected,even if one removesthe second quotation as a scribal repetition: Galen also
refersto the same passageat PHP282,16-23 DL (Y.418 K.).
8
\ See Lloyd (1988) and the General introduction to this volume, pp. 25-36.
82
Dols ( 1992) 23-33. Rufus of Ephesus, Galen'sgreat Hippocratic predecessor,and some other ear-
lier doctors also explained some mental disorders in somatic terms, van der Eijk (2008a) 161-170,
174. For literary depictions of madness, see Hershkowitz (1998).
83
Mattern (2008) 132-136, emphasizing the frequency of such cases. Cf. earlier Menander, Aspis
337-339, 'Very many ailments befall almost everyoneas a result ofAU1rri,and then a doctorwUl be
employed who philosophisesand says that this diseaseis pleurisyor phrenitisor something else that
kills quickly.'
70 Avoiding Distress
84
view that there was a specific form of love-sickness. Galen acknowledges
that, as poetS and story-tellets had long described, the emotions of love
could have physical manifestations, but he rejects utterly the notion that
such manifestations were confined only to love. His proof is supported by
the brief account of the slave steward who had fallen ill with worry at the
thought of having to render some incomp~ete accounts. 85 In a second, and
much more elaborately worked up case-history, Galen describes how his
observational skills and his understanding of stress allowed him to solve a
baffling case of a young boy. Contrary to what might have appeared at first
sight, the boy's illness was not the result of some disease, bur of his fear of
having his hidden stash of food discovered. Fellow doctors are reminded
chat rhe mere thought of undergoing an examination,- appearing in court,
and such like can bring about physical changes in the body, and this pos-
sibility should be considered in any diagnosis.
Galen's longest exposition comes in the last part of his Commentary on
Hippocrates''EpidemicsVJ', a treatise closely related in time to Avoiding
Distress.In it he interprets a few obscure words to indicate that the great
Hippocrates not ogly had observed similar phenomena, but had also laid
down the rules for understanding them. Galen's list of his own cases in
part overlaps with some mentioned in this treatise - the grammarian who
had lost his books in the fire, and courtiers who had come to him worried
about the murderous plans of the emperor - but most are not otherwise
recorded. 86 They are chosen to illustrate a range of possible emotions. The
mother of the lawyer Nasutus, who ,died of grief at the death of a friend,
could have been included in Avoiding Distress,but others exemplify differ-
ent emotions. The augur Maeandros who foresaw a death, in fact brought
it on himself through worrying about his own prediction. Another patient
feared that Atlas, who was holding up the world, was about to weaken and
then the whole world would ,c::6mecrashing down. A woman dreamed that
she had swallowed a snake, while another person believed that a dead man
had called out to him as he was passing a cemetery. Shame explained the
death of a man who fell ill from his embarrassment at breaking wind in
public. Such stories demonstrate Galen's superiority as a clinician who
knows when to intervene with psychological remedies as well as, or instead
M Galen,Praen.94,19-24 and 100,7-102,27 N. (XIV.625-626 and 630-633 K.). The incident is
expresslycomparedwith a tale about Erasistratushere and at Hipp. Epid.II 208,15-29 WP and
Hipp,Prog,207.5-14 H. (XVII!B,19 K).
85 Galen,Praen.102,27-104,10 N. (XIV.633-634 K.).
86 Galen,Hipp.Epid.v7 485,10-487,32 WP, cf. also 460,8-21 WP.
Introduction 71
of, physical ones, but they also are intended to esrablish further the author-
ity of Hippocrates and of Galen's brand of Hippocratic medicine. 87
Galen's interest in the physical effects of the emotions can be traced
in many of his writings and in a variety of contexts. In The Doctrines of
Hippocrates and Plato, he focuses on the Stoic ideas on the passions, in
which distress plays an imporfant role, contradicting the views of Chrysip-
pus in particular that distress was, in Galen>sinterpretation, an intellectual,
rational failure. Alrhough he is well aware of Stoic classifications and sub-
classificarions of the emotions, and in both The Doctrinesof Hippocrates
and Plato and Affectionsand Errorsdiscusses a wide range of moral failings,
including anger and grief, in the majority of his writings he employs only a
limited number of concepts to describe the emotions, probably, as Manuli
suggests, 88 because these are the primary emotions that can be shown to
have physical manifestations. As is typical of Galen, his lisrs of the emo-
tions that affect the body do not always coincide, but !upeis ofren recorded
among such pathe of the soul. Ir can affect the body in the same way as
sleeplessness, the heat of the sun, catarrh, hard work, overeating and rak-
ing too many baths, and it can be treated with physical remedies such as
emetics in the same way as other physical illnesses. 89
Like physical causes, !upeneeds to be carefully observed and distin-
guished from similar conditions. Someone thinking about a mathematical
or philosophical problem should not be treated in the same way as some-
one who is grieving, even though rhey are both hollow-eyed and somewhat
too dry in their complexion, and this can be best achieved by taking the
pulse. 90 Why this should be is carefully explained by Galen elsewhere.
Distress has a similar effect on the body as does fear, but whereas fear has
a violent and immediate impact by suddenly chilling the body's innate
heat, if not occasionally quenching ir entirely, that of distress takes place
at a more moderate level over a longer period. 91 This emphasis on the
quantity of the innate heat rhus explains the relationship of the emotions
87
Even if, as Galen hin1se!fadmits, the meaning of yvWµn ac Hippocrates,Epid.VI.8.23 (V.352 L.)
is not entirelyclear.Galen links severalof the caseswith the sleeplessnessmentioned earlier in the
sentence,and thus can argue that Hippocrates both diagnosedthe causeand identified the way in
which emotionaldisturbanceled to physicaldisorder by provokingsleeplessness.For the socialrole
, of Galen'scase-histories,see Mattern (2008).
88
Manuli (1988) 194, but not including the important materialin the Arabic commentarieson rhe
Epidemics.
89
Respectively,Hipp.hj)id.II 406,22-407,24 WP and Hipp,h"pid.II 198,36-40 WP; hard work, Cris.
161,13-15 A (IX.696 K.); overeatingand taking too many baths,San. Tu. 14,15-20 Ko.(VI.28 K),
MMGXJ.59 K.
90
Crn. 162,4-163,9A. ((X,697--098K.); Put,,Vlll.473 K; DifJ Pu/,,Vlll.666 K.
91
Gaus,Symp.Vll.193 K.
72 Avoiding Distress
to the heart, something seen by Chrysippus but misunderstood, as ,vell as
the ways in which emotions can be detected through the pulse. 92 When
coupled with the programmatic statement in the late Art of Medicine that
such immoderate passions as fear, anger and distress can change the natural
constitution of the body, it is easy to see why lacer Galenists came to place
such stress on the emotions as one of the six main ('non-natural') factors
that influenced the health or sickness of the physical body. 93
Avoiding Distress,was thus, for Galen, something that might be ap-
proached both medically and philosophically. That the two were inter-
twined he reiterated in a passage at the very end of the Commentaryon
Hippocrates''EpidemicsVJ'. Commenting on the author's advice that those
who lack courage or who are diffident must be roused when they become
torpid, Galen declares chat one's mental state, the strength of one's soul, is
of considerable importance in the successful treatment of illness. The proof
is visible all around. 'We know of people who are tormented for so long
by distress and worry that their bodies become weak and enervated. Con-
versely, we also know of chose who have enjoyed some pleasant experience
and have thereby been cured of their illness, as well as others for whom a
cheerful smile has"been enough to heal their sufferings.' 94 Galen's friend
can hardly have remained unaware of the importance that Galen attached
both medically and philosophically to the avoidance of grief.
The text
Although Arabic authors knew of this treatise, and some Hebrew frag-
ments attributed, not always correctly, to it had been published by Halkin
(1944) and by Zonta (1995), the existence of the Greek original remained
unknown until 2005, when a young French researcher, Antoine Pietro-
belli, discovered it in a manuscript kept in the Vlatadon Monastery in
Thessaloniki. 95 Tue importance of this manuscript, Vlatadon 14 (abb. V),
for the study of Galen cannot be overestimated, for in addition to this
treatise it also contains complete Galen's two bibliographical treatises and
the original Greek text of his philosophico-medical testament, My Own
Opinions.%Both Pietrobelli and his supervisor, Veronique Boudon-Millot,
92 Manuli (1988). 93 Garcia-Ballester(1993).
91 Galen, Hipp.Epid VI 420,31-36 WP, commenting on Epid.VI.7.3 (V.340,3-4 L.).
95 Arabic, Bergstriisser(1925) 40, Meyerhof (1929) 85; Hebrew, Halkin (1944) 60-65, 110-115,
Zonta (1995) 113-123; Greek, Boudon-Millot and Pietrobelli (2005), Pietrobelli (2008) ocl-cx-
lvii.
96 Boudon-Millot and Pietrobelli (2005), Boudon-Millot (2007a) 42-50.
Introduction 73
worked with commendable speed to make the texts available to other
scholars, and Boudon-Millot herself published the editio princepsof this
ilnportant treatise in late 2007, along with an introduction and a French
translation. 97 All scholars will be grateful to her for her pioneering work,
riot least because of the general accuracy of her transcription and her cor-
rection of many scribal errors that have allowed others to build on her
achievements. Those who have never themselves edited an ancient text for
the first time do not always appreciate the problems facing the initial edi-
tor, which are very different from those of subsequent scholars.
In 2010, along with Jacques Jouanna, and with the collaboration of Ant-
oine Pietrobelli, she published a revised edition and commentary in the Bude
series.98 The text and apparatus have been much improved, not lease because
of the many suggestions and emendations by Jouanna, and the commentary
and introduction deal with many of the problems raised by this treatise at far
greater length than is possible here. This revised edition is far more accessible
than the editioprinceps,which was published in a Fest,chrift.Page numbers
in the translation thus refer to the pages of this edition (abb. BJP).
One point should be clarified to avoid further confusion. In 2009, hav-
ing completed a draft of this translation, I sent a copy for his comments
to M. Jouan~a, who, with my permission, was able to use it in the Bude
edition, scrupulously citing by the page numbers of the draft those who
had contributed suggestions on points where he agreed or disagreed. The
appearance of the Bude edition and, not least, the many good suggestions
that it contains has allowed an unexpected opportunity for further thought
in the brief period before the deadline for submission to the press. I have
tried to minimize the discrepancies between what is reported from the
draft in the Bude edition and what I now consider further improvements,
but inevitably, particularly when I have changed my mind or downgraded
an emendation) some will still remain, especially where the changes in the
Greek do not seriously affect the nature of the translation.
But, as the reader will see, some substantial differences still remain be~
tween the Bude edition and this translation, for two different reasons. All
work on the Greek text has been made enormously more difficult by the
refusal of the abbot of the monastery to allow proper access to the codex
itself, a situation that still obtains, at least at the time of writing. Permis-
sion was granted to Kotzia and Sotiroudis (2010) to see the MS, and they
were able to provide some improvement, but they say nothing about the
97
Boudon-Millot (2007b).
98
Boudon-Millot, Jouanna and Pietrobelli (2010), abb. BJM in the translation.
74 Avoiding Distress
general make-up of the codex. Scholars therefore have been compelled tO
work from phorographs or a CD of the original without being able ro ex-
amine the MS for themselves. This is a mixed blessing. While it is possible
to enlarge sections to make out letters and abbreviations, other parts of the
MS, particularly where there has been water damage, do not phorograph
well, and a few letters and phrases cannot be deciphered at all. Assigning
hands to alterations and corrections is alffiost impossible, and, crucially for
the dating of this part of the MS, the physical structure of the whole codex
has not yet been established. That Boudon-Millot was able to produce a
reasonably good transcription under such circumstances is a remarkable
achievement.
The second reason relates to the scribe of this part of the MS. Pietro-
belli suggests that most of the volume was written between 1448 and
1453 by Constantinos Lascaris, who wrote the greater part of the MS, and
others connected with loannis Argyropoulos and his pupils at the Kral
hospital in Constantinople. 99 The codex was, at some point, owned by
a doctor called Andreiomenos) who annotated many of the treatises and
who himself seems to have written fos I Ov-l 8v, which include Avoiding
Distress,as well a; composing the small Greek-Turkish botanical glos-
sary in his hand on fo. 3r. More recently, Pietrobelli has identified the
hands of both Lascaris and Andreiomenos in two related MSS, Athens,
National Library 1493, and Athos, lviron 151, the latter also owned
by Andreiomenos. 100 This part of the MS may thus have been written
just before the Turkish conquest that sent Lascaris into exile, although
it is not clear whether Avoiding Distressformed part of Lascaris' original
project or was known to any other members of his circle at the Kral hos-
pital. The unique preservation of Avoiding Distress,the anomalous nature
of the subsequent tract in Andreiomenos' hand, and the blank folio 19
that follows suggest that dieir source was very different from that of
the other texts in the first part of the codex. The fact that no Byzantine
doctor, scholar or chronographer, whether before or after the Turkish
conquest, makes any reference to any of the information in Avoiding
Distressstrongly suggests that it had been preserved in an unusual or
unexpected place. Only an examination of the physical construction of
the volume may allow us to decide whether or not Avoiding Distresswas
copied and bound in at the same time as the rest of the volume, or was
99 Pietrobelli (2008) cxliii-cxlvi,and pl. 10, BJP bdii-lxviii.
100 Pietrobe!H(20 l O), correcting and amplifying what was said in his thesis (Pietrobelli 2008); BJP
lxvii.
Introduction 75
101
added a little later on pages lefr blank. But whatever the date of writ-
ing, Andreiomenos was not a professional scribe. He often mistakes the
abbreviated endings in the copy from which he was working, he omits
many little words, and he mixes up letters or combinations of letters of
Similar sounds. His punctuation is arbitrary and at times misleading. 102
In general, his errors are both frequent and easily correctable, the result
of a failure to read what may have been a difficult or unusual hand, but
users of the Greek and of this translation should bear in mind that many
problems may still lurk below the surface of what, after correction of
many simple errors, appears unimpeachable Greek. 103
Although the importance of this text was quickly recognized, particu-
larly for its information on Roman libraries, 104 the textual difficulties went
almost unnoticed. Some emendations were immediately suggested by Ivan
Garofalo in 2008, and others were made by Garofalo and his associates in
preparation for a new edition of the text that had to be postponed. 105 Tue
Bude (2010) edition, although not resolving all the difficulties, marks a
major step forward, and its extensive notes and commentary are essential
reading for the background and the detail of Galen's Greek. The edition
ofKotzia and Sotiroudis (2010) reached me too late to take full advantage
of their suggestions, most of which do not affect the general sense of the
passage.
In preparing this translation, I have collated the manuscript again from
the disc supplied to me by the Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies,
lO! For the second'hypothesis,Jouanna, BJP lxvi.The rest of the MS clearlycomprisesthree separate
blocks of copied material; the final section of the codex, fos l04r-276v; fos 19r-103v, which have
strong linksin both content and text with Milan, Amb. gr. 659 and with the Latin versions of
Nicco!O<laReggio (fi. 1308-1348); and fos l-10r, which may also have been copied from this
,same source.Andreiomenos begins his copying at the top of a leaf, fo. l Ov,left blank by Lascaris,
and continues either on a new quire or on the end of the same quire until fo. l8v, which is then•
2
followedby a blank folio.
w Pietrobe!li (2008) cxliv-o<lvi,BJP l.xviii,noting the possibility that some changes derive from a
misreadingof a majusculeMS, The quality of Andreiomenos' copying is far inferior to that of the
other scribesin the MS.
io;; The opening paragraphs, 1-3, offer severalgood examplesof the philologicalproblems involved.
Jouanna and Boudon-Milloc stick close to the readings ofV, arguing that the linguistic oddities
found there derive from the more personaland engagedstyleof Galen, and showhis 'souplesse'as a
stylist,Others prefer to emend further, not least becausethe opening sections of a MS are precisely
where a copyist will make most errors when faced with an unfamiliar hand.
104
Tucci (2008), (2009); Jones (2009); Nicholls (2010).
ws Fischer,Garofalo, Perilli, Roselli, Lami and Ieraci Bio (2008), Garofalo, Urso, Fischer,Lorusso,
Lami and Palmieri (2010). Unless otherwise stated, my referencesto their emendations are to
suggestionsthat were passed on to me for inclusion in the commentary to this translation. Two
new editions, Lami and Garofalo (2012) and Vegetti (2013), have now appeared, but could not be
taken into account before the present volume was submitted to press.
76 Avoiding Distress
1bessaloniki. Ivan Garofalo and his collaborators kindly allowed me to see
a draft of their emendations, and we have regularly communicated with
each other about some of the cruces. Jacques Jouanna generously provided
me with a copy of the Bude edition immediately on publication, and I can
only reciprocate my appreciation for his philological akribieand the help
he has given, even when we continue to disagree. My translation is based
on my own text and collation, although· for ease of consultation of the
Greek I have indicated the page numberings of the Bude (BJP) edition.
Changes affecting the meaning of the Greek are discussed in the notes to
the translation, especially where they diverge from the Bude edition.
I am grateful to Elizabeth Craik, Pat Easterling, Eric Handley, David
Leith and Barbara Zipser, who read drafts of my translarion and contrib-
uted suggestions and emendations, as well as to audiences in London and
Cambridge who heard presentations of some of the material in this intro-
duction. Trevor Thompson discussed several points with me in connection
with his translation, Rothschild and Thompson (2011), and, at a late date,
Antonio Stramaglia passed on ro me some valuable suggestions as well as
a copy of the Kotzia and Sotiroudis edition. Ma1wan Rashed', important
study of sections 15...:18and Joannis Polemis' emendations reached me too
late ro do them proper justice. Pier-Luigi Tucci kindly sent me copies of
his articles, and instructed me on the archaeology of Roman libraries, on
which I also had the invaluable aid of Matthew Nicholls and Christopher
Jones. Antoine Pietrobelli and Brigitte Mondrain answered many ques-
rions about the Vlatadon MS. My colleagues in this volume, and especially
Chris Gill, who kindly provided me with advance chapters of a book, have
been friendly critics of my deficiencies. My final thanks as always go to my
wife, who continues her tasks of asking awkward quesrions and polishing
my English.
Translation
Avoiding Distress*' 2 BJP
Preface
1. I have received your2 letter in which you invite me to show you what
kind of training) what arguments or what considerations 3 had prepared 5
me never to be distressed. For 4 you said that you were personally present
' There is no KUhnedition for this text. The page and line numbers in the mai:ginrefer ro the Bude
text (abbreviatedas BJP) edited by Boudon-Millot,Jouanna and Pietrobelli(2010), which is the
basis of the present translation.
1
For this translation,see above,p. 63. Jouanna, BJP 27-29, arguesvigorouslythat the four different
versionsof the same word here, at 21, 12; 24, 11 and 26,4 BJl~go back to the same original, some
form of CV\U1TT)O'kx,a word otherwise unattested, akhough conecdy formed from its Greek roots.
Ag~nst this is the fact that both MSS of Lib, Prop.169,17 BM (XIX.45 K.}have the lectiofacilior,
n~p1.&Au1Tl~s, a t'.rle_and a word found elsewherein Greek. But Andreiomenosis such a poor
copyist,pan1cularlyw1thregardto word endings,that I am reluctantto foUowJouannain his accept-
ance of the longer word, and to ascribeto Galen an otherwisenew title for what is a conventional
subject.
2
For the addressee,see above,pp. 48-49.
3
At .,:!ff;
1:ecc.Dig. 25,15-21 _DB (V.37 K.), below,p. 270, the same question is posed differently.
Galens interlocutor there wishes to know whether Galen had achievedhis equanimity in the face
of his loss through training, his preconceptionsor his natural bent. The last possibilityis not raised
here, ~though in .both placesGalen answershis correspondentby emphasizinghis upbringing and
education, and his continued practice or training, &O'KT)O'lS,The Greek word 86yµcrro:, 'creeds'
or 'doctrines',is regularlyused by Galen to refer to the tenets followedby the adherentsof particular
medicalor philosophicalsects,like the Stoics,Epicureans,Aristotelians,or Asc!epiadeans,or of Plato
and Hippocrates,e.g. Nat. Pac. 165,11 and 168,11 H. (II.88 and 92 K.};Aff. Pecc,Dig.-28,17DB
(V.42 K.). Thesecame, one might say, automaticallyif one decidedto be an Aristotelianor a Stoic.
~ut ~e word may have .a looser meaning, referring to the preconceptionsthat one brings to any
s1ruat10n,here the moralitythat he had gained from his familyand upbringing.They are contrasted
with arguments, A6yo1,whose force, or lackof it, influencesthe individual'sdecision, and whe're
assent is a deliberateindividual choice. See for a distinction between philosophyand 'creeds', Opt.
Doct. 100,9 B. (1.47K.).
4
A connectingparticle seemsto have been lost at the beginningof this sentence:I suggestµi;v<yCl.p>.
Jouanna, BJP 30, prefersto retain the asyndeconhere and at eh. 2, but three successivesentenceswith
asyndetonwould be veryunusualin Galen.
77
78 Avoiding Distress
and had observed me after I had losr almost all the slaves I had in the city
of the Romans 5 during a major attack of the prolonged plague, 6 and that
you had been told that even before then I had three or four times incurred
similar severe losses in propercy.7 2. You also said that you had never seen
me moved in the slightest, bur that what had just happened surpasses eve-
rything that had gone before, since all that I had stored in the warehouses
by the Sacred Way was destroyed in the Great Fire. 8
Galen'swsses
3, You said that you knew yourself how significant and substantial these
losses were, but that you had heard from one of your informants that I
was not grieved at all even now, but continued cheerfully about my nor-
mal business just as before. 9 4. You were amazed that I was seen bearing 10
without distress rhe destruction in the fire not so much of my silver, gold,
silver plate and the many loan documents that were deposited there, as
that of a further mass of things stored there, 11 namely, a huge quantity of
5 1his circumlocution for-Romeis relativelycom1non in Galen, e.g. Prae-n.80,24; 98,12; 116,21 N.
(XIY.612;629; 647 K.), and was probably used for stylisticreasons.
6 The An to nine plague, whatever it was, is likelyto have entered the Roman Empire with the troops
of L. Verus returning from Panhia in 165-6. It reached Nisibis in summer 165 (Lucian, Hist.
Conser.15), and spread rapidly over the Greek East. When it arrived in Rome is less dear, for
Verus' army did not feturn there until around ~he end of August 166, by which time Galen had
already left for Pergamum, Praen, 118,16 N. (XIV.649 K.), forced out by his competitors' hostil~
ity, Praen.94,15-17 N. (XIV.625 K.), Recurrent outbreaks of plague can be traced around the
Roman Empire for at least the next 25 years.o.rmore, Duncan~Jones (1996); MarcOne (2002);
Bruun (2003); Jones (2005), (2006). If this 'major .iri:,ack'occurred in Rome in late 165 or early
166 (Ind 12,11-17 BJP) - and in any epidemic the highest mortality is likely to be at the start,
before some have acquired immunity - this would fit with Galen'svery late recollection, Lib.Prop
139,26 BM (XIX.15 K.), that he had left Rome immediately the plague broke out. This personal
disaster would then mitigate any reproa_chthat he had left his post in time of greatest need_.Bur
given that he had already sufferedseri9us losses,it is probable that the death of his slavesoccurred
in a later outbreak in the 170s or 180s.
7 Galen never hints at these losses e!s~where,bur one of these occasions may be connected with the
stasis, civil unrest, that he implies was one of the reasons for his leaving Pergamum in 162, Praen.
92,7 N. (XIV.622K.). I preferAthanassiou'sye ·or to deletethe anomalous,e retained by Jo_uanna.
s Galen's goods were stored in one of the Horreaoff the Sacred Way leading eastwards from the
Forum, either the HorreaVespasiani, see note 17 below, or the HorreaPiperataria, Papi (1993)
49-50; Houston (2003) 45-51; Tucci (2008) 131. His referenceselsewhereto lossesin the fire at
the Temple of Peacethus specifywhich of the many firesin Rome he meant, not that he kept books
and drugs there. At Comp,Med.Loe.XIII.63 K. 'that store' refers back to the Horrea,not to a store
at the Temple, although there were stores there, see Ind. 7,19-20 BJP.
9 La.mi'ssuggestion (Garofalo et al. 2010) Ka\ ,roia for Ko:(p1ais neat and suits Galen's style, pace
Jouanna, BJP 34, who accepts Handley's ;wos- <1'&V>6.yye<A>i\Ov,oov cro1as a correction ofVs
&yyei\Ov,wv crot.The syntax of the final part of the sentence, which continues the report of what
the friend had written, is also unusual; should we read, as Handley suggests,q>o:16pOv <'<Ovra>?
10 V reads &qienqiilpoov, which should be emended to &,qi6n<v> qiepwv.
ll For the textual problems, see the text of chapters 4-5 and 16-18, below,pp. 100 ff.
Translation 79
drugs of all sons, both simple and compound, and instruments of every
kind. 5, Some, valuable for medical purposes, I said I had lost but still lO
lO hoped to replace, but that other instruments I had invented myself, mak-
ing models out of wax before handing them over to the bronze-smiths,
these I cannot replace without a great deal of time and effort: 12 6. likewise 15
15 books, both those copies of the writings of ancient authots corrected by
my owri hand 13 and my own compositions, as well as so-called antidotes, 4 BJP
of which you say that you know that I had a substantial collection, notably
some eighty pounds of the famous theriac, and more cinnamon than can
be found in all the retail shops put together, just as I had in my possession 5
a great store of drugs that are otherwise rare. 14 7, You had also learned
3 BJP that Philistides 15 the grammarian wasted away and died of depression and
distress at the loss of his books in the fire, and that various others went
around for a long while in black clothing, looking thin and pale like those lO
in mourning. 16
5
12
Instruments might be made by specialist makers, organici,or a local blacksmith or a jeweHer(for
jeweHersnear the ViaSacra,see e.g. C!LVI.9207, 9221, 9239): others were devised by individual
doctors, including Galen, Jackson (1990). At Roman Ephesus one of rhe secrions in the annual
medical contests was devoted to instruments, Nutton (2004) 211. Galen'scomment is unique in
explaininghow·such instruments were devised. He passed on a wax model, which the maker would
then enclose in a day mould before heating it in a fire. The wax would melt, in the so·called cire
perduprocess, and be poured away. Bron1.ewould then be poured in to fill the hollow, and the
clay mould, after cooling, would then be broken to retrieve the instrument. The excavationsof the
House of the Surgeon at Rimini have revealedthat a local surgeon could have a great number and
variety of instruments, Jackson (2003). For surgical instruments in general,see also Kilnz!(1982),
Jackson (1990) and, for the important recent find at Allianoi, Baykan(2012),
13 Handley suggests'that we delete Kai at line 15 as a scribal error, which would also entail deleting
,a in the followingline. Jouanna keeps Vs reading arguing, BJP 39, for three categories- books
copied, books edited, and books written - but the word order is forced.
14
Galen frequently prepared theriac, a famous antidote also used as a tollic, for Marcus Aurelius,
Bqudon (2002), but the drug then foll out of fashion under Commodus, and was not revived
again until the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211). Galen had taken some branches of a bush
of the best quality for his own use and deposited them in the Horrea,along with fiveorher varie~
ties of cinnamon. AU were lost in the fire along with both simple and compound remedies, and
when preparing theriac for Severus, Galen had to rely on older and less powerful varieties that
had been in the royal stores since the time of Hadrian, if not Trajan, sixty or more years earlier,
Ant. XIV.64-66 K.
15
The name is nor certain. V calls him Philides, emended by Boudon·Millot (2007b) to Philippides,
but at Hipp,Epid. v7 486,19-24 WP, in Pfaffs German version Galen mentions a grammarian
called Callistus who died in similar circumstances, and it is very likely that the two men are the
same. From the Arabic transcription one might very easily posit that he was called Philistus or
perhaps Phi!istides,a fu more common Greekname. Two casesof doctors who had died or givenup
practisingafter the lossof their recipe booksare noted by Galen at Comp.Med Gen.XIII.459 K.
16
For people going into mourning after the loss of property in a fire, see Juvenal, Sat. 3,212-213.
Kai &Mos is found at Adv. Lye.7,10 W. (XVIIIA.203 K), the phrase is there
Although &J.J...os-
used to emphasize difference, hence Lami's suggestion, in Garofalo et al (2010), to read ,ro/V\o\
61:Kat CUV\01.

80 Avoiding Distress
1he repositories
8. Indeed, because people were confident that the repositories along the
Sacred Way would not be damaged by fire, they deposited there rheir mosr
precious possessions, justifying their confidence on the grounds that they
were not made of wood, save for the doors, they were not near any private
house, 17 and they were under military gllard because the archives of four
imperial procurators were kept there. 18 9. For that very reason we paid a
higher Charge for renting rooms in those repositories, and stored our im-
portant possessions there in confidence.
Galen in Campania
10. But there was also a peculiar circumstance for me that added to the
general disaster: because I was in the process of going away to Campania, 19
I had put into store all my household paraphernalia, drugs, books and no
small amount of silverware, to keep them safe during my absence. So all
these things that had been stored there happened to be destroyed along
with my treasures:Tli.is you said that you had learned yourself from others,
but that you would prefer to get a more reliable first-hand account from
me. 11. For it seemed to you really amazing2° that I was not grieved at all
at such a total loss, and, by heaven, you appeared to me to be absolutely
correct to write this, for when I heard in Campania about this destruction
l7 Accordingto Dio Cassius, Hist. LXXIII.24, the fire-beganin a private house. Juvenal, Sat. 3,196-
222, exemplifiesthe danger of fire in Rome starting from a neighbouring property. The area be"
tweenthe SacredWayand the Palatinewasoccupiedby public buildingsand by the repositories,see
DaguetGagey(1997) pl. III-V; Tucci (2008) 136-139, and hence would be less exposedto such
hazards. ,,
18 Dio Cassius,Hist. LXXIII.24,also mentions that the state archiveswere burnt, and the officeof the
financeofficewas probably at the Hp/reaVespasiani, Papi (1993) 49. Much of the imperial adminis-
tration was headed by procurators',usuallyac this date wealthyequestrians, including 'departments'
dealing with finance (a rationibus),petitions (a libellis)and imperial correspondence (ab epistulis,
dividedbetween Greek and Latin). Legal matters seem to have been only recently put under the su~
pervisionof a procurator (a cognitionibus),whose archiveswere minute compared with 'the accounts
of the emperors' household and private estates,which were supervisedby a procurator apatrimonio,
Milla, (1977) 83-110, 626-628.
19 Galen may have owned an estate in Campaniasince at !cii.st166, Praen.118,3 N. (XlV.648K.), and
he knew the region well, e.g. San. Tu. 190,25 Ko. (VI.434 K.); Hipp.Epid v7 461,40 WP; MM
X.363,1-373,2 K., reading <2>10~!0:1forTo:~!0:1.Galen'scomment may confirm the hint at Ind.
16,3-10 BJP that he had in some way been dismissed as an imperial .doctor,and suggeststhat he
left Rome quickly to avoid any reprisals.A move in spring to the Bay of Naples, a favourite holiday
resort of the Roman aristocracy,is rather early if Galen was simply wishing to escape the summer
heat of Rome, and his phrasing implies the intention of a longer residence.
20 V reads 60:uµo:o-1G;Epov, but the comparative 'more amazing' (sc, than what had been previously
described?)is odd, and I prefer the superlative60:uµo:<11G;crrov,'really amazing'.
.- ".,:···
r;;r"<"
....•..
I
_..
Translation 81
I bore this thing very easily, not being disturbed for a momenr. 12a. 21
10
When I returned to Rome, I was bereft of everything essential for my
practice, 22 and I was just as conscious of it then at the time of my loss as I
am today when I stand in need of this or that book, instrument or drug.
15
1he contents of Roman libraries
12b. But the worst cut of all in the loss of my books has escaped your 15
20 notice: there is no hope of recovery since all the libraries on the Palatine
were burnt on that same day. 23 13. For there is no possibility of finding
not only the rarities and works that were available nowhere else, but also 20
copies of common 24 works that were prized because of the precision of
their text, like those of Callinus, Atticus, Peducaeus 25 and even Aris-
tarchus, including the two Homers, 26 and the Plato of Panaetius 27 and 6BJP
many others of that sort; within these writings were preserved things writ-
25 ten by or copied for the individuals whose name they bore. There were 5
5BJP also many autograph copies of ancient grammarians, orators, doctors and
21
I put a stop after KIVT)6s.(s
and fill the first lacuna with O;s..
22
The sense of this passageis dear, although the Greek is not. Boudon-Millot (2007b), whose tran·
scription is accurate, reads oV6Sv.... Kcrra<O"K>s.v&o-0:1 and translates 'tout ce sans quoi H est im~
5 possible de rien re<:onstituer'(better is BJP, 'preparer'), Although the Greek is possible, 'without
which one cannot do (or prepare) anything', it is not just his inability to recover what he has lost
that Galen stresses,but the difficultiesthat he now facesin his career.I suggest \crrps.Uo-0:1,'practise',
and possiblyoU6€(v],On either reading, Galen was severelyhampered in what he could do. Tue
supplement p(paxs.i) is also questionable, but certainty must await a proper examination of this
partofV.
23
The same word, in both Greek and Latin, by this dare could signifyeither the Palatine Hill or the
Imperial palace that coveredmuch of it. For the identity of the libraries,see above, pp. 53-61.
24
V reads µ~aoov,but this adjective is not apparently found by itself with the meaning of 'in general
use', 'moins rares': I suggest1<01v&vor, better, with Handley and Roselli (2010) 136, TWVSv µEa~·
Jpuanna, BJP 49, interprets the word as applying to works that were neither rare nor common, but
this would hardly apply to a Plato or a Homer.
25
T. Pomponius Atticus, mentioned along with Callinus by Lucian, Ind. 2, for the beauty of his
books, may be the friend of Cicero. Jones (2009) 391, suggests that Callinus is Callinus of Her~
mione, a Peripatetic philosopher to whom Lycon, one of the heads of the School, bequeathed his
unpublished MSS c. 225 BCE, and that the third owner is Sextus Peducaeus(c. 75 -after 32 BCE),
the friend of Cicero and Atticus, who may be assumed to have shared their literary tastes. Dol'andi
(2010) 161-167, prefers to see all three men as famous calligraphersrather than owners, let alone
as editors in any modern sense. Galen's formulation implies that these collections were still kept
, together and could be identified as such within the libraries.I followthe explanationof the last part
of the sentence given by Roselli (2010) 136.
26
Aristarchusof Samothrace (c. 216-144 BCE) was a celebratedscholar,critic and head of the Alex-
andrian library.The two Homers are his recensionsof the Iliadand Odyssey, see above, p. 54.
27
Panaetius of Rhodes (c, 185-109 BCE) was a Stoic philosopher who came to Rome in the 140s:
he is generallyconsideredto have been more favourableto Plato than many other Stoics.Gourinat
(2008) suggeststhat Galen'sformulation refers to an 'edition' of Plato made by Panaetius, but the
formulation need only refer to ownership, so Dorandi (2010) 167-172·
82 Avoiding Distress
philosophers. 28 14. Besides these books, so numerous and so important,
I also lost on that day copies of many books that had been unclear as a re-
sulr of scribal mistakes, but which after correction I had had transcribed
afresh to provide almost a new edirion. The copying had been done so care-
fully that no words 29 had been added or left out, and not even a marker,
single or double, or a coronis properly placed between books. 30 And what 15
should I say about a stop or a comma which you know are so crucial in
obscure passages that someone who attends carefully to them has no need
of an interpreter? 15, Such were the works ofTheophrastus, 31Aristotle, 32
Eudemus, 33 Clycus34 and Phaenias 35, and most of Chrysippus 36 and all 20
28 Jouanna, BJP xxxviii-ioodx, argues strongly against the notion that there were 'many' autographs
surviving,especiallyin Galen'sown collection,and prefersto read 0:vT(ypo:ipo:,
'copies', instead. But
rhe reading certainly goes back co the ninth century, if not to Galen himself, who is always prone
to exaggeration, and is not implausible ifhe was also thinking of the royal collections. Whether he
was right or wrong in his belief that these were the actual autographs is impossibleto say.
29 V's xprJµcrra, 'things', is meaninglesshere;Jouanna's suggestion,BJP 58, pfiµcrro:,is neater than my
original proposal, ypO:µµcrro:,'letters'.
30 For the meaning of theseJechnical terms, see-above,p. 53. L-ami,in Garofalo et al. (2010), emends
to ilv µEa~ Ti?i!31!3Al(f, and transfers the fin-alwords to follow 'placed', although deletion may
be preferable. But the general sense of the passageis dear: not a single punctuation or explanatory
mark was out of place.
3! Galen here indicates that he had had his own sped-alcopies made of these authors: Theophrastus
ofEresus (c. 371-281 BCE) was the pupil and s.uccessorin Athens of Aristotle. Galen wrote three
books of commentary on his On Affirmationand Denial Lib. Prop.166,18-21 BM (XIX.42 K.
"'Theophrastus, fi:.73 Fortenbaugh), as well as citing other of his logicalwritings (which may be
what Galen is indicating by his choice of adjective),his books on plants, and, from his-lessfamiliar
writings, his Summaryof the Opinionsof the Natural-Ptilosophers, HNH 15,22-25 M. (XY.-25·K.
"'fr. 231 Fortenbaugh), and On theHot and Cold,Hipp.Aph. 1.14 (XVIIB.404-405 K. "' fr. 172
Fortenbaugh).
n Aristotle (384-322 BCE), after Plato, Galen'sfavourite philosopher, is cited frequently for his logi-
cal, zoological,and natural-historicalwri~ings,Moraux (1984) 607-808.
33 Eudemus of Rhodes (c. 355 - c. 300 ~CE}, not, as Boudon-Millot {2007b) 106 suggests,the later
pharmacologistor the anatomist, precededTheophrastus as a pupil of Aristotle. Galen wrote a long,
three-book commentary on his treatise On Expression, and may have cited it in his tract on Sophisms,
-althoughthis is less certain, Lib. Prop.166,21-22; 171,16 BM (XIX.42-47 K.); Soph.XN.593 K.
(fr.29 Wehrli), but cf. Fortenbaugh (2002) 70"--73,expressingscepticismabout the last reference,
34 Boudon-Millot (2007b) 107 suggeststhat this is Clitus, to whom the Stoic Chrysippus dedicated
a tract in the mid third century BCE. But the context suggestsa more important figure, perhaps
Clitomachus, the head of the Academyin the second century BCE and a logician, whose writings
on demonstration were criticized by Galen, Lib. Prop. 169,8-9 BM (XIX.44 K), or yet another
pupil of Aristotle, perhaps Clearchus of Soli or someone whose name has either not come down t0
us or has been garbled out of-all recognition. I follow Rashed (2011) 57, who suggests,with less
violenceto the Greek, Clytus of Miletus, a minor pupil of Aristotle.
3S Also a pupil of Aristotle, Phaenias of Eresus {fl. 320 BCE) was more famous for his literary and
historical researches,although Galen does not mention him elsewhere.
36 Chrysippus of Soli (c. 280-207 BCE) was head of the Stoic school in Athens. His views on the
location of the soul in the heart were vigorouslyattacked by Galen in PHP as dependent on faulty
anatomy,Tieleman (1996a). For his theories on the emotions, see above, pp. 71-72.
Translation 83
37
the ancient doctors. 16. You will be particularly distressed to learn that 7BJP
IO I had found in the Palatine libraries some books not described in the so-
called Caralogues 38 and some, on rhe other hand, char were clearly not
the work of the author whose name they bore, being similar neither in
language nor in ideas. There were also writings of Theophrastus, and es- 5
pecially his books on science 17. - the other books on plants, explicated
in two 1ong treatises, everyone has. 39 There was also a work of the same
name by Aristotle which I carefully found and transcribed but which 10
is now also lost, and likewise works by Theophrastus and other ancient
writers that did not appear in the Catalogues, as well as others that were
mentioned there, but did not circulate widely. 40 Many of these I found 15
in the libraries on the Palatine, and I managed to procure copies. 18. But
now the books on the Palatine were destroyed on the same day as my
own, when the fire ravaged not only the repositories by the Sacred Way,
but first those at the Temple of Peace, 41 and later those on the Palatine 42 20
and ar the so-called House of Tiberius, where there was also a library SBJP
37
]\JI the ancient doctors' is either an exaggerationor, more likely,refers at least to the select group
that, in Galen'sview, Opt,Med. Cogn.69 I., constituted essential learning for all proper doctors:
Hippocrates, Diodes, Pleistonicus, Phylorimus,Praxagoras,Dieuches, Herophilus, Erasistratusand
Asclepiades.At Loe.AffVIII.148 K., Galen records searching in the Roman libraries and book~
shops for a copy of a book by Archigeneson how to restore memory loss. He wasunsuccessful,but
he found relevant information in a letter in another work by the same author, his MedicalLetters.
38
For a discussion of the many textual problems raised by chapters 16-18, see the section below,
pp. I 00 ff. I translate the Bude text, although I wonder whether Galen had not meant to say that he
had found works that were not in the (Alexandrian)catalogues, taking l§~u)0Ev,not as 'outside',
sc. in the Rome booksellers,but as a preposition, 'outside the so-caUedcatalogues':c£ Galen, Hipp.
Epid. v7 I40,2 WP (XVIIB.31 K.), and for its postponed position, San. Tu. 180,16 Ko. (VI.409
K.} and Hipp. Epid. VJ 199,10 WP (XVIIB.137 K.), as well as others reported as genuine but not
so. For the possible identification of the catalogues,see above, p. 55, Rashed (2011) emends dif~
ferently by removing the negatives, suggesting that Galen had found books that were identical in
style and rhougln to the genuine works, but his suggestion of a long lacuna followingseems to 1ne
implausible. -
39
Diogenes Laerrius, Vit. phiL V.42-50 (= fr. 1 Fortenbaugh), lists the works ofTheophrastus that
were known to him in Galen'sday. Vs punctuation is Wlhelpful.Jouanna's suggestion of a paren-
thesis removessome linguistic difficulties,but implies that rhe books on plants are lessfamiliar than
those on logic. An alternative, adding a relative, as Kotzia and Sotiroudis (2010) suggest, would
give: 'Similarlywith the works ofTheophrastus, and especiallyhis scientificworks - but there are
others, his books on plants ... , that everyonehas.' The rarity of the minor works would thus con-
trast with the success of the nine books of his Enquiryinto Plants,and the five of his TheCausesof
,Plants.
4
° For the difficultiesof the text of this sentence, see above, p. 55. IfVs
text is kept, the last clause
should be translated as 'but did not appear on the shelf'.
41
Daguet Gagey (1997}61-63 and, with a clearermap, Tucci (2008) 135, discussthe path of the fire.
For the Templeof Pe-ace,and its library and repositories,Dix and Houston (2006) 691-692; Tucci
(2008) 146-148.
42
Given that the House of Tiberius was also largelyon the Palatine, the phrase might be translated as
'in the Palace'.
84 Avoiding Distress
which was filled with many other books, but the copies, when I first
came to Rome, had almost been destroyed because of neglect on the part
of those to whom they had been successively entrusted. 43 19. This cost
us no little trouble to copy but now they are completely useless since
the rolls could not be opened because the sheets were stuck together
because of the damp, for the place is marshy and low-lying, and stifling
in summer. 44 · especially my work on the vocabulary of the entire Old Comedy, 50 24a.
Galen} work on Old Comedy
20. You will perhaps find particularly distressing the fate of my work on
words in Attic Greek and everyday language, which, as you know, was in
two parts, one drawn from Old Comedy, the other from prose-writers. 45
But, by chance, copies of the second part had already been transported
to Campania, and had things in Rome been burnr two months later, we
would have already sent copies of all of our works to Campania. 21. Every-
thing had already been written in two copies for distribution, excluding
what was meant to sray in Rome, since friends back home were asking
for copies of all my
writings to be sent to them to be deposited in pub-
lic libraries, just as some others had already done elsewhere with many
of our books, 46 and I was planning also to have copies of everything in
43 ReadingTrto.Evoµilvoov with Garofaloin Fischeret al (2008) 135:V and Boudon-Millpt's (2007b)
AnaTEuoµEvoov, 'pillagesreguHers',can hardlybe 'neglect', 'incurie', even allowingfor Fronto'ssug-
gestion, Ep.4.5, that the custodian at the Tiberiana:might be bribed to allow certain copies to be
taken out for reading at home (and presumably not alwaysreturned). Jouanna, BJP 8 and 73, takes
the genitive as applying to the lack of concern on the part of the officialswho were being robbed
unawares by each successivevisitor. Rash~d (20 l l) ingeniously supplements the traces of letters
seen by Kotzia to give 'eaten by mice by.the time I first arrived', but fuilsto comment on eh. I 9.
44 If the fire destroyed the library at thl?House of Tiberius, the papyrus rolls could scarcelynow be
uselessbecauseof the damp atmosphere of the locality.The aorist participle thus refers to the situ~
ation before the fire when the boOkswere neglected and hard, if not impossible, to read, For the
identification of the library, see above pp. 53-61. The Bude editors' supposition that these badly
damaged books are Galen'sown copies is implausible.
45 For the list of his writings on this theme, see Lib. Prop.173,5-11 BM {XIX.48K.). They amounted
in all to fifty~ninebooks. They served cwo purposes, one stylistic, the other practical. Given that
Hippocratks, like Galen, believedthat the essentialtruths of medicine were to be found in the writ~
ings they-ascribedto Hippocrates, understanding the meaning of his obscure words wasfor them a
priority.As Galen explainedin Med. Nom. 31-32 MS, some of Hippocrates' language could best be
elucidated by looking at the vocabularyof comic dramatists, who had to use everydaywords in their
everydaymeaning. If they did not, and their audience failed to get the point, their jokes would fall
very flat, and they would win no prizes.For the text of this and the next sentence, see Fischer tt aL
{2008) 135, with further suggestionsin BJP 76.
46 This is important information about the way in which books were 'published' and distributed,
above, pp. 51-53. The presence of copies elsewhere, but outside Galen's immediate circle, will
Translation 85
5 Campania. 47 22. That was why there were two copies of all my books, ex-
cluding, as I have said, those that were going to stay in Rome. 23. Bur the
fire broke out at the end of winter, 48 and I was planning to send to Campa-
nia at the beginning of summer both what was to stay there and what was 10
going to be sent to Asia when the Etesian winds began to blow.49 But Fate
10 ambushed me, by destroying, along with many other of my books, most
15
of which, as you know, Didymus 5' had already made a study, both the
everyday words and those requiring explanation, in fifty books, of which
I made an epitome in 6,000 lines. 52 24b. Such a procedure seemed to be 20
of some value for orators and grammarians, or in general for anyone who
might want to use an Attic idiom, 53 25. or words that have a significant
15 bearing on practicalities, 54 like the question that arose recently in Rome
when a respected doctor announced that groats were not yet in use in IOBJP
the time of Hippocrates, and that that was why in Regimen in Acute Dis-
easeshe advocated barley gruel over all other cereal foodstuffs; for if groats
20 had been known to the Greeks, he would not have chosen anything else 5
9BJP
explain the Sll!vivaltoday of Galen's Prognosis,a work which, he claims in his Commentaryon
5 Hippocratel'EpidemicsVI', 8 (495,2-12 WP) had been totally destroyed, and which is not
mentioned in My Own Books.
47 I have altered Boudon-Millot's (2007b) sentence division to follow Kaµ.ravlav.
48
Galen's predsion settles the question of the date of the fire in favour of February-March 192, see
the introduction to AvoidingDistress,note 15.
9
~ I.e. in early summer, from May onwards, when the sailing season began.
)O Old Comedy, as.defined by Hellenistic scholars, covered the period down to 404 BCE: its great
names were Eupolis, Cratinus and Aristophanes, the only comic writer of this period to survive in
large part intact.
51
Didymus, fl. I 00 BCE, was a HeUenistk scholar of enormous range and chalcentericproductivity.
His work On Expressions in Comedywas drawn on heavilyby subsequent generationsof scholarsand
lexicographers.
52
Jouanna'semendation of crT(xoisfor V's !,113:.>,.(ois,
'books', is convincing.A a,lxos usuallyconsisted
of between 34 and 38 leners, or 15-16 syllables,roughly twice the length of a typical line on an
ancient papyrus of Galen'sday. Ancient and some medievalscribesworked in a,lxo1, which served,
among other things, to determine the price of a book, Battezzato(2009) 8. 1l1isepitome, now lost,
wasnot mentioned by Galen in My Own Books.
53
The Attic Greek of the fifth and fourth centuries BCE was seen by many of Galen'scontemporar-
ies as the best Greek, some choosing to avoid entirely any more modern word in thefr writing or
conversation. Without wishing to enter in these style wars, Galen provided his contemporaries
' with well-organi1..ed lists of what everydaywords were to be found in Attic, possibly adding his
own explanation. I have kept Boudon-Millot 's (2007b) section numbering here for convenience,
but I would prefer to run this sentence on with the previous one, since it lacks a main verb, and
to transfer the dividing number to precede t661<e1.Garofalo suspects some words have fallen out.
Nonetheless,the thrust of Galen'sargument is dear.
54
The construction of this sentence is odd, and some emendation is required. Handley suggestsalso
that we delete XPT\<nµaas a gloss on T00v... 61aqiep6vn:.,v.
86 Avoiding Distress
in preference. 55 26. But groats are mentioned particularly in Regirnenfor
Health, which some ascribe to him but others co Philistion or Ariston,
both very early doctors, 56 and also in the writers of Old Comedy. Words
like abudokomasor aburtake57 <and> 27. whatever else was unclear to the
audience were defined 58 in our treatise - and was anticipated nicely in
Didymus' exposition - as follows: emmer, 59 chick peas, vetch, groats and
the other cereals, vegetables and late-suminer fruits, wines made from the
mare of grapes, with or without the addition of water, 60 bushes, fruits,
plants, animals, instruments, equipment, tools, and eve1ything else in dai-
ly life, and their names. 28. My selection of such words in Old Comedy
had not yet been transferred ro Campania, bur luckily my selection from
prose authors already had, in forty-eight large books, of which those with
the equivalent of more than 4,000 hexameter lines will perhaps have to be
divided in two. 61 29. None of these losses grieved me, even though rhey
were substantial, valuable and hard co replace, any more than the loss of
55 Galen'scontribution to the debate survivesin Arabic, Di. }!ipp.Morb.Ac., and was summarizedfur-
ther by Galen at /{VA. 134,33-135,10 H. (XY.455-456 K.). Although the specificquestion was for-
mulated by AufidiusVictorinus (above,p. 55), it aroseduring a wider discussionwith an anonytnous
Methodist doctor of the principlesof trearment in acute diseases,Di. Hipp.Morb.Ac. 106-109 L.
56 Galen'sopponent denied the authenticity of Regimen(here referred to as Regimen far Health),which
mentions groats at 9,1-3 (VI.540,15 and 542,2 L.), and hence its value in medicine. He was not
alone, for a slightlylater non-medicalcontemporary,AthenaeusofNaucratis, Deipn.IL57c, describes
this treatiseas spurious in whole or in part, and ci.tesit also under a varietyof names, I.45f. For other
ancient titles and comments about authorship, see Athanassiouand Irmer (1997-2006) 1.460-464;
II.1.457-458; II.2,355-35.7.Modern scholarsremain divided over the relationshipof these 'Regimen'
treatisesboth ro each other and to Hippocrates,Jouanna (1999) 409-410. Philistion wasa distin-
guished Siciliandoctor of the fourth century BCE, ·-~~owrote on dietetics, and whose theory·of
elementsresemblesthat ascribedby Galen to Hippocrates. Nothing further is known about Ariston.
57 V has 'abudombtand abustakinein'.Previouseditors have asstimedthat they hid the names of comic
writers, but Polemis (2011) 3-4, brilliantly showed that these were words explained by lexicogra~
phers such as Hesychius,and would possi_bly have stood together at the (very?)beginning of Galen's
treatise. The first word refers to the beh.iviour or hairstyle of an informer, the second to a type of
leek sauce. Groats are mentioned a; ieascthree times by Aristophanes: at Wasps737 and in frag-
ments 208 and 428 Kassel~Austin,,thelatter quoted by Galen at Alim. Fae.253, 16 H. (VI.541 K.).
58 This word appliesstrkdy only to the names of the first cereals,where Galen will have linked ancient
and modern usage, but he then switchesto describethe general categorieschat he used. The_individ-
ual cerealsare named and discussedin detail respectivelyat Alim. Fae.234,21-241,24; 253,6-13;
257.2-14 and 225,10-20 H. (Vl.512-522; 533-534; 546-547 and 498-499 K.).
59 For this type of cereal, Braun (1995) 34-37.
60 Jouanna, BJP 88-90, brilliantly emends a complicated passage in V to reveal two extremely rare
words, the second known in Attic comedy, the first not o.therwiseattested before the tenth century,
both applied to drinks made from the lees or mare of grapesafter pressin·g~-The word 06:µvo:s,called
in the Geoponica a popular term, appliesto the mare when drunk on its own; 6fvTepkxs,'seconds',
when water has been added to it, as Galen describesin Alim. Fae.279,17-24 H. (VI.580.4-15 K).
61 This passageshows that Galen was not alwaysconstrained by the size of the book roU,which could
vary considerably.Jean-Luc Fournet, BJP 94--95, estimates that on a hypothetical cohunn width
of 15 cm, including intercolumniation, and at thirty lines per column, such a roll would be some
30 m long, at the limit of what would be possible.A big book with forty lines per column would
Translation 87
my own writings, which were of two kinds: some were so well fashioned6 2
as ro be of use ro others as well, while others were similarly produced for
10 myself alone as an aide-memoire,30. and then 63 the very many chapter 5
summaries of a very large number of works on medicine and philosophy.
But none of this distressed me.
15,
Galen'srecipe collection
31. What then, you will say, is there even worse than all that I have just
described that could cause distress? Well, I shall tell you. I was convinced
20 that I had in my possession more remarkable drug recipes than anyone 10
in the whole of the Roman world, some put in my way by chance, oth-
ers that I had added myself. 64 32. Fate put both sorts in my path in two
25 ways. Firstly, there was a rich man back home 65 who wanted so much to 15
11 BJP acquire a knowledge of significant drugs that he was prepared to buy some
recipes for over a hundred gold pieces. He succeeded so well that he could
purchase recipes that were highly regarded not only by all the modern
doctors in Asia, 66 but also by the ancients. 33. The recipes for all of these 20
drugs were carefully preserved in two folded parchment volumes, 67 which 12 BJP
also be unusual, and one can see why Galen thought of the possibilityof dividing some of them up.
As noted above, note 52, even prose writings are calculatedon the model of verse.
62
IUµµeTpos-intheoretical texts on rhetoric, e.g. Menander Rhetor, 337, 340, 393 Spengel, usually
refers to the balance between themes and sections. Galen does not elsewhereuse the word, or its
cognates, in this way to describe a book, although he complains about those who go on for longer
than is necessary,PHP 508,8-9 DL (Y.683 K.). But Galen may be applying it in the more general
sense of being appropriate for its audience, cf. Strabo, Geogr.XV.1.26.
6
" Galen makes a similar distinction between public and private compositions at Lib. Prop. 159,10-
160,4 BM (XIx.33-34 K.). lfVs hreno: is right, he then adds a third category,private summaries
of the writings of others, such as the anatomists Lycusand Marinus, and Heraclides ofTarentum,
3:swell as summariesof the Dialoguesof Plato, of which that of the Timaeusand fragmentsof other
dialoguessurvive in Arabic. ..
64
V has cruµirpoTt01:lvTOS, with the letters µri added immediately abovebetween -n- and -6J!v.Bou-
don-Millot (2007b) takes these letters as a negativeand translatesas 'sans que je les aie personneUe-
ment collectioneesauparavant', but this is odd in this context, and Lami, in Garofalo u al. (2010),
rightly sees the negative as indicating a correction, probably cruµ,rpo<ct>n0SVTos, 'added myself',
rather than auµ1rpoT1µT)0SvT05, emended to avµTipo0vµri9~VTO}, 'deliberatelysought our'. Jouan-
na, BJP 100, argues for crvµ1TpoT1µT)0~vTos, 'becauseI have been accorded honour [sc. by others]',
but this seems odd in this context.
6
~ With one very late exception, San. Tu. 186,20 Ko. (VI.424 K), Galen alwaysuses 'with us' to refer
to Greece, the Greek world, or specifically,as here, Pergamtun, even if he had been away in Rome
for decades.
66
I adopt Garofalo'semendation, in Garofalo et al (2010), KcnO: TT)v'.Ao-io:v (V's reading would give
'regardedfor their essence'),as well as Boudon-Mi!lot's(2007b) addition of vCiv,'modern' doctors.
67
Although the words could mean two leather folders (inro which the doctor could place slips of
papyrus), it is more likely that this is an early example of a parchment (chartapergamena)book
in codex form, used, like merchants' and lawyers'notebooks, for private referencepurposes, and
88 Avoiding Distress
one of his heirs, a very close friend of mine, voluntarily handed over to me
without being asked. 68 34. This was my first piece of luck in acquiring an
abundance of remedies, and now read of the second. When I first came to
Rome in my thirty-third year,69 I found a fellow-citizen and schoolmate
of mine called Teuthras already living in the city.7° He had obtained the
patchments belonging co a doctor called Eumenes.7 1 who was himself also
from Pergamum and was a particular connoisseur of many drugs among
all doctots.72 35. These recipes 73 had been collected in one place from all
over the world during his rravels before he settled in Rome until his death.
increasinglyfor wider circulation, Nicholls (2010). At (!omp.Med. _Loe ..XII.423 K., Galen. ~en·
tiollSreceivinga recipe against early baldnessfrom a fnend, Claudianus,who had found it u1 a
'foldedparchment' after the death of its owner. C!audianus had used it himself on patients and
thoughthighlyof it, The parallelsbetween the two incidents suggest that Claudianus was Galen's
anonymousfriend.
68 ElizabethCraik and Garofalosuggest that we read µ116S Handley prefers <T'>&v.
instead of µT)TE;
69 PaceBoudon-Mi!lot(2007b) 111, this date does not entirely conflict with Galen's comment at
Lib.Prop.139,15BM (XIX.15K.),that he had refuted some of his Roman opponents 'when I was
young,in my thirty-fourth year', so.onafter his ~rst arriv~ in Rom~. If his birthday ~ellin late sum-
mer,he could have arrived aged thirty-two, bemg born 1n 129 CE, and become th1ny-three soon
after.Thiswould alsohelp-,10· reconcile the odd comment at Hipp.Art. XVIIIA..347K. that he had
livedmost of the time in Rome after his thirty-second year, i.e. he arrived when he was thirty-two.
But,aswith his dating of the death ofTeuthras, neither Galen'smemory nor his chronology may be
entirelytrustworrhy. .
70 Teuthras,a closefriend and fellowstudent of Galen, Ven.Sect. Er. Rom. XI.193 K., was the dedi-
cateeof JhePulse.forBeginners(Puls.VIII.453 ~), and the Glossaryof HippocraticTenns(Gloss.
XIX.62K.).Thesetreatises,and Coma,which is cited in the Glossary {)/HippocraticTermss.v. xc.vµo:
(XIX.116K.), must be works of Galen'sfirst period in Rome, since Teuthras died before Galen left
in 166. ', . · ,
7! V has 'Eumenes',bu[ Boudon-Millot (2007b) 112, sugg~ststhat we should emend to 'Eudemus,
on the groundsthat no doctor called Eu1:1enesis recorded_i?<?alen,wh~reas ~e cites a ~ude~us
of Pergamum,'a skilledpractitioner of thIS branch of med1cme, several umes m connection .with
remedies,MMX.454 K.; Comp.Med Loe.XIIl.291 K. and Ant. Xtv.185 K., the last bemg a
metricalreworkingof a rare antidote. The.,name Eumenes could easily have slipped in through a
reminiscenceof Eumenes, the name o( tWo famous rulers of Pergamum. But Galen's comments
at MMX.454K. imply that he had l,l:n'.own Eudemus in Pergamum before both of them left Asia
Minor,i.e.around 150, before Galen left for Corinth and Alexandria, or, roughly ten years later, in
the intervalbetweenGalen'sreturn from Alexandria and his first move to Rome in 162. The latter
datewouldbe moresuited to Galen'sdescription of himself as a practitioner, but would permit only
a shorttime to elapsebetweenEudemus' move to Rome and his death. Although Boudon·Millot's
(2007b)emendationis tempting, this tight chronology advisescaution.
n AlthoughGalen uses both qi!Ao·and 1roAuqiO'pµo:KOS, 'liking drugs' and 'using many drugs',
he appliesthe formeronly to patients, Praes.Puls.IX.218 K.; ~omp.Med Gen.XIH.636 K., wher7-
as the latteris an epithet of doctors that goes back to Homer IbadXYT..28and Odyssey X.276, and 1s
appliedby Galen,albeitsome,.vhatsarcastically,to the Empiricists,MMX.169 K. This suggeststhat
the formershould be deleted as a (probably early) phonetic error, corrected by the introduction of
the right reading.Jouanna, BJP 107, keeps both, arguing that this is an elegant variation by Galen.
n If the readingofV is correct, Galen is using 6upeEpa!here loosely to mean their contents or the pa-
person whichthe individualrecipeswerewritten. But Kai ... 61;is odd, and I suspect that 6tqieEpa1
mayhavereplacedypaqiai, 'recipes', under the influence of the opening of the following sentence.
Jouanna,BJP 108,concurs in this emendation.
Translation 89
Teuthras, who died in the first visitation of rhe plague, lefr them t0 me a 15
5 little after what I said was my first arrival in Rome. 74 36. If someone had
a remarkable drug, I could get hold of it without difficulty by drawing
on these collections and offering two or three similar ones in exchange. 20
37, Not only were all these parchments desttoyed in the fire and I still
thought this was no great loss - but so also was my treatise on the com-
10 1 position of drugs, which I had prepared with great precision and where I
described how one might make up the most important drugs; 75 only my
prescriptions for a few drugs were preserved because they had been earlier 13 BJP
given to colleagues.7 6
Phi/,,sophicalremediesfor distress
38. Bur perhaps you will say that your desire has been atoused, and that
you want to know more about how I was not grieved like other men at
the loss of such a great variety of possessions, any of which by itself would 5
have made other men extremely distressed, but I put up very easily with
what had happened. 77 39, I have two answers to this; one you ought
to remember since you often heard me telling stories such as the one of 10
which I shall now begin to remind you. 78 The pleasure-lovingAristippus, 79
dissatisfied with a frugal lifestyle, gave daily sumptuous banquets and
14
The word Galen uses to describeTeuthras' gift, 1<aTSA11r~, 'left', usually means 'bequeathed', but it is
hard to reconcile adate of death around 162-164, 'a little after my arrival', with that of the onset of
plague, in 165-166. But neither Galen's memory nor his chronology may be entirely trustworthy.
15
Galen saysmore on the consequencesof this loss in the prefaceto Book I of his rewritten (and much
enlarged) second version of the treatise, Comp.Med. Gen.XIII.362-363 K. With Handley, I prefer
to,delete qiapµO:xc.vv before EµT)vuov,an emendation by La.miin Garofalo et al (20 I O),and to read
&vTIS O'Uveeln.
16
V·and BM read ST€po1s,'others', but Galen several times refers to his gifts of books, instruments
and drugs to colleagues,and the change to i\Ta!po1sis a simple one.
71
V's text, with an unusual hiatus, requires emendation. David Leith suggestsemending 1rO'vu('very
much') to Tr0:v('everything') to form a contrast with each individual incident, but Jouanna, BJP
113, prefers to insert Pq61c.vs.From this point 011 the focus shifts from a confirmation of his friend's
estimate of Galen's lossesto the wider advice that has been found to work.
18
PaceBJP 114, this does not necessarilymean that the addresseehad attended lectures by Galen; only
,that as a friend of long standing he had heard Galen make the saine point over and over again.
79
Aristippus of Cyrene, fl. 400 BCE, was a followerof Socratesand founded his own school of phi-
losophy. He was famous for his worldly hedonism. Jouanna, BJP 114-115, defends V's qi1A6Ttµos,
with the meaning of 'extravagant', cf. Plutarch, Crassus3. But this is not the most obvious meaning
of the word, and it is the name of Aristippus that defines it, rather than, as might be expected, the
initial adjectiveidentifying which of the various individuals called Aristippus is here meant. Given
the vagariesof the scribe, one cannot entirely exclude as a !ectiofaciliorthe emendation qi1A6aoqios
('philosopher').
90 Avoiding Distress
substantial cash donations co the sexier of the prostitutes of his day 80 -yet
the man himself still went without many things. 40. One day, returning
from the Piraeus - he used to go everywhere on foot, not just quite short
journeys, as here, but also long ones - when he saw chat his servant was
unable to keep up with his load (he was carrying a bag full of gold), he
told him to empty out as much as would make the resr easy to carry. 81 41.
Here is another example of the same attitude. He had back home four
fields, but because of some bad turn in his affairs, he lost one, so that he
then had three.82 42. One of his fellow-citizens was eager 83 to commiserate
with him when they met, but Aristippus said with a laugh: 'Why should
you commiserate with me for having three fields when you haven't even
one? Or should I commiserate with you?', showing very neatly what you
have often heard me say, that one should not focus on what has been lost,
but consider how those who have inherited three fields from their father
will not abide84 looking at others with thirty. 43. And if they have thirty,
they are going to look at others with fifty, until they themselves get fifty,
and, similarly if they have that, they are going to look at as many others
with seventy,and if they get that, they are going to look to those who have
more than a hundr2d, gradually progressing to wanting everything. 85 And
so they are always going to be poor, since their desire is never satisfied.
44. But if someone is not looking all the time at the number of fields that
80Garofalo'semendation(201O)to the feminine, TC(is6spµonlpo.1sand the slight change in accentua·
don to hatp&':w,recallsArisdppus'reputation for consorting with prostitutes, and especiallyLais,
DiogenesLaertius,Vit.phiL II.3; II.4 and Cicero, Ad_,fam.IX..26.2. Boudon-Milloc (2007b} and
BJP117preferto emendto the masculine,'the more enthusiastic of his pupils'. The next sentence,
whereverit begins,lacksa connectiveparticle: V and Boudon-Milloc (2007b) place a stOp after
h:eivos:(and should one read Ov1Wv<y0p> 1ro1e?),Garofalo suggests after 6e6µevos (reading 6
<oi'.iv>
O:vi'1P?).
Jouanna,BJP 115, runs Jhe first story about Aristippus into a single sentence, hue
whilethe asyndetonat its opening is,aCCeptable,three parentheseswithin the same long selltence
wouldbe veryunusualfor a stylistJike Galen. I follow Polemis (2011) 4 in reading xal E,1.
81 Thisstoryis alsogivenmore brief!}'by Diogenes Laertius, Vit.phil II.77, with rhe moral that one
shouldcarryonlywhat one can. le comes from the Discourses of the slightlylater travellingphiloso-
pherBionofBorysthenes(c, 335-245). Galen uses it to show that Aristippus was prepared to lose
somemoneyto help his slave,and thus was in no way distressedat his loss.
82 Thestoryis not among those told of Aristippus by Diogenes Laertius, but it is reported in almost
the samelanguageby Plutarch,De tranq,an. 469c-d, but without the mathematical precision.The
word'fields'couldalsobe translatedas 'estates',and was understood in the latter sense by the Jewish
moralistsJbnAkninand Ibn Falaquera.Jouanna, BJP 119, prefers to emend V's impossiblereading
to COT~Aacrsv,'got rid of'.
83 I followGarofalo(2010) in reading §TolµOS" for V's oTos'the sort to', defended at BJP 120.
s4 Thewords'willnot abide' are repeated in V. The second pair is clearlya correction of the slightly
first, which Boudon-Millot (2007b) excises,Better, and more likely to correspond to
rnis-spe!led
Galen'soriginalwordorder,would be to correct the first and allowit to stand, and delete the second
asa correction.
ss Thequotationin Ibn Aknin raisesthe possibilitythat Galen wrote 'desire more than everyone'.
Translation 91
15 l someone else has but at what is enough for his own outgoings, he will bear
unconcernedly the loss of what is superfluous. 45. But if someone with
15 BJP
20
I
l
I
just a single field loses that, he will be completely impoverished, and so
will be justifiably grieved, but if someone has lost one field out of four, he
will be in exactly the same position as someone who has had three from
5
the stare. So it is no great thing not to be distressed when one 86 still has
( l
14 BJPl
three fields, whereas it is for someone who has never had a single field to
bear his poverty without distress, as Crates did, 87 and even more so, if he
f;
never even had a house, like Diogenes. 88 46. So it was no great thing for 10
5 me not to be grieved at all at the loss of my property, for what was left was
much more than sufficient. 89 47. Indeed one should rather pity someone
who spends in a year 90 ten thousand drachmas out of an income of ten 15
10
i times that, and then is distressed at the loss of thirty thousand. Even if he
were regularly to lose the other ninety thousand, it would nor be natural
to be so grieved, when his ten thousand is enough to keep him. 48. As it
is, the insatiability of such individuals makes us regard with amazement 20
those who are doing nothing amazing: we should be amazed, if at all, at
15 those who are not upset even when they have lost everything, like Zeno of
Citium, who, they say, at the report of a shipwreck in which he had lost 16 BJP
1
everything, remarked, You've done us a favour, Fate, by driving us to the
philosopher's cloak and the Stoa.' 91
Galen'seducationand personal remedy
49, So it was no great thing for me to despise the loss of various of my
possessions, or my place at the Imperial court, which I never wanted to 5
86
Reading, with Handley,<<&> Tpels,
87
B.oudon-Millot(2007b) 114 emended the reading ofV Kp6:11sto <!Cv>Kp0TTJS, following later
traditions that said that Socrates (d. 399 BCE) was the son of a reasonablywell"offsculptor or
stone-mason, but was reduced to poverty later. Jouanna, BJP 127, makes a stronger case for Crates
the Cynic philosopher from Thebes, who gave away his property after having been convened to
philosophy by Diogenes.
88
Diogenes (c. 400-325 BCE), the founder of Cynicism, was famous for living in a tub, Diogenes
Laertius, Vit. phil VI.23.
89
Jouanna, BJP 128, prefers to turn the first pan of the sentence into a question: 'Why then was it no
great thing, .. ?'
90
, Reading ~viau,~ for V's ~vio,s ('sometimes') with Garofalo (2010), which givesgreater point to
the story.The normal yearlyexpenditure is ten thousand, but the individual becomes distressedon
the occasionswhen his expenditure rises to three times that, even though his resourcescan easily
cope.
91
Zeno of Cirium (335-263 BCE) was the founder of Stoicism,which took its name from the Paint·
ed Stoa in Athens, where he taught, The anecdote was well known, being cited by Diogenes Laer-
tius, Vit. phi!. VII.5, Plutarch, De capiendaex inimicisutilitate87a, De tranquillitateanimi 467d,
De exilio603d, and Seneca,De tranq11illitate animi 14,3.
92 Avoiding Distress
have) but was forced into by Fate, and which I tried to refuse not once or
twice but many times. 92 50. It was no great thing to avoid the madness
of most people, since I cared little for life at the Imperial court, but not 93
to be distressed at the loss of all my drugs, all my books, and, besides, the
recipes of major drugs, as well as the writings on them I had prepared for
publication along with many other treatises, any one of which by itself
would have shown the great efforts I have put in gladly throughout my
life, that is already a prime display of nobility and nigh on magnanimity. 94
51. What led me to such magnanimity you already know first because
you were brought up with me from the start and educated alongside me,
but, secondly, there was what I derived in addition from my experience of
events in Rome. 95 52. For you are well aware that observation of politics is
a good teacher by reminding us of the actions of chance.96 What Euripides
put into the mouth of Theseus somewhere is true above all, 97 as you will
recognize when you hear:
n It is unclear whether 'my place at court' depends directly on the verb 'to despise' or on the preceding
'loss'. If che former, G.ale.n-_is
merelysaying that he thought as little of court life as he did of pos~
sessionssincehe never'w:il1redthe job of royaldoctor. Bur the fact that Galen was clearlyplanning
to spend more time awayfroin Rome in Campania, suggeststhe latter, which is hardly surprising
given his friends and his attitude, above,p. 50. Bur he never mentions his demotion (if there was
one) elsewhere(and he was soon back in office)or his reluctance to seive.the emperors (except
on militruy campaign). He may, however,be alluding to events in his first stay in Rome when
acquaintancesat court sought to bring him to the anention of Marcus Aurelius,Praen. 116,20-26
N. (XIV.647-648 K.).
93 Tucci (2008) 137, n. 7, translates~v_alJAfi
!3q:o-lA1Kfl
as 'in the hall of the basilica',te.·in one of
the Basilicaein the Forum, but the adjectiveis an elegantvariation on the preceding µovapXtKfl.
Jouanna, BJP 132 notes approving!}'the suggestion'ofSchOne(1917) that at Lib. Pr()p,170,2-3
BM (XIX.45 K.) the text should be emended to give the-title On Lift at the Courtof the Em~
peroT"(reading µov&pxouinstead of Mev&pxov).I prefer here the emendation of Garofalo (2010)
Kctr<oA>1yoopT)aavTa to Jouanna'sKaTa,yopo:o-6vTooV, 'ceuxqui 63.nentdans le cour du palais',or
his second suggestion,KCCTT)yopT)a&vTOOv, 'malgrele nombre des accusateurs'.
9 4 For T)6rias signifyinga logicalcons~tjllence, see LSJ, s.v. fi6ri,4. Galen uses Aristotelianterminol~
ogy,'magnanimity',to expresshis-conceptionof proper moral behaviourthat he believesis, as we
shall see, within the compassof ordinary citizens, but his interpretation of the term comes closer
to that of the Stoicsand Epicureans,and to normal usage. Elsewherein Galen, the word is used
somewhatironically,but here it is obviouslypositive.
95 For the addressee,see above,pp. 48-49.
96 Garofalo,in Garofaloet al (2010) emends to TVXTJ5, drawing attention to the parallelat A.ff,Peet:.
Dig. 33,22 DB (V:48K.). V's reading, defended by Jouanna, BJP 138-139, might be translated
as 'achievementsof one's art' (usually,for Galen, medicine),contrasting the solid resultsof proper
practicewith the fleetingvagariesof politics.
97 This quotation, from an unnamed play of Euripides, fr. 814 Mette = fr: 964 Nauck, is also cited,
with slight variants,by Plutarch and by Galen at PHP282,17-23 DL (V.418 K.), and again below.
Given that Galen himselfdoes not alwaysquote familiarpassagesaccuratelyfrom memory (hence
the vague1Toos), there is no need to emend here to harmonizewith his or Plucarch'sother citations.
On this passageand the readingsadopted here, see also Lami(2009) andJouanna, BJP 139-142.
Euripidesis Galen'sfavouritetragedian,to judge by the number of times he is cited.
Translation 93
As I once learned from a wise man,
I fell to considering disasters constantly, 5
10 Adding for myself exile from my native land,
Untimely deaths and other ways of misfortune,
So that, should I ever suffer any of what I was imagining,
It might not gnaw at my soul because it was a novel arrival.
15, 53. 'foe wise man constantly reminds himself of everything that he might 10
possibly suffer, and someone who is not a wise man, provided that he does
not live like an animal, is in some way also stimulated to a knowledge of
the human condition by the realities of daily life. 18 BJP
20
Life under Commodus
17 BJP
54. You yourself, I believe, are convinced that the crimes committed by
Commodus in a few years are worse than any in the whole of recorded
history. So when I saw all of these things happening daily, I schooled my 5
imagination to prepare for the total loss of everything that I had. 55. A,;
well as being moved to pity myself,98 I also expected to be sent to a desert
island, like other innocent victims. When someone expected to be sent co
a desert island with the total loss of everything he had, he prepared himself 10
to bear it, and, ifhe lost only a part, he was not going to be distressed since
he was not deprived of the rest.99 56. For myself, having found by experi-
ence that argument in Euripides to be the truest of all, I advise you to train 15
your soul's imagination co cope with almost any turn of events. 57. This
prescription cannot be given to those with no natural aptitude for courage
or without afl excellent education, which a generous fate vouchsafed to
me.100
Galen~family
For example, since you were educated with me, you know well 58. what 20
sort of man my father was; every time I remember him, I feel my soul
98
Lami's !1Tt1<Aacenva1 (for V's Tt l<Aac6!1vc(I)in Garofalo et al. (2010) introduces a neat
Thucydideanreminiscenceof the Plataeans'appealto the conscienceof the Spartans,Hist. III.59.1
and 67.2. Thucydides'description of the disastersof the PeloponnesianWar was very familiar to
Galen, Nutcon (2009) 25-26, and would have been in Galen'smind when comparingthe horrors
of life under Commodus, see above, pp. 49-50. Polemis (2011) 5 suggestsKaTa61Ka<rSfjvo:1,
implyingthat Galen too expectedto be condemned at any point.
99
The end of the sentenceis corrupt in V.
ioo Jouanna, BJP 18 and 155, taicesthe beginningof the next sentenceto form the ending of this, and
arguesfor asyndetonat the beginningof 58.
94 Avoiding Distress
improved. For there was no other man like him who honoured justice
and self-control so much, indeed, they came naturally to him without the
need for philosophical arguments. 59. He did not consort with philoso-
phers in his youth, being trained from childhood in virtue 101 as well as in
architecture by his father, my grandfather, in both of which he was him-
self supreme. My father used to say that he had followed him in the same
way of life, and his father, i.e. his own grandfather, before him, the first as
an architect, the second as a land-surveyor. 60. So you may suppose that I
am naturally like my forebears because I was born like this and, moreo-
ver, because I had an identical upbringing, I have a similar disposition of
soul to rhem. 61. I know that my father despised human affairs as of little
worth, and this is exactly the same for me in my old age. 62. Furthermore,
he regarded those who pursued a life of pleasure as just like the birds 102
which we see being dragged around Rome by their owners to mount fe-
males for a fee. But he never praised 103 those who despise such pleasures
and who are simply satisfied that their soul is never pained or distressed,
proclaiming that the good was of its own nature something bigger and
better than this, not confined to being merely free from pain and distress.
63. But if someone' will move away from this and hold that the good is
a knowledge of matters both human and divine, then I see that mankind
possesses only a very small part of this, and that, if it is so very small, we
cannot have a precise knowledge of everything else also.104 64. But some-
one who has not even a general knowledge of matters human and di-
vine can neither make even in part pr scientifically a decision on -what to
choose or what to avoid. So for my part, I supposed that participating in
10! Garofalo, in Garofu.lo et al (2010), elriends to C(f)10µnnKT\V,'arithmetic' to harmonize With
the parallel passagesat A.ff Pecc.Dig. 28,19-25 DB (V.42 K.), below, p. 2TJ, and, more closely,
at Lib.Prop.164,25-165,2 BM (XIX.40K.), but the contrast between the two subjects is much
dearer ifV's reading is kept: one learned both professionalskill and morality at home in the family
setting.
1o2 Garofalo (2010) ingeniouslyemends to KuvWv,'dogs'. Whether one imagines luxury-loving Ro-
mans parading the city with their falcons and exotic birds or with hounds, Galen'spoint ls clear.
103 I follow l.ami's emendation, in Garofalo et al (2010}, ofVs hre1crevto hr(lveO"ev. Galen argues
that his father despisedboth those who devoted themselvesto pleasure and those who declaredthat
the good lifeconsisted in being free from trouble and pain, i.e. the followersof Epicurus, whom
Galen attacks regularlyelsewhere.Living the good life,he thought, involvedsomething more posi-
tive than this negativedefinition.
104 Galen'sToUToo\l is a1nbiguous,since it can refer either to the types of pleasurejust mentioned or,
!esslikely,to those who favour them. Galen'sdefinition of the good as a knowledgeof things both
human and divine is Aristotelian in origin, Arist., Met. VI.I, 1026a18-32; XI.7, 1064b1-4, and-
is repeated in a similar polemical context by Galen acMMI.2 (X.2 K.). He there ranks the pursuit
of wisdom, and in context metaphysics,as higher than that of wealth, power, and pleasure.
Trttns!ation 95
19 BJP politics and being in charge 105 of people was difficult, and also I saw that the
generaliry of them was not at all helped by the earnest endeavour of those
who were decent human beings. 106 65. Brought up in this way of thinking, 15
5 I always consider all these things as of little value, so how could I suppose
leisure, instruments, drugs, books, reputation and riches to be precious? 107
And if someone regards all these as oflittle value, why should he worry about
them, o'r be worried by them? 66. It follows also that someone who sup- 20
10 poses that he has been deprived of something big must always be distressed
and fret, unlike the person who thinks them small and continues to despise
them. 67. If you peruse what I have written about each of these things, you 21 BJP
15 will discover that I have not just baldly declared my opinion about each of
these trivial matters but provided a logical proof. And, by God, I did not
do this with zealous enthusiasm or as something tremendous, but simply 5
as a sort of hobby. 68. Some people consider that remaining undisturbed is
20 something good, although I know that neither I nor any other human be-
ing nor any animal supports this, for I see all of them wishing to be actively
20 BJP engaged in both mind and body: but we have established this in several of 10
our tracts, especially in Against (or On) Epicurus.108
5
The voice of experience
69. Finally, while I believe I have responded completely to the question
you raised about avoiding distress, I do hold the view, nevertheless, that
10 this requires a further definition. 70, Since you say that you have never
to 5Boudon-Millot (2007b) takes the verb ,rpovoslv to mean 'thinking about (taking pare in politics)',
but the verbal noun 1rpOvo1ais regularlyused in Greek honorific decrees to denote an emperor's
or local politician's 'concern' for others, and occasionallythe verb itself bears the sense of raking
r~sponsibilityfor a city, a festivalor a temple project. I followLa.mi'semendation, in Garofalo et al.
(2010), of xa/\srr6v for Vs xCXAsTI&v: the latter would mean 'was the job of wicked(?} men'.
106
The phrase Ka/\65Kcd<Xyo:865 is a favourite of Galen, combining both intellectual and moral
superiority. In a political context, as here, it distinguishes the mass of the population from rhe
local elites, to which Galen belonged, and which he believedshould be in charge, even if others
were unwilling to accept their zealous endeavour. This ostensibly apolitical stance may also owe
something to the civil stasisthat, he alleges,was one of the reasonsfor his first visit to Rome, Praen.
92,7 N. (XJV.622 K).
107
I suspect that some words have been omitted and others wrongly copied over from the next line.
, My translation givesrhe general sense. If 'leisure' is right, it refers to the aristocraticconcept of the
free man unencumbered by the need to work for his living.
ios No tract with this title is recorded among Galen's writings against the Epicureans, Lib. Prop.
172,14-173,4 BM (Xl:X.48K.), unless it is robe identified with the tract TheGoodand Happy
life Accordingto Epicurus.Although the text is again unclear, Galen appears to argue that such
an untroubled life advocated by the Epicureanscan be achievedonly by inaction, yet activity is a
natural and essentialpart of all human and animal life, and hence the Epicureanposition is a denial
of what makes lifelife.
96 Avoiding Distress
seen me distressed, you may possibly imagine that I am going to make the
same pronouncement as some of the philosophers who promise that the
philosopher 109 will never suffer distress. 71. Now I cannot say if there is
anyone so wise that he is entirely free from affections, but I have a precise
knowledge of the degree to which I am such a one: I do not care about the
loss of possessions without quite being deprived of them all and sent to a
desert island, or of bodily pain without quite maldng light of being placed
in the bull of Phalaris. 110 72. What will distress me is the ruination of my
homeland, or a frie~d being punished by a tyrant, and other similar things,
and I pray to the gods that none of this should ever happen to me. 111 So
since nothing of this sort has happened to me until now, you have thus
seen never seen me distressed. 73. I am surprised at Musonius who used
regularly to announce, so they say, 'Zeus, send me any eventuality.' 112 My
prayer is entirely the opposite: 1 Zeus, do not send me an eventuality that
can cause me to become grieved.' 74. So as far as my bodily health is con-
cerned, I pray continually for good health, not wanting a broken head in
order to display courage, and even though I have thought it right to train
my imagination to face every disaster with moderation, I would never pray
to meet with anythitig that could distress me. 75, I am keenly aware that I
depend on the quality of the condition of both my body and my soul, and
so I would not like anything to arise from any external cause that could
destroy my health or any bad turn that could overpower the condition of
l09 I follow Polemis (2013) 7; Garofalo et 'al (2010) prefer cr6qiwvfor V's qiti\oO"Oqiwv; Bou·
don-Millot (2007b) and Jouanna, BJP,prefer to-dcli;~e the whole word.
11°
Phalaris,tyrant of Acragasin Sicilyaround 550 BCE, used to torture prisonersto death by enclos·
ing them in a bronze bull and lighting a fire beneath them, The Epicureansagewasexpectedto be
able to acknowledgethat lifewaspleasanteven when shur up in the bull of Phalaris,Cicero, Tusc.
II.17-18 and V.31; P!utarch, Non posresuav#ervivere1088b and 1090a. Galen'scomments are
directed also againstthe Stoics,whq ·seemto have used the same example,Gregoryof Nazianzus,
Ep.32 (SVFIII.586).Both groups regardeddistressor anger as an intellectualfailure,for the truly
wise man, in their opinion, wo·uldrise above such emotions, I follow Garofalo (Garofalo et al.
2010) in emendingVs hrayyEi\screa1TOO to t1r6:yecr8cn Ti;),
lll At Hipp. Prog.207,6-11 H. (XVIIIB.19 K.), reused in the pastiche Hipp. Hum. XVI.30 K.,
Galen comments that people are distressedat the death of children, friends and relatives,or be-
cause they expectto suffersome disasterthemselvesor their country to be ruined.
H2 Musonius Rufus was a Stoic philosopher who lived around 70 CE. The story is not found else-
where among the fragmentscollected by Hense (1905), but another Stoic, his pupil Epictetus,
Ench.I.6.37, made a similar remark, adding at the end of lessonswhere he had taught his pupils
how to face the foture, '.Andnow Zeus, send me whatevercalamityyou wish.' Jouanna, BJP 171,
probably rightly, restoresfiv 0Si\fl~,although, given the fluidity with which such mots could be
attributed to differentauthorities, one should be cautious about assumingthat Musoniuswas its
originalauthor.
Translation 97
my soul. 76. Not that I neglect their welfare, but I always try, as far as is in
15 my power, to endow them with sufficient strength to withstand whatever
distresses them. Even if I do not expect my body to have the strength of 23 BJP
Hercules or my soul to be like that which some attribute to the wise men,
20 I think it better not to abandon deliberately any form of training. 113 77,
For I greatly approve of Theseus' speech, when he says for Euripides: 5
27BJP As I once learned from with a wise man,
I fell to considering disasters constantly,
Adding for myself exile from my native land,
5 Untimely deaths and other ways of misfortune,
So that, should I ever suffer any of what I was imagining, 10
It.might not gnaw at my soul because it was a novel arrival. 114
78. This is the only <training> 115 I find helpful against painful bad
10
turns. 116 For I am never above all of them, and thus I tty regularly to say
to my associates that I never claim to be able to do what I have not in fact 15
displayed in practice, namely that I make light of the loss of money pro- 24BJP
vided that I have enough left to avoid hunger, cold, and thirst, 117 and I do
15
not complain about painful troubles provided that they still allow me this, 5
to talk with a friend tand to follow what is being read by someone reading
20 113
Reading,with Garofalo (Garofaloet al 2010), !v101 ... ;ot,; O'O<pots. The same sentiment, as Bou-
don-Millot (2007b) 121 n. 305 notes, is found at A.ff Pecc.Dig. 11,17 DB 0/.14 K.).The assertion
of the importance of constant training and practice takes up the opening query of the addressee
at Ind. 2,3-5 BJP.This philosophicalinstruction is not enough by itself:it requiresto be put into
practiceif its lessonsare to be properlyabsorbed.
114
Galen unexpectedlyrepeatsthe samepassagefrom Euripidesin foll shortly after its firstquotation,
and in a way that is a little more awkwardthan earlier.But rather than a repetition of the wholeor
part of the passageby a copyist, I take it as a sign of the relativeinformalityand hurried composi-
tion of this tract, and of the importanceto Galen of this quotation, Lami (2009) 11, PaceJouanna,
,BJP 177, the opening word of the last line of the quotation seemsto have been miscopied from
the followingsentenceand to have taken the place of Euripides'words.If 61TEp is correct, Galen is
alluding to the tradition, recorded by Cicero, Tusc.IIl.30, that Theseusis speakingin the propria
personaof Euripides,who had reportedlystudied with the philosopherAnaxagoras.
115
The sense of the passageis dear, and the feminine adjectivelooks back to &O'Kl'\O'IV, which is
restored by Lami in Garofalo et al. (2010), This may not be necessary,particularly if the long
quotation is an insertion, for then the distance betweenthe noun and the later adjectivewould be
considerablyreduced,
116
Galen recommends this advice, including the quotation, in exactly the same way as he does a
, pharmaceuticalremedy:both are tried and tested by experience.
117
The parenthesisin V, 'This is thirst and it followsthese', reflectsa marginalnote to a copyist,indi-
catingwherea word left out should go, sincethirst is not a consequenceof the other two, but, as in
the parallelsgiven by Boudon-Millot(2007b) 121 n. 308, their equal. I have deletedthese words,
and insertedµT)Te61wO:v to followPlyoOv.

98 Avoiding Distress
to me - 79, for severe pains of these kinds deprive us of theset 118 - and in
such circumstances I am glad merely to be able to display endurance. In
writing for others on avoiding distress I have given you some advice that
is superfluous for you, for I have been aware from the start that, both by
nature and by education, you always prefer simple food and dress, and are
most restrained in sexual matters, whereas those who are thereby enslaved
are compelled to require ever more money. 119 80. If they are not rich, they
first weep and groa~ day and night, and then are forced to remain awake at
night, looking for means whereby to fulfil their desires; if they do not find
them, they howl, and if they do, they are not satisfied, and thus descend
to this extremely wretched existence because of their insatiable desires. 81.
Who then are not distressed like most people? 120 Those who have only a
moderate attachment to esteem, wealth, reputation and political power;
but where someone is found with an immoderate attachment to chem, he
is condemned to the most unfortunate existence, knowing nothing about
the virtue of the soul or its dominance. 121 He will also increase his vices
as well as his constant distress at being unable to attain what he intended.
82. For the greatest of desires involve an unattainable goal, so that no
one naturally wotild· -put his trust in them or in anyone who would ever
do so. 83. But experience is indeed a teacher of the unexpected. 122 I once
dared to enquire of a man with thousands, seven thousand or more, why
he didn't share it with others, or enjoy it. He responded by saying that we
should look after our possessions jusi as carefully as we look after the parts
l 18Vis corrupt here, although Galen'smessageis generallyclear.I followGarofaloand Roselli'semen-
dation (Fischeret al 2008), although l'suspect that the corruption goesconsiderablydeeper than
this. If the text is correct,it is interest.i'.ng
ro see that Galen placesreading (or, rather, being read to)
on the same levelas a conversation:with a friend.
ll9 The messageof the final part of this treatise is taken up again in Alf Pecc.Dig. 32,9-35,4 DB
(V.47-52 K), below,pp. 276-279. Jouanna, BJP 185-186,.suggests an omission through ho-
moiote!euton, '<if they are wealthy;,,but if they are not wealthy', although this leads to a word
order he acknowledgesas very unusual.
120 Garofalo (Garofalo,et al 2010) ingeniouslyturns the sentence in V about 'some people' into a
question, to which Galen supplies his own answer.Jouanna, BJP 187, prefers simply to.remove
'like most people', as an intrusivegloss.
121
I.e. what goodnessis, and how the soul dominates,or should dominate,.the desiresof the body.
122 Jouanna, BJP 189, arguesfor the alternative translation, 'I::experience·meme des chases inatten-
dues ... ', but in the exampleshe cites the genitivegoes with the teacher, not experience.The fol-
lowingincident must in somewayexemplifythe truth of this aphorism. Either it showsthat simple
questions can meet with unexpected answers or, less likely, that experienceof the unexpected
teachesone how to reacr.
·'f'··
f
Translation 99
of our body. 84. Annoyed 123 at his response, I wenr off and dictated, as I 26BJP
10 I usually did, 124 a book On WealthyMoney-lovers,which I have sent you. 12 5
I
I End of Galen's Avoiding Distress.126
( 123
15 ; Vand Boudon-Millot(2007b) have the lectiodiffitilior&yo.a61:\s, 'econne'.Since Galen normally
usesO:y&a60.1, 'be delighted', in an approvingsense (e.g.San. Tu. 137,17 Ko., VI.310 K.), it must
25 BJP! be used here with a good deal of irony. Cf., for that possibility,hinrs of irony at Adv. Lye. 14,29
W. (XVIIIA.218K); Adv.Ju!.64,21; 67,5 W. (XVIIIA.291;294 K.). L11lli'sOpy1a61:\s, 'annoyed'
(Garofaloet al. 2010), fits the context better, allowingfor Galen'sown exaggeration,and could be
justifiedpalaeographically.
5 124
The position of 'as I usually did' in the Greek sentence, following'went off', leavesit unclear
what Galen is referringto. He may be drawing attention to his habit of dictating his treatises,so
Boudon-Millot(2007b) 123 n. 314 with parallels,or, as BJP 191 implies,co leavinga confronta-
tion and then writing his response.The latter would also agreewith his frequent insistencethat he
had composedmany of his books becauseof what others wanted or, in this case,had said to him.
This incident, or a similar one, is recalledat A.ff Pecc.Dig. 32,19 DB (V.48K.). This book is lost
10 and is nor mentioned in My Oum Books.A siinilar tract was composedby Plutarch, De cupiditate
divitiarum,523c-528d, with its message,528d, that money cannot buy freedomfro1ndistress.
125
The abrupt ending might suggest that the ending of this treatise had been lost before Andrei-
omenos' day.But Galen'sendings are in generalfar lesscarefullycomposedthan his openings.The
cautionarystoiy, along with its postscript,would make an appropriateending to this tract,
15 126
There followin the Greek severallines of (much later and often unintelligible)Byzantineverse
thanking Galen for his insights: 'Thanks be to you, Galen, for your advice, in which you teach
mortalsto bear without distressall the uncerraintiesoflife, and not be disturbedby the unexpected
[reading&vurr6rr,01s]tfor at such a moment there is no creed [66yµo:,which may relate back to
20 the opening linesof this treatise]t, but in another'smisfortune,you are a clear beaconin your life-
I do not say that you are a money-grubber[an allusionto the well-knownByzantineperceptionof
Galen, and other doctors, as eager for money] - you will teach them verywell how not to be be-
mused by chanc~events,even if you teachthem perforce [or,reading13,i(p, through your own life].'

1he text of chapters 4-5 and 16-18
Chapters 4-5
The structure of these sections is complicated by being part of a long
sentence in indirect speech reporting what Galen's correspondent had
said. With one exception, the various emendations proposed do not al-
ter greatly the overall sense of the passage, for example my restoration
of the first person singular, o\<p6T]<V> <pepwv, for V's o\<p6TJ<pepwv, or
Garofalo's Eq>TJS ('yp;t said') for V's E<pTJV.
The one exception is at eh. 4,
where Boudon-Millot (2007b) and Jouanna, BJP 36, prefer the simple
correction cru<yye>ypcxµµEvoov ('written') to Garofalo's crecrwpevµEvwv,
'stored', which could also have a palaeographical explanation. But restrict-
ing Galen's losses'rObooks written 'there', i.e. in Rome, is odd, especially
if Galen, as is likely, had also retained copies of tracts composed outside
Rome, in Pergamum, Smyrna or elsewhere. In eh. 5 Jouanna accepts the
emendations suggested to me by Roselli and Garofalo, proposing also to
delete TWVapµlvwv as a gloss. If TO µiv and what follows is taken as an
expansion of &pµevcx,the follo;ving emphatic µiv ouv is odd, even with
Boudon-Millot (2007b)'s emendation, because it lacks a subsequent con-
trast (the following TO 8, must balance the preceding TO µiv) unless one
emends to OMO.,which ifself is not entirely satisfactory. An alternative
would be to put a stop after 1TCXVT08cx1Ta and to transfer µiv ouv to the
beginning of the new sentence. Whatever solution is preferred does not
affect the general sense of the passage.
Chapters 16-18
Nowhere in the whole treatise does so much depend on the correct inter-
pretation and emendation of the Greek as in these three sections. Galen's
train of thought does not run as smoothly as one might wish, while the
copyist's misunderstanding of the abbreviations of the endings of words
100
The text of chapters4-5 and 16--J8 101
and his inability to read the script of his exemplar, equally visible through-
out the treatise, offer a considerable range of possibilities for editorial in-
tervention. Several of the difficulties interlock, and doubts about one or
two words may in turn demand further changes. This section discusses the
Greek in detail and provides a justification for the considerable differences
between my translation and chat of the Bude editors, who keep closer to V.
Their text marks a considerable improvement over that of the editio prin-
ceps,and the commentary eloquently explains many of the difficulties in
these chapters. But doubts still remain about some of their interpretations,
and alternatives still deserve exploration. Even if not all the scribal errors
can be removed with certainty, the aim of this appendix is to lay down the
parameters .for interpretation.
I give the text on which I have based my translation, along with a de-
tailed apparatus criticus.
16. i\u1r~cret8€ cre Kai Ta0Ta µ6/\tcrTa, Ws T&v Ev Tois Ka/\ouµtvots
[TWV l yeypcxµµivwv p1p)dwv ,iwe,vE0p6v TJVCX
TiiVCX~l KCXTO: l
[TlVO:
TE TC<S iv T0 ncx/\mic,, ~1P/\108i]KCXS
Kai tTaS ivcxVTJWtil q,cxv,pws
<oUK> fiv oUTIEp E1reyEypa1rTo <olJTe> KaT6: TT}v AE£1volJTe
KaTC((TT}v>8t<Xvoiav6µ010Vµ1=v<a> aUT(:). Kai TO 8soqip6crTou 5
Kal µ<Xi\tcrTaTO: KaTC( T0S ErrtcrTT}µovtKCXs rrpayµaTe{as - 17.
[EcrTtV]&Ma TCX Tispi qiuTWvKaTO 8\Jo 1rpayµaTeias EKTETaµEvas
T]pµT]VEUµEVCX TIO:VTESEXOU(Yl.T] 8' ~pltrTOTiAOVS ttruvcxpµo,t
ii Kai vOv 0:1ro/\oµEvT),
&Kpt~WsT}ve\Jpe6Eicr0µ01 Ko:lµ1=To:ypo:q,s'(cro:,
KOT6:88 T6v a1JT6VTp61rov Kai 0eoq,p6:crTOUKai &Moov TtvWv 10
O:v8pWv:rro:l\o:1WvµT}<pa1v6µevo:Ko:TO:ToVs 1rivaKas, TtvC<8' Ev
EKeivo1syeypo:µµEva µEv, µ11<pep6µeva8' o:VT6:.TOUToovoUv EyW
TroXAC( µEv Ev Tais Ko:TO:T6 Tiai\6:Ttov ~1~/\106~1<0:1s eVpov, TO:
1 T&v V; sec.!. Garofalo, Kotzia; TollTwV BM II 2 E~c.v6svV; !iKcrc.v6SvTa
Stramaglia
IIs&p6v V Garofalo; T]Vp6vBM II2-3 TlVa TETf)Syantecorr. BM; TIV<X del. ycorr. Ga~
rofalo, quiet T0:Sconiedt; TSde!. Kotzia II3 f)tl3i\106fiKTJS
BM IJ TCiSEvavT1wV; Ka{Ttvo:
EvavTic.vs Jouanna; TO:0:vTiypacpaLeith; TO:Evo:vTlo: BM; T6:SEv'AvTil:)Jones II4 oOKadd.
Jones; oi'.iE1rey€yparrToRoselli; oUrrep EyEyparrToV Jouanna; oUTeadd. Nutton Lami,
quiet ante T}vtransp. !I5 TT)vadd. Jouanna IIpunctu~ post 61&vo1avhabet V;post o:0T(9
transp. Lami, quiet fiv pro µEvhabet II6µoto\Jµev<O:> Jouanna; 8µ010:µ€vV7 EcrTIV &Ni.a
BM; EcrTtv(in co1npendio) 0.Ma V; <0.M'>EcrT1v Handley; EcrTIVsedusi IItKTSTaµSvas
V; EKTSTo:µEva vel EKTETaµEvws Garofalo !1 8 <8::>ante 1T0:VTSSadd. BM II'Ap!CJToT€i\ous
Garofalo;'Ap1crToT€i\'V; 'l\pt<rTOTEAftBM IIcrllvapµosV; cruvWvuµosvel 6µWvuµosNut~
ton; cruv0'.p16µ05Garofalo II11 T1v6:µEvpost;rai\cn&v addideritJouanna IIcpa1v6µsvaNut~
ton; <psp6µsvaVII12 <p1:p6µsva Garofalo; cpa1v6µsvo: VII13-14 TO:6' EvavTlaV; Ttv6:6'
102 Avoiding Distress
8' tEvavTiat KaTscrKsllacra.18. 81scp66:p11 8E vOv T6 µEv Ev T0
nai\aTic.p KaT6 TTjvaVTTjvfiµEpav Tois fiµsTEpots, -rfis 1rupKa'i&s 15
oU µ6vov Tais KaTClTTjvisp6:v 686v &1ro6~Ka1si\uµ11vaµEv11s, O.M&.
TipWTovµEvTais KaTClT6 -rfis Eip~v11sTEµsvos,µeT6:TaVTa 8E Tais
KOT6:T6 nai\6:T16v TE Kai TTjVTt~Ep1avf1vKai\ouµEv11v olK(av, Ev n of the adjective, which, if right, would be an otherwise unknown meta-
Ka\ au-rji ~1~)uo6i]K11TlSiiv TIOAAWV µev Kai &X\wv ~l~A!wvµE<ni],
tTO. 8' EvavTiwt 8t6: TTjv 0.µEAfta'vTWv EK6:crTOTE TitcrTsuoµEvwv 20 1
iK 81a8oxfis a1hlx [ ....... ] Ka6' 8v xp6vov iyw &vi~nv ,is 'Pwµ11v
1rpWTovEyyUs flv TOO81ecp66:p6a1.
EvavTioosJouanna; TO:6' OvTiypacpo:Leith; TO:6' Ev'AvTi~ Jones [I 14 KO:TEcrKeUo:cra
BM; Ko:Tecr1<E\3acra VII16 i\uµrivaµEvrisBM; AuµtvaµEV1)S VJI17 Trp&TovRoselli; Trp6
o:UT&vVIITO:6' fvavT!w V;T1vO: 6' Evo:vTiwsJouanna; TO:6' OvTiypacpaLeith; TO 6'
Jones II20 ntaTeuoµEvoovGarofalo; A1)oTeuoµEvwv
Ev'AvTi<"{) V l[ 21 lacuna c. 13 litt.
V; µ[.Jen[........ ] V sec. Kotzia; µso1TEia1sStramaglia; oxe66v &TrO:VTa suppl. Handley
exe1npligratia [I O:vEPTJVBoudon~Millot;O:vEpe1v V
Many of the scribe's careless errors can be easily corrected, as at lines 2,
11 and 17, and he seems to have tried to correct himself at line 13. At line
2, he deleted the Tivcihe had inserted, and it is possible that the following
n was part of his original error. At line 16, although some traces of letters
are visible on the disc, they are not clear enough to give a good impres-
sion of the words-that were once there: a future examination of the codex
by autopsy may well be able to restore the damaged letters. Sttamaglia's
µEcrtTeicxts,\hrough pledges', is ingenious, and Would correspond to the
letters that Kotzia and Sotiroudis thoug~r they saw, but A11CYTEVOµevwv
remains an odd word to use>and both EK6:cr10TE 1rtcrTEuoµEvwvand EK
81a8oxf\s require further explanation. Elsewhere it is the choice of words
that arouses suspicion. At line 16, although it would be intriguing to think
of a succession of librarians engaged in stealing their own books, theft is
hardly 'neglect' and ATlO"TEtJOµivwv by itself must be passive (BM's 'pil-
lages successives'). Jouanna, BJP 73, suggests that it is the librarians who
are being regularly robbed by their readers and care nothing about it. True,
Fronto, Ep. 4.5, implies that the librarian of the Domus Tiberiana might
well be persuaded for a consideration to allow a well-connected individual
to borrow books, but the comments in eh. 19 seem to indicate that it was
the bad state of the books, not the gaps on the shelves, that constituted
the neglect. Given the scribe's frequent iotacism, and the ease with which
/\ and n could be confused, Garofalo's emendation ofV to TilO"TEUoµivwv
('those to whom [they] had been entrusted') is convincing.
At line 7 V's CYuvapµos,'fitting together', along with the preceding
abbreviated form of Aristotle, is far from easy to understand. It is very
7he text of chapters4-5 and 16-18 103
unlikely that the Greek represencs the (mangled) title of a relatively un-
familiar work by or attributed to Aristotle or to Theophrastus, although
given the scribe's errors even that cannot be ruled out) and no editor has
followed this path. Jouanna, BJP 68-70, mounts a very vigorous defence
phorical use of a rare technical term from engineering or building. Given
Galen's·family background, his use of such a metaphor would be highly
appropriate. Hence Boudon-Millor (2007b) 107 expands the abbreviated
ending of the preceding name to the dative, and translates as 'un ouvrage
en parfait accord avec Aristote'. But while grammatically sound, this in-
terpretation is open to a very serious objection: it is impossible from this
description to identify tbe tare work discovered by Galen. 1 Since Theo-
phrastus often followed his master, it would be difficult to single out a
treatise that was simply distinguished by irs close relationship to Aristotle.
Garofalo prefers to take another tack. He expands the abbreviation to the
genitive, thus referring to a work by Aristotle, not Theophrastus, but his
ingenious suggestion, O"vvop16µos,'of the same number', although pal-
aeographically neat (cf. Garofalo's suggestion at Ind. 59), is also open to
the charge that it too does not make it immediately clear what work of
Aristotle this is.
But there does exist a rare work going under the name of Aristotle that
is plausible in this context, the two books of Aristotle's Depi cpvTiov.2
If O"UVapµosis kept but with the genitive, Galen is referring to 'the
treatise by Aristotle that is in agreement', sc. with Theophrastus on plants,
but grammatically the dative is far more preferable. Alternatively, accept-
ing Garofalo's emendation, Galen may well have slipped from consider-
ing the two separate treatises ofTheophrasrus (in, on ancient calculations,
fourteen or eighteen books) to the two books of Aristotle (or ps.-Aristotle).
Even neater would be cruvWvuµos, 'of the same name\ which provides
a title that would correspond nicely ro the context and to the ductuslitter-
arum, although Galen does not use this word of books, and 6µwvvµos
would be perhaps better.
The ending of the same sentence is also doubtful in V, for Galen ei-
ther contradicts himself or performs the impossible. He distinguishes be-
tv;een some books that he had found that were not included in the famous
I
As Boudon-Mil!or(2007b) 107 recognizesby her translation,the definitearticlecannot referto the
immediatelyprecedingworksof1heophrascus,which werewdl known, but musr referto a specific
book. Her versionof line 8, 'er de la meme fac;onque pour ThCophraste,ii y avaitJeslivresd'autres
auteurs anclens', is possible,but underestimatesthe force of the first Ko:!,which impliesthat both
Theophrastusand the other authors are in the same situation as the writerof the previousbook.
2
Alsosuggestedindependentlyby Roselli(201O) 144,and Rashed(2011)66, whosediscussionof this
wholesection is illuminating,even ifl cannot followal! his suggestions.
104 Avoiding Distress
(Alexandrian or Aristotelian) catalogues, but were irl.Rome, and others
that were in the catalogues but, ifV is right, were missing. But even if the
catalogues are chose of the Roman libraries, and one would assume that it
is che same catalogues that are mentioned throughout) Galen's reference is
odd, since in this section he is commenting specifically on rarities that he
had managed to obmin in Rome, and he could not have copied books that
were no longer on the shelf. He would also have had to have his own lisr
of Aristotelica whether written or in his memory to enable him to discover
what was missing. 3 The same difficulty remains if the catalogues, as is more
likely, are those of the Alexandrians or solely of the Aristotelian material
mentioned in Ind. 15-16, see above, pp. 82-83, but there is then a plau-
sible emendation. Transposing q:iep6µEvaand q,a1v6µcva, both easily mis-
read by rhe scribe, would both give sense, and reinforce what Galen had
already said.4 In Rome he found genuine writings of classical authors that
did not figure in those catalogues, as well as others that were mentioned
there but did not circulate widely; cf. LSJ s.v. q,ipw VIII.I.
A related problem is found in chs 16-17, where Galen talks about books
mentioned in the (Alexandrian) catalogues. V's sentence division and
punctuation leave'a lot to be desired, and although Jouanna's emendation
of 6µ010\Jµsva is an improvement over what had been suggested, other
difficulties still lurk. Jouanna emends all the various forms of ivaVTio,
at lines 3, 7 and .11, to ivaVTiw,, although it is unusual to find this
strong opposition three times in so short a space.5 Jones' suggestion (2009)
394, that at lines 3 and 16 we keep the manuscript reading, but with the
slight change to ev
AvTi<p,'a.t Antium'., and emend similarly at line 11,
although ingenious, fails on many grounds: Galen appears to be talking
entirely about Roman libraries, the emendation does not correspond to
Galen's sequence of thought adines 11 and 16, and, as has already been
noted, above, p. 57, a library in a cliff-top palace by the sea can hardly be
described as being in a marshy, stifling spot.
The second part of eh. 16 indicates that Galen found some works that he
judged to be pseudonymous, but there is a difference of opinion over what
Galen wants as the contrast to this discovery. The Bude editors, retaining
TE ar line 2, consider that it is genuine books in the catalogues that Galen
found both in the palace libraries and outside (sc. in the Roman bookshops
3 Jouanna, BJP 70, acceptsthat these cataloguesare those of the Alexandrians,but then argues that
Galen found some in the librariesand others elsewhere.
4 Garofaloemends the second verb only, but it is then uncharacteristicof Galen to have two different
meaningsfor the sameverb, 'transmitted (in the catalogues)'and 'circulating',within a few words.
5 As Boudon-Millot(2007b) 107-108 saw,this is more than just a synonym for 'the rest' or 'others',
The text of chapters4-5 and 16-18 105
that he visited). This is certainly possible, but gives a weak contrast, and one
would expect 'outside' to fOllow the mention of specific libraries, not pre-
cede. My suggestion would be to take E£W8evas a preposition following the
phrase it governs, and delete the Te,bur, as Jouanna points our, BJP 65, the
Galenic parallels for the use of that word suggest the meaning of 'besides' or
'apart from', rather than 'outside', a suggestion strongly favoured by Rashed
(2011): Stramaglia (2011) emends the word to IKcrw6ivTa,'preserved', a
neat solution to this problem, but does not deal with the contrast between
the apparently rare but genuine material and the pseudonymous works that
Galen discovered. Vs punctuation and the absence of any accent on CJ.Ma
in line 5 present further difficulties. Jouanna's suggestion to put the open-
ing words of eh. 17 as a parenthesis is neat, and solves the problem of the
otherwise oddly placed EO"TLV,if this falls at the end of the sentence, and is
then followed by &Ma as a conjunction. But Jouanna's suggestion, which
is philologically sound, entails as a consequence that Galen will then be
distinguishing Theophrastus' treatises on plants from his epistemological or
scientific writings 'which everyone has'. But unless 'everyone' in this context
means merely people like Galen and his friends, one would have expected
that Theophrastus' work on plants was by far the more popular. I prefer to
emend further, along the line suggested by Handley, to make it clear that
it is the tracts on plants that 'everyone has' rather than the more esoteric
logical and scientific treatises.
The final problem concerns the library referred to in chs 18-19. Both
BM's EvavTiaand Jouanna's SvavTiwsform much too strong an opposi-
tion to what has preceded, and Leith's avTiypaq,a is worth considering.
This library was near to destruction when Galen first came to Rome, he
had difficulty making copies, and the situation is now much worse. 'They
are now completely useless since the rolls could not be opened because the
sheets were stuck together because of the damp, for the place is marshy and
low-lying, and stifling in summer.' 6 There are four possible interpretations,
none without its difficulties. The Bude editors appeal to philology, and
take the ambiguous 'they' to refer to Galen's own copies that, in some way
or other, survived the fire. They have all become damp because of being in
a low-lying and marshy spot. But this is very unlikely, since the sire of the
warehouses was a little way up the slope of the Via Sacra from the forum
towards the Arch of Titus, not in a marshy area. Even allowing for indoor
6
If the fire destroyedthe library at the House ofTiberius, the papyrusrollscould scarcelynow be use-
lessbecauseof the damp atmosphereof the locality.The aorist participlethus refersto the situation
before the fire when the books were neglectedand hard, if not impossible,to read. The location of
the House of Tiberius has long been disputed, seeabovepp. 57 ff.
106 Avoiding Distress

storage, if the site itself was as unfavourable as Galen implies, he and the 2
emperors' servants would have been foolish to have scored valuable books
and documents there. This interpretation also requires Galen to have left CharacterTraits
the remains of his library out in the open for many months before return-
ing to attempt to unroll his copies. Translatedby Daniel Davies
The second interpretation is that of Tucci (2008), (2009), who places
the library in an annex closer to the Forum in an area that was untouched
by the flames, and which fits very well with both the archaeological
remains on the site of S. Maria Antiqua and Galen's description of the
site. But Galen's Greek makes it clear that he believed that the fire had
destroyed at least some of the repositories associated with the library, and
their contents would hardly have survived che fire in a state to be further
damaged by the micro-climate.
Thirdly, as Srramaglia (2011) points out, Jones' suggestion does least
violence to the text of V, for Galen is then contrasting his discoveries at
Rome and Antium and, more importantly, the losses through fire at Rome
with those through damp that he had already found at Antium. But this
is the sole evidence for Galen at Antium, or for the existence of a major
library there with several rarities not in the Palatine libraries. Although the
site of the palace at Antium has not been fully excavated, its elevated site
hardly indicates that it was stilling, although the sea air would not have
been entirely beneficial. One must also posit, with Stramaglia, a constant
stream of learned visitors who 'borroWed'some important volumes of rare
scientific material against some pledges but who never bothered to return
their 'holiday reading'. ·
Finally, Tucci (2013) has modified his earlier theory in the light of ex-
cavations that show little fire damage to the House of Tiberius itself. He
draws a distinction between th.e repositories of the library, which were
burnt, and the library hall itself, which was untouched although suffer-
ing from damp, neglect, or ·worse. In short, every interpretation of this
corrupt passage in V presents its own problems, and none can be judged
entirely satisfactory (Roselli 2010; cf. also the interpretations in Manetti
(2012) and Rothschild and Thompson (2011)). All that can be said for
certain is that many important treatises on ancient philosophy, medicine
and science survived in Rome until 192. To build further hypotheses on
this extremely corrupt text, although very tempting, is dangerous.
 Introduction
P.N. Singer

Nature and difficulties of the sources

Galen's treatise CharacterTraits(D,pi 11Swv)is one of a group listed under
the heading 'related to ethical philosophy' in eh. 15 of My Own Books.1
Only two other works of the twenty-three there listed have survived, both
of them translated in this volume. 2 CharacterTraitsitself survives not in
Greek, but in an Arabic summary, to which can be added a number of
quotations from the work by authors in Arabic and Hebrew. Iris this sum-
mary, of which the Arabic text was published by Kraus and an English
translation by Mattock, which is presented here.3 Our translation took
that of Mattock as its starting-point, but this has undergone substantial
revisions in the interests of greater accuracy and consistency with the rest
of this volume. Additional material from the other Arabic and Hebrew
sources is included in the section on Quotations in later sources.
The work presents an analysis of themes in 'moral psychology' which,
while very recognizably Galenic, seems to offer sorhe distinctive features.
Before discussing these features, and the relationship of the work to Galen's
other works in psychology, we must address some of the problems that
arise from the peculiar state of the text as it has come down to us, and
I
Lib. Prop.169,16 BM (XIX.45K.). It is in fact the second in this list, immediatelyafter Affections
and Erron.This is eh. 12 in the pre~Vlatadoneditions of the work; see Singer (1997a) 21, where
the title is translated 'Moral charaeter'. On the genre and position of the work in Galen'soeuvre,see
above, Generalintroduction, pp, 10-15; 24.
2
I.e., Affectionsand Errorsand Avoiding Distress.
3
Kraus (1939); Mattock (1972). The Arabic text is extant in a single manuscript of the fourreenth-
fifteenth century, preservedin Cairo (Diir al~kutubal-Mi~riyya,TaymUrablaq 290, fos 191-235),
of which there is also another, less reliable,edition, by Badawi (1981). Part of the work was also
translated into German in 1965, by Franz Rosenthal,and from that work into English (Rosenthal
1975.85-93).

109
110 Character ~fraits
outline our method of proceeding in relation to these. We shall then need
to consider, among other things, to what extent such 'distinctive features'
of the work should be attributed co these peculiarities of the transmission,
rather than to the particular Galenic project of the treatise. In terms of
philosophical analysis, rhe work has received very little attention since the
first modern discussions of the work, by Richard Walzer; 4 aspects of the
work, however, have now been analysed ih an interesting way by Christo-
pher Gill. 5 . a number of verbatim quorations, also in Arabic (a few in Hebrew), from
The Arabic summary which constitutes the bulk of our evidence for the
text is that of a translation by the great ninth-century translator }:Iunayn
ibn lsl,aq, responsible for a great number of translations of Greek medical
works into Arabic under the Abbasid Caliphate at Baghdad. The work thus
belongs within the context of an established school of translation, with
clearly developed principles of operation; and within that school l:lunayn
himself was one of the most central figures. His work has been evaluated
by modern scholarship roughly as follows: the texts are based on a clear
understanding of the Galenic originals, which have been rendered in a
sophisticated form of Arabic prose; the technique is based on a striving
for clarity and fiddity to the sense rather than a slavish adherence to the
Greek sentence, and thus admits of an element of paraphrase. 6 While the
production of summaries or 'epitomes' was also an established practicei
4
Walzer(1949b}and (1954), both reprinted in Walzer(1962) and cited in that form in what follows.
5 Gill (2010), esp. 268-280, discussesthe work,in relation to Galen'sother psychologi:calwritings,
and considersthe nature and relationsof his concep.tof ethos.Gill's discussionof the Platonic and
Aristotelian,as well as the post-Hellenisticand MiddlePlatonist, relationsof Galen'sconcept builds
on that of Walzer(1949b);see Gill (2010) eh. 5 passimbut esp. 248-249 and 269-270, with notes.
The analysisof Walzer,however,seemsto us vitiated by the insistenceon the fundamental inAuence
of Posidoniuson Galen'sthought in this a,rea- a hypothesiswhich Walzerarrivesat, and then takes
as proven,on the basisof quite slendereVidence.Although Posidoniusis dearly used rhetorically by
Galen to support his attack on ChrySippusfrom a Stoic source, the proposition of an important
influenceof Posidoniusseemsto w :it best unprovableand at worst - given that Galen is our main
source for Posidoniusin the relevantareas - methodologicatlysuspect. It is also worth noting, as
VivianNutton points our to me, that Posidoniusis mentionedwith approbation- in the contextjust
mentioned - in both Jhe Doctrinesof Hippocrates and Platoand The Capacitiesof the Soul but not,
apparently,anywhereelse in Galen'sphilosophicalworks.The discussionthat followsis indebted to
those offeredby Christopher Gill, both in the publication alreadycited, and in a number of verbal
communications.
6 On the translatorsin generaland f:Iunaynin particular,the work ofBergstriisser(1913) and (1925)
was fundamental; see, more recently,Rosenthal(1975), introduction and eh. l; Biesterfeldr(1973)
16 ff.; Strohmaier (1994) esp. 2003-2011; Gutas (1998) esp. 142 ff.; Ullmann (2002) esp. 41-47.
Both Strohmaier ( 1994) 20 l O and Ullmann (2002) 47 offer characterizationsof I;lunayn'stransla-
tion practicewhich emphasizebothhis reliabilityand high levelof understandingand his tendency
to paraphrase. It is also important to be3r in mind the extent to which a 'technical' language in
Arabicto render specificGreek conceptswas a new development- and was developedin particular
by l;lunayn.See also nn. 13 and 15 below.
Introduction 111
the identity of the epitomizer is in this case not known; but presumably he
belonged to the same scholarly circle?
Another point to be borne in mind here is that the Greek manuscripts
from which these translators worked belong to an early phase of transmis-
sion and are in general very faithful. 8
We thus have an epitome, which in terms of the underlying translation
from the Greek, at least, may be regarded as reliable. Alongside this, we have
later authors to whom the text was still available in its entirety. There are,
then, these two distincr types of evidence for the original rext of Galen -
borh at some remove from the original Greek: (I) a text which covers the
whole work, but in abbreviated, perhaps highly abbreviated, form; and
(2) a number of fragments which represent (at least in principle) a word-
for-word correspondence with the Greek, but which remain no more than
fragments. This situation constitutes a problem for the formal presentation
of the text. In what follows, rather than attempt to construct a 'single' text
on the basis of these inadequate and disparate types of testimony, the epit-
ome is presented first, and the various fragments separately in the Quota-
tions in later sources section. In particularly clear cases where a passage
in the epitome is presented in fuller form in the fragments, this has been
indicated in the notes to the former. Ali the Quotations section shows, too,
there are cases where the same material is presented in slightly different
form in the various Arabic (or Hebrew) sources.
The technical problems of presentation go alongside methodological
problems which affect both analysis and translation. Two connected ques-
tions seem to require particularly urgent attention in a text of this kind.
1 How reliably is Galen's original text reflected - especially in the epit-
ome? More concretely: where we encounter something which is in
Galenic terms unusual or striking, should we try to interpret it within
Galen's oeuvre, or should we regard its unusual nature as in some way
connected with the Arabic transmission?
2 Even if question (1) is given a fundamentally positive answer, to
what extent can, or should, we seek to reconstruct any part of Galen's
original Greek text from such a source?
In answer to (I), a further distinction needs to be made. There is one kind of
distortion that may arise from the act of translation, and more particularly in
7
The practiceof epitomizingtranslatedworkswas, in any case,quite common;seeWalzer(1962) 143
n. 7, citing a number of such summarieslisted by l;lunayn.
8
See Capacities of the Soul introduction, pp. 370-372 on the position of the Greek MS known to the
Arabictranslator (l;lubayS)in relacionto that of the survivingGreek MSS in that case.
112 Character Traits
this case from the act of epitomization; and another which might arise from
'contamination' with lacer ideas.
As far as the translator's practice goes, this seems to have involved a
considerable degree of consistency, for example, in the translation of
'technical' terms. 9 On the other hand, an epitomizer in summarizing
in one sentence an argument which perhaps extended over a few pages
inevitably simplifies, and may perhaps, for 'example, use one term in refer-
ence to something which was discussed with more than one term in the
Greek.
It should be noted that in rhe self-reference mentioned above, Galen
describes the treatise as being in 'four books'. The terminology of 'books'
(biblia) in Greek does not correspond to a precise lengrh, but a 'book'
might exrend to more than fifty pages, and would seldom be less than
rhirry. 10 On this basis we would assume that the text we have represents a
reduction of the original text to a quarter of its original length, or even less.
The range of arguments covered, and the difficulty sometimes experienced
by the reader in identifying the precise nature of rhe transitions between
them, also suggest that a significant amount of material has been omitted.
What can be stated'fairly certainly, at least, is that this was a substantial
work, dealing with some aspects of moral psychology in more depth than
elsewhere in Galen's work, and thar the epitomizer has substantially short-
ened and simplified (or artempred to simplify) the argument. Some indica-
tions of the extent of the compression may be gleaned from comparison
of the epitome with the corresponding verbatim quotations; but these are
hardly extensive enough to give a clear pictµre.
For example, ·some of the verbatim quotations from the text are so close
to the text of the epitome that they suggest that the process of epitomiza-
tion consisted more in the omi$sion of whole sentences and paragraphs
than in the attempt to compress or summarize the sentences. The text
of al-Ruhawi (2.55 in the Quotations in later sources) seems perhaps to
give a good example of the relationship of epitome text to original, if one
compares the passage in the third and fourth paragraphs of this ('As long
as the human soul remains ... ') with the equivalent in the epitome (26,15
ff. Kr.). On the other hand, even here the situation is complicated: when
we come to the sixth paragraph (beginning 'Because the bestial souls ... '),
the corresponding epitome passage seems to contain some material absent
9 But see the caveatsto this suggestedby n. 6 aboveand nn. 13 and 15 below,as wellas by the discus~
sion below,pp. 113-114.
10 Both of the individualbooks of Affectionsand Errors,for example,and each of the three books of
Mixtures,are all in the range of roughlythirty to fortylong pagesof Greek.
Introduction 113
from the 'verbatim' citation! The possibility cannot, of course, be excluded
that an epitome, even while compressing the original text, also includes
some additional material which was not in the original - something which
could happen either in rhe attempt to gloss or clarify an argument that
seems obscure because of the compression, or simply through the more
usual processes of scribal addition.
In any case, some distortion is inevitable in the process of compression;
and this might lead to some things that strike the reader familiar with
Galen's other works as oddities of expression. (Indeed, there are some un-
clarities at the grammatical or syntactic level, arising from the abbreviated,
almost 'shorthand' form that the epitomizer at times adopts - unclarities
which will to an extent be apparent even to the reader in English.) Other
oddities - more striking but not, necessarily, particularly significant - are
clearly attributable to the milieu to which the translation belongs. An ob-
vious example is a mention of'dirhams and dinars' (26,l Kr.); this clearly
fails to reflect with perfect accuracy the original text of Galen, but not in
a way which is either unpredictable or liable to lead to suspicion as to the
accuracy in more important areas. We may, too, suspect that there has
been some interference with regard to the precise identity of some of the
animals, even though most of them can be paralleled from elsewhere in
the Greek tradition. 11 Again, though, rhis would hardly trouble us: for an
Arabic translator or epitomist of ninth-century Baghdad to transform one
or two such details into ones more culturally familiar to his readers seems
harmless enough. Something which seems at first blush hugely un-Galenic
hits us with the mention of 'angels' (e.g. 34,5 Kr.). If, however, one sub-
stitutes the (non-monotheistic) Greek theos('god') for 'angel', the problem
disappears; for we know both that Galen does use 'god' (in either the ab-
stract or the plural) in such contexts, in reference to 'the divine life) and the
attempt to make human life as much like it as possible, and that such use
of 'god' - both because of its polyrheism and because of the proposition
that hu1nans can in a sense aspire to a godlike life - was impossible to the
Christian l;[unayn and the patrons within his Muslim society. The substi-
tution of 'angel' for 'god' is thus, here, a more or less mechanical operation,
which can as it were be performed in reverse by the reader intefested in
what Galen actually wrote. 12
1l For the particularselectionof animals mentioned (with a doubtful appearanceof the camel),see
24,11-16 Kr. with nn. 6, 7 and 9; and note rhe appearanceof the camelalsoat 32,19 Kr.
12
Examplesof the kind of culturally determined transformationmentioned in this paragraph are
discussedby Strohmaier(1994) 2011,
114 Character Traits
TI1ere isi however, the possibility that more serious distortions, due to
philosophical developments subsequent to Galen's time, may have affected
the Arabic text (or texts). Such a possibility needs to be borne in mind; and
any apparent peculiarities considered on a case-by-case basis. It seems to
us, however, that the best working hypothesis is that - apart from the fairly
trivial examples discussed above - the distinctive features of the text can be
attributed either (a) to the distortive effect of the epitomization, or (b) to
certain unusual, but nonetheless Galenic, aspects of the way in which the
argument is developed, especially in relation to Platonism. Nonetheless, some
'interference' from later philosophical ideas cannot be enitrely ruled out.
The above remarks have been concerned mainly with the epitome. The
verbatim quotations extant in other authors give, potentially, of course, a
fuller version of the text. This seems certainly to be true in several cases
(apart from that already considered above), where a passage, sometimes
of several sentences, is available in more complete form via such a source.
On the other hand, quite a large number of the 'testimonia' presented in
the Quotations in later sources have a less clear relationship with the text.
We have aimed to present as full as possible a collection of the testimo-
nia which modern :Scholarship has thought potentially relevant (as well as
some introductory remarks on the nature of their sources). But it should
be borne in mind that these texts do not in all cases definitely come from
CharacterTraits(or. even from Galen), and in a number of cases do not
even explicitly claim to (cf. p. 173 below).
Let us, then, turn to question (2),- the possibility or not of reconstruct-
ing a Greek text, or portions of one.'
On the one hand, there are obvious limits to any attempt to reconstruct
anything like the actual Greek text written by Galen. Even in the case of
a full text, rather than an epito,rne, the linguistic correspondence wo.uld
not be close enough to allow.,such a procedure, certainly at the level of
the detailed syntax of each sentence. With an epitome we are still further
from that; and we cannot be sure how closely the text we have reflects the
original, even at the level of argumentative structure: a few words here may
summarize and simplify an argument which covered more points in the
Greek; and indeed we do not know how many sentences, or points, ·.have
been thus omitted. The omission of a framing remark, setting a particular
statement as it were in quotation marks rather than in Galen's own mouth,
may also be extremely significant (as we shall see in one particularly strik-
ing case).
Even with these provisos, however, it remains that it may be possible in
a number of cases - especially where very similar forms of argument appear
Introduction 115
elsewhere in Galen's work, and especially in cases where the vocabulary he
then uses tends to be of a standard or 'technical' nature - co make a high-
ly informed guess as to the identity of the Greek term which the Arabic
translates; in some cases such guesses may even approach certainty. Such a
procedure may be assisted by those cases where we have an edition of both
the Greek and the Arabic version of a text, and especially by cases where
such a Situation has given rise to the production, by modern scholars, of
glossaries of Greek-Arabic and Arabic-Greek equivalents. 13 (It should be
noted, furthermore, that there are a few cases where the Arabic transla-
tors simply transliterate, rather than translate, a Greek word - though the
extent of this, or its usefulness for the classical scholar, should not be exag-
gerated. Examples in the present text are the Greek terms phi/hipposand
hippomanesat Mor. 49, 2-3 Kr., as well as the term for 'philosophy' itself.)
There may, in a sense, be methodological objections to such an 'archaeo-
logical' procedure, whereby an existing literary text is used as evidence for
a pre-existing, but no longer existent, 'level' of literary structure which
one wishes mentally to reconstruct - rather than considering f:{unayn's
translation of the summary of Character Traits as a text arising from and
shedding light on the culture of ninth-century Abbasid Baghdad. 14 Such
a procedure, nonetheless, seems to us legitimate in our context, and from
the point of view of a student of Galen or of Greek thought, who has
before her or him Galen's other works of 'psychology', and for whom his
important treatment of the ithe represents a significant missing piece in
the puzzle, which potentially sheds light on ways in which Galen may
have developed the argument on similar themes somewhat differently in
this work. One must, however, always have clearly in mind the limits,
both to the amount of information thus gleaned, and to the certainty of
the results.
13
Endress et al. (1992-) is a dictionary based preciselyon such existingglossaries;but it is sdil at an
e:iJlystageof the Arabicalphabet. For Galen, such glossariesappear,e.g., in Biesterfeldt(1973) and
Strohmaier (1970); while Ullmann (2002), (2006) and (2007) is a comprehensivedictionary based
on a range of texts scientific, philosophical, medical - extant in Greek and Arabic (one being
Galen'sTheCapacities[andMixtures)o/SimpleDrugs).The usefulnessof all suchmaterials,of course,
is limited by the particularrange of technicalvocabularyused in each case,as well as by the identity
,afthe translator(as translationpolicydevelopedover time, as wellas differingbetweenindividuals).
The most relevant glossaryfor our present purposes would seem to be that of Biesterfeldt(1973)
based on the text of TheCapacities of the Soul,even though the translator in that case wasJ:iunayn's
nephew l;IubayS.See also n. 15 below.
14
Those interested in the work of l:iunayn and 'the translators' in their proper chronological and
culturalcontext should consult especiallyGutas (1998), who places these Syriac/Arabic"speaking
Christian doctors and their patrons within Abbasid Islam, in a particularly clear social"historical
narrative; see also Rosenthal (1975), introduction.
 T
i
116 Character Traits
It should, then, be clarified here too that while consistency of transla-
tion has been attempted between this work and the others in this volume,
in cases where it seems reasonably clear which Greek word is the equivalent
of a given Arabic one; and while, moreover, considerable attention is paid
in the notes to the text to questions of such possible correspondences, no
glossary of Arabic-Greek equivalents has been given, as such a document
would risk giving a false, and speculative, view of the degree of clarity
that is possible in this area. 15 Rather, the English-Arabic glossary may
be consulted in conjunction with the English-Greek one for the other
texts- and, indeed, in conjunction with the notes to individual points in the
text.
Let us briefly discuss, by way of illustration, a few of the central terms in
connection with which the considerations that we have mentioned arise.
If, for example, we take the terminology of the Platonic tripartite souL we
find a high level of consistency in the Arabic terms used. It is possible to
make a fairly clear equivalence between nutqiya and logistikon('rational');
between gac/abiyaand thumoeides('spirited') and between fahwdniya and
epithumetikon ('desiderative'): the 'standard' nature of the terminology in
Greek, and of GaledScharacterization of the subjects so termed, makes
the equivalence secure. There are other cases where a close parallel between
an argument here and one elsewhere in an extant Greek text enables us
to be similarly confident. The discussion in Book I (26,17-27,l Kr.), for
example, defining different senses of the term arat/. is at root the same as
one which appears in 7he Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato, clarifying
two different senses of the term pathos,".ap.dthe opposition to it, in· one
of those senses, of the term energeia. 16 We are thus able to identify fairly
definitely the terms pathos and energeiaas underlying the Arabic 'arac/and
fi'l in this case. We may add or.J;ier'technical' terms such as 1 innate heat';
as 'moderation' or 'balance', arid their opposites, in relation to motions
(which seem clearly to reflect the Greek opposition of summetros and
ametros).
The latter two examples, however, also point to a problem: the equiva-
lence in these cases is made secure by the context of a particular form of
argument; it does not then necessarily follow that everyoccurrence of that
Arabic word will similarly correspond to the same Greek word.
l5 The extent to which l;Iunayn does or does not give reliableone-to-one correspondencesfor specific
Greek terms is a question which does not seem to have been analysed directly by modern scholar-
ship - though some insights into it may be gained by poring over the materialsmentioned in n. 13
above.
16 See below,book I, n, 16,
Introduction 117
lr seems clear, too (given the clear Platonic background) that to kalon -
or at least cognates of that term - must, or should, underlie the terms
translated as 'beauty\ 'beautiful' and 'fine'. Here, however, the situa-
tion is less straightforward, as two different Arabic terms are used: busn
and gamil. And since, in both cases, an abstract quality is in question, it
does not seem possible to identify any clear principle which may have in-
formed the distinction (e.g. between to kalon and to kallns).But in this case
the problems do not end there. These terms in fact seem to present a
problem case in the present text, arguably raising the question of a more
fundamental distortion of Galen's original thought (as discussed under 'The
beautiful and the good' in the 'Distinctive philosophical features' section
below).
The last-mentioned may be a particularly problematic case; but in any
case we begin to see here the limitations of this process of 'back-transla-
tion'. We see them even more clearly when we turn to a range of terms
referring to intellectual activities. 17 While, as we have seen, the equivalence
between nutqiya and 'the rational' (to logistikonor cognates) seems un-
problematic, other terms in this area are much less so. Mufakkira ('cogita-
tive') may refer to one of the dunameiswhich Galen identifies within the
rational part of the soul; but it would be an excessively bold scholar who
would seek to identify it, say with noetike or with some similar term. If,
meanwhile, we take the term wahm, there are cases where an identifica-
tion with phantasia ('imagination' or 'conception') seems irresistible (cf.
Mor. 29,4 Kr.); but caution is urged by the two facts that other terms (e.g.
trqawwur,cf. Mor. 29,19 Kr.) seem also sometimes likely candidates for a
translation of phantasiaand that there seem to be cases where wahm surely
corresponds to something else. Similar caution seems needed in relation
to terms like ma'rifa ('knowledge'), :eann ('opinion'), ra'y ('judgement'):
tempting as it is to try to 'hook up' these terms with, for example, Greek
epistemeordoxa,restraint is necessary: it does not seem in such cases that we
are dealing with one-to-one correspondences. And similar temptations -
and cautions - arise in relation to terms for 'education' and 'discipline):
adab seems very frequently to correspond to paideia;but it is not clear that
it always does so, or indeed that no other term ever does.
. A final consideration should be mentioned, which further undermines
the clarity of correspondences: it sometimes happens, as a literary device,
that Arabic translators use a pair of terms to correspond to a single one in
17
See especially,in this context, Mor. 45,&-I 7 Kr., with n. 3, with its complex overviewof a range of
lntellectivefunctions.
118 Character 1faits
Greek. So, for example, where the texr says (26, 10 Kr.) that what is respon-
sible for thought will be termed the nafi al-ndtiqa('rational soul') and nafi
a!-mufakkira('cogitative soul'), it is possible either that the term mufakkira
corresponds to a particular aspect of the rational that Galen wished to
mention at that point, or that the two terms together are simply a doublet
rendering logistikon(or one of its cognates):
· Overall summary of topics
A very brief summary here of the apparent structure of the argument may
be useful, although it should be stated that this cannot be recovered with
any certainty: Galen's usual practice of digression and repetition of the
argument, combined with its truncated state after epitomization, makes it
almost impossible to discern the progression of topics with any clarity. 18
Book!
The non-rational nature of ethos;each ethos/pathosattributable to one
of the three soul-parl's;digression on senses of pathos;nature of health of soul;
the function and interaction of the three parts of the soul; nature of virtues
and vices, in relation to rational and non-rational (with examples from
child behaviour); indications of the different ethi!(with schematization, and
relevance of various states of rational and spirited); beautiful/ugly and good/
bad in relation to courage; balance in,~oul and in body; different aims make
us like gods or like beasts.
Book!!
, The term ethosin Galen may refer to the individual 'characteristic(s)' or
The desiderative soul (with some physical correlates); goals of life, rele-
vance of rational and non-rational drives to their pursuit; role of desire for
good repute; becoming like a god, and the rule of reason in the soul.
Book III
The vegetative (desiderative) soul and its control; illness and ugliness in soul
and body (and distinctive role of knowledge in soul); types of knowledge
l8 The followingsumma1ythus followsas closelyas possiblewhat seem to us to be rhe main topics in
each book;Walzer(1962) 145 has a somewhatdifferentoverallanalysis,suggestingthat book I was
concernedchieflywith the spirited sou1,book II with the desiderative,book III with all three parts,
and book IV chieflywith the rational.
Introduction 119
and education: the training of the rational soul and the effect of music on
the non-rational.
Book IV
Sum1nary; functions of rational soul; those shared by animals and those
nor, and nature of decision-making process; risk of rash decision-making
based on 'weak imagination', and role of self-love in this; role of nature and
habituation in character; various forms of love and lovability: performing
lovable acts; superiority of love of wisdom; love of good, as property of
rational and spirited; loving according to desert as opposed co because of
inclination;. other actions of rational soul; relation to these of spirited; at-
titudes to disdain and esteem.
Distinctive philosophical features, and conception of ethos
Conceptionof ethos in Galen
The attempt at a definition of ethos,and indeed the conceptual promi-
nence of the term, themselves constitute a distinctive philosophical feature
of this work. Elsewhere in the oeuvre there are extended discussions of
the term pathos(and we shall see that the discussion of ethoshere seems to
some extent like a continuation of that discussion). In still other contexts
the dunameis,eidi!or parts of the soul are central. The subject of ethosor
character is not elsewhere addressed 'head-on'. 19 Before proceeding with
the discussion of the argument, however, it will be helpful to give an over-
view of Galen's usage of the term elsewhere.
'properties' of something in a general, non-ethical context (e.g. it is often
used in relation to the properties of individual diseases); in its usage by
Galen in the ethical context, the term seems to have a definite Platonic and
Aristotelian ancestry.
Frequently Galen makes a distinction between the ethe of the soul
and the characteristics of the body under some description. At a
fundamental - or embryological - level, Nature has constructed the body
in accordance with the characteristics of the soul; such remarks occur in the
context of the different characteristics of different animals, whose bodies in
l'> Indeed, Walzer(1962) 146 notes that no other work from antiquity addressedspecificallyto the
topic of ithi has survived.
120 Character Traits
each case have been made 'appropriate' for the soul'; 20. or of the different
characteristics of male and female. Connections between ethe and bodily
characteristics are also made though here the direction of causation may
1
seem to be the opposite - in a physiognomicar context: individual charac~
21
ter types occur in conjunction with certain bodily constitutions.
In both these kinds of case the Aristotelian connections of the line of
thought are clear, and sometimes made eXplicit,22 and in several cases are
23
linked to specific obsr,rvations made by Aristotle in his biological works.
The Hippocratic ancestry of such physiognomical connections - and of
connections between ethosand the environment - is also adduced. 24
It is worth noting, then, that in such contexts as chose just surveyed,
most of the instances of the term ethosin Galen occur either in direct
quotations from other authors (especially Aristotle and Hippocrates) or in
statements in which Galen is summarizing their views. One cannot really
see the term here as a 'technical' one in Galen's own moral psychology,
or as having a very precise definition; rather, etheor psuchesethe are used
to refer in somewhat general terms to 'soul characteristics', without those
'characteristics' necessarily having a clear position in relation to Galen>s
complex model of ih~ tripartite soul.
It is also worth observing that the adjective ethikosis used to refer to a
type of philosophy, 'moral' or 'ethical'; here, again, a domain of discus-
sion is indicated (namely, that of mo.ral improvement or what we might
call 'practical' philosophy), rather than a concept understood in precise
terms.25 Consideration of this 'practkal' aspect of ethosleads us to a major
work of Galen's in which the. term occurs quite frequently, again without
being defined or placed in clear relation to the philosophical model of the
20E.g. UPi.l,18-2,2 H. (III.2 K.): ,r6:a1 s;ovv in1TT\Snov,6 o-5:iµo:TOiSTi'is 'fUXf\Sneea[ TE
Ko:1 Suv6µsa1v;cf. ibid.i.194.9-11 H. (III.264 K.) and (in the specificcontext of gender differenc-
es) ibid.ii.155,l-2 H. (III.900 K.): rii5'fVXf\ST]eeatvolKS.tovTJq,Uats OO"l'apyo:(oµtvri T6 TOO
aOOµmoss1Sos;and cf.similar prof>Ositionsat AA II.537,11 ££K.; Temp.36,3-4 H. (I.565-566
K); ib;d.79.22-23 H. (l.635-636 K.).
" E.g.PHP321,29-322,5 DL (Y.463-464 K.); A" Med. 304-309 B. (l.334-337 K.); and cf. the
textscited inn. 23 below.
22So,for example,in both of the texts from Temp.cited in n. 20 above.
23SeeGalen'ssubstantialquotations on the connections between physical features and ithi from Ar-
istotle'sPartsofAnimalsand HistoryofAnimalsat QAM 53-57 M. (IV.793-797K.), and especially
hisown summing-upof the senseof these at ibid. 54,21-55,7 M. (IV.795K..).
"C[ PHP422,24-25DL (Y.581K.); QAM61,8 M. (IV.801K.); ibid.62,18 M. (!Y.803K); ibid.
64,17-19M. (IY.805K.).
25Cf. e.g. lib. Prop.169,13 BM (XIX.45K) - the Galenic subject-heading mentioned in the first
sentenceof this introduction. The 'practical' aspect is in fact emphasized by a number of passages
whichmake a distinction between abstract or unanswerable questions and chose which are usefi.tl
for medicineor 'ethical'philosophy;see PHP 588,25-27 DL (Y.781K.); Prop.P/ac.187,6-8BMP
(108,18-22N.) ,nd 188,13-18 BMP (114,19-116,l N.).
Introduction 121
soul- a work, in f"act>which in some ways seems to bridge the gap between
rhe practical concerns of rhe doctor and the theory of the soul.
In Matters of Health (San. Tu.), Galen is concerned with rhe everyday
regime required to bring about and preserve health, and with the early
nurture of children. Here he touches on a number of ways in which bodily
factors influence the soul. A good daily regime brings about good ethe;and
the soul's ethosis corrupted by bad habits in respect of food, drink, and
exercise, as well as in respect of forms of entertainment that one watches
and listens to; 26 children with the best bodily disposition can be expected
to have 'blameless' character of the soul too (since both states derive ulti-
mately from the mixture of certain parts of the body); 27 there is even the
recommendation of alternative forms of training, the decision between
which depends upon which particular outcome (basically, either soldier/
athlete or intellectual) is desired; the reason that the decision has to be
raken at a parricular stage of the child's development is that 'matters affect-
ing the character) have to be fine-tuned at that time. 28 Reciprocal relations
of soul and body in terms of health are in fact explored in a variety of
contexts in this work, as is the role of heat and of various kinds of 'motion'
in relation to both.
It is here (as well as in some brief remarks that we shall consider pres-
ently from PHP), that we have perhaps the closest parallel elsewhere in
Galen's oeuvre to the detailed discussion of ethein the present work. Par-
ticularly relevant seems the concept of improving or affecting the sours
ethosby various forms of early training and habituation; and also the role
of the heat of the body- a factor which seems to function at a fundamental
explanatory level linking physical attributes and character.
We do not, however, so far find anything approaching a definition
of ethos,or eveni really, an indication of its relationship with the more
theoretical analyses of the soul. (The remark cited above from Matters of
26
See e.g. San. Tu. 16,5 Ko. (Vl.32 K): Tf\S XP'J"]O'Tf)S
6tohris fjel"] XPTJO'TCIrro:po:aKSuo:(oUaris.
Cf. HNH51,9-13 M. (XV.97K.):e!s T)6&vEn1Tri6efr,.w yS.w:crtvoi ,S.aao:pes CnroSetKvUov,o:l
xuµo\ XPficr1µot[sc. by Hippocrates]; San. Tu. 19,24-20,JS Ko. (VI.40-42 K.): S10:qi0elpe,o:t 8~
T6 •f\s i.yuxf\s rjeos lrrr6 µoxerip&iv t61crµ&vlv £SS.aµo:a!TE Kol rr6µ0:a1 Ko:Iyuµvo:o-io1s
Ko\ 0e&µo:alKo:\0:Kollaµo:aiKo:\•fl auµrr&an µoua1KfiKTA.This last passagegoes on to con-
.siderreciprocalinfluences,whereby any such bad state of the soul makes one more prone to bodily
illnesses,and bodily health can be brought about by affecting the soul in cenain ways, including
theatricalentenainments and particular furms of exercise(hunting, riding, fighting in armour). Cf.
alsoibid. 20,31-21,3 Ko. (VI.42-43 K.).
27 San. Tu. 19,14-20 Ko. (VI.39 K.): ,oUs rro:i6o:s... ,oUs &p1a,o: Ko:TEO'KfuaaµEvous ,o
a&iµo .•. €lK6sEivo:LKol ,o Tf\s i.yuxf\sTjeos &µ~µrrrous KTA.
28
Ibid. 28,36-29,l Ko. (VI.61 K): ,O' µEv yOp els i'i6os tv T({)6e µCCA1crTo: <f\s TjA1Klo:s
0:Kp1~6fiVO:lTipoa,iKS!.
122 Character Traits
Healthon the appropriate age to 'fine-tune' the ethos,which is somehow
related to the distinct capacities of the spirited and rational souls during
the child's development, is perhaps the closest we get to such a theoretical
picture.)
We seem to be nearer to a clarification of the theoretical concept of ethos
in Ihe Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato;indeed, at PHP 322 DL (V.465
K.)29 some theoretical discussion seems to be promised, at least of the con-
cept of ethosin Plato. and Hippocrates. That expectation is never fulfilled;
but in this passage, in the context of the refutation of Chrysippus' views,
a process of habituation is described, which seems to apply to the non-
rational soul and the body simultaneously; the view of Aristotle is cited,
to the effect that all (non-rational) dispositions of animals formed by such
a process are ithi; and a dual process is described for the improvement of
ithos: this can only come about by our rational power attaining to under-
standing, while our non-rational drives (here kata pathos, 'pathological' or
'affective') are blunted by 'habituation to good practices'.
Such an understanding of ethe as essentially non-rational, but still dis-
tinct from specifically bodily functions, seems clear, too, from a passage in
Ihe AffectedPlaces.There, it is suggested that we divide the activities of the
soul into 'hegemonic' (i.e., those of its rational part) and 'ethical' (ethikai);
in other words, the adjective ethikosis essentially equated, in this context,
with 'non-rationaY }O
In the above passage from 1heDoctrinesofHippocratesand Plato, in par-
ticular, a number of features bring tr,e argument very close to the concerns
of CharacterTraits:the importance of habituation (and specifically of a
kind of habituation with a strong bodily element); the distinctive but par-
allel role for the rational and non-rational capacities; the specific reference
to Aristotle's theory of ethos.So, loo, however, does the lack of final clarity
on Galen's part, either in out_liriing his precise definition of the concept or
in positioning himself in relation to the Aristotelian view. The rejection of
the Stoic view is clear, and fundamental: what ethe are definitely not are
functions of the rational soul alone. The precise formulation of what ethe
are, however, in relation to Galen's conception of the rational and non-
rational powers in us, is never quite arrived .at.
As stated earlier, it seems clear that both Aristotelian and Platonic
conceptions are in the background to Galen's thought. Galen does not,
however, make it explicit which texts of Aristotle he has in mind in his
characterization of Aristotle's view of ethos, either in 7he Doctrines of
On thispassage,see further M()r.I, n. 2 below. 30 Loe.4tf.VIII.163 K
29
Introduction 123
Hippocratesand Plato or in Character Traits. Certain passages of the
NicomacheanEthics, where Aristotle distinguishes between ethical and in-
tellectual virtue, probably represent the most relevant Aristotelian back-
ground; but at the same time it seems that Galen departs from the specifics
of the Aristotelian view.31
Conception of ethos in Character Traits
In CharacterTraits,then, Galen is essentially engaged in a discussion of
the role of non- or pre-rational elements in the formation of character,
a discussion which has a clear Aristotelian heritage, but to which certain
Platonic discussions (especially perhaps that of the Laws) are particularly
relevant.
He begins (25,7-26,5 Kt.) - in a typical process by which he places
himself in relation to other philosophers - with the question, whether ethe
are properties (a) purely of the non-rational soul; (b) also partially of the
rational soul; (c) only of the rational soul. The last (Stoic) position (c) is
clearly to be rejected; and a large part of Galen's argument addresses the
specifically non-rational nature of ethos:it is a character trait formed by
habituation (the relation with the confusingly similar term ethos, 'habit'
is specifically discussed); it is a property to which the non-rational parts
of the soul - the 'spirited' and the 'desiderative' - are particularly relevant;
and of central importance to the argument is that such ethe can be ob-
served both in (pre-rational) children and in (non-rational) animals. Galen
thus also appearsto teject (b), which he characterizes as Aristotle's view,
and assert (a) the purely non-rational nature of character traits (25,8-10
Kr.). However, consultation of the longer version of this same text in one
of the verbatim quotations 32 shows a crucial difference, namely a passage
which in effect puts proposition (a) in quotation marks: 'Some of them [sc.
philosophers] say that [ethos]belongs to the non-rational soul and adduce
the following proof: ... '
This adds the phrases 'some of them say that' and 'adduce the follow-
ing proof' to the sentence as it appears in the epitome. The problematic
definition of ethos,it seems from this, is the view of certain philosophers,
not a statement by Galen in propria persona. This solves the apparent
inconsistency mentioned below; however, it does not provide us with
31
See Gill (2010) 270 ff. on Galen'sapparent points of contact with, as well as departures from, the
PlatoJlic(Republicand Laws)and Aristotelianviewsof ethosin CharacterTraits.
32
That of Sharafal-Zam.in;see Quotations in later sources2. la.
124 Character Traits
an alternative definition of ethos. It may, moreover, advise caution as to
how much of the rest of the argument is, as it were, in quotation marks
(something which can be a tricky area in Galen, even with wholly extant
works).
However, the frustrating nature of the text in the form we have it is such
rhat it is difficult to recover with any clarity, not just the detail of what was
said about individual character traits, bui even the overall principles of
organization of the argument, and in fact the very definition of ethoswhich
should have informed it.
The difficulties begin on the very first page, with the apparent
definition - already alluded to of character traits as belonging to the
non-rational soul. As already remarked, the 'definition'·here advanced may
be better understood as Galen's representation of the view of 'some phi-
losophers'; but it is not formally replaced by any other option; and there
is a succession of remarks, as the text continues, that seem to place ethos
alongside pathos, and in clear contradistinction to that part of our actions
which is influenced by the rational (as indeed suggested also by certain
other Galenic texts cited above). And yet the notion of character traits as
properties onl.yof the··non-rational soul seems to be substantially ar odds
with the subsequent progress of the argument.
On the very next page, indeed, Galen states that each i!thosneeds to be
attributed to one of the three parts of the soul (i.e., the two non-rational
and rhe rational). Indeed, it seems that the fourth book may have been
structured around a discussion of th~ rational soul specifically, and of i!thi!
in this context (see the summary of topics above). The specific notion ofa
bad ethosof the rational soul may have been telated to the concept of rash
decision-making in that book. 33
Moteover, it emetges (rather than being clearly stated) as the atgument
progresses that it is in fact in·ihe relationshipbetween states of the non-
rational and rational parts of the soul that certain character traits arise. So,
at 32,14-17 Kr., in the general area of'boldness', differences in character
arise - given a particular kind of 'spirited' soul - from different states of
the rationalsoul. And at 50,13-14 Kr.:'When there are united in someone
a spirited soul that is concerned with domination and a rational soul. that
does not love the beautiful (gami[), his characteristic trait is envy.'
3.3 It is surelyrelevantthatthis concept is also of considerableimportance in the discussionof the 'er~
rors' - that is, shortcomingsof the rationalpart of the soul - in Affectionsand Errors;see e.g. Alf
P,"· Dig. 41,13-14 DB (Y.59K.); 42,12-13 and 17-18 DB (Y.60K.); 43,14 DB (V.62K.); 44,12
DB (Y.63K.); 51,4 DB (V.74K.).
Introduction 125
A more complex and interesting set of relationships within rhe tripartite
soul seems to be envisaged here than that in play in, say, Affections and
Errors,where the model is basically that of a fight between rational and
non-rational; and it is frustrating that we cannot detect this set of relation-
ships in more than hazy outline. Frustrating, too, to come upon signs that
there was originally a much more detailed, systematic account of a range
of diffetent i!thi!,and of their relationship to different pans of the soul. At
32,14 Kr.,for example (if the text is to be trusted), there is mention of six
different character traits related to boldness; but to extract each of these
from the text, or establish rhe precise nature of the point being made here,
seems impossible.
One cannot, then, be certain precisely what definition, if any, Galen
finally espoused of i!thos;it seems that the brief remark that character traits
'belong to the non-rational' part of the soul must have been - or at least
should have been - qualified. The remark may, perhaps, represent a sim-
plification due to the epitomizer; if not, it seems that we must regard this
as an area where Galen's thought was not fully worked out. The difficulty
regarding the relationship of i!thosto the rational may, indeed, be seen as
related to the similar difficulty regarding pathos and the rational - a dif-
ficulty which we have suggested arises from the amalgamation of different
models of the soul. (See General introduction, pp. 21 ff.)
In any event, though, it is interesting to ask where Galen (believes that
he) is positioning himself in relation to other philosophers on i!thos,and
what texts or views he has in mind in the doxographical passage at the
beginning. The question has been considered by Gill, who sees Galen's
approach to ethos in this work as, on the one hand, a continuation of the
anti-Stoic programme in relation to the pathi! in 7he Doctrinesof Hippoc-
ratesand Plato books IV-V, that is, as concerned to deny that they belong
onb, to the rational part; on the other, as steeped in Platonic-Aristotelian
thinking, according to which ethical quality derives from the interplay
between the parrs.34
The beautiful and the good
The prominence of 'the beautiful' in ethical contexts in this work is quite
striking. Though such usage clearly echoes Plato, it is not paralleled by the
34
Again,as suggestedin more detail below,the Republicmay be particularlyrelevanthere; on the Ax-
istote!ianside one would consider esp. NicomacheanEthicsI 102bl3-1 l03al0, with its distinction
betweenethical and intellectualvirtue, the former involvingjust such an interplay of rational and
non-rationalelements. '
126 Character 1i.-aits
use chat Galen makes of Platonic texts elsewhere. It seems that a different
analysis of the nature of the soul's ethical aims emerges here; and, given the
highly Platonic nature of the language, one is tempted to suggest that this
analysis has come about through Galen's engagement with particular texts
of Plato - perhaps especially the Republic,and perhaps also the Laws -
which are not always the same as those on which he mostly draws in his
other 'psychological' works. ' troubling taking place. Two passages seem particularly problematic in this
The relationship b;,tween 'the good' and 'the beautiful' is a complicated
one within Plato (and more so in relation to the Platonic tripartite soul),
and a difficult one for Platonic scholarship. A very brief summary of the
Platonic situation will be necessary to ground the argument that follows.
While agathon is rhe term normally used for 'moral(ly) good', both
to kalon and to agathon ('the beautiful' and 'the good') are represented,
as abstract entities, as the ultimate goals of the (rational) soul: in the
Republicthe 'form of the good' is presented as this ultimate moral value,
while in the Symposiuma similar role is taken by 'the form of beauty'. The
relationship between the two is controversial, but there is some evidence
(both internally in the Republic,and from comparison between Republic
and Symposium)thinhey may ultimately be identical. Bur it is also the
case chat kala and to kalon are in a number of contexts seen as distinc-
tive aims of the spiritedrather than the rational soul; and that the Sympo-
sium, with its transcendent 'form of beauty), is a text which does not have
the tripartite division of the soul. AcCording to one interpretation, which
may be helpful to us in what follow,s, the two entities are (at the highest
metaphysical level) identical, but may be, different in our human percep-
tion of them; and, in particular, the spirited soul can only perceive things
(rightly or wrongly) as either kalon or aischron;while the rational soul will
understand the true identity of,the beautiful/noble as co-extensive with
moral good, and not (as it cari appear to the untutored soul) in conflict
with it. 35 · rather than [suffering] something 'bad'. But if this is right, 'bad' here is be-
One thing that is remarkable from our point of view is that such prob-
lems - either of the nature of the good and the beautiful themselves, or
of the relationship of the soul (or of powers of the soul) to them - are not
important elsewhere in the extant works of Galen.
Still, it may be, then, that the appearance of to kalon in preference to to
agathonas the ultimate goal of the rational soul - if it really did so appear,
in Galen's original text - need not trouble us, given the overlapping (in
the view of some scholars, co~extensive) nature of these concepts within
5
.:.1 See Hobbs (2000) esp. 220 ff.
Introduction 127
Plato. Such a preference for the former term might, even, be seen as further
evidence for the prominence in this work, discussed below, of a different
range of texts of Plato, including of the Republic,from those which are
usually prominent in Galen's moral psychology.
· Some of the ways in which the term is used, however, in relation to 'the
good\ are problematic, and suggest that there may be something more
context, and worthy of individual attention. At Mor. 32,16 ff. Kr.,we have
a discussion relevant to the beautiful and the good, and their opposites,
the ugly (or shameful) and the evil (or bad). The opposition seems to make
sense as translating the two sets of Greek opposed terms, kalonlaischron
('beautiful/ugly', also 'fine/shameful') and agathon!kakon('good/bad', or
'evil'). And the role of the spirited part of the soul, in aiming at things
it thinks 'fine' or 'beautiful', seems again both authentically Galenic and
Platonic. The point made here is that this part of the soul has an instinc-
tive drive towards such things, but may be mistaken as to what they are:
it requires the intervention of the rational to identify what things truly
1
are kala or fine'. Here, then, we seem to have an argument which makes
sense in Platonic/Galenic terms, and indeed one which perhaps supports
the interpretation of Plato mentioned above - that to kalon and to agathon
ultimately coincide, but are in a sense distinguished by human perceptions
of or responses to them.
One specific proposition, however, at this point in the te;,;:t,seems more
difficult to make sense of in terms of the Platonic-Galenic vocabulary.
'There is greater courage in resisting what is ugly than there is in resisting
what is evil, and cowardice is the reverse' (33,5 Kr.). Here 'ugly' and 'evil/
bad' are set in opposition in the context of their avoidance; and, though
the interpretation is far from unproblematic, 36 the sense of the argument
seems to be that it is morally preferable to avoid [doing] something 'ugly'
ing used in a way which is not only not co-extensive with 'ugly/shameful',
but in fact opposed to it; the sense here is presumably of 'bad' in the sense
of 'physically harmful'.
Similarly, at 34, 14 Kr., in the context of a passage which has distin-
guished pleasure and the beautiful as goals, and which has continued,
again, with the usual pairings 'good vs. bad' and 'beautiful vs. ugly', it is
then stated that some people choose what they think is beautiful rather
than what they think is good; and that such people are brave, while the
36 SeeMor. I, n. 40 below for fullerdiscussion.
128 Character ~fraits
opposite kind are cowards. Again, 'good' in this context does not seem to
correspond to agathonon a usual Galenic understanding of it.
Though sense can be made of the distinction offered in this passage,
then, it is difficult to see the terms for 'beautiful', 'ugly', 'good' and 'bad'
here as consistently reflecting the Greek usage; it seems that at least some
confusing distortion has taken place in the use of the value-terms. This
may, perhaps, raise further suspicion as tci whether the identity of 'beauty'
is secure.
Throughout the text more generally, as already remarked, 'the beautiful'
and 'beauty' recur as aims of the rational soul. (See e.g. 36,10; 38,4; 42,5
Kt.) In spite of the possible Platonic relations of such a prominence of to
kalon, one cannot but wonder whether this can really have been the case
in the original, or whether the epitomizer has imposed some simplification
or conflation. It is noteworthy, finally, chat, in spite of the prominence of
'beauty' that we have discussed, 'good' is not entirely squeezed out as the
term denoting positive moral value. At 48,15-19 Kr., 'love of the good'
appears in such a context; and the text is doubly interesting in the light
of our previous argument, because not only does 'the good' here seem to
replace 'the beautifuf, but - by a sort of reverse of the process described
above - the love of it is a property, not just of the rational soul, but also
of the spirited. Again, the spirited is able to aim, imperfectly, at what the
rational aims at fully; and perhaps we here again have support for the 'co-
extensiveness' position. It is, however, unclear from the state of the text
whether this is the correct interpr~tation, or whether in this case a nar-
rower sense of 'love of doing good' is to.b.e understood. (And it must also
be noted that immediately after the striking statement oflove of the good
as a property of the spirited, we have a lacuna of several lines in the manu-
script, covering what might have been some clarification of the position.)
Relations6ip of the three parts of the soul
Some senses of the interplay of the different parts of the soul have already
emerged in the section on the conception of ethos in Galen above, where
we saw that there is some analysis - albeit now in rather mangled form - of
the different results of different states of rational and spirited soul; and also
in the section on ethosin CharacterTraits,in the context of 'the beautiful'
and 'the good'.
Much of the argument of CharacterTraits,in fact, is devoted to the im-
portance of the alliance of spirited and rational, and their joint enterprise
of subduing the desiderative (or bodily). This argument is consistent both
Introduction 129
with Plato's arguments, in the Republic, Phaedrus and Timaeus, and with
Galen's views elsewhere. However, the concentration on, and elaboration
of: this distinctive role of the spirited contrasts with the position in Affec-
tions and Errors,where the overarching rational/ non-rational bi-partition
to some extent displaces the more complex tri-partition.37 The difference
should not, however, be overstated: Affections does contain a statement
of the·distinctive role of the spirited - with, indeed, a 'back-reference'
(whether integral or a later revision) to the present work.
The present work is thus in some ways more authentically Platonic, as
well as giving a more complex and interesting (though now abbreviated)
picture of internal psychological conflict.
Book II, esp. 36,J 1-20 Kr., is interesting for the role of shame, or desire
for good repute, in moving people towards virtue. Everyone wanes the
reputation of being good, even if many choose a different path. Implicitly
or explicitly, this may be related to the role that the thumoeideshas in al-
lying itself with the rational against the base desires; for the thumoeidesis
the part of the soul with the instinctive appetite for good reputation and
the avoidance of shame.
The distinctive role of the spirited soul in responding to beauty and
avoiding what is ugly or shameful, however, may appear problematic in
the light of what has been seen above: the frequent recurrence of beauty
as the aim, specifically, of the rational soul. The relationship between the
'beautiful/ugly' opposition and the (presumably spirited) sense of shame/
avoidance of blame appears, for example, at 42,3-4 Kr.: the 'establishment
of the ugly and the beautiful' in the soul there seems clearly to refer to the
development of the spirited soul. And we have already seen a number of
instances in which the spirited soul is characterized as aiming at acts that
appear noble or beautiful.
The prominence of to kalon as the aim of the rational soul seems to
confuse the picture; but perhaps a resolution can be found, in accordance
with the Platonic interpretation already discussed. If 'the good' and 'the
beautiful' are, at the highest level, co-extensive, and the difference between
them is best understood in terms of human understanding of or response
to them, then it seems that both spirited and rational soul have 'the beau-
tiful' as their natural aim, but in subtly different senses: the spirited aims
at what appears to it beautiful, while the rational aims at the beautiful
which, properly understood, is also the good. Our answer to the relation-
ship of 'beautiful' and 'good', then, will be in harmony with what we have
37
See above, General inrroduction, pp. 18-22 on this point.
130 Character Traits
already seen of che relationship between rational and spirited in the above
outline of ethos:in fact, both will work together in the accomplishment of
'beautiful' acts.
Body-soul relations
There are a number of ways in which the physical correlates of the soul
are touched upon in this text; and this is interesting, not least because it
is quite unusual in the context of Galen>sother works of an ethical char-
acter. While 1he Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato and 1he Capacitiesof
the Soul are openly concerned to demonstrate, respectively, the intimate
involvement of the soul in bodily mechanisms, and the dependence of the
soul upon the body, the ethical works that we have - specifically, Affec-
tions and Errors and Avoiding Distress- treat the problems of the soul (its
pathi!) almost entirely as things to be addressed wirhout reference to bodily
counterparts.
Here, too, then, CharacterTraits can perhaps be seen as providing a
bridge between the two. Though the main preoccupation seems at first
sight to be ethical'cisncerns of the same kind as discussed in Affections -
education, habituation, and the nature and handling of the tripartite soul
are central to both - we have also in the present work a number of state-
ments of the somatic nature of certain elements of the soul; as well as,
perhaps, an attempt to address a fundamental problem raised by Galen's
model of the tripartite soul - namely, how this same model, with its ethi-
cal and at times spiritual dimensions, ca.n be used both for the ethical
discourse and for physiological descriptions which apply equally to (non-
rational) animals.
First of all, the desiderative.~oul is clearly stated to exist for sake of
body (27,4-5; 39,20 ff. Kr.) .:..a position which highlights its biological
identity as the 'vegetative'.,Qr ~nutritive'. Elsewhere in the ethical worksi
this 'bodily) nature of the desiderative is not stated in such clear terms.
This equation of 'the desiderative' with 'of the body' seems in this text to
go alongside a radical statement of the gulf between the desiderative soul
and the rational; consider the interesting statement (which has no close
parallel elsewhere) that the rational soul 'can understand nothing of' the
sexual act (27,7-8 Kr.). Further, if the desiderative is a wholly bodily func-
tion, the spirited can be understood as something needed by the soul only
in conjunction with the body - the soul being conceived in this context as
something which could, at least theoretically, exist independently of that
body (40,4--10 Kr.).
Introduction 131
It then follows also that some virtues arise only from the relationship
with the body: if the body and the resultant desires did nor exist, one
would not need to learn to overcome them (41,6 Kr.).
It is interesting, too, that in the recapitulation at the beginning of book
III (42,2--4 Kr.), the different characteristics of the two non-rational soul
parts - or at least of the desiderative - are placed in relation co phases
of biological development: in a point that summarizes his embryological
theory, Galen remarks that the vegetative (= desiderative) soul is the only
rype we (and other animals) have while development is still raking place in
the womb. The spirited soul (though the details of this are not elaborated
in the text that we have) develops later.
1bere are a number of other points at which Galen shows himself, in
this work, to be interested in exploring the physical correlates of psycho-
logical events: innate heat is seen as the source of strength in the spirited
soul, while coldness and cooling drugs are causes of laziness (27, 13-17
Kr.); the discussion of the desiderative soul leads into a discussion of the
mechanical process of sperm production, and its nature at different ages
(35,6-16 Kr.); the physical manifestations of anger are described more
fully (at 29,7 Kr.; cf. Quotations in later sources 2.11) than elsewhere in
the ethical works. (Such correlations can to some extent be paralleled in
his magnum opus on everyday regimen, Matters of Health,38 bur not from
orl,er ethical works or dedicated discussions of the soul.)
The parallelism between soul and body analyses, or even use of a so-
matic model to describe the soul, is perhaps taken further still by the use of
the model of'good balance' (e.g. at 27 and 34 Kr.) to characterize not just
bodily health, bur health of the soul. The terminology may presumably
be taken to reflect Greek summetria and cognates. If so, we seem to have
here an extension of the arguments in 1he Capacitiesof the Soul that define
capacities of the soul in terms of mixture. We also seem to have a stronger
attempt than elsewhere in Galen to bring the soul and its functions within
that bodily-based, 'balance-of-elements' model. (And it may be that the
fuller text of one of the relevant passages in al-Ruhawi, 2.55, paragraph 4,
in the Quotations, emphasizes this approach yet further, with the apparent
discussion of soul capacities in quantitative terms.)
The way, too, in which the rational soul intervenes in, or orders, the
desires arising from the body may, perhaps, have been analysed in book II
(35, 16 ff. Kr.) more fully than elsewhere in our extant texts; in any case, in
epitomized form the remarks remain cursory.
38 See esp. Mor. I, n. 24 belowand General introduction, p. 25, n. 57 above.
132 Character Traits
But it is perhaps in the discussion of the rational soul in book IV -
extremely incomplete and difficult to follow as this is - that we have the
most interesting material on the soul in relation to the body. because it
is material that at least appearsto address a problem essentially ignored
elsewhere, namely that of the relationship between the rational soul and
the animal body.
Tue problem, briefly, is this: the model of the tripartite soul in Galen
is both a physiologic,/!
model and an ethicalmodel. In the former sense, it
describes certain functions which we share with animals: heart activity,
breathing, sight and hearing, motor functions, certain kinds of mental
process. Precisely whichkinds of mental process animals have may be (for
Galen) unclear; but definitely a number of rhe functions that they do have
belong to the logistikon- the 'rational' soul. Yet, in the latter, ethical or
'moral-psychologicar sense of the model, animals are non-rational; so,
indeed, are children. Both animals and children lack any rational
capacities - and indeed this point is absolutely central co the argu-
ment of Character Traits, proving the fundamentally non-rational nature
of character differences. In the latter sense, then, neither animals nor
children should eve1i'have a rational soul (or, in the latter case, they might
be thought to have one that exists potentially but not yet actually).
The problematic co-existence - the apparent contradiction "'."" between
these two models; or rather between the two senses in which one model is
understood, is not elsewhere explicitly addressed by Galen; most strikingly,
it does not seem to be a problem f?t him in The Doctrinesof Hippocrates
and Plato,which uses the model to elaborate both physiological and ethi-
cal arguments at great length.
Here, however, it seems possible that he attempted to resolve the prob-
lem. The overall topic and dire.ction of argument in book IV are far from
clear (as they are with the other books); but it seems at least possible that
the overall heading here should be 'the rational soul'. Galen certainly does-
afrer a brief summary of principles start to talk about capacities of the
rational soul in some detail, at 45,4-17 Kr.; and it seems as this passage
progresses that he is actually addressing our problem head-on. The trou-
ble is that, if so, the derailed progression of the argument is quite uncer-
tain. But a possible interpretation of the existing text~ involving a certain
amount of conjecture - would run as follows. There is-one sense in which
we call both animals and children 'non-rational' (the Greek also means
1
without speech'), because they do not use reason in their choices; still,
they are not devoid of all reason, because reason also includes certain other
functions, such as perception; wahm, 'imagination' (in the sense of being
Introduction 133
able to form a pictorial conception in the brain, Aristotle's phantasia); and
the capacity for deliberate motion.
There follows a quite detailed account of a number of intellective proc-
esses, including that involved in decision-making; and a major problem for
our interpretation - even if it is right so far - is that it seems very unclear
how much of that account might be thought to apply to animals, and how
much only to rational (adult) agents. It seems, at least, that some kind of
account is being given of the physiologicalprocess of deliberate motion,
and of decision-making in that context (which could include the actions
of animals); and that such functions are being distinguished from chose -
'rational' in a different sense - which can only be employed by fully ra-
tional beings.
Useof particular Platonic texts
As has emerged from the above passim, Galen engages in discussions in
this work which, while clearly Platonic in their inspiration, seem to re-
flect different Platonic texts from those to which he habitually recurs in
his treatment of rhe tripartite soul. While elsewhere (especially in The
Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato and in The Capacitiesof the Sou!) the
Timaeusis central, and often quoted, and while both elsewhere and in
the present.text the delineation of the three parts of the soul draws on the
animal imagery used by Plato in Phaedrusand RepublicIV,39 as well as on
the basic characterization of the three types in that latter text, a range of
other Platonic texts seem to form a background to the CharacterTraits- in
particular, texts from elsewhere in the Republic,and also from the Laws.
This seems true in relation to the prominence of education in the present
work, as well as to the specific discussion of the role of music (difficult to
parallel elsewhere in Galen's explicitly psychological
works, though there are
relevant discussions in Matters ofHealth).40 It is interesting in this regard
that TheCapacitiesof the Soul gives further evidence of Galen's engagement
with the Laws (though perhaps in a rather selective sense); there material is
cited from book II (on the moral importance of abstention from wine) and
3
<) ,But cf. below,Mor. 27,19-28,6 Kr.,with n. 26 below,for the particularanimal imageryin relation
to the hunter and his hound; and cf. 42, l 0-19 Kr.;in thesecasesone has a developmentof, rather
than a precisereflectionof, Platonic ideas,
4
° For relevantmaterial on education, especiallythat which involvesthe habituation of the non-ra-
tional soul to certain practicesto produce good character,seeRepublicIII-IV, esp. 398c-403c (the
role of aestheticeducation, especiallymusic);429d-430b (habituationto courage);440c-444e (the
correct relationshipof the parts of the soul);and cf. book VII, 521c-541b on the ideal education of
the philosopher,with its strong mathematicalelement.
134 Character 'fraits
book V (on the influence of climate on health of the soul). 41 The argument
of the Laws, regarding rhe nature of early education and the fundamental
importance in it of the responses of pleasure and pain, arguably underlies
the present work in a more substantial sense. 42 It is perhaps relevant too
that CharacterTraitsseems to have had some significant discussion of po-
litical life in its ethical dimension. At 35,19-36,3 Kr., for example, though
the argument is far from clear, there seems to have been some positive
assessment of political engagement as a life-goal, and of the possibility of
conjoining this with the life of pure philosophy. Social responsibility is
discussed further at book 39,12-16 Kr. where a process of'making right-
eous' should begin with oneself, bur rhen be extended to others over whom
one has influence, including ultimately 'the people of his city, and anyone
possible'. Such remarks contrast with the almost total absence of a positive
political dimension in Galen's other extant ethical works. 43
Conclusion
We have seen thatthere are considerable difficulties for analysis and in-
terpretation of the,.present text and for the use of it to further our under~
standing of Galen's ethical thought in general; and that these difficulties
arise not just from the problematic state of the text, but also from the
apparently inconclusive nature of Galen's discussion of the subject, both
here and elsewhere. It does seem, however, that this treatise, unique in
its particular focus on the topic of fthos, led Galen to some formulations
and arguments which were quite distinctive in relation to the reSt of the
extant oeuvre. These related, in particular, to the understanding of the in~
ternal complexities of the soul; to its relationship with the body; and to the
nature of the educative proces~ .and ethical aims of the person.
41
LawsII, 666a3-c2 and 674a5-b9 are cited at QAM67,24-68,17 M. (IY.809 K) and ibid. 69,19-
70,Il M. (IV.8!1 K.); Ltw, V, 747dl-5 at QAM 65,17-20 M. (IV.806 K.).
42 Consider the argument of e.g. Mor.25,10 ff. Kr. in relation to that of Laws653a6 ff., assertingthe
fundamental role of the pleasure-pain opposition in children, and its use in habituating children to
virtue. More generally,book II of the Lawshas much material on the way in which children'shabits
should be formed, and on the role of artistic and other .tion~rationalinputs in this context.
43 Politicalactivity seems to be regarded as a necessaryevil.- albeit one that a good man may well be
called upon to engagein- at A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 28,12-15 DB (Y.41 K.); c£}nd. 20,11-15 BJP.
Translation
Character Traits'
In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful, who suffices me. An 25 Kr.
abridgement of Galen's work on character traits.
From the first book.
The non-rationalnatureof character,with examplesftom animal behaviour;
disputeamongphilosopherswhethercharacterbelongsentirelyto the non-
rationalsoul involvesthe rationaltoo, or belongsentirelyto the rational
He said: a character trait 1 is a state 2 of the soul that induces someone
to perform the actions of the soul without consideration or choice. 3 An 5
• The page and line numbers in the margin refer to the Kraus (1939) text (abb. Kr.), which is the basis
of the present edition.
I
The Greek term ethos,in the singular, could also mean 'character', consideredas an abstract terin, i.e.,
here, 'character' rather than 'a character trait'.
2
There are various Galenic terms for 'state' or 'condition', which have more or less technical medical
connotations, and greater or lesser connotations of permanence (e.g. hexisis a more stable form of
dfathesfr,see Bon.Hab. IV.750 K.; cf. the distinction of schesis, hexisand euexiaat Thras.esp. 40,2-6
H. (Y.816 K.). For the equivalencebetween states (in this case katastaseis) of the soul and character
traits, see PHP 322,15-17 DL (Y.465 K.): 'l>.ptaToTSi\ns6' 6:vT11<pUs fi611 Kai\~i TOOv(Wc.vv
o:11'0:aasT6:s TotaUTas TliS 'f'VXliSKCtTCXO'T&O'ct} S~yeiTa( Te xa6' Otrnva Tp61rov Siri ~ais
8talpep0Ua~1s1<p001:ctovvloTCtTCtt, 'Aristotle terms all such dispositions/states [i.e., apparently,
the non~rattonalones - those in reference to which Posidonius used the term 'affectivemotions'
ibid. 323,13 DL (Y.464 K.)] of the soul in animals, directly,«charactertraits", and explainsin wha;
way they are composed on the basis of the different mixtures.' The discussion in TheDoctrinesof
Hippocrates and Platoof whether virtues are states may be relevanthere; see n. 28 below.
3 The translation 'choice' reflects the readings ofFalaquera (bebira)and Badawi (1981) (if;tiydr),also
pref:rre~ by Rosenthal (1975) 85; Mattock (1972) translates'preciseknowledge', followingthe MS
readmg 1ftib~r(the sam~ Arabic skeleton with the omission of one dot). Yal;lyaibn 'Adi quotes the
sentence ,n his Reformatton of Character,and manuscripts of that work display the same variation,
see al~Takriti (1978) 70. If the latter interpretation were correct, the referencewould apparently be
135
136 Character Traits
illustration of this is that some people, when surprised by a terrible sound,
are frightened and shocked, and that when they see or hear something
amusing they laugh involuntarily; they often wish to refrain from this
but they are unable to do so. Therefore philosophers investigated whether
character traits belong only to the non-rational soul or whether something
of them is shared by the rational. We notice that the unthinking motion
of che soul, when a character trait induceS it to hunger for a thing or to
avoid a thing, or to [hunger for] pleasure or [to avoid] pain or the like,
indicates that character traits belong to the non-rational soul. 4 A similar
indication is provided by what we see of the character traits in infants 5
and in non-rational animals. We see that some animals, such as the hare
and the deer, 6 are cowardly, some, such as the lion and the dog, are brave,
and some, such as the fox and the ape, are crafty. Some, like the dog,7
are friendly to people, while others, like the wolf, are wild and flee from
people. There are those that love solitude, like the lion, and those that love
to gather in herds, like the horse; others like to live togerher in pairs, like
to the kind of detailed knqwledge that comes about as a resulr of study or being taught. But the
translation 'choice' seems preferable:the distinction is surely between deliberate and non-deliberate
or involuntary action. This reflectsa central dichotomy in Galen's physiologicalconception of the
soul, wherebydeliberate action is control!ed by the brain and involuntary action by the heart (with
various terms for 'deliberate', esp. Ka6'6pµf\v,e.g. PHP 110,1-5 DL (Y.219-220 K); 116,21 DL
(V.227 K.); 430,4 DL (V:588K.), etc., KaTC!1tpqo:lpscnv,e.g. PHP 96,30 DL (Y.207 K.); 118,28
DL (V.230 K.); 122,12 DL (V.233 K.), See also the discussion at Mot, Must. (IV.372-373 K,),
explicitlystating the equivalenceof rhe terms 1<cte' 6pµf\v - µ1::TC!
1Tpoo:1p~0'6luS - ~Kovalc,:,i~
- µeTO:
f?>ovAfiaslu5). The present argument, however,linking the categoryof 'involunrary'to a certain kind
of behaviour, with ethical implications, does not seem to be closely paralleled elsewhere. But cf,
the argument regarding the relative roles of reason and ·affectionin giving rise to actions in_PHP
244,39-246,30 DL (V.374-376 K.), with the distinction between the soul followinga pathoswill-
ingly and unwUlingly;and the non-deliberate nature of an iriipulse is emphasizedat e.g. A.ff Pete.
D;g. 20 DB (V.29 K.). .·
4 See Quotations from !arer sources 2.1 ~9ra longer, and significantlydifferent, version of this irgu-
ment (but also Quotations 2.3; and s~ above, Introduction, pp, 123-125 on this problem, regard-
ing the relationship of ithos to the rational and non-rational in this text). The fundamental pairing
of pleasure and pain in the context of child development, meanwhile, seems to reflect Platonic
conceptions, esp. in the Laws (see above,Introduction, pp, 133-134), though it can also be linked
with the Stoic notion of oikeirJsir.In this kind of context the term for 'hunger' (here !awq)in Galen
would probably have been a cognate of oregesthai. See also 28,19-29,2 Kr.below,on infants loving
[what they think is}appropriate and hating the inappropriate.
5 The point about differencesin infants is elaborated below,29,11-30,1 Kr.;see note 29 for the'paral-
lels in A.ff Pecc,Dig. and QAM. See also below,38,17-18 Kr.
6 See.Quotations2.2: Falaquerahas 'camel' instead of 'deer'. The latter, however,is a standard example
of timidity for Galen; and Zonta suggeststhat 'camel' may representa scribalerror, becausethe Ara-
bic skeletonsare the same. It is alsopossiblethat the term 'camel'was imported from below (seenext
note), if Falaquerawas using the same version as Badawi(as also perhaps indicated by his adoption
of the term 'choice' above).
7 BadawIreads 'camel'. See previous and next notes, and on such transformations,see Introduction,
above p. 113.
Translation,bookI 137
the stork. 8 There are those chat collect food and score it for themselves,
like the bee and the ant; others acquire food from day to day, like the pi-
geon. There are those that steal things that are of no use to them, like the
magpie, which will sreal and hide gems, rings, dirhams and dinars. 9 For 26 Kr.
these reasons the ancient philosophers said chat character traits belong to
the non-rational soul. 10 Aristotle and others held that the rarional soul
shares something of the character traits but that the greater part of them
is in the non-rational. 11 A later group 12 said that the character traits as a
10 whole belong to it, and went so far as to attribute to the rational soul also
the affections that happen to the soul: anger; desire; fear; love; pleasure;
grief. 13 Observation provides evidence that these people's claims are false. 5
8
'Like the dove' is wricten above the line in the MS.
') Some, though not all, of the animal characteristicsmentioned here are standard exampleswhich
Galen useselsewhere,and most seen1to have their ancestry in Aristotle'sanimal observations;it is
15 possiblethat in some casesthere has also been some 'interference' from the milieuof the uanslat0r
or epitomizer- though it alsoseemsquite likelythat Galen in this specificcontext of ithi elaborated
on a greaterrange of animal characteristicsthan elsewherein his work. C£ alsothe slightlydifferent
versionin Quotations 2. L One may compare the opening section of 7heFunctionof the Partsof the
Body, wherethe characteristicsmentioned (in the specificcontext of aniinals' bodies being fitted to
the ithi of their souls) include the braveryof the Hon, the timidity of the deer and the hare, i.2,4-8
H. (III.2 K.); and cf. relevantparallelsin Aristotle'sHistoryofAnima!S". deer and hare are timid (and
thoughtful); the wolf is noble, wild and scheming; the fox is inischievousand wicked; the dog is
spirited, affectionateand fawning (HA 488bl6-23); the wildnessof the wolf is also mentioned at
488a28; bees store away food at 623bl8--l9; ants store food at 622b25-27; both bee and ant are
examplesof gregariousand socialanimals at 488a10; the pigeon is gregariousat 488a3-4; and lions
are not gregariousat 57Ib28-29. On the other hand we do not seem t0 find direct parallels(in
Galen or Aristotle)for the specificcharacteristicshere attributed to the ape, horse or stork; and I do
not find Greek occurrencesof '1nagpie'.C£ Walzer(1962) 152, who finds 'no similarlist of animal
f\611in extant texts... and, certainly, animal T)ariwere nowhere else used for a similar argument';
but claimsthat aUthe characteristicsmentioned by Galen are to be found somewherein the Greek
tradition,
to It isdifficultto be sure who is meant here, though the followingcontrast with Aristotle,in conjunc-
tion with Galen'sstandard usage in relation to 'the ancients' (cf. n. 58 to A.ff Peet.Dig. 9,10 DB,
V.11 K.), would seem to suggest Plato. Walzer(1962) 148-149, citing as parallel a passagewhere
Galen attributes to Posidoniusthe view that his theory was held by Pythagorasand others but only
fullyworked out by Plato, suggeststhat both Pythagorasand Plato are meant: PHP288,25-290,4
DL (V.425K.). Posidonius'examplein that specificpassageis of involuntaryweeping (or involun-
tary cessationof weeping), which seems interestinglyclose to Galen'sinterests at the beginning of
the present treatise,
ll It is difficultto identify with claritywhich precisetexts (ifit is precisetexts) Galen has in mind here;
see the Introduction, pp. 120; 122-123; 125 n. 34 for relevantAristotelianbackground.
12
Galen here dearly means the Stoics, in particular Chrysippus; the insistenceon the non-rational
nature of (at least some) ithi is an extension of the anti-Stoic argument in relation to the pathe
that occupiesmuch of 7heDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato,as the referenceto pathe and to 7he
Doctrinesof Hippocrates ,mdPlatoinunediatelyfollowingmakesclear.See esp. PHP IV-V; and Gill
(2010).
13
For similar lists of pathi see A.ff Pecc.Dig. 7,2-3 DB (V.7 K.) and 17,9-10 DB (V.24 K.), with
notes.
138 Character Traits
The tripartite soul; each charactertrait and affection attributable to one
of theparts; digressionon sensesof 'affection'
I have explained this in the book that I wrote on The Doctrinesof Hippoc-
ratesand Plato, and I have shown there that people possess something by
which thought comes about, something else by which anger comes about,
and a third thing by which desire comes about. I am nor concerned how
these things are called in this work, whether different souls, parts of the
[one] human soul, or three different capacities of a single substance. 14 In
this work I shall, for my part, call that by which thought comes about the
'rational sour and the 'cogitative' soul, whether that thing is a separate soul,
a part, or a capacity; that by which anger comes about the 'spirited soul' or
the 'animal soul', and that by which desire comes about the 'desiderative
sou l' or t he 'vegetative
. sou l'. lS
We shall next consider to which of these three every kind of character
trait and affection should be attributed. Let us begin by distinguishing gen-
erally an action from an affection. 16 We say: as long as the human soul re-
mains in the same stat~, this state is for it like rest and immobility; if its state
!4 It is interesting to compare the formulation here with variousremarksregardingthe terminologyof
the three capacities/parts/forms/substances of the soul dsewhere,esp. in 1heDoctrines ofHippocrates
and Plato. The formulation 'three capacities.(dunameis) of a singlesubstance (ousia)'is in fact the
rather lessaccurateviewwhich Galen attributes to Aristotleand Posidoniusat PHP368,20-29 DL
(Y.515 K.). It seems that while he is happy, wh"enspeaking more loosely,to refer to the three.as
'capacities',Galen believesthat one should more correctly- and in accordancewith Plato'sop1n~
ion- acknowledgethat there are three 'pans\.'forms' and indeed 'substances',,wi~ a-plurali~ ~f
'capacities'derivingfrom each. The distinction between_ thesetwo waysof speakingis made exphc1t
at PHP 374,9-19 DL (V.521 K.}; it seems,further, robe his view that Plato in the Republic.con·
fines himselfto talk of differenr'capacities',not different'substances',in spite of proving thelatter
proposition elsewhere,PHP 338,11-14 DL (Y.481 K.). Th~ talk of different 'souls' is, ho.wever,
lessusual, though paralleledby QAM 34iJ8 M. (IV.770K.); it can, perhaps,be taken as equivalent
to talk of different substances- otherwise a strange omission here. Cf. e.g. PHP 336,18-338.5
DL (V'.479-481K.}; 346,7-12 DL (V.490K.}; 366-368 DL (V.514--515K.}; 602,18-21 DL
01.797 K.); 606,34-608,12 DL (Y.802-803 K.); and also the discussionof capacitiesin relation
to substanceat QAM 33-35 M. (IV.768-771 K.). On the Greek equivalentsof the terminologyof
'rational' and 'cogitative',see above,Introduction, pp. 117-118.
15 The equation of the moral-psychologicalentities (spirited,desiderative}with biologicalentities is
crucial to Galen'sphysiologicalunderstandingof the soul in Jhe Dqctrinesof Hippocrates and PJa_to,
see esp. 374,9~19DL (V.521K.), where the Platonic desiderativeis equated with the Aristotelian
nutritive/vegetative/generative. However,while the equation vegetative-desiderative is often made,
the use of the term 'animal' in relation to soul is unusual for Galen.
l6 For the argument that follows,see the (perhaps) fuller version at QuOtation~2.55 (and also the
discussionabove,p. l 16).1he argument also closelyreflectsthat of PHP360-366 DL (V.506-512
K.), where two differentsensesof pathosare distinguished:(1) contrastedwith 'activity'(energeia),
where it refersto the fact that an item'smotion comesfrom elsewhere(i.e. the item is passive);(2)
contrary to nature, or 'pathological'.ThumQs ('rage'), for example,is an energeiaof the spirited part
of the soul and a pathosof the others when they are moved by it; but in a differentsenseit is itselfa
pathos,becauseall unbalancedmotions are pathological.
Translation,bookI 139
changes, we regard this change as its movement. Since the movement may
come from the mover itself or because of something else, we call the first
[type) an 'action' and the second an 'affection'. For instance, when someone
moves something from one place co another the movement of the hand is
an action of the person and the hand, and the movement of the thing is
an affection for it. This is the rule of spatial movement. As for change, [the
following is an example]: when someone walks in the sunshine and his col-
our becomes dark, 'becoming dark' is an affection of the body and 'making 20
dark' is an action of the sun. This is the meaning of 'affection' when it is
IO contrasted with 'action', but it has another meaning when it is contrasted
with 'the natural thing'. Health, for example, is natural to a thing; a disease 27 Kr.
that occurs to it is unnatural. The same thing, too, may be natural to one
thing and unnatural to another.
Health in the soul is a balance;function and interaction of three
15 parts of the soul
The movements made by the two bestial souls, when these are unbalanced
in someone, 17 are unnatural to the person, because they are unbalanced.
Nothing that is unbalanced is in its true state of health. 18 The move-
ments of the two souls also harm the capacities of the rational soul. The
desiderative soul is at variance with it and, indeed, the Creator has placed 5
it in people only because it is necessary for life and generation,19 Any-
one whose desire was completely extinguished would choose to die rather
than to eat. Sii;nilarly with sexual intercourse, if there were no pleasure
attached to it no one would indulge in it. Sexual intercourse is a compul-
sive state; the rational soul can understand nothing of it and can discover
nothing about it. 20 When pleasure passes [the bounds] of moderation it
bec6mes 21 harmful and it is the activity of the rational soul to reform it
by regulating it and determining the times that may be devoted to it. The
17 Lit. 'in a state of unbalancein someone'.
18
Health is in fact defined as a balance (summetria)e.g. at San.Tu. 9,4-10 Ko.(VI.15 K.).
1
~ Though the specificterminologyof 'Creator' clearlyarisesfrom the ninth-century Muslim/Chris-
tian context, it is easyenough to posit a correspondencebetweenthis and an authenticallyGalenic
term: the divine craftsman,e.g. UP i.174,7 H. (IIl.237 K.), and Nature, e.g. UP i.173,10-15 H.
(III.236 K.), are fairly interchangeablycredited by Galen with this providential activity;on this
point seeMay (1968) 10-11 with notes. For the specificpropositionhere see Quotations 2.5. ·
20
Or 'cannot discoverit'. The phraseologyis unusual and - if it reflectsa genuine Galenic formula·
tion-potentia!ly of interestfor understandinghis viewof interactionwithin the tripartite soul. The
basicpoint, though, is presumablythe standard one that sexualdesireleads to 'being overcome',a
state that overwhelmsthe rational soul which then cannot control it.
21 Or 'is'.
140 Character Traits
rational soul may act on its own, without help, as, [for exampleL ·when it
knows truth, and the agreement and disagreement of things. 22 It cannot,
however, restrain the desiderative soul from.excessive movement without
calling upon the spirited soul for help, for a person cannot prevent his
, at t he wrong time
desiderative sou l moving , or wit' hout due mo derauon. 23
unless there is strength and endurance i?-his spirited soul, which is his
animal soul. The essence of this strength, which enables someone to act
patiently and steadfastly is, as far as I can see, innate heat, for the more
powerful the movement of the innate heat, the more someone moves.
Just as cold produces laziness, immobility and weakness, so heat produc-
es energy, movement, and the strength to acr. 24 That is why the begin-
nings of youth and wine arouse movement and power, while old age and
chilling drugs produce laziness and weakness; they lead, in time, to the
annihilation of actions and movements. 25
The relationship of the spirited soul to the rational soul is analogous to
that of the dog to the hunter, or of the horse to the rider, 26 for although they
assisthim to do his will, they sometimes move at the wrong time and to an
undue degree. By doing this they sometimes harm him; the dog sometimes
wounds him, and \he horse sometimes bolts with him and they both fall
over a precipice and perish there together. It is [the master's] action that
determines and regulates the times when they move; obedience to his will
22 Galenrefershere to a logical capacity, the ability to discern whether propositions are in logical
agreementor conflict(the usual Greek terms are akolouthiaand mache).This capacity is for hin_ia
regularexampleof the domain of the rational; see e.g. QAM34,20-21 M. (N.770 K.), below,with
n.21.
23 Or 'from untimelyor unbalanced motions'. See Quotations 2.6.
24 For the relation between the innate heat and affections of the soul see San. Tu. 61,21-34 Ko.
(VI.138--139K.): the precise difference~,intype of heat give rise to different types of affecti_onof
the spiritedsoul; and ibid 1_9,24-20,.J"SKo. (Vl.40-42 K.}:the general dependence of soul's ethqs
on bodilyregimen,with particular r,eferenceto heat. The latter passagealso includes the reverserela~
don: lazyor sluggishmind as cause of weaknessof innate heat. See also Temp.84,1-13 H. (I.643
K): the relationof cold (and dry) to melancholyas well as to lack of courage and resolve.
15 On old ageas diminution of innate heat, c£ Temp.46,16-47,2 H. (I.582 K.).
26 Theanimalimageryis ultimately traceable to Plata, and appears also in particular at A.ff.Pecc. Dig.
19,8-20 DB (Y.27-28 K.) - a passagewith a cross-referenceto the present work for 'fuller discus-
sion',and PHP368 DL (V.515 K). In the latter passage,indeed, the significanceand appropriate-
nessof the differentPlatonic images(Republic 588c--d:n\.an,lion and many-headed beast; Phaedrus
253c-354a:charioteerand two horses) are discussedin detail. 1he imagery in the present passage,
however(and belowat 42,10-19 Kr.},with the specificmention of hunter and dog, is not precisely
Platonic- which is interesting in view of the wide prevalenceof the image in this form in Arabic
textsfrom the tenth century onward (cf. in this regard the texts assembled at Quotations 2.7). It
seems,then, that the present text may have been highly influential on this form of the 'Platonic'
image(I am indebted to ProfessorFritz Zimmermann for this observation).In that case, though, it
must at !eastbe consideredwhether this version of the image is more likely to be due to the epito-
mizerthan to Galen, given the latter's in-depth knowledgeof the relevant Platonic texts.
Translation,bookI 141
is a virtue in them, while his virtue lies in his skill in the art of hunting or
10 horse-riding. Their readiness co obey and their uprightness are the result
of his educating them for a long time. Not every dog or horse is amenable 5
to education, for some are ungovernable and refractory and need for their
education a long time and a protracted process of habituation. Sometimes
the hunter and the horseman are unknowledgeable.
Therational soul, then, must love the beautiful, hunger for truth, and
be knowledgeable about the agreement and disagreement of things; the
spirited soul [must] be readily obedient and the desiderative soul be weak.
15 Now) everything that moves of its own accord and performs its own actions
is strong; if it rests from that it is weak. A person who has, from his child- 10
hood, become accustomed to the aim of abstemiousness is moderate in his
desires, and a person who, from his childhood, has not denied his soul its
desires and has not disciplined them is greedy. Education makes the spirited
soul compliant and the desiderative soul weak. The spirited soul loses none
20 of its strength through being educated, but education acquires ready obedi-
28Kr, ence for it. I think, [however], that someone who is, by nature, extremely
cowardly and greedy will not, by means of education, become extremely
brave and abstemious. 27
Virtue and vice, in relation to the rational and the non-rational'
behaviour of children indicates innate differencesin character
The praiseworthy states of the human soul are called 'virtue', and the 15
blameworthy .ones are called 'vice'. These states are divided into two cat-
egories: there ate those that arise in the soul after [the exercise of] thought,
consideration and discrimination, and these are called 'knowledge,'
'opinion' or 'judgement'; and there are those that occur to the soul with-
out [the exercise of] thought, which are called 'character traits'. 28 Some
character traits appear in infants as soon as they are born, before the time
17
This last sentence seems to represent in abbreviated form the discussion of the relative role of
nature, early education and rational inputs which appears in A.ff.Pecc.Dig., esp.25,19-29,16 DB
(V.37-44 K): c£ Ind. 2,3-5 BJP abovewith n. 3. (The nature-nunureopposition is alsOelaborated
at Quotations 2.7(f); and for the specificpoint here contrasting the educativeprocess for the two
· non-rational souls, see Quotations 2.8.)
25
Galen seems here again to imply that character should be a feature only of the non-rational (I.Jut
c£ Introduction, pp. 123-125 on the difficultiesfor this interpretation). There is a highly relevant,
though brief, discussion in book VII of PHP, 434,15-29 DL (Y.594-595K.), on virtues of the
different parts of the soul. 1he argument there seems essentiallyt0 emphasize the difference in
kind betweenvirtues of the non~rationaland rational parts of rhe soul: the former are some kind of
state (hexis)or capacity (dunamis),the latter cannot be described(only) under that heading, as they
involveunderstanding. Seealso n. 2 above.
 142 Character Traits
of thought; they weep when pain [affiicts] the body and distress the soul,
because every infant has in its imagination a conception of the thing that 20
is appropriate for it and the thing that is inappropriate for it, and a love of
that which is appropriate for it and a hatred of that which is inappropri-
ate for ic.29 It therefore seeks out what is appropriate for it and avoids that
· which is inappropriate for it. These things_ exist naturally in non-rational 29 Kr,
animals: I mean to say they feel the things that affect their bodies and they
perceive that some 0£ these things are appropriate for them and some are
inappropriate for them; they hunger for that which is appropriate and
avoid that which is inappropriate. When children reach their second year,
some of them try to hit or kick those who they think have hurt them. 30
This indicates that they have gained, along with the image of what is ap-
propriate and inappropriate for them, the image of the efficient causes of
these [things], and that they have, in addition, begun to desire revenge 5
for that which has hurt them, and to love those who remove from rhem
that which hurts them. At that age they smile and laugh at their nurses
and they want to hit and bite those who hurt them. This affection is that
which is called 'anger', and with it a fiery redness affects the eyes, and the
whole face becomes red, hot and swollen. It is clear, then, that the desire
co cake vengeance on that which hurts is natural in people, not learned,
just like the desire to avoid that which causes pain and the desire to incline
toward that which 'is pleasant. It is riot because they have thought about it
that children regard it as right to revenge themselves on that which hurts,
but because it is natural to them, like,rhe inclination towards that which is 10
pleasant and the avoidance ofthat which hurts. When children reach their
third year, they begin to show traces of shame and shamelessness, for you
see that some of them are abashed and do not raise their gaze to look at
the face of someone who reproves them for doing something that he has
forbidden them to do, and th.at they are pleased by praise; others [behave]
in the contrary way. These [signs] appear in those who have not yet been
29 The terminology'appropriate'/'inappropriate', as well as this specifickind of argument in relation
to the psychologicaldevelopment of children, reflectsStoic arguments about oikeiosis,which can
be discernedin Galen also elsewhere,e.g. QAM77,5 M .. CIY.819K.) belowwith n. 162. For this
discussionof characterdifferencesin small children, seeAff. Pecc.Dig. 25-27 DB (V,37-39 K.) -
interestinglywithout a referenceto the presentwork-which givesa comparativelylargenumber of
such examples,but without the analyticaldiscussion,and detailed correlatibnwith particular ages,
that we have here. See also QAM 32-33 M. (IY.768-769 K.). The present passageappears to be
more fully reflectedat Quotations 2.55, 84.
30 This very early developmentof anger may,as Gill (2010) 274 points out, seem to present a certain
departure from Galen'sviewselsewhere.(But it may be relevantto note also PHP 354,30-31 DL,
V.500 K., where Galen quotes Plato, Republic44 la7 ff. to the effect that children are full of thumos
from birth.)
Translation,book I 143
educated by chastisement or fear. One who loves esteem endures hardships
in something that will result in praise. If he loves esteem naturally} not
because he fears something tangible and nor because he seeks something 15
tangible, he will prosper. Someone who [behaves] in the contrary way to
this will not prosper, will not learn and will not accept either education of
character or book learning.3 1
Another indication that some children tend towards virtue and some
towards vice, without thought or firm judgement, is the fact that we some-
times see one of them hurt by a playmate, and that we see some of them
take pity on him and help him, and others laugh at him, gloat over him,
and, sometimes, join in and take part in hurting him. We also see some chil- 20
dren rescue others from difficulties, and others push others into dangerous
places, poke their eyes out or choke them. Some of them are not generous
with anything that they have in their hands, some are envious and some are 30 Kr.
not envious. All of this [appears] before they have been educated. In short
no action, affection, or character trait exists in the grown person unless it
already existed in him in the time of his childhood. It is wrong, then, that
all affections come into being as a result of judgement and thought, for that
which is the result of judgement and thought is no affection but, rather,
either true-or-:false opinion or knowledge. An affection, on the other hand,
is a bestial movement that comes about without the exercise of thought, 5
consideration or firm judgement.
Further considerationsof distinction between actions based on judgement
and those derivedfrom natural/non-rational drives
This is not the place to scrutinize these things, but I shall take the origin
of all rhat I shall investigate in this work to be in what appears in small
chilaren, so as to facilitate a separation of purely bestial movements from
those in which a part is taken by something of the opinions and judge-
ments of the rational soul. This is one of the most beneficial things for
anyone who wishes to acquire praiseworthy character traits and to turn
his soul away from bad character traits. Because some people live with 1O
what is appropriate for them by nature and ignore what is inappropriate
31
The exact nature of the Galenic distinction is a little obscurehere, the present terminologybeing
uncharacteristicof Galen. It seems that the distinction here is either, again, between non-ration-
al (character-educationbeing so1nethingwhich - with the caveatswe have considered- belongs
largelyin the non-rational soul) and rational, or perhaps between two differentaspectsof the ra-
tional: that with a directlyethical dimension and the purelyintellectual('book learning'),the latter
perhaps referringto the kind of logical training emphasizedin Affectionsand Errors.For the 1note
generalproposition regardingeducability,see Quotations 2.9.
144 Character Traits
for them, without (exercising) consideration; others come to consider
and think about the natures of things and judge rhat the mosr fitting
plan is to follow rhat which is naturally appropriate for them and to
ignore that which is inappropriate, or vice versa. From that time on, the
way of life of each of these people is [regulated] by his natural inclination
and the judgement acquired and he is bound by these in what he does
for the rest of his life. If he is one of those who think that the pleasure of
eating and drinking and of the things that are known by sense perception
is good, he thereby redoubles the natural inclination of his desiderative
soul towards pleasure, and if he is one of those who think that rule is
good, he thereby redoubles the natural inclination of his spirited soul
towards the conquest and rule of people. This increase in the natural
inclination tends away from humanity towards brutishness. He, how~
ever, who judges that knowledge of the nature of everything that is in
the world is good, thereby increases the inclination of his rational soul
towards demonstrative knowledge and truth. He subsequently becomes
indifferent to esteem, desire, rule and authority and shuns the pleasures
of sexual intercour_se! eating, drinking, the attainment of property and
everything else that gives pleasure to those whom I have mentioned pre-
viously.
You ought to scrutinize the actions of those who are past the age
of childhood, and their causes; and you will find that the cause of some of
them is a character trait and the cause of others is judgement. The cause of
those that come from nature or hab)t is a character trait, and the cause of
those that come from thought and consideration is judgement. 32 When
you uncover the errors in [your] bad judgements because these have been
explained, you eradicate them from your soul; if they are from nature or
habit these explanations would discredit them, but would not entirely
eradicate them. A character ~riit comes about by means of continuous ha-
bituation to things that sotneone establishes in his soul and to things that
he always does, every day, such as I. shall describe later. But, with regard
to reforming his character, the comparison of the child to the.old man is
like the comparison of a tree that has just begun to grow with the same
tree that is fully grown. At first it can be easily bent in the direction in
which it inclines, but when it is fully grown it is difficult, and sometimes
32 This passageagain seems t6 reinforce the connection between ethos,character, and pathos,affec~
don (which is by definition non-rational),On the other hand, the followingargument (for which
see Quotations 2.10) seems to show that habituation is in some sense relevantalso to the rational
soul the realm of opinions and judgements- or at least that habituation wiUaffect the extent to
which rational judgementsare able positivelyto affect the non-rational soul.
Translation,bookI 145
impossible, to move it from its position. We therefore see chat people.in
the time of their old age are in the state that they were in at the time of
their youth, and sometimes stiffen it.
Indications of different charactertraits; distinctions related to the spirited
soul (anger, courage, etc.) and its interaction with the rational
I ought to set down the signs of the character traits, 33 and I shall begin IO
with someone whose trait is that of annoyance and anger. It is said that
15 the difference between annoyance and anger 34 is one of degree, and some
people say that annoyance is what someone feels with loved ones, when
they make ·a mistake or are negligent, and that anger is what he feels
with anyone else. Anger with loved ones is not pure anger, then, for it is
inevitable that someone should be distressed at doing evil to a loved one,
and that distress should dilute his anger. Whoever employs anger with
thought displays steadiness, and whoever employs it without thought 15
displays rashness. [Two] of the characteristics of the irascible person are
that he shouts and threatens; the courageous person is not like this for
20 his intelligence does not desert him in this state and so he does not be-
have rashly and oppose the enemy's weapons with his bare hands, as does
a predatory animal. Rather, he does only what he should. If he wants to
31 Kr. do battle he employs the art and the instruments of war; if he wants to
fight unarmed, he employs the art [of unarmed combat]; and, similarly,
with each one of the other arts in which endurance and courage 35 are
needed, for he. employs the art that is appropriate to what he wants, if 20
his anger is accompanied by thought, which enables him to command it.
33
Accordingto 1;Iunayn'sbrief description of the present text in his list of Galenicworks (no. 119 in
Bergsrrii.sser1925, and discussedby Walzer1962, 145), Galen here dealt with the fthf, their causes,
signs and treatments; it is possible, then, that this sentence representedthe beginning of a new
5 sei:tion.
34
It is probable- and wassimply assumedby Walzer- that the distinction underlyingthis terminol-
ogy wasin Greek that betweenorgf (here 'annoyance',elsewherein this volume'anger') and thumos
(here'anger', elsewhere'rage' or 'spirit'). If so, the attempt to definethe differencehere is interesting
in itself:elsewherethere is no such clear distinction betweenthe terms (on which seeAjf Pecc.Dig.
I, belown. 40). If one could be certain that this were the case,it would be appropriate'to alter the
translation of 'anger' to 'rage'/'spirit' throughout the present text. In fact, it seems impossibleto
·insiston such one-to-one correspondences;and certainlyl:fuba}'S, in translatingTheCapacities ofthe
Soul, usesthe sameterm sometimesto translateboth orgfand thumru;seethe glossaryto Biesterfel,dt
(1973), s.v. 6vµ6s (238) and OpyT](246). Similarly,with the term 'irascible'below;if we were sure
of a consistentcorrespondence,this might be 'spirited', related to thumoeidis.The relevantextract
at Quotations 2.11 does not shed further light on the question (except to the extent that it may
suggestthat the two terms are in fact synonyms),
35
Batf.Thisword connotesviolent attacks,and is differentfrom the word used for the virtue courage,
nagda.
-
146 Character Traits
If his anger so overwhelms him that it eliminates thought, he forfeits his
excellence in rhe art by means of which he combats that which has an-
gered him. Fierce anger is not far removed from madness; how, then, can
it be an affection of the rational soul? Thought is banished when these
affections occur, especially when they are strong. The difference between
the courageous person and the rash person is that ~!though the mov~-
ment of anger is common to chem, and It is strong 1n both of them, 1n
the rash person it is unbalanced and not regulated by thought, wher~as
in the courageous person it is balanced and regulated by thought. With
courage, there is restraint and a sense of shame, and with rashness there
is extravagance and shamelessness. In battle, the rash man either has not
established in his soul something beautiful as his aim, or else, although
he has first established this in his soul, what he has established has been
obliterated at the moment when he became rash. For this reason these
men lose their sense of shame and, in their state of rashness, they come
co disregard their leader, to pay no attention to him, not to understand
what he says, and not co hear his orders. Courage, on the other h~nd,
comes about fro111the rational soul's aiming at the beautiful, and of the
spirited soul's being readily obedient to it when there is in its nature the
state in which it will combat terrible things. Rashness comes about in
battle when the rational soul does not aim at the beautiful and the spir-
ited soul is in a irate in which it is not frightened by what frightens other
eople. People aim at the beautiful without thought or deliberation in
~o ways:one of them is by mean,s of correct opinion, and the other is
by means of mistaken opinion. 36 And [they aim at it] with thought in
three (ways]: one of them is by means of correct opinion, another is by
means of mistaken opinion, and the third is by means of knowledge.
There are six kinds of character traits [to be found] in boldness. They
share the same natural sta\e''of the spirited soul because of which some-
one is bold. Difference a(tends them because of the state of the rational
soul. Someone who is bold without [the exercise of] knowledge or firm
judgement is not called courageou~; if he_hastens so~ething :,vhi~h t?
he mistakenly imagines to be beaunful, without dehberauon, he 1s said
36 For the aim or goal of life and the role of rational judgement in relation t?it, see ~he (a.ppa:encly
· plete) discussionatAff. Pecc. Dig. 52,12-53,21 DB 0/.77~78 K.),.w1th rhe d1scuss1on m the
'.n~oduction rn that work, below pp. 228-232. On the prominence of 'the beautiful' in the follow~
;: rdiscussion,see above, Introduction, pp. 125-130. The passage which follows here is difficult,
· gparticularthe reference to six kinds of ithosrelated to boldness. The subdivision may bear some
ml t'on to the distinctions outlined in the passage of Affectionsand Errorscited, which discusses
:::i~us kinds of error, and the interaction between ~he:11and affection; but it still seems difficult to
followa dear set of distinctions in the passage here 1n its present form.
Translation,bookI 147
37
to be hotheaded. When ignorance concerning a thing that is thought
to be evil is removed, fear of it is also removed, as is che case with a
32 Kr. person and harmless snakes. The same happens with some non-rational
animals; they are afraid of something when they first see it, as happens
to horses when they see camels and elephants. When they know through 33 Kr.
experience that they are not averse to them they do not fear chem. No
boldness is needed in approaching somerhing that does not inspire fear
when seen, for courage only arises when someone cackles something in
spite of the fear,38 because he imagines chat it is more beautiful to do so.
Because 39 the things that someone naturally abhors and draws back from
5 are of two types: one of them is that which he sees to be evil, and the
other is chat which he sees co be ugly. There is greater courage in resist- 5
ing what is ugly than there is in [resisting what is] evil, and cowardice is
the reverse. 40 The firsr is like one who prefers death in battle ro defeat,
and who will endure torture rather than cell a lie about a friendi some
slaves, although they were not educated, have shown this [kind of cour-
age, when questioned about] their masters. This indicates that love of the
37
The consequent of this sentence might also be translated as 'he has a defence'.
38
10 Lit: 'when fear of the thing exists'.
39
Mattock omit:S 'because'. It may be a mistake in the MS.
40
Mattock glosses the second part of the sentence: 'and there is less cowardice in refusing to face
the former than there is in refusing to face the latter.' The passage is difficult; there seem to be
two possible interpretations, but both are problematic, the problems arising from the verb waqd,
'resist' and from the particular form of the opposition, apparently between aischron('ugly' or
'shameful') and kakon ('evil' or 'bad'). (l) If, on the one hand, the example that follows is sup"
posed to be an ~ample of the whole proposition - the greater courage in guarding against the
ugly as opposed to the evil - it is difficult to see how a single verb (waqa,'guard against', 'resist',
'face') can have the same function in relation to both 'ugly' and 'evil' here. The required sense
would seem then to be: 'there is greater courage in resisting (i.e. refraining from) something ugly
(i.e. an ugly action) than in enduring something evil (i.e. something bad happening to one)' -
that is, the verb must be understood to refer to an action in the former case and an experience
or suffering in the second. Moreover, 'evil', kakon, must then seemingly be understood in the
15 narrow sense of physical or bodily harm, which would not normally be implied by the term on
its own, and is indeed contradicted by the passage immediately following, 33,14-15 Kr. (2) If, as
the beginning of the next sentence suggests, two kinds of behaviour are intended - the one that
resists what is ugly/shameful and the one that resists what is bad/evil- then the text in its present
form preserves only an example of the former; and so the relationship between the two, and in
particular what sense of kakonis intended, is unclear. See above, Introduction, pp. f25-130, for
the problem of the relationship between the terms kakm and agathon,which are the standard op·
' posites of kakonand aischronrespectively; the arguable co"extensivity of the former pairing makes
the opposition in the present passage difficult to understand. At PHP 314,33 ff. DL (V.456-457
K.), for example, it seems to be implied that on a correct understanding to kalonis to agathon.
What is dear, at least, is that the example given is of courage present naturally, that is without
the benefit of education; it seems that this is supposed to indicate that some forms of courage
function without input from the rational soul. For the more concrete side of Galen's account of
courage here, the bravery of slaves under torture, and for the historical significance of that, see
below Quotations 2.12 with n. 10; and above, pp. 46; 49-50.
148 Character Traits
beautiful exists naturally in some people, and that the love of beautiful
actions that is in those who love the beautiful comes from the love of
God in those who prefer ir.41 This refutes the statement of those who say
that the beautiful is only an expression that people use.
It is said that some beautiful acts are what is aimed at by those who aim
at certain good goals, such as the state of pleasure or security, when they
prefer what leads to them, even if it is harmful. 42 One who judges that
the good consists in virtues and the actions that come to be from them
and that the evil is the contrary of this, and does not see death and pain
as evil, ought to avoid greed, rashness, injustice and wickedness, 43 and
settle towards abstemiousness, courage, justice and understanding. One
who is afraid of cowardice ought to be called brave; this is nonsense, 44 for
the nature of the ugly, both in the imagination and in reality, is not the
sameas the nature of the evil, and similarly the nature of the beautiful is
not the same as the nature of the good. Just as the balance of the members
producesbodily beauty, so the balance of the souls in a person activates
rhe beauty that pertains to the soul.
Parallelbetweenstateof balancein souland in body.Different aims
make us likegods or like beasts
Balancein the so~! and in the body [exists] in .two ways: in one of them,
they both possessthe [appropriate] state, while not performing the actions
that result from this state, and the other is in the states that come to be in
them with the activity.45 Beauty and ugliness have the same place in the
41 Galencharacterizes
humangoodas entail,ingan 'approximationto i;:od'(or 'the divine'; see below,
34,9Kr.withn. 46). Tuenotion of 'love··Of God', in the personalsense,in the presentcontext;may
perhapsseemratherfarfronian aut~eriticGalenicexpression;but c£ QAM74,4-7 M. (IV.815 K.),
withtexrualnote4.51. / The term 'angel'here correspondsto the (non~1nonotheistic)
42 TheArabicsyntaxhereis rather difficulito follow.
43 Thereseemsto be an error in the manuscripthere and the translation followsKraus' emendation.
He notesthat'cowardice'may havebeen the originalword.
44 It is, it seems,impossible
coreconstructthe preciseargument here with any clarity:Galen has pre~
sumablyintroducedan imagined- possiblysophisticor paradoxical- counter~argument,which he
nowrefutes;theexactformof this counter~argument,however,does not seemto be adequatelysup~
pliedbythe (apparently) onlyrelevantwords in the precedingtext: 'One who is afraid of cowardice
oughtto becalledbrave.'
45 'Thisfollows Kraus'suggestionand Mattock'stranslation.Toe manuscript has 'actions' rather than
'states',Mattock'stranslationof chelatter part of this sentence- 'they attain the appropriatestates
by performingthe actions'- seemsto representan interpretation rather than a direct translation,
of wharis admittedlya ratherdifficultsentence. There seem to be two possiblewaysof taking the
distinction. First,Galenmay bedistinguishingbetweena state of virtue and the actual cartying~out
Translation,bookI 149
soul as beauty and ugliness in the body, and good and evil in the soul are
like health and sickness in the body. Just as ugliness is abhorcent to the 34 Kr.
body, so it is to the soul. Injustice is the ugliness of the soul, for injustice is
10 the ugliness of the three souls.
, The corruption of the virtues other than justice is the ugliness of one
of the three souls, but not ofthe others. Whoever chooses pleasure rather
than the beautiful as his goal chooses to be like a pig rather than to be like 5
an angel. 46 For the angels do not eat or breed, since their substance re-
mains in the same state. 47 Since the bodies of the animals, however, change
15 and decay, the Creator has placed in them the desire for food and breed-
ing, in order that they may, by means of these, continue to exist, and has
mixed pleasure with the desire in order that it induce them to eating what
is necessary. Someone who in his nature and his act makes [the attainment
of] this pleasure his goal is like a pig, whereas someone whose nature and
act loves the beautiful 48 follows tbe example of the angels. These [last],
therefore, deserve to be called 'godlike', and those who pursue pleasures 10
deserve to be called 'beasts'. The things that are desirable are the good and
the beautiful, and those that should be avoided are the evil and the ugly.
When an action is good and beautiful all people must choose [to perform]
it, and when it is bad and ugly they [must] all abhor it. This is generally
acknowledged.
Since these four [things] are divided into [two different] pairs, people dif-
fer in [their attitude towards] them. 49 Some of them choose what they think
20 is beautiful rather than what they think is good; they are courageous and the
opposite of these are cowards. A person ought to accustom his rational soul 15
of virtuous acdo~ resulting from that state. Secondly,he may be distinguishingbetween a virtue
~at is naturally possessedand a virtue that is acquired by practisingthe kind of virtuous actions
that both habituate one to that virtue and followfrom its possession.
46
'god' that we would expectin a similar
context in a Greek text of Galen, seeIntroduction, p. 113; and the argument is closelyparalleledby
other appearancesof the 'approximationto the divine' (homoiosi1 therJl),e.g.Ajf Pecc.Dig. 9, t 1 DB
(V.11 K.) with n. 58.
47
The usual term for 'substance'in Greek would be ousia;whether Galen reallymade a remark con-
cerning the omia of the gods (somethingwhich he explicitlyregardsas speculativeand nor to be
commented on, see Prop.P!ac.eh. 2, esp. 173,8-10 BMP = 58,16-20 N.) must be doubtful; the
, central point is the gods' permanent nature, which seemsconsistentwith Ga!enicviews.The argu-
ment, as wellas the contrastwith bodilynatureswith desiresplacedin them for rhe sakeof survival,
48
is elaboratedin Quotations 2.14.
The Arabic could also be taken to mean: (l) 'someonewhose nature lovesthe beautifuland its act
(i.e,a beautifulact]'; (2) 'someonewhosenature lovesthe beautifuland acts it [i.e.acts beautifully)',
49
The distinction, and its relevanceto varietiesof braveryand cowardice,seemsobviouslyrelated to
the problemsdiscussedin nn. 36 and 40 above.
150 Character Traits
to the love of the beautiful and give it authority over his spirited soul. If it
is naturally bold, education will acquire compliance and obedience for it; if
it is lacking in boldness it will become better than it was. It cannot become
courageous [if it was cowardly before], for a weak man cannot, as a strong
man can, acquire strength through training. Jusr as bodies that have a sickly
consriturion cannot be brought to a state of health and strength through
regimen and training, so it is with souls. ·
The end of the firsr book. Praise and thanks ro God forevermore.
From rhe second book 35 Kr.
7he desiderative soul· some of its physical correlates
We have spoken first, in a general way, about character traits) and then
about courage and cowardice. 1 In rhis book we shall discuss the characrer
traits iliac come about from the desiderative soul, which is in the liver.2
This is the vegetative soul, which nourishes our bodies, makes chem grow,
20 and preserves life in rhem, and generates seed in both animals and plants
in order that propagation may continue. Because animals are more moist 5
their seed is made [moist] like them. And because rhe plants are drier their
seed is made [dry] like them; it inevirably becomes moister, however, when
it is case into the earth, which has to be in a state of moderate moisture.
Everything that takes in nourishment attracts the thing resembling it in its
constitution, then assimilates it and unites it with itself:3 The remainder,
which is not perfectly similar ro ir, is a residue and ir needs a [special] capac-
ity to eject it. In it, then, is a capacity by means of which it separates that
which resembles ir from everything else, and accepts rhar which resembles it
and leaves that which is different from it. From it is generated in it its seed,
just as the residues are generated, for the seed of both animals and plants is IO
a residue; it is not, however, like all the rest of the residues: I mean urine,
faeces, saliva, and other such things. for it is not generated in the same way
as they are. Semen is generated from good blood. All the basic members of
the body draw their nourishment only from that which is like semen in its
nature. Semen ~n animals is not generated in those who are still growing nor
in those who are old; it is generated only in those who are berween rhese
rwo times.Iris most perfect in the prime. 4 That which is [generated] before
I
This sentence,summing up the contents of book I, sheds some further light 011 Galen'sview of the
overallorganizationof topics in the work (seeabove,Incroduction,pp. 118-119).
2
For Galen'sviewof the equivalencebetweenthe (Platonic)desiderativeand the (Aristotelian)vegeta-
tive/nutritive part of the soul, which we share with plants, and which (in us) has its source in the
liver, see e.g. Foet.Forrn.68,10-23 N. (IV.665-666K.); PHP 372 ff DL (V,520f.K); ibid. 384
ff DL CV.532ff K.); ibid. 486-488 DL (V,656ff. K.). The first two passagescited also lead into
descriptions,parallel to that here, of the role of the moisture in the earth in allowingd1e seed co
propagate:~Poet. Form.68,15-70,1 N. (IV:666K.); PHP374,33-376,5 DL (Y.522-533K.). Galen's
Semenexploresin more detail his theoiy of the nature of semen (including its relationship with
blood) and its role in conception and in the developmentof the foetus.
3
The theoiy of'assimilation',and its central role in nutrition, is elaboratedesp. at Nat. Fae.114 ff. H.
(11.18ff. K.).
4
The Arabicterm literallymeans 'middle age'; but rhe remarkshere are closelyparalleledby San. Tu.
39,19-21 Ko. (VI.84 K.), where it is stated that sexualactivityis only appropriatein the prime, since
at previousand subsequent ages sperm is either not produced, is infertile or has poor fertility.For
151

152 Character ~fraics
and after it is less perfect in strength and quantity. Semen, like all other
residues, needs to be ejected, and for this reason animals are compelled [to
perform] some movement that helps to eject'it ... 5
... because of which he shares [in the nature of] the beasts.
Goals of life; the relevance of rational and non-rational drives
'to their pursuit; the role of shame
He 6 judged that all people realized this through their intellects, for they
praise and admire those who disdain sexual intercourse, eating, drinking,
the use of perfume 7 and, in short, the means of worldly pleasure, and
who devote their whole lives either to the actions of the rational soul,
like Socrates, Plato, and others, or to political activity which they choose
because of their love for humanity and justice in order to benefit many
people; Solon and others did this and the people were pleased with them
for their law-giving and judged it right to imitate their way of life because
they admired rheit y}rtue.8 Their names are famous because of their laws,
Galen there are four basic ages of life, represented by (1) children, (2) those in their prime (akma-
wntes), (3) those after the prlme (parakmamntes),(4) the old, the increase in age corresponding to a
diminution of the innate heat. The 'prime' is rhe best age in terms of the theory of mixture (of hot,
cold, wet and dry); thOUghits precisedelineatio~is not dear, the transition away from childhood is
around the age of 14 and that from prime to 'past-prime'around 30; there is a further subdivision
wherebythe age of best mixture is rather that between childhood and the prime, which is that of
'youth' (ephibaior meimkia);cf. HNH94,22:....96,24 M. (XY.186-190 K.); San. Tu. 170,27-171,6
Ko. (VI.387-388 K.). . forming the sexual act openly, and their souls recoil [from doing so], even
5 There is a lacuna here, correspondingto two MS pages:·at the end of it the discussionhas returned
to the theme of subduing the desiderativecapacityof the soul; here, though, the physicalaspect of
the sex act seemsto be considered,apart from its psycho-ethicalimplications.Since the connection
betweenthe (desiderative)soul in its physicaland its psycho-ethicalfunction is arguablyone .ofthe
more problematicareasof Galen'sthought, the possibilitythat this lacunacontained some transition
between the two kinds of dfacussiopls frustrating. One may, however,compare other passagesin
Galen for the notion of sexualactivityas a physicalprocedureengagedin purelyfor the maintenance
of health (becauseof the build-up of bad humours); cf. esp. Luc.A.ff VIII.418,15-421,1 K, where
it is relatedthat the sageDiogenesperformed the act (in the end, in a solitarymanner) in this prag-
matic spirit, and without interestin the attendant pleasure;and it is suggestedthat aniffials,similarly;
copulate not 'becausethey have a notion that the pleasureis good', but just as they perform other
necessaryexcretions.Cf. also ibid. VUI.450-452 K.
6 It seemsimpossibleto know who the subject- presumablydiscussedin the lacuna- was;the'context
would seem to indicatea contrast betweenpeople'stheore~icalviewsas to what actionsare admirable,
and their actual behaviour.
7 1be referenceto perfume in a list of bodily or worldly pleasureswould be, to say the least, unex-
pected in Galen; one suspectsthat the examplebelongsto a differentmilieu.
8 1his positiveassessmentof the value of politicalactivityseemssomewhat unusual for Galen (and is
perhapsamong the indication~of the extent to which he has Plato'sRepublicin mind in the 'present
work). Tue mention of Solon, the seventh-centuryAthenian law-reformer,can be taken as a more
or lessconventionalreferenceto that byword for statesmanship;cf. MMX.12 K., in a traditional
·~·
f
'
Translation,book11 153
15 which are used in many cities to this day. There is a third category of good
men who do both things together, that is to say the investigation of nature,
which is called 'wisdom', 9 and the investigation of politics. People incline 5
towards pleasure because it is one of the capacities by which is arranged
that which sustains them; 10 in the same way they incline towards the other
capacity that is in them, which is like the capacity that is in the angels. By
means of this they [are able to] admire the virtuous, praise them for their
purity, and extol them as superiors.
Since the way of life of good people is [regarded as] praiseworthy both
by those who choose it and by the rest of the people, and the way of life of
those who choose to indulge in pleasures is not [regarded as] praiseworthy
either by those who choose it or by the rest of the people, it is evident that 1O
people naturally incline greatly towards the beautiful, 11 and that the beau-
36 Kr, tiful consists of the virtues and the actions that result from virtues. Only
a few individuals dissent from this: chose who have been overwhelmed
by shamelessness, those who are stupid about affairs and those who have
souls like those of wild animals. Something that shows this is that you see
those who pursue pleasures strive to conceal what they are engaged in,
especially at the time when they attain their pleasures. If these were praised
they would not be concealed, and if these pleasures were good [actions]
the greatest pleasure would be the greatest of good [actions]. If this is the
case why should they consign the greatest of good [actions] to darkness, 15
when they do not do this with the rest of the good [actions] that they ac-
knowledge to be good? What too is the reason why people recoil from per-
if they have little sense of shame about anything else? It is only because
there is something remaining in the angelic capacity of the soul that is in
list alongsidePlato, Lycurgus,Pythagorasand Socrates,and ibid. X.106 K., alongsideDraco and
Lycurgus;on the other hand, there were alsospecificsayingsattributed to Solon, of which Galen is
conscious;cf. Protr.96,12-14 and 97,3 ff. B. (I.16 K.); alsoA.ff Pecc.Dig. book I, 28,12-13 DB
(V.41K) with n. 196 below.
~ The Arabic term is bikma, also translatableas 'philosophy' (so Mattock); in Galenic usage, in the
context of the understanding of the natural, one would probablyexpectthe term episthni- a cerm
which for Galen has strong connotations of securelygrounded, 'scientific'knowledge.
10
The notion is apparently (as above, 27 ,5 Kr.) that the desideracivesoul existsonly for bodily surM
vival.
11
The view must be distinguishedfrom the Stoic one, againstwhich Galen polemicizes,that 'all are
naturally inclined to virtue'; Galen'spoint is rather that somesuch inclination is in us all (due to
the rational/god.likecapacityof our souls), though the conflictingcapacitiesmay in many casesbe
stronger. One may compare passagesin Affectiomand Errorsfor the mismatch between people's
ethical assessmentsof others and of themselves,e.g. 25,12-14 DB (V.37 K) and for the role of
self-esteem,and converselyshame, in bringing about ethical improvement, e.g. 17,1-18,25 DB
(V.23-26 K.). For the argwnent here cf. also Quotations 2. 15.
154 Character Traits
them, 12 however untrained it may be, by means of which it sees dirnly the
beauty of virtue and the odiousness of pleasure. If it could see this clearly
it would hate pleasures [so greatly] that people would become ashamed of
13
themselves, let alone others, when they devote themselves to pleasures.
Although the capacities of their souls are the same it is no wonder that the
difference between people with respect to ~heir character traits and way of
life is so great that some of them are like the angels and some of them are
like pigs and worm[s]. 14 Since the different capacities that are in the soul
15
represent themselves to people in contrary ways, each one is seen from
its own point of view in the opposite way from that in which it is seen
16
from the point of view of the capacity that opposes it in his character.
The desiderative capacity possesses no consideration or-discrimination and
does not know the beautiful actions or rhe angelic way of life since it de-
votes itself only to pleasure and avoids only what pains it. The action of the
rational [soul] is the contrary to the state of the desiderative [soul], for it
prefers the knowledge of things, especially those which it is more beautiful
to know; it is ashamed of the means of pleasure and conceals them, and it
combats the deside~a~ive capacity. This is as though someone were to prefer
starvation to taking·bfead in some distasteful way, or as though someone
were to refrain from drinking cold water when burning with fever, since
l2 In Galenic terms one would rather expect the proposition that 'there is something of the angelic
[i.e. god.like]capacity of the soul remaining in' the person; but the Arabic has the relatiollship of the
terms reversed.
13 Lit: 'serve pleasure excessively'.
i4 The examples chosen to represeht the 'bestial' seem rather specific; but pigs appear, albeit father
obliquely, as par excellence examples of bestiality in some of Galen's more oratorical passages. In
the Exhortationto Study theArts and in 1f!rasybulus, where the focus of the attack is on the soul_~less
lifestyle of athletes and gymnasdc trai1;1-ers, the fact that all their time is spent in indulging bodily
functions (as well as wallowing in mud) occasions a comparison with pigs: Protr.108,1-2 B. (1.28
K.); Thras.85,10-18 H. (V.878-879 K.). See also Thras.96,25-97,8 H. (V.894-895 K.): athletes
are as useless at any beneficial activity as pigs, and, in public debate, 'squeal, no less than pigs, in a
discordant, barbarous voice'. Forworins, see Poet.Fonn. 104,25-106,l N. (IV.700-701 K.), where
the view is expressed that it verges on blasphemy to imagine such base animals could be the work
of 'the soul extended throughout the cosmos'. Note also that the specific reference to pigs is borne
out by Quotations 2.14(a) and 2.14(b) (see also 2.46), and that to worms by 2. l4(b). . ,
l5 The Arabic verb (ga'a/a)may also mean 'place', 'put' or even 'make'; it is difficult to be certain of the
exact sense here; an alternative translation might be 'each one places a different preference in [or,
makes a different mark on] his character [traits] from that of the capacity opposed to it'.
16 The Arabic term here is plural: 'character traits' - but the composite of character seems to be meant.
Mattock notes as follows: 'Kraus emends the text radically here. I translate the MS reading as this
seems to be perfectly satisfactory,and indeed better than Kraus'semendation. The sense is not easy
to follow, but what seems to be the point is that each of the three souls views its own desires and
inclinations as good and chose of the other two as bad.' The translation presented here followsMat~
tock's interpretation.
Translation,book If 155
he knew that the water would harm him." [The rational soul] acts like
this when the desiderative soul (attempts to] win it over to seeking sexual
intercourse since it sees that this is most harmful to the body or the soul.
20 The Crearor has helped man in this struggle by [giving him] the spirited
soul, for his rational soul calls upon it for help to discipline the desiderative
soul and restrain it from exceSsive movement.
37 Kr.
Different nature of the three soul-parts; and differences in people's
38 Kr.
natural endowments
Let us mention the things that are hungered for and desired by each one IO
of these three souls, the desires of which are naturally implanted in all peo-
ple, who differ from one another in the greater or lesser [degree] of their
desire for them. Similarly we see that people are in the same position with
regard to the members of their bodies, when compared with one another,
for they are alike in having these members and differ [only] in the force or
5 weakness of the actions of these members. Some of them are keen of sight
and hearing; others are dull of sight and hard of hearing. Some of them
speak fluently, that is to say that they [pronounce] clearly every syllable 15
and letter; o~hers stumble 18 and their words are unclear. Some of them
can run fast, others are slow. Some of them are between that, some being
nearer to, and others further from, one of the two extremes. Similarly, we
see that children differ from one another in the states of their souls from
their birth, with regard to greed, irascibility, shamelessness, and the con-
trary of these. 19 [They differ] similarly in truthfulness and untruthfulness,
understanding and stupidity, memory and forgetfulness.
Understanding [resides] only in the rational soul, and it is a capacity
that perceives agreement and disagreement in all things. This soul inclines 20
towards the beautiful. And the spirited soul is the [seat of] anger, and
for this reason it is called spirited; 20 it inclines towards conquest. The
desiderative soul has a capacity by which the body is nourished; it in-
clines towards pleasure. These make up the fundamentals of character. The 39 Kr.
17
The first, rather extreme, example is apparently of a moral choice (where 'distasteful' seems weak
·for the sense: rhe notion is presumably of some circumstance where eating would be morally repug-
nant); the second example is the more usual one of one's diet being conuolled by the rational soul,
rather than by one's immediate desires.
18
The Arabic term might also refer to a speech defect.
19
For the innate differences in children mentioned here, see above, book I, 25,IO; 29,11-30,1 Kr.,
with n. 29.
20
Arabic gat/ab ('anger'), gat/abiya('spirited'); the Greek connection would have been between thumos
('anger') and th11moeides ('spirited'). For the present passagesee Quotations 2.16.
156 Character Traits
difference between the various categories of character traits is only because
of a greater or lesser [degree] of inclinarion in each of the souls, according
to the extent of its natural strength. We ought to conceive of the soul that
is in us as being composed of three things, which are joined together, as
though a person were bound to a dog or a wild donkey, and this state of af-
fairs had been perfectly arranged. When we imagine this, we find that each
of the three souls has to employ its particU.lar inclination and strength, and
they cannot cease tQ act either in co-operation or in opposition. They co-
operate when two of them obey one; they act in opposition when each one
of them, or two of them, wishes to rule. When one of them is strong and
the other two are weak the one forces them [to follow] its aspirarions and
if it makes them follow its own particular [wishes for] a long time, they as-
sist it; this is especially [true] of the cogitarive soul, for it is skilful 21 in this
[owing] to its knowledge of things that the spirited and desiderative souls
do not know. Similarly when two of them are strong and the other is weak
they lead it towards their [own] aspirations. The aim is that the rational
soul should employ the services of the spirited soul in subduing the desid-
erative soul, and that the spirited soul should be trained to obey the ra-
tional soul. 22 The aim of the virtuous person is that he should first reform
his own soul and then, after that, the souls of all other people over which
he has influence, [beginning with] all those closest [to himself]; the closest
are the people of his household, then those to whom he is related, then
those of his city, then all humankind. 23 [He does this] by teaching them
by precept what they ought to do a;id by making himself a role-model for
them in what he does. The state by means of which the virtuous person
reforms the affairs of his. own household is the same as that by means of
which he reforms the households of others - his relarives, his friends, the
people of his city, and anyone possible.
Know that everybody dislikes having greed, injustice and ignorance
ascribed co him, and likes·i:o be described as abstemious, restrained and
understanding. They come to terms 24 [with these things] only because of
21 1his wOrd,talattafa,can signifywilinessand ability cowin over by use of tricks.
22 See above,27,8 and 27,18-28,6 Kr., with n. 27.
23 The discussionof socialresponsibilityseems to add something to Galen'sethical discourse(which
is elsewherefocusedon the individual'saffectionsor errors); c£ the referenceto political activity
above.The gradualspreadingof influenceenvisagedhere- from self outwardsvia familyand fellow-
citizensto all humankind - seemsto havesomething in common with the Stoic notion of oikeiOsis.
24 Mattock notes as follows.'Kraus, presumablyfollowingthe MS, readsyut'Un. I suggestthatyu'annUn
is a better reading.' Kraus' reading might mean that they 'followthe vices','destroythe virtues', or
'perpetratesins', and would therefore allow one to delete 'with these things', which Mattock adds
in square brackets.
Translation,book II 157
the difficulty of struggling [against them] and of training [themselves] and
because they seek pleasure and idleness.
Body and desiderative soul are onlyfor physical survival; theoretical
independence of the rational soul and the aim of approximating
5
to divine life;parable of the statue of Hermes
Know that the body is only joined to you so that you have an instrument 20
for your actions, and that the desiderative soul is planted in you only for
the sake of the body, and the spirited soul in order that you may call upon
it for help against the desiderative soul. 25 Just as a person would remain 40 Kr.
a person if.his hands and feet were cut off, together with the rest of the
members after whose loss he could still live and retain his humanity, since
10 his thought and intellect would remain, in the same way [he would remain
a man] since he could remain alive and intelligent after the loss of all of his
bodily members, after having been stripped also of the soul that nourished
the body along with the body. 26 Since you are a person only by virtue of
your rational soul, and you can remain alive and intelligent by virtue of
this soul, without the desiderative and the spirited souls, and since if [the 5
rational soul] were freed from the [other] two an evil way oflife would not
affect it you should treat as of no importance the actions and the affections
of the [other] two. If, being freed from these two souls at the same time as
25
This sentence,with irs second-personalimperativeform of address,is the beginningof the passage
15 characterizedby Walzer(1962) 164-167 as 'diatribe', and related by him to other 'protretptic' or
'exhortatory'passages(in Galen and elsewhere),cf: Quotations 2.17. It is, indeed, interesting to
compare Galen's rather unusual work, the Exhortationto Study the Arts, for a number of specific
points of contact: the exhortatory tone; the emphasison the divine affiliationof the human soul,
J>rotr.85,16-18 B. (I.3 K.); and, even more specifically,the role of Hermes. At Protr.87,3 f£ B.
(1;4ff: K.) Hermes is not only the representativeof human reason or skill, but is even considered
in terms of his representationas a statue. For the notion of'approximation to the divine' see above,
book I, n. 46.
26
The form of the argument is striking, and not closelyparalleledelsewherein Galen; nor does the
contrast between the two legs of the sentenceseementirelydear. The argument is particularlyunu-
sual in its direct treatment of a version of the problem of personalidentity; it also seemsdistantly
reminiscentof Avicenna'swell*known'flying man' argument (cited and summarizedin accessible
form by Sorabji2004, 168-171). That argument is, robe sure, fundamentallydifferent,its central
point being that of self-awareness(and in any case was not formulated until more than a hundred
,yearsafter the date ofl;Iunayn'swork); but one may at leastentertain the notion that there has been
an elaboration,from soine source,on Galen'soriginal argumenthere, In any case,the fundamental
point, that one's identity as a human being is not dependent on the desiderativesoul - i.e., that it
.residesessentiallyin the rational soul - is an interesting one, touching on debates chat took place
within later Platonism(doesthe whole soul survivedeath, or only the rationalpart?). It is not, as far
as I know,elaboratedon directlyby Galen elsewhere,though one might think it sits problematically
alongsidethe notion of characterdevelopedin this very treatise(!eralone his physiologicalconcep·
tion of the soul elsewhere),See also Quotations 2.17 and 2.18.
158 Character Traits
you are freed from the body, you are able to be intelligent and understand-
ing, as the proficient philosophers claim for the human state after death,
know that your way of life after your release from the body will be like that
of the angels. Even if you are not convinced that the intellect chat is in you
will not die, you should in no way slacken your efforts, as long as you live,
to make your way of life like that of the angels.
Perhaps you will say that this is impossible. I agree with you in this, for
you cannot escape ~ating and drinking. Nevertheless, just as, if you could
live without food or drink, you would be an angel, in the same way, if you
restrict yourself to what is [absolutely] necessary for the life of the body,
you will come near to being an angel. It is up to you whether you honour
your soul by making it like the angels or disdain it by making it like the
beasts. 27 It is said 28 that two men simultaneously went to a seller of idols
and bargained with him for the same idol of those representing Hermes.
One of them wanted to set it up in a temple, in honour of Hermes, and
the other wanted co erect it over a tomb, in remembrance of a dead person.
Tuey could not come to an agreement about buying it that day and so
they postponed [the business] until the next. The seller of idols dreamed
that night that rhii idol said to him 'O man of virtue, I am now something
that you have made. 29 I have taken on a likeness that is attributed to a
star, and I am now no longer called "a stone", as I used to be, but I am
called "Hermes"; It is now up to you whether to make me a memorial to
something rhar does nor decay or to something that has already decayed.'
This is what I say to him who aim~ .to scrutinize his own soul; his decision)
however, is greater than [in the case ofl,the idol, since no one else has any
jurisdiction over him, for he is free and master of his will. It is right that
someone who is in this situation should place 30 his soul in the highest rank
of honour; there is no honour .greater than that of imitating God) so far as
27 For the notion of building up the divine element in us and reducing the bestial, seeProtr. 85,16-18
B. (1.3K.); also UP i.173,21ff. H. (Ill.237 K.).
28 See Walzer (1962) 167 ff. for extended discussion of this anecdote in its different versions. See also
Quotations 2.19. Some variant of the story must have been known to Galen as a 'traditional tale';
and a version has come down to us in the collection of Babrius (who represents material which
Galen would have known, though not necessarilyin exactly that form; see Aff. Pecc.Dig.·I, below
n. 32). In Babrius' version the essential point is whether to honour a living thing or a dead thing;
this seems to be true of Galen's version, too, which also perhaps refleCts·the Platonic view (esp. in
the Phaedo)of the body as essentially dead, in contrast with the soul which is in its nature alive
and connects us with the realm of the gods. The further point, that the craftsman has turned inert
matter into something living (or indeed divine), is not in Babrius; and though it is striking - its
precisesignificanceseems rather unclear.
29 Lit., 'I am now of your art.'
30 Or; 'No one is worthier than one who places ... '. For this passage see Quotations 2.20.
Translation,bookII 159
is possible for a human being. This is [achieved] by creating immediare3 1
pleasures as of no importance and preferring the beautiful.
The role ofpleasure; the rule of reason
IO There are some virtues that belong only to people and are inappropriate to 5
an angel, for, since the latter does not need to take nourishment) to procre-
ate, or to hand things on, 32 it does not need the virtue of controlling its
soul from desires. Whoever has no desire for pleasures has no capacity to
overcome this desire. A person, however, is [concerned) necessarily with
pain and pleasure before all [other] affections, for from his infancy, he flees
15 from pain .and inclines towards pleasure. Pleasure is nor the goal that is
aimed at, bur is like a trap for man to entice him to fall into that by means
of which he is established. Pleasure is the goal of the desiderative soul, nor 10
of the rational or the spirited souls, in the judgement of some people. This is
not so. 33 Tue goal of the desiderative soul is [preservation of rhe] life of the
body, and the pleasures of food and sexual intercourse are like the bait that
is placed in the trap in order to snare the animal; it is not a goal, a fruit, or
a true good either for the vegetative or any other [soul], bur it is like a trap
20 for the unthinking soul. The actions of the cogitative soul are nor directed
towards pleasure, as are those of children or beasts, bur are [performed by
virtue of] discrimination of the best thing. The intelligent person does not 15
ear only when he is hungry, like an unthinking animal, but will rake in food
41 Kr. if his body needs nourishment, although he is not hungry; if he is hungry,
bur it is not the proper time [to ear], he will postpone it. He behaves in the
same way34 with regard to drinking and sexual intercourse. The vegetative
soul hates that which is not pleasant, since activity is concerned with pleas-
ure and pain. When food is not pleasant it rejects it, digests it badly, and
sometimes vomits it out; when it is pleasant it accepts it and digests it well.
The end of the second book. Praise and thanks to God forevermore. 20
31
Or perhaps, 'wordly' (so Mattock, taking the adjective '1ii4ir in the sense of what is 'pi::esent'in the
world,rather than 'present' to us in the temporal sense).
32
Presumablyone of the capacities that belongto the vegecative/desiderative soul is referredto - prob-
, ably either that of excretion or of the 'distribution' of nutrition around the body.
33
Although it only appears here in very abbreviated form, Galen seems to have in mind the proposi-
tion (reflecting Plato, Republic580d ff.) that each part of the soul has irs own desires; cf. Q4M
35-36 M. (IV:772K).
34 Lit: 'this is his state'.
 Character Traits
From the third book
The vegetative-desiderative soul"_how to control it
Human beings and everything else that comes to be in the womb possess
only the vegetative soul, as long as they are in the process of coming co
be, until their creation is completed. 1 Sense of shame is only the avoid-
ance of blame, and comes about only by the establishment of the ugly and
the beautiful in the soul; anyone who wants [to follow] the praiseworthy
path needs to establish the beautiful in his soul, and [must] aim at it in
the whole of his way of life. The beautiful and the ugly in the rational soul
are like pain and pleasure in che vegetative soul. 2 The vegetative soul does
not accept education, and does not follow a straight path through training
and discrimination, and can be reformed and controlled only by disci-
pline. The rational and spirited souls, on the other hand, accept education
and benefit from training; these two ought to be trained so as to become
strong, and che other neglected so as co become weak. 3 It is like a beast
with many mouths that eagerly makes for what it sees.
I shall give you an exarnple4 to illustrate how the soul is controlled; irn-
agine a hunter and a'dog bound to a strong beast that is greedy to devour
that which it sees and can reach. le is so strong that it sometimes drags the
hunter and the dog [with it]. The hunter wishes to climb up to a very fine
I
See Poet.Form., esp. 66, 19-68,23 N, (IV:663-666K): the liver (seat of the vegetative/desiderative
soul) is formed firstin the embryo. Note there'alsothe cross-referenceto Semen,where Galen pointS
out that he had a differentview,namelythat the heart was_ alsopart of the earliestphaseof foimation-
a rare casewhere we can track a definite change of Galen'sopinion over time. His final view_is that
the liver belongsto a first phase, the heart to a second,the brain (alongsidethe articulationof limbs)
to a third; and that this chtonologicalpriority of the liver/vegetativesoul is related to the essentially
plant-like nature of the embryo in its ea~li.estdevelopment,see ibid 76,10-78,11 N. (IY.672-674
K). The phrase 'until their creation is completed' here should refer rather to the first phase of crea-
tion of the embryo,definedmore preciselyin the first passagecited above,68,11-12 N. (fV.665K.),
as 'so long as [the e1nbryo]is goveri1edby one soul, like plants',
2 It seemslikely that we have here a highly compressedversionof the originalargument - which may
perhapshave been something like that of Plato'sLaws,esp. 653a ff. There pleasureand pain are re-
gardedas the fundamentalmotivatingprinciplesin human beings,and education consistsessentially
in habituating them to feelpleasureand pain in relation to the right objects.The point would then
be that 'the beautiful' and 'the ugly' become,in a virtuous person, the things in which pleasureand
pain are taken. Perhapsalso relevantis the argument of A.If Pecc.Dig. on taking pleasurein inaking
progressin virtue at 22,5-20 DB (V.32K.); also ibid., 22,23-23,3 DB (V:33K.).
3 For this fundamental differencebenveen the two parts and their treatment, see book I, 27,2-28,14
Kr. with n. 27; also 38,19-39,11 Kr.
4 The simile that followsis similar to that of the 'standard' Platonic animal imageryin relation to the
tripartite soul, but not identical. See above,Mor. I, n. 26. See further Quotations 2.21.
160
Translation,book III 161
42 Kr. elevated place, but the beast drags him towards what it covets, thereby
preventing him from what he wants [to do]. The hunter thinks that he
must contrive to increase his own and his dog's strength and co weaken
the beast, and he devises the [following] stratagem; he watches [the beast]
until it goes to sleep, and then drives away from its vicinity all that excites 15
its desire when it sees it, so that when it wakes up it finds nothing but a
little grass that sterns its hunger but no more. Then he trains himself and
his dog in everything that increases their combined strength. When [the
5 beast] becomes weak and its greed is broken he accustoms it co lessen its
pursuit of what it wants, until it is so weak that it follows him and his dog
when they pull it, by means of this training, wherever he wishes. When
he has dragged it as far as that fine high place he has attained the virtue of
controlling his soul.
Illness and ugliness in soul and body; distinctive role of knowledge in soul
The rational soul becomes strong by means of the demonstrative sciences, 20
IO and ought to learn them step by step. 5 Just as illness and ugliness affect the
body - epilepsy is an example of illness, and the hunchback is an example
of ugliness not involving illness - so illness and ugliness affect the soul; 43 Kt.
anger) for instance, is an illness of [the soul]) and ignorance is an ugliness. 6
Illnesses of the body are generated by the corruption and disagreement
of the things from which the body is constituted, for health is only the
5
Cf. the second book of Affectionsand Errors,where the argument, from eh. 3 onwards, is largely
dedicated to the irilportanceto the rational soul of a training in demonstration.The educativepro·
graintne of Plato'sRepublicagain seemsto form an important backgroundto Galen'sthought here.
6
The distinction between the two pairs health-illnessand beauty-ugliness,applied to both body and
soul, seems quite complicated, and does not (as far as I know) have a direct parallelelsewherein
G~en. As far as the 'body' part of the scheme is concerned,we seem to have a distinction between
(1) health, which derivesfrom a balanceof fundamental elements/qualities(and this view is dearly
stated in Mattersof Health;cf. book I, n, 18 above)and (2) beauty,which consistsin the proportion
and well-regulatedmotion of the (presumablyhigher-level)parts; the distinction is perhapsthe same
as that suggestedat Temp.36,18-24 H. (1.566-567K.) and Opt. Corp.Const.IV:737-738 K. As
regardsthe 'soul' part of the scheme, meanwhile,the distinction between 'illness' of the soul (e.g.
anger) and its 'ugliness'(e.g.ignorance)dearly correspondsto the distinction betweenshortcomings
of the non-rationaland rational capadties of the soul. That dichotomyis, of course, central to Affec-
tionsand Errors,where, however,it is W1derstoodin terms of pathos(which presumablycorresponds
to 'illness'here) and hamartima ('error'); the terminologyof 'fine/beautiful'vs. 'ugly' (which would
presumablybe kalon vs. aischron)is not a feature of the discussionthere, Indeed at A.If Pecc.Dig.
18,5 DB (V,25K.), the only occurrenceof the rerm 'ugliness(aischos)of soul' in that work, the refer-
ence is in fact to anger!
It might seem tempting to see some other term, and not the Greek kalon-aischrondistinction,
behind Galen'sargument here; it seemsdifficult,though, to find a plausiblecandidatewhich would
be appliedspecificallyto the rational part of the soul ('virtue', aretl, for instance,must arise from a
good state of rational and non-rational).

162 Character Traits
agreement and harmony of these things. Since ugliness is the opposite of
fineness it is produced by the contrary of that which produces fineness,
and since the fineness of the body consists in the balance of its parts, its
ugliness consists in their lack of balance. Some of the body's movements,
roo, are finely regulated and balanced, while others are regulated in an
ugly way, without balance. Similarly with the actions of the soul, for it also
has movements; when it attains the goal 'at which it is aiming, that is the
knowledge of things, it is balanced and fine, and when it fails ro attain it
it is disturbed and unbalanced. The soul's beauty comes from knowledge
and its ugliness from ignorance. As for the greater and lesser [degree] of its
fineness, it accords with the greater or lesser [degree] of the nobility of the
things that it knows and upon the depth or shallowness of its knowledge.
The greater or lesser degree of its ugliness depends on the contrary of this.
Because health is one of the things that are pre-eminent in nobility, the
art of medicine is finer than the art of building ships, and the medicine of
someone who is more knowledgeable, like Hippocrates, is finer than the
medicine of someone who is inferior to him. Since his medicine is finer
than [the other's], his soul is [also] finer than his. One whose soul is free
from affections has health as well as fineness [of soul]. Fineness of the soul
is not [precisely] like fineness of the body, for we can see that bodily health
does not necessarily follow from bodily fineness; because [the fineness of]7
the body does not know about the things that cause illness to the body. 8
The knowledge of the soul, however, from which comes its fineness, knows
the elements of which the body is cpmposed and from which the affections
of the soul are generated, composed andincreased. The knowledge of this
is followed by discovery of their treatments. For this reason we do not see
a fine soul that has an illness, as we sometimes see a very fine body that
has a severe illness. This is necessarily so because the knowledgeable [and]
beautiful soul first of all preserves itself in health, then attends to the body
since it needs it in order to 'act. The body, however, knows nothing about
its own health and cannot preserve it.
7 Kraus puts the words in square brackets.Mattock writes: 'Kraus would delete &ustz, but it seems to
me that it is necessaryfor the sense. The contrast here is not between body and soul, but between
the beautyof the body and the knowledgeof the soul, which is the sourceof the soul'sbeauty.This
does not translatewell into English, but it is surely what is meant.' Mittock omits 'because'at the
beginningof the sentence.
8 We here have a further complication of the soul-body analogy,which essentiallyassertsthe soul's
superiority:the soul has the distinctivefeatureof knowledge,and thereforemanageshealth in both
soul and body.It may be that the text here needs to be emended. Readingyu'damurather thanya'rifu
would mean that the finenessor beauty of the 'body is not removedby the things that cause illness
to the body'.
,..,
. ·r.
I
Translation,book III 163
Types of knowledge and education; the training of the rational soul
and the role of music in educating the non-rational soul
5
The nobility of the soul comes from its knowledge and the most noble of 44Kr.
things is complete knowledge. Some of the things that there are ro know
are human and some are divine. We ought first to train that capacity of che
soul by which we see that which is known by demonstration, so that it may
grow; its training consists in geometry, the science of numbers 1 mathemat-
ics, astronomy and the science of music. 9 These sciences increase the capac-
ity and perfection of the soul. That which is known of geometry, the science
of numbers, and the science of calculus is fixed and not open ro doubt or 5
10 c?~jecturei ~s are medicine and the like. Music is needed in reforming the
v1c1ousness of the spirited soul. Its viciousness is of two kinds 1 to like the
things whose virtue is in balance. If it is naturally balanced it does not need
m~si~, f~r the rational soul suffices to educate it by means of the beauty
res1d1ng tn the soul. If, [however], it is harsher than it should be, or more
liberal, then the use of various types of mode and rhythm over a long period
will reform these character traits. It is right that anyone who wants to train 10
his rational soul should investigate the reason why some meters of words,
15 rhythms and modes relax and open his soul, and others excite it and make
it harsh. There is another category, which causes the soul to be in tbe in-
tended11 state, which preserves it in an intermediary state between the two.
It is this category of merer, rhythm and mode that is used in glorifying God
and at sacrifices. The sciences that we mentioned earlier ought to be learned
in a person's youth, and music afterwards. When he becomes a young man 15
he should obtain the science of demonstration, and learn it from one who
has been educated in the way that we have mentioned.
20 The. end of the third book. Thanks to God forevermore.
9
On eh~import?nc~of the rational education,see n. 5 above.Differentlistsof approved'sciences'or
technaiappear m differentplaces;Afftctiom and Errorsfocuseson geometry,astronomy,marhemat-
ks and architecture;see esp.Alf Pete.Dig. 44,24-26 DB (V.64K) and 47,12--14DB (V.68K.).
C~ the more inclusive!is~of higher arts at Protr.88,2.3-89,2(I.7 K), bur still with the rigorous
sc,.encesto the fore. Music tends not to feature prominently in such contexts; but cf. A.ff Pecc.
D1g,68,1.3-15DB (V.103K.); and the still more inclusivelist of'logical and noble' arts at Protr.
,J17,9-14 ~I..3?K.). The presentpassageseemsto reflectthe educativeprogrammeof Plato,Republic
!I-III, beginning at ~7.6e,esp. 400a-402d, on aesthetic, and especiallymusical,inputs, and their
importancefor the spiritedsoul. Note also the role of music,not in Galen'sextant ethicalworks but
in the account ?f the training of the non-rationalsoul in San. 111.19,15-20,20Ko. (VI.39-42 K.}.
10
Mattock notes presumablywhen one element is excessiveand when it is deficient',
" 1·.1t:,•t he s~ateor·mtent10n
· ,. M atto=., tran:»ates
., this word as 'intermediate'. Usuallyit means 'inten-
;'.on but 1.t~n also.me?"°the direct, middle, or right, path, which is the best path. If translated as
intermediate nothmg is added by the secondhalf of the sentence,so I have chosen 'intended'.
 ~..·.x· ,.
''.·J'
!
i
Character Traits
From the fourth book
Recapitulation; individual functions of rational soul; nature
of decision-making process
We have explained the fundamentals of the science of character, and we
should mention them again at the begin.ning of this book, for the harm
caused by ignorance of the principles of things is not like that caused by
ignorance of their consequences. Because ignorance of the principle is 20
harmful with regard to knowledge of all that follows it, whereas igno-
rance of the consequences is harmful only with regard to the thing that
is not known.
We say that one of the best things for knowledge of the marter of the 45 Kr.
three souls is to investigate the actions and affections of each one of them
in the animals that are not rational, for there is no trace of the rational
soul in them, 1 and also in human beings, while they are still infants, for
the rational soul has not yet begun to arrange them. The rational soul is
that to which the intellect stands in rhe same relationship as the eye to
the body; 2 it also .),..,sother capacities besides the intellect whose actions
are evident: the capacity of sense perception, the capacity of imagination, 5
the capacity of retention, and the capacity by which deliberate movement
comes about.3 The sensory capacity is that which notices the changes that
occur in each one of the members of the body; then another capacity,
whose function is that of retention and subsequent recall retains what the
sensory capacity has noticed. Then'thinking and scrutiny investig~te many
I The statement would seem to be in nee<;I. of qualification(and therefore may perhaps be thought
to distort what Galen actually said), preciselyin view of the discussionwhich follows,regarding
the different kinds of capacity witP.itlthe rational soul, some of which are shared by animals.
Galen outlines a theory of action, 'involving the role of 'imagination' (wahm- corresponding to
Greekphantasia)and assent within rhe rational soul, which seems to apply also to animals. This
Aristotelian-or Stoic-styleaccount of action in relation to phantasia- though not entirely easy to
followin its present form - is of interest as being the fullestsuch account in Galen'swork. On the
question of sensesin which animalsdo or do not have rationality.see Protr.84,3-7 B. (I.I K.); and
c£ the Neoplatonist texts in favourof and against animals' rationality assembledby Sorabj_i(2004)
249-250.
2 The parallel is a curious one; its sense is perhaps that the contemplativeor reflectiveactivityhas a
similar role in relation to the other mental activitiesto that of the perceptualactivity in relation to
the other bodilyactivities.In any case,if what wasoriginallyin the text here wasan attempt to define
the intellectin relation to the other capacitiesof the rational soul, this was something beyond what
appearsin Galen'sother discussionsin this area.
3 On Galen'sview of the differentcapacitieswithin the rational,see (&4Af34-35M. (IV.77-771 K),
below,with n. 16.
164
Translation,bookIV 165
of the things4 that are pictured in the imagination when we want to sc'ru-
tinize something to do with the arrangement of our well-being or our
social intercourse or something to do with the sciences or the arts. Then
thought and scrutiny are followed by a decision upon one of the things 10
investigated and examined by thought from among those which occur in
the imagination. 1hen, if that which is decided upon is something that
can be· done, and not something that can only be known, the decision
to do it is followed by the longing to do it. This deliberate movement
that it makes subsequently sees in motion the hands, feet, tongue, throat,
chest, eyes, mouth and other members that resemble them. Most action
in 5 thought and scrutiny is [caused] through a capacity in us that appre-
hends the ·compatibility of one thing with another or rhat a speech or
action must necessarily follow it, or that something is incompatible with 15
something else and [that the two things] are contradictory. This is because
division and composition and discovery of crafts and arts come only from
this capacity, which is that capacity by which the rational animals are most
particularly distinguished. 6 Other animals share the test of the capacities
with the rational animals, for they long to perform actions, and imagine
them.
What I m.ean by 'imagination' is every movement that comes about in
the soul of the sort that happen in it when a change occurs in the body.
We someti.mes incline towards this movement and decide to approve and 20
accomplish it, and we sometimes refrain from that. If we incline towards
ir and decide upon it, and it is something that can be done, a longing to
accomplish it is stirred up in us; if we do not incline towards it and do not
decide upon iti but reject it and refrain from it, a revulsion from it is stirred
up in us. If we neither decide upon it nor reject it, but either continue to 46 Kr.
scrutinize it or despair of attaining knowledge of it and abstain from it, we
are' affected by hesitation and uncertainty?
4
The wordsyabf;atuhdatfikr ('investigaredby thought'), which appear in the MS but which Kraus
suggestsare out of place, have been omitted in the translation,Mattock suggeststhat they probably
derivefrom two lines belowin the text.
5 ,Kraussuggeststhat 'and' may be correct here.
6
See n. 1 above.For 'division'and 'composition'see the use of the terms analysisand synthesisar Alf
Pecc,Dig., book II, 54 ff. DB (V.79ff. K.) with n. 97 below.
7
For this sentence,and the followingdiscussion,cf. the discussionsof 'weak'and 'rash' assent at A.ff
P,cc.Dig. 41,13-43,2 DB (Y.59·61 K.); 43,12-23 DB (Y.61-62 K.); 63,11-65,15 DB (V.94·95
K). There, as here, there seems to be a dear connection in Galen's thought between the fault of
intellectualhesitancy/rashnessand the kind that has ethical implications.
166 Character Traits
Rash decision-making; role of self-love in this
Remember what I have said, and remember that a person sometimes makes
a decision without scrutiny or investigation following what is imagined
weakly) nor strongly, in the imagination. This happens to the rash person.
A decision is sometimes made after examination and thinking about 1nany
aspects [of the question]; this person is cailed 'steady and cautious' and is
said to have a solid character and to be the opposite of the rash and foolish
person. Folly is embarking on something without consideration; it is said
that his action is without reason, by which is meant that he has banished
thought) since when a person does not use rhoughr he does not use the
soul by virtue of which he is called 'rational'. Because when people say that
humans are rational they want [to refer to] something in the human soul
by which the speech of the tongue comes about; and there appears on the
tongue precisely that which is concealed between the person and his soul.
Some people become rash in deciding upon that which they imagine on
the basis of imagined sense perception or thought, 8 [simply] because of a
habit they have. The Creator endowed us with sense perception of sensi-
bles and intellection 'of intelligibles and our inclination towards assenting
to what we apprehend by means of these, only in order that we would
know sensible things by sense and intelligible things by intellect, since
sense and intellect' perceive clearly that which can be perceived by them. 9
The Creator did not make our nature such as to assent to obscure sense
perception and intellection, but only to assent to clear sense perception
and intellection. When someone decides upon that which he imagines,
without clarity about it, he is rash and foolish.
If you ask me the reason for this I shall reply to you in two ways: the
first of them is that the matter should be spoken about in this way since
we find it to be as we see, whether or not we know the cause; the other is
that someone who apprehends something quickly and in depth is called as-
tute and intelligent, when he does so with the intellect, and sharp and deli-
cate of sense, when he does so with the senses. Everyone would like to have
this attribute and no one can blame them for this. But because of the in-
tensity of everyone's love for himself, he comes to think that he has what he
would like, whether or not he does. 10 This affection is called conceitedness.
8 Mattock notes: 'Althoughthe MS hasfikriyy here, the sense demands 'aqliyy,and I have translated
as though this were the reading. It is quite probable that the translator of the original Greek work
wasin error.' Mattock translates'intellection'.
9
Literally,'sense,with regard to sensibles,and intellectwith regard to intelligibles,are clear'.
10 The comments on self~love,and the difficulty of self-knowledge,echo (or pre-echo) those in
Affectionsand Errors,as does the image,that followsof the walletsaround the neck (whh;:his there
Translation, book IV 167
Someone who rruly loves himself should strive firsr of all to attain the state
that he would like himself to be in, and not behave like those who claim to
be [in] that [srate] because they imagine [themselves to be in] ir; whar hap-
pens to them is that rhey claim to have what they would like to have before 5
5 they have obtained it, and they remain devoid of it. People have been so
overwhelmed by this stare thar many of them only think what they like. It is
a difficult matter for someone to know the states of his soul truthfully, and
the search for it requires effort and eagerness. A sage has said: (Everyone has
two bags on his neck, one in front and one behind; in the one in front of him
are the faults of other people and in the one behind him are his own faults.
For rhis reason everyone sees the faults of others in detail and truly, but sees 10
none of his ·own faults.' The reason that generates rashness in decision, and
generates other things, is the sours greediness for a greater share of affiuence. 11
10 Because of rhis people rhink that they are as they would like to be; they do
not realize that this affection is the origin of errors. They do this only because
they do not force themselves to investigate carefully and to endure patiently
an upright way oflife. Those who are like this are rash and those who are the
opposite of it are steady.
Role of nature and habituation in forming character
Both of these character traits come to be in the same way as all other traits, 15
first by nature, then afterwards by habit; habit is an acquired nature, a
15 second nature, as it were. Therefore some philosophers have said that the
word 'character trait' in Greek is derived from the word 'habit', 12 for habit
either forms a character trait by itself or is one of the most powerful fac-
tors in doing so. I do not deny that nature plays some part in this, for if
someone happens to be afflicted with an evil nature that inclines towards 20
wickedness and takes pleasure in filthy conversation, it is like the nature
of dogs, which talces pleasure in sniffing at genitals and eating excrement.
20 Beware, then, of inclining quicldy towards that which you would like, and
47Kr, do not think that everything towards which you incline is true and good. 48Kr.
Do not be angry at blame and censure, but rather be ang1y that you are,
attributed to Aesop);cf.Ajf Pecc.Dig. 4-6 DB (Y.3-7 K.) and 44,21-23 DB (Y.64 K.), and further
Quotations 2.23.
11
This would seem to correspond to the notion of aplistia,'insatiability',which is regarded as an
underlyingcauseof other affectionsat Aff. Pecc.Dig. 30,16-35,3 DB (V.45-52K.).
12
1he Greekwords are ith()s(the subject of the present treatise)and ethos('habit' or 'customaryprac-
tice');cf. QAM 32,8 (IV.768 K.) with textualnote 4.2. (1he etymologicalspeculationis not original
to Galen.) For habit as a second nature, see Quotations 2.24. On the relationshipbetween 'nature'
and 'nurture' in Galen'sethical thinking, see n. 27 to book I above.

168 Character 11.'aits
in fact, in a blameworthy state. In the same way, do not be pleased with
praise, but rather rejoice that you are, in facti in a praiseworthy state. Re-
flect on what you see in most people: the one who has no one to praise him
praising himself, and the converse. 13
V,,riousforms of love and lovability;_loveof wisdom; love of good
Know that we do not compel anyone to love us, since love comes from the
lover's choosing what he prefers in the loved one. We can only do that by
reason of which people choose to love us. Someone who loves humanity is
loved and praised. Someone who loves virtues and is shaped by them is also
[loved and praised], and is more virtuous.1 4 The philosopher, that is the
lover of wisdom, is more virtuous [still], because of the virtue of wisdom. 15
Everyone who is skilled in an art is called 'wise' in that art. When people
call someone 'wise' absolutely they mean chat he is learned in divine mat-
ters, that is to say the movements of the heavens and the natural actions of
the universe, of animals and of plants. 16Complete wisdom belongs only to
God, who is exalted; he is the absolute 'wise one'. For this reason a person
is called a philosopher, that is, a lover of wisdom. Whoever loves wisdom
is not concerned with the things that people enjoy, not has the power of
rank any great importance to him, even if it is high, nor esteem, even if it
is great, nor wealth, even if it is in -large quantity, nor might, nor pleasures
of the body. Preference for wisdom and inclination towards it is something
divine and of great moment and w_,eought to give it pre-eminenGe over all
other kinds of love. Preference for wisdgrn is peculiar to the rational soul
and is one of its virtues. Its contrary is a 16wering and is a disgrace ta: it.
As for love of the good, when we consider that God loves the good, and
that the soul by means of whic]t people imitate God is the rational soul,
we see that love of the good in-people belongs to the rational soul. When[,
!3 Mattock'snote explainsthat 'the converse'means 'the man who is blamed by everyonedoes not
blame himself'. Another possibilitymay be that the one who is praiseddoes not praise himself,or
that someonewhom no one blamesblameshimself.
14 FollowingMattock The comparison could also be related to the love and praise, in which case it
would be translatedas 'more so' rather than 'is more virtuous',
l5 There seems to be a parallelhere with the concentration on intellectualexcellence,at the expense
of a cleardiscussionof the rational element in virtues, that we also find in Affections
and Errors.See
the introduction to that work, pp. 229-232.
i6 Mattock translatesthis passage'that is to say the movementof the heavensand natural actions,both
general,animal, and vegetable,'and notes that "'actions"is an odd word to use here, and it may be
that the text is wrong. It obviouslymeans "phenomena"or something of the sort.' I suggest th'at
reading'general'as 'universe'makesmore sensebecause'actions' then governsall three of the items
listed.
T
j
Translation,bookIV 169
on the other hand,] we consider preference for doing good to others, and
we see that beasts and infants may incline towards doing good to someone
towards whom they incline, we see that love of the good belongs to the
spirited soul. My own view is that it belongs to both the rational and the
spirited souls. 17 The lover of the good absolutely [... J18
... the others [that I have] mentioned deserve neither praise not blame 20
for love in itself; they deserve praise or blame only according to the quantity
of that love. Whoever loves everything in proportion to its deserts deserves
5 praise, and whoever exceeds or falls short [of this proportion] deserves 49Kr.
blame. Similarly with someone who praises something in proportion to its
deserts, or exceeds or falls short. Names have been given to these ideas, in
order to distinguish them; we call a lover of horses phi/hippos,and someone
who is passionate about them hippomanis- this is someone who loves them
more than they deserve. Love of the good is praised by everyone,19 but it
does not necessarily follow that the one who does good will love the one
to whom good is done, as well as doing good, as it does necessarily follow 5
that the lover will do good to the beloved, as far as possible, as well as loving
10
him. Love is a state of the soul existing between a person and someone to
whom he cannot do good. We love God and the virtuous [people among
the] pious, and those who have gone before us and it is not[ ... ]2° and God
is above having good done to him [... ]21
Love of the deservingdistinguishedfrom (non-rational) love due to
natural inclination
. .. to him the love of something, and he cannot distinguish between its
15 kinds by means of [a criterion of] virtue. A person must say that love for 10
those who deserve praise is not of the same genus as love for one's children,
for ·people love their children without consideration or discrimination, and
both humans and other animals love their offspring simply because of an
inclination in them towards them. Our love for one who deserves praise,
on the other hand, is not without consideration, and it is not caused by
a natural inclination; rather, our inclination towards them comes from
17
This is interesting in Platonic terms: cf. the discussion in the introduction of 'the good' and 'the
beautiful' in Plato, and their relationship to rational and spirited soul. It may be argued that the
good and the beautiful are co·extensive,once properlyunderstood by the soul; by the saine token,
then, both rational and spirited soul may aim at the good (though presumablyrhe spirited would
need the guidance of the rational co do so properly).
18
Fivelines are missinghere in the MS. 19 Or 'love of the good for all people is praised'.
20
There is a lacuna in the MS. 21 Four lines are missinghere in the MS.
170 Character ~frairs
22
consideration and a decision based on judgement. All people and other
animals love their offspring, but only some people love those who deserve
praise, while others do not. Our love for sorrieone who deserves praise does
not diminish so long as he continues to be like this in our view. We see that
some people love someone from whom they have received compassion or
goodness - whoever he may be, even if h_eis a robber - wirh a love that is
no less than that which they give to the righteous, and we see that some of
them love only those who do good to them and hate only those who do
evil to them. I do not find myself in this state, for I love only those who are
good and virtuous, whether or not they do good to me, and I hate those
who are evil and vicious, whether or not they do evil to me. Similarly, we
see people who love animals that they are familiar with and homes that
they are familiar with, especially the places in which they were born and 20
brought up.
We have said that habit is a second nature) and we say: a person should
not only be content with not accustoming his soul 23 to bad habits, but 50Kr. i
should also not associate with those who are accustomed to them. When
he sees those who. do something he [too] acquires the habit,2 4 like those
who serve kings arid"those who travel from clime to clime. The one who is
most learned and wisest is most fitted to rule. A characteristic of learned
and wise people is that they know themselves and know those who are
ignorant; the igriotant, on the other hand, do not know themselves and
do not know those who are wise. For this reason the ignorant are more
stubborn. Because of his knowledge, the wise man is not led astray, but,
because of his ignorance, the ignorant ·-man does not understand what is
right. The man who is able to understand the state of someone who is
more virtuous than he is will obey him.
Other actions of rational soul; relation to spirited soul; attitudes to
disdain and esteem
The rest of the actions that come about from good understanding belong
to the rational soul, even if they are not beneficial and bear no praiseworthy
22 The discussion of love is interesting, apparently making a similar distinction to those elsewhere
along the lines of 'with consideration/judgement' and 'without consideration/judgement'. It does
not seem, however, that the latter is wholly condemned, love of one's children being regarded as a
(presumably acceptable) universal. On the other hand, unrealistic standards seem to surface again
below, with the assertion that one should not love people more - and that Galen himself does
23
24
not - because one has been benefited by them, but only because they are deserving.
Or 'himself'.
Lit: 'habituates it'. Kraus notes that some words may have dropped out here.
Translation,book IV 171
fruit, like playing chess, although the aim in such things is to gain pleasure
from the [exercise of] intelligence and good judgement, without acquisi-
tion or the like.25 If, in addition to this, the player [gains] pleasure from
15 winning, [the activity] then belongs to both the rational and the spirited
souls. If [the activity] is undertaken in order to earn a living it is like any 10
other art. [The participant] cannot be called 'passionate' about it; one who
hunts for a living is not called 'a lover of hunting'. Neither can one who
seeks esteem in order to be better able to benefit humanity be called 'a
lover of esteem'. These things[, however,) may acquire bad character traits
for someone who becomes habituated to them. When there are united
in someone a spirited soul that is concerned with rule and a rational soul
that does not love the beautiful, his characteristic trait is envy.26 The goal
of all those in whom the love of rule is strong is to reduce the impor- 15
tance of other people so that they shall be thought to be in the highest
rank. And I have seen a number of envious people who judged that they
were undeserving but desired that there should be many people like them.
I TI1ere are some people who are not concerned with esteem but find dis-
rl
l dain hard to bear. I mean here by 'disdain' what is shown by most people
to one whose importance they reckon to be small, when they treat him as
insignificant, without loathing [him]. There is also a type of punishment
'f given to evil-doers that is called 'disdain'. 27 When people say 'so and so
' has been disdained', they are using [the root] in one of these two senses. 20
!
'When they say 'he is not honourable), they are referring to a sense midway
5
between esteem and disdain, and they mean: 'he is not considered insig-
i
! nificant but he is not respected'. Someone who falls from his position is
.~ ' said to have been disdained in the second respect. No one can endure this 51 Kr .
I or treat it lightly except one who is extremely wise or one who is extremely
vile and lacking in shame. Those whose state lies somewhere in between
these two cannot treat it as of no importance.28
I' 25
The notion (apart from the anachronism of'chess' in relation to the Graeco-Romanworld) is interest-
ing: I am not aware of such referenceto a recreational use of the rational facultieselsewherein Galen.
l 26
We have here, apparently, the trace of an interesting exploration, not found elsewhere, of the results
of particular relations between states of rational and non-rational (esp. spirited) soul, in ethical
I
terms. On envy, specifically,see its listing at Aff. Pecc.Dig., book I, 7.3 DB (V.7 K.), along with
nn. 41 and 161, and the introduction to that work, pp. 220-221.In that text its cause, or even its
position within the non-rational soul, is not made clear.
!: 27 Cf. Aff. Pecc.Dig. I, n. 204.
I 28
There seems to be an acknowledgement in this discussion of the acceptability of a certain degree of
affectednessby 'spirited' (thymoeidic) considerations, either because one is not a perfect philoso-
II pher, or because one needs a certain degree of respect in one's walk of life(cf. the Platonic citation
below) -which in a sense sheds light on Galen's attitude to the question of total eradication of pathi
as opposed to metriopatheia(see below, pp. 208ff.).
l
lb'
l
I
I
-~
I
172 Character Traits I
As for the other kind of disdain, even those who are not extremely wise
are able to bear it and treat it of no importance, and as for lack of esteem,
everyone is able to bear it and attach no importanc~ to it, except f~r lovers
of esteem. "Thosewho truly hold to the path of philosophy and withdraw
5
I Quotations in later sources
from humanity probably do not care about any of these conditions, and if
they do, they do not care very greatly like others. If they do not withdra:"
frorri people, but want to benefit humanity by their statesmanship ot their
I
teaching, rhey will be somewhat distressed when they are ~ot honoured,
for if they are disdained and treated as insignificant they will nor be. able t
to accomplish what they want. The same is said of those who are neither !
! The quotations presented here appear in a variety of sources in Arabic, He-
disdained nor honoured, for the masses are more obedient to the rich than
brew and Judaeo-Arabic, and many probably derive from a more complete
co che poor, and more obedient to one who is honoured or w?o has we~th, 10 ! Arabic version of CharacterTraits.Those in Hebrew are from 7heEpistleof
position, family, or authority than those who have none of those chmgs; t the Dreamor 7he Bookof Degreesby Shem Tov ibn Falaquera, who lived c.
Therefore Plato said: 'No one but a king can rule the people virtuously.
Someone who seeks these things for this purpose is not called a 'lover of
rule', 'a lover of esteem', 'a lover of wealth' or the like, for he does not seek
I
l
1225-1295, probably in Spain. In his numerous works he aimed to bring
Greek and Islamic philosophy to a Hebrew-speaking audience. The Judaeo-
'! Arabic source is 7heHygieneof theSou/byJoseph ibnAknin, who was born in
these things for their own sake; but he attaches no importance to riches, Barcelona in the mid twelfth century and died in Fez in 1220. A number of
might and esteemin .themselves - he merely uses chem when he wants to !
rule people, as an- il1.scrumenc, since he cannot do so without them. He
wishes to benefit the people but he is unable to benefit anyone who does
15 Il the Arabic quotations are taken from 7he ChestofWisdomby Abu Sulayman
al-Sigistani, who worked in Baghdad in the tenth century. The sources of a
number of other individual quotations printed here are given passim.

not obey him, and the populace obey only those who have these things.
The quest for these things, for the benefit of the people, is not abhorren'.,
except only the quest for authority; this quest is not pleasant at all, but it
is abhorrent because of its difficulty and the evils that result from it. But I
find it in my nature to prefer to give up my rights rather than go with my
opponent to those who possess authority. 29 Know that someone should
compare his own state with that of others [ ... J•30
I
All quotations in Sections 1 and 2 are from Kraus (1939), Introduction,
Stern (1956) or Zoma (1995), and the reader is referred to these works for
precise bibliographical references for each source. The text of Section 3,
I which came to our attention at the very last stage of work on this volume
20 !I and has therefore been added as a final section, is from 7he Conductof the
Physicianby Isl,iiq ibn 'Ali al-Ruhawi (see note 33).
In what follows, one should be aware that the derivation of many of

The end of the work. Praise arid thanks to God forevermore.

( the. texts assembled by Zonta (1995) from Galen's CharacterTraitsis far
from certain. Our policy, however, has been to follow his selection, placing

2'l Presumably what is meant is litigation. 30

One or two words are missing here in the MS. !
f
[
before the reader all possiblyrelevant material.

Section 1: quotations with direct parallels in the epitome

(see also Section 3)

I' (a)
2.1. Cf Mor. 25,4ff. Kr. with n. 4
Stern no. 4. FromShara/al-Zamdn Tahiral-Marwazi,1 The
Natures of the Animals (Taba'i' al-I;!ayawan)

'
I
1'.
I
i
"f
Galen said: '.Acharacter trait is a state of the soul that induces someone
to perform his actions without consideration or precise knowledge. An
1
Tenth-century writer on zoology.

I 173
I
I
J_
 ....
·r-.
Y.·.'.·.·•.···.··
174 Character Traits
example of this is that some people when surprised by a terrible sound are
l 2.3.
frightened and shocked, and when they see or hear something amusing
they laugh involuntarily; although they sometitnes wish to refrain from it
they are unable co do so. Philosophers differ in their opinions as to whether
character traits belong only to the non-rational soul or whether its rational
(part] shares something (in them]. Some of che?1 say that it belon~s o~ly
to rhe non-rational soul and adduce t;he following proof: the unthinking
motion of the soul when a character trait induces it to desire a thing or to
avoid a thing or the like indicates that character traits belong to the non-
rational soul. This is the reason why we similarly see character traits in
infants and non-rational animals. We see that some animals are cowardly
like the hare and the stag, others brave like the lion and the dog, others
cunning like the fox and the monkey; chat some. associate with people
like the dog and others keep away from people like the wolves; some love
solitude like the lion and others tend to congregate like the horse and the
wild donkey; some gather their food and keep it for use like the bees and
ants, while others secure their food from day to day like the pigeon; some
steal objects that are of no use to them and hide them, like the tnagpie
which steals jewels, signet-rings, drachmae, and denarii and hides them;
and other character traits which we see in the non-rational animals. This
shows that no part of the character traits shares with the rational soul. On
the other hand, Aristotle and his followers hold that something of the char-
acter traits shares with the rational soul, though the greater part belongs
to the non-rational soul. They hold that someone's character traits are only
good if his r'ational soul is strong, his animal soul smooth, and his natural
[soul] weak; in that case his character trait is good.'
(b) Zonta no. I. FromShem Tovibn Fa!aquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha'f:lalom)
A character trait is a state of the soul that induces someone to perform the
actions of the soul witho,ut-consideration or choice. An illustration of this
is that some people, wflen surprised by a strong sound, are frightened, and
that when they see or hear something amusing they laugh involuntarily;
sometimes they may wish not to laugh but they are unable to [stop them-
selvesJ.Therefore some say that character traits do not belong to the rational
soul.
2.2. Zonta no. 2. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-l;!alom). CJ.Mor. 25,10-12 Kr.
You see what is apparent of the character traits in infants and in non-ration-
al animals, such as cowardice of the hare and the camel, the bravery of the
lion, and the craftiness of the fox and the ape.
Quotations in later sources
Zonta no. 3. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
175
Dream (Iggeret ha-f:lalom). CJ.Mor. 26,1-5 Kr.
Therefore he said 2 that nothing of the character traits is mixed with the
rational soul, and that they are all activities of the non-rational soul. And
among them there are those who say' that something of the character traits
is mixed with the rational soul, but most of the1n are not. And some say that
all· of the character traits belong exclusively to the rational soul, along with
the other affections: anger, fear, desire, pleasure, grief. Observation testifies
that their words are false.
2.4. Zonta no. 4. From Shem Tov ibn Fa!aquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-l;!alom). CJ.Mor. 26,7-8 Kr.
When a person considers he finds that the rational soul is separate from the
desiderative; there is no similarity between them.
2.5. Zonta no. 5. From Shem Tovibn Fa!aquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (lggeret ha-l;!alom). CJ.Mor. 27,4-7 Kr.
God, may he be exalted, placed the desiderative soul in people for the neces~
sity of the life of the body and the seed. Because were man's desire for food
annulled-he would not remain alive. And ifhe did not take great pleasure in
sexual intercourse he would not use it. 4
2.6. Zonta no. 7. CJ.Mor. 27,10-11 Kr.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Fa!aquera,The Epistle of the Dream (Iggeret
ha-f:lalom)
~Therational soul's preventing the desiderative soul from excessive move-
ment would not be possible if it were not to seek help in the spirited soul.
(b) FromShem Tovibn Fa!aquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot)
The rational soul cannot prevent the desiderative capacity from excessive
movement and departing from the moderate is impossible for it if it is not
2
Fa!aquera often reports stawments of previous writers without specifying exactly who made them.
This is a case in point, and more occur in the quotations below.
3
Or 'one who says'.
4
Zonta (1995) 38 notes that Falaquera summarizes and changes the 'choose death' idea to a more
passive 'would not survive'. He writes that it resembles a sentence in Theinistius' De republica
gerenda, which is extant only in Arabic: 'God, may he be exalted, created in him a desire for these and
associated extremely powerful pleasure with them to urge him to use them.'
176 Character Ffraits
strengthened by the the spirited capacity, because bravery and strength be-
long to this soul.
(c) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufris)
The rational soul cannot prevent the desiderative soul from excessive move-
ment. And it cannot do it without seeking aid from a capacity of the soul
because bravery and strength belong only co this soul.
2.7. CJ Mor. 27,19-28,14 Kr.; also 42,10-19 Kr.
(a) Zonta no. 8. From Shem Tovibn Fa!aquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-}:[alom)
And therefore they said chat the relationship between the spirited soul and
che rational is analogous to chat of the dog to rhe hunter. It is possible that
the dog move at a time other than that required. Determining the measure
of this movement is [a task] for the hunter, according to his skill in the art
of hunting, and the dog needs to be enslaved to him readily.
(b) Zonta no. 8. FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees
(Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
The relation.Ship--between the spirited soul and the rational is analogous co
chat of the hunting man's dog to the hunter. It is possible that the dog move
at a time other than that required and to an undue degree. Determining the
measure of thJs movement is the cask of the hunter, according to his skill in
the art of hunting, and the dog needs to behave as he commands.
(c) Zonta no. 8. FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul
(Tibb al-Nufiis)
The relationship between the spirited soul and the rational is analogous to
thac of the dog to the hunter.,Sometimes the
dog moves at'a time other than
that required and to an u~dil.e degree. Determining the times of this move-
ment is (a task] for the_hUnter, according to the measure of his skill in the
art of hunting, and che'obedience of the dog to him.
(d) Stern no. 2. FromAbu'l-lfasanal-Tabari,Hippocratical Treatments
(al-'Ilagat al-Buqra\iyya)
Galen says in the work On CharacterTraits:'The good-doing soul is com-
parable to an intelligent and discriminating rider, while the animal soul is
comparable to a dog, which is the organ of revenge against pigs and vicious
lI
beasts. If the animal soul accepts the training of goodness, meaning of the
rational soul, it readily obeys the rider and the rider has his revenge on evil
through it.' He also says: '[If) someorie's evil capacities are strong, they
enslave the capacities of the good soul; [if] the capacities of someone's good
soul are strong, they enslave the evil capacities.'
l No explanationis givenby Stern for his use of the anglebracketshere.
I
l
I
Quotations in later sources 177
(e) Stern no. 3. FromMosesibn Ezra, The Book of the Garden on
Metaphorical and True Meanings (Kitab al-l;fadiqa fl Ma'na al-
Magaz wal-l:laqiqa)
Galen says in his work On CharacterTraitsof the Soul: 'Desire is of three
kinds. Firstly, voluntary desire, like the desire of the rational soul for de-
mo~strative science. Sec6ndly, the desire of the spirited soul for revenge
against those who arouse its anger. Thirdly, corporeal desires, like the desire
for food and sexual intercourse, and other bodily desires. The rational soul
is likened to a hunter, the spirited to a dog with which the hunter hunts,
<the desiderative to a beast which the hunter wants> 5 to hunt. The hunter
should be wise, the dog strong, well trained, and obedient to the hunter;
the ~eas~ should be weak, because ifit is strong, the hunter and the dog will
find re difficult to catch. If someone subjects his soul co this rule and obliges
it to follow this training, virtues will appear in him and vices be cast off.'
(f) Krauspp. 21-23. FromAbu Su!aymdnal-Sigistdni,The Chest of
Wisdom (Siwan al-l:likma)
The relationship between the spirited soul and the rational soul is analogous
to that between the dog and the hunter and analogous to that between the
horse and the rider. The dog assists the hunter co do his will and the horse
assists the rider. The dog sometimes moves at the wrong time and to an
undue degree, and so does the horse. It is the hunter's and the rider's actions
that determine and regulate the times \vhen the dog and the horse move;
obedience of the dog and the horse to the will of the hunter and the rider is
a virtue in the dog and the horse. As for the hunter and the rider their virtue
lies in their skill in the arc of hunting or horse riding. The readiness co obey
of the .dog and the horse and their suitability come about through their
education by the hunter and the rider in their two skills for a long time. Not
every dog or horse is amenable to education for some are ungovernable and
refractory. If it is presumed chat the rider or the hunter is unskilled in his
art, and the horse or the dog is disobedient, the rule over them of the hunter
and the rider is more likely [to result in] harm than benefit, because the dog
sometimes barks and runs more than it ought to, and the horse sometimes
charges of its own accord with its driver into peril.
That is why Plato said: '.Attaining balance of each one of the parts of
the soul, meaning these three souls, is not possible for che nature of every
person, ?ecause if the rational soul is a little dim of understandiflg and re-
membering, not hungering for beautiful actions, and the two bestial souls
are strong and difficult to control, it is impossible for it to be balanced.'
The rational soul, then, must love the beautiful, hunger for the truth
an·d·be knowledg_eab~eabout the agreement and disagreement of things; the
sp1nted soul, which 1s the animal, [must] be a compliant capacity, and the
5
178 Character Traits Quotations in later sources 179
desiderative soul, which is the vegetative, [muse be] weak, because this soul (b) FromAbu Sulaymdnal-Sijijstdni,The Chest of Wisdom
is not bound co the rational soul as Plato described, and he likened it to a (Siwan al-l;likma)
harmful predatory aniinal saying: what is required of the vegetative soul is its
Education acquires ready obedience for the spirited soul and acquires weak-
weakness, not its education, so that it not prevent the rational soul from its
ness for the vegetative soul. 8
actions. And everything that moves of its own accord and performs its own
actions is strong; everything chat is quiescent is weak. Therefore the desires of
someone who has from his childhood a.ccustomed himself to virtue and ab-
2.9. Zonta no. 17. CJ. Mor. 29,15-16 Kr.
stemiousness are moderate. But as for someone who has from his childhood
become accusto.med not to deny his desires and does not discipline them, (a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
he will be greedy. The Greeks called this notion <undisciplined gluttony'. 6 (lggeret ha-l;lalom)
Education makes the spirited soul readily compliant and the desiderative Someone whose nature is upright and whose education is good will be re-
soul weak. This is education of the soul. .fu for the spirited soul, it loses ceptive to these things, but someone whose nature is opposite will not be
none of its strength through being educated 1 but [education] makes it readily receptive co them.
compliant. If the person is brave by nature, education preserves the strength
of his spirited soul. People have already sought co know if it is possible that
someone who is extremely cowardly become courageous ... 7 it is impossible (b) FromShem Tovibn Fa/aquera,The Book of Degrees
that he become courageous is closer to the truth. Such is my opinion about (Seferha-Ma'alot)
someone who is by nature extremely greedy, that he will not come to the
1he philosophers agree that whoever is naturally good, if he is given the
state of abstemiousness. Therefore the early philosophers surveyed and made necessary education, will be virtuous. And whoever is the opposite of this
known the natures of children, i.e. infants, because an infant who displays will gain no benefit at all from education.
intense greed and-gluttony is not satisfied; the intensely shameless is not em-
barrassed. Those of them who are greedy and gluttonous but are not shame-
less, hope of their prospering ought not to be severed, because sense of shame 2.10. Zonta no. 18. CJ. Mor. 31,2-5 Kr.
only comes to be in a perceptive soul that sees the beautiful and attends to it.
The soul of sOtneone who does not .feelshame is blind, not seeing beauty, and (a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
there is no goodness in it. There is a test that indicates clearly the correctness (Iggeretha-l;lalom).
of what I say about the need for ,a ground in nature [of people in order for Corrupt opinions are diverted from the soul when their errors are revealed
them to be receptive] to acquiring vi_rtues through education. It is-that an through demonstration or explanation. But although it is possible to weak-
innumerable great number of those whO are virtuous impose the best educa- en bad ch:aracter traits that come about fro1n practice and from nature,
tion on their offspring, from childhood to when they are grown up, and they eradicating them altogether requires constant practice, and for the person
take pains so that they become like them, but they are unable to achieve this. to do [certain] things every day.
'

(b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Seferha-

2,8. Zonta no. 10. Cf. Mor. 28,11-12 Kr. Ma'alot)
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream Plato says: 'Repressing the appetite is a very difficult thing. And when the
(lggeret ha-l;lalom) errors of corrupt beliefs are revealed through demonstration, the person
Education acquires ease of enslavement for the spirited soul, and helps the immediately eradicates them completely. But bad character traits that come
weak vegetative soul. about from practice and from nature, although the person can repress them,
to eradicate the1n altogether the person needs much practice, and a long
time.'

6 Kraus suggeststhat the original word wasakrateia,translated as 'lack of restraint' throughout this
11
volume. Zonta notes that Falaqueraseemsto have taken this from Sigista.ni,who probablypreservesthe origi-
7 Severalwords are missinghere, Kraus suggeststhat the continuation may read 'and [myJ remark nal, but to have misunderstoodthe last phrase. .ZOntatransla.tes'procuresweaknessfor the vegetative
about someonewho is extremelycowardlyis that'. soul', which is presumablythe intention.

180 Character Traits
2.11. Krausp. 19. From lbn Gabirol,The Reformation of Character
Traits (I~liil:ial--A!Jlaq).CJMor. 31,10-16 Kr.
Galen says in the work on the character traits of the soul that anger and
annoyance are two words for a single notion. It is apparent from the face of
one who is angry that he is distressed; his body becomes extremely hot; his
heart beats extremely hard; and the pulsing of the veins becomes extremely
quick. And he said there: 'One who u:,,esanger with thought displaysdig-
nity, whilst one who uses it without thought displays stupidity.' He said
further:9 'Strong anger and fierce annoyance is nor far from madness.'
2.12. CJMor. 33,7 Kr.
(a) Krausp. 13. FromJbn al-Nadim, 1he Book List (al-Fihrisr)
In the first book of his work on character traits Galen said [as follows]: he
mentioned faithfulness and approved of it. In it he came to mention those
who were afflicted with the seizure of their masters and tested by adversi~
ties. It was requested from them that they disclose the deficiencies of their
masters and mention their faults. They refrained from doing so and endured
despite the gross adversities. This was in the 514th year from Alexander.
This is exactly. what is mentioned of the matters of Galen and his time, and
his place in the time.
(b) Krausp. 14. Fromlbn Abi U,aybi'a,Lives of the Physicians ('Uyiin
al-Anba' fi Tabaqat al-Atibba') .
This is the exact text of the section of the book of character traits. Galen
said: 'We have ourselves seen iri this time slaves behaving like this, .without
freedom, because they were good b)''.hature. This was when Perennis died,
and his death was in the ninth year of Commodus' reign and in the-5 l 6th
year from the reign of Alexander and the consuls at that time were Maternus
and Bradua, a great number· of people were pursued and their slaves.were
threatened so that theywciuld reveal what their masters had done.' 10
9 C£ Mor. 31,21-32,1 Kr.
10 This passageand the previousone werefirst translatedby Muller (1883), who also establishedthe
identitiesof the individualshere mentioned:the names 'Perennis','Maternus' and 'Bradua' are not
direct ·transliterationsof the Arabicforms, but reconsrructionsbased on highly plausiblehistorical
considerations.
Ibn Abi U$aybi'agoeson to considerthe ramificationsfor Is.l,l.aq
ibn r;Iunayn'sdating, which set
Galen'sbirth at 429 years from Alexander,and explainsthat it does not match those dates men-
tioned here. If the eventnarrated here occurred516 yearsfrom the time of Alexander,he argues,it
would have taken place at the very end of Galen'slife.But Galen could not havewritten Character
Traitsso late, becausehe mentions it in other books. Dating the passagesin th1sitem causedthe
Arab historianssomeconfusion.Krausexplainsthat Galen must havecountedAlexander'sera from
331/2 BCE, since Perenniswaskilled in 185 CE. The Arabauthors, however,thought that it began
in 31 l BCE, when the Seleucidera began.
T..
i
I Quotations in later sources 181
2.13. CJMor. 34,1-2 Kr.
(a) Zonta no. 22. FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees
(Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
Just as evil for the body is abhorrent and hateful, so it is for the soul. Evil is
the injustice of the soul because injustice is the evil of the three souls.
(b) Zonta no. 22. FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul
(Tibb al-Nufiis)
Just as ugliness is abhorrent to the body, so it is to the soul. Ugliness of the
soul is injustice because injustice is ugliness of the three souls.
(c) Krausp. 18. Fromlbn Abi U,aybi'a,Lives of the Physicians ('Uyiin
al-Anba' fiTabaqat al-Atibba')
Just as illness and ugliness affect the body - epilepsy and aches for example,
are illnesses, and examples of ugliness are the hunchback, and loss of hair
on the head and its baldness - so illness and ugliness happen to the soul.
Anger, for instance, is an illness of it, and ignorance, for instance, is an ugli-
ness for it.
Zonta no. 24. CJMor. 34,5-10 Kr.
2.14.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer
ha-Ma'alot)
This is because only someone who is at the rank of the angels loves this
way, because the angels have no desire for food, drink, and sex, and their
substances remain eternally in one state. But living bodies, because they
change and decay, God; exalted, placed in them the desire for food so
that they should endure. He mixed pleasure with the desires to [induce
them to] arrive at what they need, like [hunters] put food in traps to
hunt down the animals. And when his nature and actions are such that
he places pleasure as his goal, he makes his goal _that of a pig. One who
sets his nature to love the fine and the intellect behaves as the angels do;
it is therefore fitting that they are called divine while those who pursue
pleasure are called beasts.
(b) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufiis)
Galen said in his book on character traits of the soul: 'The Creator, of
blessed name, placed the desire for food and drink in the bodies of animals,
so that through them they would endure. And he mixed pleasure with the
desire in order that they be induced to do what is necessary, like food that
is put in the trap to hunt down the animals. Someone whose nature and
action are that he make this pleasure his goal>and becomes accustomed to
it, places his soul at the rank of the worm and the pig, whereas someone
182 Character Traits
whose nature is to love the beautiful and acts it emulates the way of life of
the angels. 11
'This is because by virtue of the body we are similar co the beasts, requir~
ing feeding, drinking, sexual intercourse and excreting. And by virtue of the
rational soul we are similar co the angels in perceiving the intelligibles. If we
prefer the bestial desires we descend to thern and banish from ourselves the
angelic activity. If we prefer the ration~ capacity, and we are indifferent co
the bestial desires, we are happy and we ascend toward the degree of the an-
gels, inasmuch ;.1.sour goal is to make the intelligibles of true realities, which
were in us potentially, incelligibles in act. And we are able to dispense with
the cool of the body, and we come not to need the tool of the body for the
rational capacity. And we become spirits, like the angels. By knowing the
art of medicine we ascend to the perfect degree by preserving our health as
it is, when it exists, and by bringing it back, when it is lost, through nour-
ishment and medicines that combat illness. This is how we act in all of our
arrangements that are in consideration of the beneficial and the healthy, not
in consideration of the desirable and the pleasurable, and also that do not
only aim at the wellbeing of the body.
'So this is also similar to the first, [which is the body], because the first
increases to the utmost the pleasure of food, drink and sexual intercourse,
and places it as its goal. This second[, which is the soul,] increases the pleas-
ure of health, but the second's rank is higher than the first, inasmuch as the
fulfilment of the body and its felicity is to be administered by the soul in
the virtues. Moreover the soul does not exclude the first and increases it ...
in reaching the middle. All of the$e actions are not pleasing. They are only
pleasing when the aim is fitness of the body. Its deliverance from illnesses
is so that the soul can use its o,;yn instruments in acquisition of.the virtues
without anything obstructing it.'
CJ Mor. 36, 16-20 Kr.
2.15.
(a) Zonta no. 26. From Shem Tov ibn Fafaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-I:fa,16m)
Some say that the rea.5~n that everyone hides sex from [other] people, even
if their shame is slight in other things, is the angelic capacity that is in them;
even though that capacity is not perfect in them, there remainS from that
same capacity that which sees beauty of the virtues, and that the desires are
blind, seeing weakly. Therefore, were it able to see this clearly it would hate
the kinds of pleasures, so much that the person would be ashamed of him-
self, all the more so that he would be ashamed [in front] of others.
!1 What follows from £his point does not appear in the published version of Tibbal-Nu.fas, bur was
found by Zonta in a manuscript of the work in the Bodleian. See Zonta (1995) 79 for the Judaeo~
Arabic text.
Quotations in later sources 183
(b) Krausp. 37 FromAl;mad ibn Mul;ammadMiskawayh,Refining of
Character (Tahdib al-A!)laq)
It will appear, then, that whoever pleases himself in attaining the bodily
pleasures and places them as his goal and the utmost of his happiness is
pleased by the meanest slavery to the meanest of rnasters, because he n1akes
his noble soul, by which he is related to the angels, become a slave of the
base soul wherein he resembles the pigs, beetles, worms and the lowest of
animals that share this state with him.
In his work entitled On CharacterTraitsof the Soul, Galen expressed his
astonishment at this opinion and the great ignorance of people with this
rank of intellect, to the extent that he said: 'Whenever these hypocrites,
whose way of life is the worst and most detestable of ways of life, find some-
one of this view and school, they support and praise him and call people co
follow him so as to give the impression that they are not alone on this path.
Because they think that when they describe the virtuous and superior people
as ~eing like chem, they have an excuse and a pretence over other people in
thetr same path. These are the people who corrupt youths by making them
imagine that virtue is the pleasure that the nature of the body calls them to,
an~ that ~ose other, angelic, virtues are either false, not in anything at all,
or impossible for one of the people. The people incline by bodily nature to
desires, adherence to them increases and their virtues decrease.
'When one after another of them points out that these pleasures are only
for the body's necessity, and that his body is composed of contrary natures, I
mean heat, cold, dryness and moistness, and that through eating and drink-
ing he only treats illnesses that arise in it with its decomposition to preserve
its constitution always in the same state, as far as that is possible, and that
the treatment of an illness is not complete happiness and that the relief from
pain is not the goal to be sought nor an absolute good, that the completely
happy person is one who is not affected by illness at all; and he also knows
along with this that these pains do not afflict the holy angels, whom God
has chosen to be near him, and so they do not need to remedy them with
food and drink, and that God, exalted, is untouched by arid exalted above
these attributes, they oppose him [by saying] that some men are nobler than
;he angels and that God is too majestic to be mentioned alongside creation.
They make trouble for him, ridicule his views, and cause ambiguities to
arise in him [through arguments] until he doubts the correctness of what he
has pointed out and what his intellect has led him to.
'The wonder that never ceases is chat alongside this view of theirs, when
they find a person who turns away from the path to which they are inclined,
who disdains pleasure and enjoyment, fasts and goes hungry, and is content
with what grows from the ground, they extol him, their marvelling at him
increases, they hold him to be worthy of the exalted ranks and maintain
that he is God's friend and intimate, and that he is similar to the angels
and that he is of a loftier class than humans. They defer to him, they lower
184 Character Traits
themselves to the extreme of humility, and consider thernselves wretched in
relation to him, The reason for this is that although they are of these stupid
views and foolishness that you see, there -is in them [something] of this
other honourable, discritninating capacity that, although it is weak, shows
them the virtue of the possessors of virtue, so that they are compelled to
honour them and extol thern.'
2.16. Zonta no. 27. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot). CJ.Mor. 38,19-39,2 Kr.
The sage said: 'Knowledge is only in the rational soul, which is a capacity
that sees the agreement and disagreement in all things. This soul inclines to-
wards the fine. In the spirited soul is the capacity to anger, and it is therefore
called by this name; 12 it inclines towards conquering. In the third soul is the
power that nourishes the body, and it inclines towards pleasure. These are
the fundamentals of character, although there are differences in the kinds of
character traits because of the degree of inclination of each one of the souls,
according to the measure of its natural strength. Just as representing the
fine in the soul requires upright behaviour, the others require the opposite
of upright beha\Ti_our.You! make it your goal to battle them, as they make
their goals to bafrle you.' 13
Zonta no. 28. CJ.Mor, 39,20-40,3 Kr.
2. 17.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
When you observe the truth of the matter you will find that yo1:1r_rational
soul is that which is intended ill you and that your body is an inst_rument
for the actions. The desiderative is placed in you because of the body, and
the spirited because through it you are strengthened over the desiderative.
Just as if someone's legs were cut off, from the waist below, and he remains
alive, they would say that me
person remains but that some of his instru-
ments through which he acted were lost. And [also] if his hands were cur off
and he remained alive, as' has happened to many people in this time because
of the incessant plague, they would say that this person remains by notion a
human because intellect and thought are still iri him. Likewise, were it pos-
sible for someone to dispose of all his limbs and remain living, intellectual,
and thinking, they would say truthfully that this person remains; and in
being stripped of the body he would be stripped of the soul that nourishes
the body.
12 As in Greek and Arabic, rhe Hebrew word used here for 'spirited' is related to the word for anger:
ka'as.
!3 The last sentence followsZonta's apparatus,which reversestwo of the radicalsin the word for 'to
battle'. Alternatively,the meaning would be 'make it your goal to strengthen with them, as they
make their goalsto strengthen with you'.
Quotations in later sources 185
(b) Possibly
ftom a translationof al-Fdrdbi
The living man exists through thought. If his hands, feet, and legs were cut
off, and his eyes put out, and his entire shape and appearance were changed,
this would not prevent him fro1n knowledge and sense ...
(c) From 7hemistius,De re publica gerenda.
H-e knows that the body is an instrument of rhe soul, and that he is only a
human by virtue of the soul, not by virtue of the body.
2.18. Zonta no. 30. From From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot). CJ.Mor. 40,6-7 Kr.
And y9u, when you are delivered frorn these two souls, and you are deliv-
ered from the body, you will be able to intellectualize and understand, like
the quick-witted ancient philosophers said, as this is the state of the person
after death.
2.19. Krausp. 20. From Abu Rayl/an al-Biriini, History of India
(Tari!) al-Hind). CJ.Mor. 40,15-21 Kr.
Galen said in his work on character traits of the soul: 'In the time of the Em-
peror Commodus, which was around 500 odd years from Alexander, 14 tvvo
men went to a seller of idols and bargained with him for an idol of Hermes.
One of them wanted it erected in a temple, as a memorial to Hermes, and
the other wanted it erected over a tomb, in remembrance of a dead person.
Neither of the merchants could agree so they postponed the matter until the
morrow. 1he seller 15 of idols dreamed that night that the idol was talking to
him, It said to him: "O one of virtue, I am something that you have made. 16
Through the work of your hands I have taken on a form that is attributed
to a star. The name of stoneness, by which I was named in the past, has van~
ished from me, and I am known as Mercury. It is now up to you whether co
make me become a memorial to something that does not decay or to some-
thing that has alreadydecayed."'
Zonta no. 31. CJ.Mor. 41,1-3 Kr.
2.20.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-l;Ialom)
The sage said: 'What I ask of you is that you yearn for these two actions: that
you despise the actions and affections of rhe desiderative and spirited souls.
4
t AI-Biriiniexpresseshis surpriseat rhis date becausethe historiansappear to record a differentone,
as Kraus (1939) 15 notes. See also n. 10 above.
15
Recainingthe word used in the first line, bayyii',unlike the epitome, which uses f("if;ib.
!6 Lit., 'Iamnowyourart.'
186 Character Traits Quotations in later sources 187
If you are so the good will then be appropriate for you and yo~r soul will (b) FromThe Epistles of the Brethren of Purity (Risalat !!}wanal-Safa')17
then be of the highest rank of honour. There are no greater or higher ranks

I
O man, you have two bags. In one of thern are your own faults, and in the
of honour than that of one who walks in the paths of the exalted God, but
other are the faults of others. You have placed that in which are the faults
this will only come about through despising rhe pleasures.'
of others in front of your face, and you do not reduce your thoughts about
them. You have placed that in which are your own faults out of sight, and
(b) From Ihemistius,De re publica gerenda
If someone rejects bodily pleasures he is divine, following the path that is
! you do not pay attention to it.

pleasing to God, exalted and mighty, It is the fitting path for a person [and
chat] by rneahs of which he is a person. His more noble part has overcome
the baser, I mean the soul over the body.
i
[
Zonta no. 38. CJ.Mor. 47,16 and 49,21 Kr.
2.24.
(a) FromFromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees
(Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
! The sage said: 'Habit is a second nature.'
2.21. Zonta no. 32. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
FromThe Epistles of the Brethren of Purity (Risalat !!}wan al-Safa')

I
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot). CJ. Mor. 42,10-14 Kr. (b)

When someone wants to know how to conquer his desiderative soul he Habit is the twin of nature.
should think co himself as ifhe is a hunter and a dog bound by strong bonds
to a very strong beast. Its desire is voracious and not bent naturally to the I 2.25. Zonta no. 39. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
man. When this beast sets its aim to doing something it pulls the hunter
and the dog with it. The hunter wants to climb to a high place, but the
I Dream (Iggeret ha-l;Ialom). CJ.Mor. 48,12-13 Kr.

beast pulls him to the low place opposite to what he intended. The hunter
is therefore unable to lead it to the place that he wants unless he seeks for ! 1he inclination towards wisdom and love of it is a very great divine thing;
there is no need for investigation and speculation as to whether or not it is
himself and for the dog extra power, weakens the beast, and denies it. When l so. Love of greatness and rule is a disease of the soul.
he weakens it he leads it to wherever he wants.
I
I
2.26. Zonta no. 41. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot). CJ.Mor. 51,11-12 Kr.
2.22. Krauspp. 18-19. Fromfbn Abi [haybi'a, Lives of the Physicians t He is th.e one who is capable of leading people with upright and good
('Uyiin al-Anba' fl Tabaqat al-Aµbba'). CJ.Mor. 43,12 Kr. I. leadership.
[
In the third book of his work on the character traits of the soul Galen !
said: 'Alongside what he knew about medicine, Hippocrates had knowl- I Section 2: the remaining Arabic and Hebrew material from Zonta's
edge of the stars, somethjrig that no one of his time professed, and he had
knowledge of the elements from which the bodies of animals are composed !'l chapter on Character Traits
and [from which] alJ the bodies that are susceptible to generation and cor- r
Zonta no. 6. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
I
ruption come to be. He was the first to offer a secure demonstration of 2.27.
these things that we have mentioned. And he demonstrated how illness and Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
health come about in all the animals and in the plants, and it was he who
discovered the genera of illnesses and the manners of their treatment.'
t Plato said: 'Because the faculties of the soul are three, each one of them has

l
particular motions and desires. The first of these is its yearning for the truth,
the just and knowledgeof the eternal things; ir lovesthe good for itself and
for others, and it is therefore called "the lover of knowledge and wisdom". 1he
Zonta no. 37. CJ.Mor. 47,7-10 Kr.
2.23.
intention of the capacity through which it becomes angry is victory, reproving
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream and desire, and it is the lover of honour and rule. The third capacity's desires

l!
(lggeret ha-l;Ialom) are different [and are] in food and drink, and iris the desire [that~] the lover
And so they say that hanging from the neck of each one of us are two sacks,
one in front of us and one behind us; therefore we do not see them at all. 1
7
Approximatelytenth century.

l
188 Character Traits
of profit and wealth. Because these capacities are three, the one that rules over
the soul of each human being is that one of these powers which prevails over
it [i.e., the soul]. Therefore the early groups of people were three: lovers of wis-
dom; loversof victory; loversof wealth. Each one of these declaresthat his way
of life is the best of all waysof life.The first capacity,which is the intellectual
capacity, is similar to the group of leaders of the righteous state, the spirited
capacity to the soldiers, the vegetative <;apacicyco che artisans.' 18
Zonta no. 9
2.28.
(a) From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-l:lalom)
Therefore Plato said that attaining balance of each one of the parts of the
soul is not naturally possible for all people, because if the two bestial souls
are strong, not enslaved to the rational, it is impossible that their posses~
sors attain balance of the character traits, because justice is attained by the
rational overcoming both of them.
(b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot)
Therefore at~ailling each one of the parts of the soul is not naturally possible
for all people, because if the rational soul is lacking in knowledge, difficult
to hear, quick to lose, and does not desire the good actions, and the two
bestial souls.are strong and do not hear the voice of the rational soul, it is
impossible that it attain balance.·
(c) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufus)
Plato said that fulfilment of each o~e"of the parts of the soul is not in the
nature of every person, because if the rational soul is stupid, slight of un-
derstanding and retention, .without hunger for the beautiful actions, and
the two bestial souls are s_tr'ongand disobedient, it is not possible that it be
balanced. · The early philosophers inspected and sought to know the natures of children,
(d) FromAbu Sulaymiinal-Sigistdni,The Chest of Wisdom
(Siwan al-l:likma)
Therefore Plato said that fulfilment of each one of the parts of the soul,
meaning these three souls, is not naturally possible for all people, because if
the rational soul is stupid, slight of understanding and retention, without
hunger for the beautiful actions, and the two bestial souls are strong and
disobedient, it is.not possible that it be balanced.
18 Zonta writes that the first sentence of this section calls to mind a part of the second chapter of
CharacterTraits.The theme of the soul's purpose is common in CharacterTraitsbut he notes that
this quotation could also have come from Timaeus89e.
Quotations in later sources 189
2.29. Zonta no. 11. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-l:lalom)
From the time of childhood the character traits that sorneone will incline
towards appear in hirn. Someone who inclines towards desiring foods will
remain so all his days. Similarly if he loves esteem and rule, and sirnilarly if
he loves wisdom.
Zonta no. 12
2.30.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-l:lalom)
The philosophers would investigate children's natures. Those of them who
were angry had great appetites. Those who had a sense of shame had a head
start in fixing it.
(b) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufiis)
The early philosophers inspected the natures of children, i.e. infants, be-
cause among them are those who are insatiably greedy and gluttonous, [and
of] great shamelessness. One ought to despair of the success of someone
who is like this. Those of them who are gluttonous and greedy, but not
shameless, ought not to cut off success.
(c) Fromal-Mubafsiribn Fdtik, Selections of Wisdom (Mu!)tar al-l:likam)
A child who is greedy [and] of great shamelessnessdoes not hope for his
own reform at all. One ought not to despair of the reform of whoever of
them is greedy but not shameless.
(d) FromAbu Sulaymdn al-Sigistdni,The Chest of Wisdom
(Siwan al-l:likma)
i.e. infants, because some infants display great greed and gluttony, and are
not satiated; ~ose with great shamelessness do not feel ashamed. One ought
not to despair of the success of whoever of them is greedy and gluttonous
but not shameless.
Zonta no. 13
2.31.
(a) From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggetet ha-l:lalom)
Shame comes from the observant soul that sees the fine and sticks to it. 111e
soul of someone who has no sense of shame is blind, does not see the beauti~
ful, and there is no good in it.
 •
I
190

(b)
Charactet Traits

FromJosephibn Aknin, Tbe Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufus)

Shame comes from the observant soul that sees the fine and accommodates
I! (a)
Quotations in later sources
Zonta no. 16
2.34.
FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Epistle of the Dream
191

co it. plhesoul of someone who has no seriseof shame is blind, does not see
the beautiful, and there is no good in it. I (lggeret ha-l:falom)
And his saying that it is possible to teach the good to someone in whom

Zonta.no. 14
2.32.
I there is good, but if you '-'.omeclose to those whose natures are imprinted
w.ith evil, they will corrupt you.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Epistle of the Dream f (b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
(lggeret ha-l:falom)
He says that it is impossible for someone co acquire the virtues of the soul
completely unless his nature is just. And it is said that the teacher cannot
!
!
Ma'alot)
And he said: 23 'Although you can teach the good to someone in whom there
is good, if you associate with chose whose natures are imprinted with evil,
cause someone whose nature is bad to have a good nature. f,, they will corrupt your intellect.'
I

(b) From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-

Ma'alot).
The sage 19 said that it is impossible chat perfection of che soul arrive com-
pletely to someone unless his nature is balanced, as the philosopher said,
because the teacher cannot cause someone who is naturally bad co have a
good nature. ~,0 .., .
(c) From Yaf;ydibn 'Adi, Tbe Refining of Character Traits
(Tahcjib al-Aglaq)
There are people whose nature is ·receptive to neither fine habits nor beau~
tiful character traits. This is because of the depravity of his substance and
wickedness of its elements.
2.3 5. Zonta no. 19
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot).
Plato said: ''The harsh, rational soul does nor see the pleasant thing, which is
for the soul and its activities at the rank of the soul of the body for the body.
But the soul with a sense of sharne sees the fine thing.'
(b) FromJosephibn Aknin, Tbe Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufus)
The rational [part of the] sout which does not have a sense of shame, does
not see the beautiful thing which is useful for it like fineness of the body is
for the body. The [parr of the] soul rhat has the sense of shame, however,
does see ~e beautiful.

2.33. Zonta no. 15. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Zonta no. 20
2.36.
Degree~ (Sefer ha-Ma 'alot) (a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Epistle of the Dream
This philosopher'" was right to say that exalted God did not give to Ascle- (Iggeret ha-l:falom)
pius and his friends wiariness of22 the evil nature of people and their lack
Just as minors who are born blind or partially sighted do not see the beauty
of intellect. He was also right to say that were the intellect acquired through
of the body, or see it dimly, so someone whose rational soul is naturally
practice, a perfect father would not have a son lacking in knowledge, as
blind does not see the fineness that pertains to the soul.
there is in our time.
(b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,Tbe Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot)
!9 The identityof thosewhom Falaqueraquotes is not alwaysdear. This feferenceoccursafter a men~
tion of Aristotleand somequotationsfrom the book of Proverbs, Just as those children who are born blind or partially sighted do not
w Zonta saysthat thesepassagesdo not correspondexactlyto any part of Character Tmits.Theyare reH see the pleasantness of the body, or see it dimly, so someone whose eye
lated to the questionof educationthat Galen addressesin the first book Seeparticularly34, 17-19
Kr.'The phUosopher'is probablyPlato, Republic582b-583a, see Rosenthal(1975) 103 (13).
21 This philosopheris the sameas the one mentionedin 2.32 (b).

n Zonta suggeststhat this is a textualcorruption. 23111isquotation continuesdirectlyfrom 2.33 so presumablyrefersto the same'philosopher',
192 Character 'fraits
•
I,
I Quotations in later sources
of his rational soul is naturally blind does not see the pleasantness of the
body.
(c) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufiis)
Just as a child born blind or partially sighted does not see the beauty of the
body and its fineness, or sees it dimly, so someone whose eye of his rational
soul is naturally blind does not see the beauty that pertains to the soul.
Zonta no. 21
2.37.
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-}:lalom)
Just as the balance of the limbs generates the fineness of the body, so the
balance of the soul generates justice of character traits.
(b) FromJosephibn Aknin, The Hygiene of the Soul (Tibb al-Nufiis)
Just as the balance of the limbs generates the beautiful in bodies, so the bal-
ance of the soul .generates the beauty of the soul.
2.38. Zonta no. 23. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
He said: 'Someone who loves to· remain permanently together with intel-
lect, understanding and fine things is praised by all people because he loves
the fine thing, and because all people are naturally disposed to p'rai_sesome-
one whose way is like this.'
2.39. Zonta no. 25. From Sf,em Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-J:Ialom)
And I say that one who ·~eesthe insignificance of sensory desires with the eye
of the intellect is one who keeps them at a distance. 24
2.40. Zonta no. 29. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
Therefore the sage said: 'Remember that when you ·investigate the truth of
the matter you will find that your soul is the rational 25 and that the body is
24 This passageis almost immediatelyprior in 1heEpistleefthe Dreamto that quoted in item 2.15.
2s Or 'your rational soul', The meaning seems to be that the human soul is characterizedby being
rational,and that it is therefore becauseof the rational soul that a person is human.
193
joined to you so that it be a tool for the actions, and that the desiderative
soul is joined to you because of the body, i.e. because of the need fOr the
itnagination. The other soul, which the ancients called spirited, is, however,
joined to you because you overcome the desiderative soul with it.'
2.41. Zonta no. 33. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
'111esage said: 'Just as the desiderative soul desires carnal pleasures, so the
intermediate desires rule and victory. The highest soul desires the fine ac-
tions, which are perfections of the soul. Actions particular co the rational
soul but not the other souls are demonstrative science and what is known
through the demonstrative sciences. There is no need to weary the soul ,vith
learning detnonstrative science suddenly, but to begin by accustoming it
and to nourish it with other things.'
2.42. Zonta no. 34
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(Iggeret ha-}:lalom)
The person who succeeds is one who happens in his youth to deal with the
mathematical sciences, not in the vanities of the poets, whose words are in
praise of humans.
(b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot)
The person who succeeds greatly is one who happens in his youth to be
nourished· by arithmetical science, geometry, astronomy and other [sci-
ences], not by the vanities of the poets and their falsehoods. Demonstrative
science does not contain falsehood. The philosophers said that someone
who has this state will take it lightly when he hears things. If he sees that it
is necessary he certainly accepts it, 26 and if he sees,that it is possible it will
stand with him. 27
2.43. Zonta no. 35. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-1:Ialom)
The first thing that a person needs is to examine and investigate the state of
his soul until he knows it. He necessarily needs this in order to know the
26
Zonta reads this to mean 'ifhe sees that it is absolutelynecessaryhe acceptsit.'
27
The Hebrewtext here is not entirelydear. Zonta suggeststhat the opacityis evidencethat Falaquera's
Arabic text was corrupted. The meaning is probably that someone who knows demonstrativesci-
encesacceptsthose things that are demonstratedand continues to think about, or suspendsjudge-
ment on, those that are inerelypossible.
 1'rI ..
Character Traits
194
character traits that he needs to distance from his. soul, or those he lacks,
and the character traits that he needs to strengthen.
2.44. Zonta no. 40. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
Plato said: 'Whoever among people hungers for truth rushes co receive wis-
dom and rushes to hear. He is magnanimous and courageous, and his advice
is correct, It is fitting for him co be head and king. Few like this exist, and
when he existshe will be singular among all people.'
2.45. Zonta no. 42. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
Plato said: 'There are three motive capacities of the soul: che rational ca-
pacity; the spirited capacity; the desiderative capacity. The perfect rational
soul intends co know everything chat is in planet earth char we are on, and
co cognize the intelligibles, and t~ behave according, co the go~d chara~ter
traits; its pleasure is in apprehending che truth of things. The 1ncerm~d1a~e
spirited sot~_i_~cendsco fort.ify the pe:son :o move c?wards ~hat which ~s
beneficial co him and co avoid chat which will harm him, and its pleasure ts
in rule and honour. The desiderative soul intends to preserve these forms,
either individually or in the species. Its pleasure is in foods that are ap-
propriate for its constitution. -~e five senses are its species of movements.'
2.46. Zonta no. 43. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the
Dream (Iggeret ha-1:;Ialom)
The sage said:28 'Everyone takes pleasure in that which he loves. 1:1e·lowly
vegetative soul takes pleasure in foods and the [carnal] pleasures. And he
said: 'I do not think ch;it' chose who strongly choose pleasures have any
superiority over pigs. __ Tue intermediate. soul takes pleasure ~n ruling and
victory. The highest soul takes pleasure 1nsciences and kno':1ng the truth.
Human beings are divided into these three groups: all the intent of some
of them is in desires of the sen.ses - they are the majority; all the intent of
others of them is for glory, domination and victory - they are fewer than
the first; there are those whose entire intent is knowing the truth - they are
few and singular in a generation. Since none of these capacities are in people
in vain, but for a necessary requirement, and they are part of his substance,
using each one of them in moderation is a virtue, since all parts of the sub-
stance move naturally to perfection of the substance.'
2s In TheBookof Degrees
this is quoted in Aristotle'sname.
I Quotations in later sources 195
J
2.47. Zonta no. 44
(a) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Epistle of the Dream
(lggeret ha-Halom)
The balance of the rational soul is wisdom. The balance of the spirited soul
is courage. The balance of the desiderative is that the person Bee fron1 the
~arnal pleasures, unless out of necessity. In Arabic he is called abstemious.
(b) FromShem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of Degrees (Sefer ha-
Ma'alot)
The balance of the rational soul is wisdom. The balance of the spirited is
courage. The balance of the desiderative is humility.
2.48. Zonta no. 45. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
He said:29
'Health of the body consists of the balance of the elements from
which it is composed, just as its illness is when one prevails over another and
changes them. Justice is the agreement of the simple parts of the soul, frorn
which its entirety exists and which are of the rank of the elements, just as
injustice is the opposite of this. It is dear that justice is the health of the soul,
and it is superior to the health of the body according to the degree of the soul
over the body. (It is also dear that] in the balance of the soul, its ruling part,
which is the highest, has superiority over the enslaved, which is the lowly. It
is unbalanced when the middle part rules over what is better than it.'
2.49. Zonta no. 46. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
The sage said: 'The careful person, of noble soul, who seeks perfection must
not pass a long time without a beneficial action because life is short, and
moreover it is mostly troubled by seeking a living, sleep, diseases and innu-
merable other particular hardships. But he will endeavour to seek his living
at [an appropriate) time, and when he has leisure he will endeavour to learn
and study wisdom, and will make his eating and sleeping moderate.'
2.50. Zonta no. 47. From Shem Tovibn Falaquera,The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
Plato says: 'People have three ways of life. ~Ihe first is that he seeks some-
thing only because something new will come about from it, like when he
2 ;1 Referringback to Plato in 2.45.
196 Character Traits
lies with a won1an only when he wants to generate children, and ears only
when he is hungry. 1he second is that he seeks something because he ~eeds
it like someone who lies with a woman because of the surplus of moisture
i~ his body from excess semen. ~lhethird is that he seeks the things because
of desire even though he does not need them, like someone who sleeps
with a woman for her beauty, and eats good foods for their sweetness, not
because he is hungry. The first of these three ways of life is fOr those who
know perfectly;the second is for someOnebelow him; the third is for those
who are deficie!]-t, and choose evil.'
2.51. Zonta no. 48. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera, The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
30
The sage says: 'There is a person who has difficult days, whose luck is
bad, and is beset by trouble and surrounded by calamities and darkness. He
needs co labour day and night in order to tnake a sufficienr living. His days
are desrroyed by weariness; his time is lost in labour; and he is weary and
laboured all of his days. He cannot be perfect. There is [also} someone who
endeavours to grasp his living in an hour and is able to be free in another
hour, and he has the aspiration to learn and to acquire the good character
traits, accordin·g: to the time available to him, his perseverance, and the
speed of his learning.'
252. Zonta no. 49. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera, The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
The sage said: <Thefundamentalthi~g with money is that you .are no.t anx~
ious in seeking it, and that you measure well all of your outgoings, and do
not live beyond your means. 31 The greatest of people is he who needs to
measure more his outgoings. Kings need to measure more than the masses,
because the rnasses live wit4ciut wealth but kings only exist wealthily.'
2.53. Zonta no, 50, From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera, The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
He said:32 'The soul's perfection is in knowledge. Not when a person knows
how to arrive at the goal of pleasure by eating, drinking or sex, because these
things are specific properties of beasts, not humans. Whoever has goo~ i~
him ought not to make himself similar to beasts but to the a~gels. Thi~ 1s
because in man there is something through which he shares with the pigs,
33
Jo This word can also refer to a sign of the zodiac.
3l Lit: 'increasethe comfort in which you are'.
32 I.e., the 'philosopher'mentioned in 2.33.
Quotations in later sources 197
and son1ething through which he shares with the angels. Through eating,
drinking and sex he shares with the pigs, and he shares in knowledge with
the angels. When a person has knowledge his soul has glory and virtue, and
he will have no evil like the evil of Epicurus' soul, who held that the virtue
of his soul is that he should love that which the desiderative soul loves.'
2.54. Zonta no. 51. From Shem Tov ibn Falaquera, The Book of
Degrees (Sefer ha-Ma'alot)
The sage said: 'Whoever goes after his desire has lefc the straight path,
and does not find repose where he goes. He is like an invalid who knows
good and bad food, and whose evil desires force him to leave the good
food and eat the bad. Someone who knows the superiority of one over
the other ought more to be blamed for leaving the straight path and
walking the evil path. It is as if rwo people fall into a pit and both die;
one of thern sees and the other is blind. The seeing person is more prop-
erly blamed by people than the blind who has no eyes, because he could
have guarded himself.'
Section 3, additional material with direct parallels
in the epitome
2.55. From Isf?iiqibn 'Ali al-Ruhiiwi, The Conduct of the Physician
(Adab al-Tabib),fos. 80-8633
Statement on Ajfectiomof the Soul.
It is also necessary for the physician to know what the affections of the
soul are, how many are their categories, and about that which happens in
each category. Ifhe does not know this he is not able to preserve the natural
[state] from them, nor to banish what is unnatural. Before all of that it is
necessary for you to know that a person has a capacity through which he
discriminates and thinks and another capacity through which he becomes
angry and annoyed, and a third capacity through which he desires and hun-
gers for pleasure. These three capacities complete the movements and ac-
tions of the person. The ancients called them 'the capacities of the soul'
because they found that the character traits and the affections of the soul are
species of these three genera of capacities of the soul.
The text of this work, thought to be the earliestwork of medicalethicsin Arabic,by a physicianwho
apparentlyhailed from Edessain the ninth/tenth century CE, is preservedin MS 1658 Selimiye
Library,Edirne,Turkey,which we haveconsulted in the facsimileedition of al¥Ruhii.wi (1985), here
abbreviatedAR.
 198 Character Traits
He also ought co know what it was the ancients. meant when they said
'affection'. Since Galen already explained and clarified this I must copy his
statement verbatim.
81AR Galen said: 34 As long as the human soul remains in the same state, this
stare is for it like rest and immobility; if its state changes, we regard this
change as its movement. Since the movement may come from the mov-
er itself or because of something else, we call the movement that comes
about from the mover itself 'an acti.on' and we call the movement char
adheres to it because of something else 'an affection'. An example of this
is char when someone grasps something and transfers it from one place to
another, the motion of the hand is an action for chat person and for his
hand, and the motion of the thing is an affection for the thing. This is the
1
rule of 'action' and affection' in spatial movement,. As for change, when a
person's body is heated by fire or by the sun's heat, the heat is an affection
of the body, and the heating is an action of the thing that heats.
Since the exalted Creator assigned a certain quantity of these capacities,
and of their actions, for the welfare of the body, it is necessary that this
quantity be natural for that person, and what is less or more than it be un-
natural. Therefore, the natural is health for this capacity and for that body,
and the unnatural is illness for them.
Because the bestial souls that are in someone often harm the rational
soul, partic~la;ly the desiderative because of the pleasure tied to it, it is
necessary that the pleasure have a determined time and a moderate amount.
When it exceeds this quantity it harms and causes illness. Therefore the in-
tellective soul is the reformer of this corruption, quantifying and determin-
ing the times for the action and "itseitent. Since the matter is so, he must
[first] know the activity of each one 'of these souls separately, ¥.'.ithout help
k
from the other two souls; then' how .. acts with their help. . changed by one of these kind of causes, is that through this cause and
The rational soul's activity; on its Own, is finding the agreement of things
and their disagreement.
An example of this is that when you hear two statements you recognize
82AR their agreements from thei'r differences, and you know the true from the
false. · constitutions and their species, so that he will thereby be able to know the
As for its acting with the help of what is other than it, when it sees that
the desiderative soul is excessive in some of its movements, it calls upon
the spirited, which is the animal, soul, foi help, because this soul has
steadfastness and courage. If they were not [in the spirited soul], it would
be impossible for it to rise up and diminish [the excess] and to reach its
goal.
Galen says (of] this soul, I mean the spirited, that its substance is innate
heat, and this is his statement verbatim. Galen said: the essence of this
34 The extent of the verbatim quotation he're - as also the question as to how much of what follows
in the passage as a whole is indeed verbatim, as opposed to paraphrase - is not absolutely clear.
The continuous passage which begins here would seem to continue to 'actions and movements' six
paragraphs below, after which a new section starts.
Quotations in later sources 199
strength, which enables so1neone to act patiently and steadfastly is, as far as
I can see, innate heat, for the more powerful the rnovement of the innate
heat, the more someone moves. Just as cold produces laziness, hnmobility
and weakness, so heat produces energy, 1novement and the strength to act.
That is why the beginnings of youth and wine arouse movement and power,
while old age and chilling drugs produce laziness and weakness; they lead,
in time, to the annihilatiori of actions and rnovements.
· So [the state] of good balance of the rational soul consists in its easily
understanding and remembering much and in its hungering for beautiful
actions. And its being unbalanced is what Galen said in defining them.
Galen said:
There is no escaping that [if] the rational soul is stupid, slight of under-
standing and retention, without hunger for the beautiful actions, and the
two bestial souls are strong and disobedient, it is not possible that it be bal-
anced. The rational soul, then, needs to love the beautiful, hunger for the
truth, be knowledgeable about the agreement and disagreement of things,
and the spirited soul, which is the animal, needs to be strong and obedient,
and the desiderative, which is the vegetative, needs to be weak, because this
soul does not obey the rational soul, as Plato described. He likened it to a
harmful predatory animal, and he said that what is needed of the vegetative 83AR
soul is its weakness, not its education, so that it not prevent the rational soul
from its actions.
Since_the capacity of these souls follows the mixture of rhe body, affec-
tions that change their actions and character traits, and make them unbal-
anced and unpraiseworthy, only arise because of change of the body.
That which indicates the effect on someone who is afraid or sad or is
intemperate from drinking alcohol, and others whose constitutions are
change the affection departs his character and [he no longer recognizes] the
states of his soul that he knew for himself [when] in a state of health and
quietitude of soul, from that movement and that affection.35
Therefore the physician must be trained to make known the genera of
constitutions of individual people, for whom it is his goal to preserve the
praiseworthy [aspects] of his character traits and capacities of his soul or to
restore those [aspects] that have departed from the praiseworthy thing, and
[it is his goal] also that there be a greater measure of good from the affec-
tions that happen to the souls.
Since a conclusion has been drawn from the affections in the capacities of
the souls and about the constitution of the bodies, then the state of the soul
and the constitution of the body of someone who possesses a sense of shame
35
The Arabic syntax in this sentence is extremely unclear. The point seems to be that someone who
has been affected by a change of constitution no longer recognizes the causes of that change, even
though he would have done so in a normal state, or that he does not recognize the affection in
himself.
 200 Character Traits
T'
by nature is not like the state of the soul of someone who has little sense
of shame by nature. I only 1nake a qualification in 1ny saying 'by nature',
because education changes nature somewhat.
If you want to examine what is in human nature and the affections of
the souls and their character traits; exarnine someone who has not yet
been educated and whose soul has not been reformed by virtues and the
sciences, like children, for example. You will find these affections and
character traits in chem separately, arid particularly in someone who is not
84AR accustomed to good habits, and has nor had any education. That is [be-
cause] he only does what is in his nature. Galen described the extremes of
these character traits in children. We ought to relate it verbatim, because
they are renowned, meaning [they] were astute and intelligent. 36
Galen said: There are small children who do not lie at all, and there are
some who do not tell the truth at all; there are some who have no sense of
shame, and there are some who have great sense of shame; there are some
who are cowardly and there are some who are audacious; some of them are
insatiable and others not; there are some who are generous and share what
they own and some are stingy arid do not share.
There are some who love unfairness and anger and there are some who
love justice. There are some who have mercy on and sympathize with chil-
dren who h~v.~-_beenhit and there are some who join in hitting him and
laugh about it. They differ from one another through other differences of
character traits.
If the matter is as what is said about it, it is necessary that the physician
know the natural character traits, and the distinction between them and
the educated character traits, so 3.sto discriminate the natural s·tates of the
souls and their affections, and not to confuse it with the charac~er trait that
praiseworthy education and h3.bituation have reformed.
Just as one who associates with good and virtuous people acquires the
virtues and wellbeing of the soul, so associating with bad people and those
of blameworthy habits corrupts the character traits of many of the people,
and alters them from the good nature to what is other than it. Therefore the
physician must understarid his own soul first, then the person to whom he
intends to give a regimen by reforming the soul and its affections, and he
should be more solicitous in this than other things, if human perfection is
in his soul, and the perfection is more noble than the perfected. 37 .
What we have mentioned of his books generally points toward the fulfil-
ment of this goal, and encourages one to take an interest in it and read what
Galen and others said about it.
Galen explained [this] in his book on the Natural Capacities,and in his
book on 7he Doctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato [and] in his book on the
36 For 'they are renowned, meaning
37
they were' perhaps read 'there were witnesses, who were'. In this
case the meaning would be that there were astute and inteUigentwitnessesto Galen'swords,
The senseof this last phraseseemsobscure.
,~IL
~
Quotations in later sources 201
CharacterTraitsof the Soul and in his treatise in which he explained that .the 85AR
I capacities of rhe soul follow the mixture of rhe body [and are] foundations
of the actions of the soul and its character traits and its other affections. And
he also explained that these three capacities that many of the ancients called
l
souls, I rnean the rational soul and the animal soul and the vegetative soul,
each one of them has a place and location specific in its actions. The loca-
tion of the rational soul iS the brain and the location of the animal soul is
the heart, and the location of the vegetative soul, which is the desiderative,
is the liver. And there is no doubt chat the health of these organs benefits the
actions of these souls while their sickness corrupts chem.
Since this is so, what we said about the preceding is necessary, which is
that the physician needs to know the states of these organs when he wants
knowledge of the affections of the soul. ()ur speaking about the affections
of the soul now is only because it is one of the natural things that we count-
ed above, which are the states of the air, motion and rest, food and drink,
excreting and retaining, sleep and waking, affections of the soul, countries,
! works, and the rest of what we mentioned before.
Our mention of these natural things was necessary fOr the preservation
of the health of the body in its entirety, and for the health of each one of
I the organs.
We have already begun, by way of examples and teaching those who
love the art of medicine, to relate how the doctor benefits through them in
preserving health, I mean through learning them, and we made the brain an
example for that, since it is the most noble of the bodily organs. We placed
in each section that mentioned statements about these natural things, gen-
eralities and foundations, in order to stimulate the learner, and to remind
I
the knowledgeable people what is said about each of its subjects. We did
not complete them entirely but we spoke about some of them. We therefore
need to come to what remains of them just as we did in what preceded so
l
that the statement about giving a regimen for the brain, which we made as
an example of the organs, be complete.
,, We then moved on to mention arranging all of the remaining bodily or-
I gans in a succinct way, and an abridged statement, so as not to tend toward 86AR
i lengthy speech, God is the helper with his might,
I
II
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I lhe Diagnosisand Treatmentof the Affections
and ErrorsPeculiarto Each Person'sSoul
P.N. Singer

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Introduction

Affections and Errors: nature of literary product

In the General introduction, we discussed the status of this work within the
category of Galen's 'works relating to ethical philosophy' . 1 As we saw, these
works stand outside the mainstream medical curriculum, and alsooutside
rhe realm of the more technical works of philosophical or logical analysis;
and seem to belong to a late period in Galen's literary output. They can be
seen within a more popularizing type of literature, which seems to have the
aims of speaking to a fairly wide audience of non-specialists and enhancing
Galen's claims as both philosopher and literary figure.2 As we shall explore
further below, the nature, and interests, of this text place it within the con-
text of established genres of popular or 'practical' ethics.
There is, at the same time, a more specific, stated, context of composi-
tion. To be mOre precise, there are two such stated contexts: the public
response, on a specific occasion, to a question regarding an Epicurean phi-
losopher's book; and the writing-up of that response for the benefit of a
friend.> There are thus, potentially, two phases of composition; but we
know nothing of either occasion or of the addressee.4
Ir may be possible, however, to add slightly more specific considerations
regarding the genre of this work. In the text of AffectionsGalen malces
two types of statement relevant to this; (!) that a range of philosophers,

1
See above,pp. 10--17.
2 Galen's brief remark at Ind. 20,22-21,5 BJP,which seems to refer specificallyto his writings of an
ethical character,ls perhaps relevant here; he characterizessuch writing, as being a kind of 'hobby'
(while at the same time priding himself on his accuracy(akribeia}in this area).
3 See General introduction, above, pp. 15-18 with n, 45 on orality and on broader questions ofGa-
lenic composition, including the question of whether such epistolary-styleframingshould be seen as
merelya literary trope,
4 The context would seem to be a discussionthat took place in Rome; but even this, I think, is not
entirely certain,

205
206 Affections and Errors
T I
including Plato, Aristotle and Chrysippus, hav: writ.ten 'works concerned
with the treatment of the affections of the soul';J (2) that there is a subdivi-
sion between different types of discussion (or text) chat may occur within
the ethical discourse on the affections.
Point (1) is of interest mainly because it reminds us of the tradition
within which Galen would see himself; the reference to Plato's and Aris-
totle's works on this subject is a vague One, whereas it is only Chrysippus
who (as far as we know) wrote a work actually dedicated to that subject.
The point of Galen's remark is to place his writing in this area (by contrast
with the writings of ignorant contemporaries) in the tradition of 'the an-
cients' in philosophy; he would, doubtless, resist the categorization which
seems obvious to us, whereby we see his work against the backdrop of first/
second-century CE moral tracts (see below, pp. 207-217).
Point (2) is more specific. Galen distinguishes a type of discourse aimed
at encouraging or persuading one to engage in the enterprise at all Cpro-
treptic') from a logically subsequent one aimed at the actual process of
improvement; the present work belongs in this second category. He then
makes a further distinction) between the discussion of diagnosis and that
of treatment. 6 Hf also explicitly attacks Antonius for conflating all these
cat~gories. 7
The distinction between protreptic and the subsequent kind of instruc-
tion seems to be made vety much in passing; and one might doubt to
what extent it corresponds to a real distinction of'genre'. As for t_hesecond
distinction, that between diagnosJ~ and treatment, Galen himself seems to
address both in this work without constantly needing to distinguish them.
Yet the former distincti_on, in particular) is of considerable interest for the
echoes it finds elsewhere in the ethical discourse. One must be persuaded
of the need or value of the whole project before proceeding to practical
advice; 8 and Galen is situatfng the present work within the latter, more
specific and detailed, kind' of discourse rather than the former. 9
5 Alf P"', D;g, 4,8-11 DB (VJ K),
7 Aff Pecc.Dig. 3,13-17 DB 0/.2 K.).
6Alf P,", Dig. 23,14-19 DB (V34 K).
8 See the literature discussed below, A.If.Pecc.Dig. I, nn. 13 and 173.
9 The tide 'Protreptikos' was quite a common one, with a history stretC~ing back, in some form, to
the fifth century BCE; and Galen himself wrote a 'protreptk' or exhortation (Protr.)to the study
of the arts (or the art of medicine). This is a showy, rhetorical work, advertising the benefits of Skill
as opposed to Forrune in grand terms, and replete with moral tales aimed at a broad audience and
delivered with, one might say, a broad brush~stroke. A 'protreptk' to virrue might look rather differ~
enr from that (although, certainly, there is a considerable ethicalelement in the terms of exhortation
of the Pr1Jtrepticus);but clearly there is some important distinction of category in Galen's mind.
.\
cccjt':
Introduction 207
I The distinction may, possibly, be related to a more precise one which is
attested rather earlier in the philosophical tradition. Philo of Larissa, head
of rhe Platonic Academy in the late second to early first century BCE,
is said to have had a threefold typology in this area: protreptic, therapy,
advice; and there are other (possibly related bur distinct) threefold distinc-
I tions, especially in the Stoic philosophers, Seneca and Epictetus. 10 Any
specific relevance of these to Galen,s view of his work is uncertain; but it
seems that we can at least say that some such distinction of type, or subsec-
tion, of the ethical discourse is in the background to Galen's work. 11
Affections in context: pathii, philosophical schools,
, texts of 'practical ethics'
The most relevant point of comparison for this work would, then, seem to
be provided by some of the other works in this tradition of 'practical eth-
ics' in the Graeco-Roman world. The term 'practical ethics' is used because
I what unites these works is, precisely, a concern to have a positive influ-
ence on actual behaviour and/or mental attitude. Theory, and even school
i
l
I
doctrine, do remain part of the picture in such works, which may indeed
include direct polemics against the view of a rival sect; and yet one en-
counters in them approaches and techniques which can) to some extent, be
seen as shared between the different schools. One perhaps discerns here, in
some cases, individual solutions worked out in the context of a particular
II
discussion, at the expense of heavily theory-laden philosophical argument.
The fact, too) that there is interpenetration of the language used between
the different schools by this period makes it difficult to isolate items of
'Stoic, or '.Aristotelian' doctrine in each case - the linguistic interpenetra-
' tion reflecting at least some degree of doctrinal interpenetration. 12
10
For Philo see Stobaeus, Eel. II.39,20-41.25; and on such distincdons see Gill (2003) 42--46.
1l Epictetus put forward a threefold distinction of topics of philosophy: assent or dissent, desire or
aversion, choke or refusal, though it is debated exactly what role this distinction has in relation to
I the organization of his text. See Oldfather (1925) xxi with n. l; Dobbin (1998) xvii; Hadot (1998)
83. For the arguably similar distinction in Seneca, see his MoralLetters75.8-18 and 89.14-15.
I 11
This impression, indeed, is perhaps heightened by the fact that the opening chapter of Errors
l
laW1chesus - rather abruptly and without explanation - into the discussion of 'assent' (and the
, importance of not giving it too readily); for this subject-heading corresponds precisely to one of
Epktetus' three categories (see previous note) - that which could be seen, in Galen terms, as con-
I 12
cerning the rational. One may wonder whether Galen is in effect mapping Epictetus' Stoic subdivi~
sion of ethical topics onto his own Platonic-Aristotelian 'irrational-rational' schema.
Christopher Gill (2010), esp. eh. 5, has given a dear picture of this HeHenistk and post~HeHenistic
I
background of 'therapy of the soul', as well as making specific connections between it and Galen's
works in the area. His analysis is, to some degree, a point of departure in what follows; and the
reader is referred to that work for further discussion of some of the themes explored here. For
t
l
l'
!
208 Affections and Errors
Historically, then, Galen's Affectionsand Errors(as well as Avoiding Dis-
tress)seems to have its origins in an intellectual project with strongly Stoic
and Epicurean connections: the conception of ethics as a therapy of the
soul, and of the affections in particular, is a Stoic one, which can be traced
back to Chrysippus' Iherapeutics(a work with which Galen engages in Ihe
Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato), while a distinctly medical conception
of philosophy is a feature of Epicureanisin. 13
Whatever its Stqic, or Stoic-Epicurean origins, however, the ethical
tract with therapeutic intent - aimed, essentially, at improving the state of
an individual's soul- had become a shared heritage of the rival philosophi-
cal schools well before Galen's time. In a variety of specific forms (epistles,
dialogues, discourses or lectures, notebooks, more formal treatises) it has
representatives in Plutarch, Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius; and, in Latin,
most famously in Cicero and Seneca. And in many ways the common
features of such works, in terms both of literary form and the repertory of
practical advice or mind-controlling techniques they advocate, are more
important and interesting than their official school affiliation. There was,
moreover (as already suggested), a degree of doctrinal interpenetration be-
tween the schools·:' 'illparticular, some Platonists adopted ideas from Stoi-
cism and some Stoics were positive toward aspects of Platonic thought. 14
Some school doctrines, however, remained important. A central is-
sue, at this period, between Platoni~ts and Aristotelians on the one hand,
and Stoics on the other, is the question whether the 'affections' need to
be eradicated completely (Stoics) or moderated (Platonists-Aristoteli-
ans). The latter position, of the accepta11ce of a moderate level of affec-
tion - known as metriopatheia- was the 'official' doctrine of rhe Platon-
ists of the period (sometimes referred to as 'Middle Platonists') and of
Aristotelians. 15 This doctrine itself represents a subtle transformation of
Aristotle's theory of 'hittif3:g'the mean', and a departure from the view
of the role of the emotions in his ethical works. 16 It thus seems that the
further perspectiveson the major ethicalauthors in the Roman period (chieflyPlutarch, Epictetus,
Marcus Aurelius and, in Latin, Seneca),see also e.g. Rutherford (1989), Edwards (1997), Long
(2002), (2006), Bartschand Wray (2009), van Hoof(2010),
13 See Gigante (1975), Tsouna (2009); on 'therapy' as a strand running through Greek ethics, see
Nussbaum (1994); see now also the work of Christopher Gill (cited in the last note).
t4 For a dear diachronic account see Sedley(1980); also Gill (2003). FOr,theparallel case of Stoic-
Epicureaninterpenetration,and how it can be difficultto isolate'adoption of language'from 'syn-
cretism', see Sedley(2009) 38-39, Erler (2009) 46-47. On the related question of self-confessed
allegianceor loyaltyto a singleschool,see Rist (1982), Sedley(1989) and Gill (2008a),
15 On this broad opposition, and on 'Middle Plaronists',see General introduction, above,pp, 18-23.
16 The transformation is described by Gill (2010) 248 ff., who discussesin this context Cicero's
Tuscu!anDisputations,Seneca'sDe iraand Plutarch'sEthicalVirtue,
i
l Introduction 209
Platonic-Aristotelian pos1t1on, in its very formulation, to some extent
reflects Stoic ways of thinking: the conception of the affections (pathe)
as central to ethics, and of practical ethics consisting largely in a quasi-
medical attempt to 'cure' people of these affections, can be seen as Stoic in
its essential nature - though then adopted, with the major doctrinal differ-
ence mentioned, by PlatonistS and Aristotelians.
A little more, then, should be said about the concept of pathos. Usually
translated 'suffering> - and in translations of works like the present some-
times translated 'passions' 17 - the word has (in its pre- or non-philosoph-
ical usage) a very broad application in Greek, very roughly corresponding
to 'something that one undergoes', 'something that happens to one'; 'an
experience' -would be another possible equivalent. It also has a medical ap-
plication, in the sense of a 'failing', 'illness\ 'complaint'. Though the term
appears in Plato and Aristotle, it is in Stoic texts that it acquires the very
I specific 'technical' sense in relation to the 'complaints of the soul', which is
in play in Galen's work here. The underlying non-philosophical sense is of
l assistance to us in understanding this technical philosophical sense: Stoic
l philosophy conceives of pathos, though not precisely as something that
I 'befalls' one's soul from the outside, certainly as a response to something
external. More precisely: succumbing to a pathos is an internal (soul) event
which consists in the wrong response to presentations external to it. This
view of pathos, and the accompanying view that all such pathos is to be
extirpated (leading to a state of apatheia), are related by Stoics to a very
specific picture of the nature of the soul, of psychological functioning,
and of human _action. A key feature of that picture is that succumbing to
a pathos is an error of reason, or intellectual mistake: there is no separate
non-rationalcapacity that has led us astray.18 Galen, certainly, does not ac-
cept that picture; but he seems to take much from that basic conception
of pathosversus apatheia.
17
Both Latin words affictusand passiowere used in translationof the Greekterm; and the early mod-
ern Englishusageof'affection' and 'passion'entered the languageas a consequenceof that. Thereis,
of course,no dear Englishequivalent for the Greek concept, and any choiceof translationfor such
a term representssome compromise between the two goals of writing reasonablyidiomatic Eng-
lish on the one hand and avoidingthe excessivelymisleadingconnotations on the other. We have
.preferredthe term 'affections'in this volume;but the 'technical'senseof the term should alwaysbe
borne in mind.
18
This is a very brief summary of a philosophicalpicture which has been subjected to a high level
of philosophicalanalysisin recent scholarship.See e.g. Inwood (1985), Mansfe!d(1991), Sedley
0993), Bobzien (1998), Gill (1998) and Brennan (2003), (2005). It should be noted, at least in
passing,that one of the most important textsfor the reconstructionof this picture is actuallya work
of Galen's- namely Jhe Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato, in which he quotes from, and attacks,
Chrysippusat length.

210 Affections and Errors
In considering the relationship of Galen's text with some other ethical
texts in more specific terms, then - as well as in the more detailed analysis
of Galen's argument lacer on - certain underlying questions emerge: the
extent to which Platonic tripartition, and conflict between parts of the
soul, is meaningfully in play; the extent to which some kind of Aristotelian
understanding is more relevant, in relation to the rational/non-rational
distinction, and the connected field of°ethos (character) and habituation;
the extent to which Galen adopts the ideal of apatheia, of eradication of
the affections (on the Stoic model) - or, indeed, metriopatheia(their mod
eration, on the Platonic-Aristotelian one); the extent co which his 'therapy
of the soul' is a purely rational intervention, attacking non-rational 'affec-
tion' via intellectual error; how clear and nuanced is his categorization of
the affections (in relation to other descriptions available in the literature).
Three authors seem particularly worth considering in parallel with Ga-
len's Affectionsand Errors- one direct contemporary and two from, very
roughly, a generation before him. They are, respectively, Marcus Aurelius
(the emperor in whose court Galen spent a considerable part of his career);
Epictetus; and Plutarch. In all three cases the underlying concerns, and
fundamentally pfattical orientation, are similar; in the last case, chat of
Plurarch, the literary genre is similar too. 19
Certainly, some fusion of ideas and techniques has taken place within
the broad project of philosophically conceived ethical improvement. As
Gill points out, for example, Cicero (the 'Academic') is able to give a posi-
tive assessment of Stoic 'philosophy as therapy' in the Tusculans;and in-
deed sees Socrates as an exempla; of.apatheia; Plutarch, similarly, while
openly critical of the Stoics, seems to adopt elements of a Stoic-style ap-
proach in works like Contentment and Avoidanceof Anger.20
Furthermore, certain features are 'standard in the genre of writing on
the therapy of emotions, regardless of the philosophical perspective of the
writer'. 21 Among these is,the employment of an independent monitor or
supervisor to advise on the identification of one's faults; this is absolutely
central to the Galenic text. Similarly, the use of the figures of Zeno and Dio-
genes to represent, respectively, a model of ethical teaching and an indif-
ference to power and status, can be seen as 'rather standard ... in post-Hel-
lenistic practical ethics'; again, the two figures are encountered in precisely
19 The other two, bycontrast, represent two very peculiar, even unique literary phenomena: in the case
of Epictetus, the written record, by Arrian, of his teachings or lectures within his school; in the case
of Marcus Aurelius, a series of notes written for his own 'therapeutic' use.
20 See Gill (2010) 248 ff. 21 Ibid. 253.
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T
.
i Introduction 211
these capacities in Affections.22 Gill sees the explanation of the shared fea-
tures of this kind of discourse in the prominent role of the Stoic and Epi-
curean schools in the development of the genrei in other words, works
on 'therapy of the soul' begin in those schools and later appear in other
I schools too.
One interesting point, in relation to this background, is the prominence
0
I of anger in Affections and Errors.The anecdotes regarding loss of temper
have a vividness and a prominence in the work which is not paralleled by
any other one of the affections. This prominence of anger as a concern
I seems to be reflected elsewhere in ethical literature - most obviously, but
not only, in the number of tracts devoted especially to this topic.23
On the other hand, one may see divergence in the much subtler range
of distinctions of pathe, elsewhere, especially in the Stoic tradition. 24 This
subtlety} or richness of terminology, in relation to the affections was ap-
I
I
parently a particular feature of Stoic thought from an early period; 25 and
it seems to represent a major difference, certainly between Galen and the
II major Stoic authors of ethical tracts around his own time. Both Marcus
Aurelius and Epictetus, for example, often discuss affections - and, relat-
edly, character traits, including positive ones - with a richness of vocabu-
I lary quite absenr from Galen's in this area. 26
Turning from the ethical realities to the techniques for dealing with
I them, again we find many points of contact between Galen's Affections
I
l
22 !bid. 254; cf. below,A.ff Pecc.Dig. 10,14 and 11,2 DB. (Y.13K.) with n. 70.
23
ofAnger)and Seneca (De ira)are the most
i The works of Philodemus (De ira), Plutarch (;J.voidance
obvious examples; but the importance of avoiding anger at everyday occurrences surfaces in more
general works too; see e.g. Arrian, Epict.1.13,2-4; I.18; I.28; II, 18,12-13 (on its gradual eradica-
tion); III.15.10-l l; IIL22. l3; Marcus Aurelius II.I; II.JO;VII.26;XII.5.
24
I
The point was made by Manuli (1988), pointing ro the extreme 'lexicalpoverty' of Galen's accoW1t
in comparison with that available in Stoicism.
25 See the texts collected at SVF III.377 ff., esp. chose from Diogenes L:lenius, Vtt:.phil VII and from
Stobaeus, Eel II, whichaa:ribute to the early Sroa a range of precise definitions of individualpathi.
Particularlyinteresting here also is the treatise Peripatht5n(=Deaffectibus, attributed to the Peripatetic
Andronicus, but in realityprobably a Stoic work of a period not far from Galen's;see Gilben-Thierry
1977):this is a µsr of pathos-termswith their definitions; there are, for example,twenty-fourspeciesof
distress(!:upe},
and twenty-fiveof desire (epithumia),the latter including six terms for varietiesof anger.
26
To givejust a small sample of such relevant terms, in which the text ofEpicterus abounds, see e.g.
Arrian, Epict. I.11, title: phikstorzia (family affection); II.5, title: mega!ophrosuni and epime/eia
, (magnanimity and carefulness); II.5.2: combining to etutatheskai atarachon(steadfastness and
peace of mind) with to epimeleskai mi eikaionmid' episesurmenon (carefulnessand not being reck·
less or negligent); II.13, tide: agt5nian(anxiety); 11.15.14 dusmetacheiristoteron (more difficult"to
change, or handle); Il.16.45: a list of pathe including epichairekakia(Schadenfreude), philarguria
(love of money), malakia{effeminacy), See also the range of qualities or habits listed by Marcus
Aurelius as influential on him at I.1-16, where not just rhe very intricate vocabulary but the so·
phistication of discussion of others' characters takes us into a very different domain from that of
Galen's discussions,

212 Affections and Errors
and Errorsand works of a similar nature; and again wefind several ways in
which that tradition offers a fuller range of possibilities.
The role of the impartial supervisor to monitor our ethical state is, as we
have seen, a standard element in this tradition. 27 The role of habituation,
and more specifically of certain kinds of daily exercise, is also recurrent 28 -
as is its apparently Pythagorean heritage. That is to say: Galen advocates a
daily regime, central to which is a process of daily self-assessment of one's
actions; and in this context makes reference also to the procedure of daily
recitation of a relevant text of Pythagoras. This kind of self-assessment
- especially that conducted retrospectively at the end of the day - and
related use of the Pythagorean text, are found similarly coupled elsewhere,
in Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus and (at a somewhat later period) Porphyry. 29
Here again, we may feel that other branches of the ethical tradition
explore the possibilities more fully. One aspect of the daily meditation in
Marcus Aurelius, Epictetus and Seneca, for example, is the anticipation
of negative experiences that one will encounter during the day - a sort of
visualization which should lead to an increased ability to endure them.
The procedure is not discussed explicitly by Galen in Affectionsand Errors,
though some such ·discipline - imagining in advance the worst that can
happen, and comparing the present situation with that - certainly is in
play in Avoiding Distress.It is possible also that Galen has this technique
in mind in the passage of Affections advocating the use of the Pythago-
rean sayings.3° (It is interesting, incidentally, to compare this kind of nega-
tive visualization technique with ~ome discussions that have taken place
recently in modern psychology, on the possible advantages of 'realistic
pessimism' and the lowedng of expectations.)
27 Cf. Plutarch, BeingAwareof MoralProgress, on the willingness to accept criticism, from a friend or
even an enemy (Mor.82a ff.); the treatise How to Profitby One'sEnemiesdevelops the latter point
further (Mor.B9b ff.).And,-as Hadot (1969) esp. 63-64 points out, the Epicurean tradition, espe-
cially as exemplified by Philodemlls, in a way goes further, making a close connection between its
particular ideal of friendship and the kind of constant attention, and freedom to criticize, relevant
to ethical progress. See also p. 214, n. 37 and p. 215 below on Plutarch's How to Distinguisha
Flatterer
from a Friend.
28 Essential reading in this context - indeed in the context of this genre of literature altogether - are
29
Hadot {1969) and Hador (1995), which both survey the wealth of ancient material relevant ro prac-
tical ethics or self-improvement (for which the former employs the term 'Seelenleitung', the latter
'spiritual exercise').As the latter points out (111, n. 18) a nwnber of Stoic works explicitly devoted
to this kind of 'exercise'have been lost (while a short one by Musonius has been preserved).
See Hadot (1969) 67, citing Cicero, Sen. 11.38; Seneca, De ira III.36.l; Arrian, Epict.III.10.3;
IV.6.33.
30 Alf Pecc.Dig. 21,5-10 DB (Y.30 K.); cf. Ind. 17,1-18,16 BJP and 23.5-14 BJP -though what is
described there seems to be something rather vaguer than a regular daily discipline. For this 'prae-
meditatio malorum' see Marcus Aurelius II.1.1 (and c£ V:1.1); c£ Seneca, Ben.7.2.1; and see Hadot
(1995) esp. 60-61; 68-70; 81-89 (with notes).
...
1 .
Introduction 213
This habituation to a daily regime of selfossessment (and the involve-
I
I
ment of a supervisor) should lead gradually to a habituation to virtuous
behaviour. One is thus making progress; and it is a related feature of this
progress that one takes pleasure in it. Such a notion of progress again can
be paralleled amply from elsewhere. 31 So, too, can a specific technique
which Galen recommends: that of waiting until one is no longer experi-
encing anger before acting, appears also,for example, in Plutarch. 32 Some
'practical' terminology is shared, too - for example, that of having a cer-
tain belief (doxa) or doctrine (dogma) 'to hand' (procheiron)in order to
influence one's actions. 33 Such a direct influence of belief on action, fur-
thermore, at least seems to suggest a (Stoically influenced) confidence in
the power of rational inputs in affecting our behaviour. 34 Borh rhe daily
self-assessment and the practice of having one's beliefs 'to hand' could,
indeed, be seen as pointing in this direction - that is, of asserting the effect
of cognitive inputs on behaviour.
But if so, I think it is important alsoto recognize that the cognitive in-
puts in question are not purely (in the Platonic or Galenic sense) rational
ones. 35 An important element in one's self-assessment (or assessment of
others) is an emotive one. Galen encourages us, for example, to consider
the 'ugliness of soul' of one in the grip of anger - to be appalled by it. It is
this visceral disgust (as, indeed, he also describes autobiographically as his
reaction to his mother's bad temper) that is at least part of the motive force
in self-improvement. Another thought which Galen wishes to encourage
is the greater (self-)esteem to which one will be entitled if one improves -
I
I
again, properly speaking, a non-rational motivator.
Galen, theri, encourages a mental reaction of revulsion against uncon-
I trolled behaviour, especially anger. Here, too, one finds parallels - and
again, further refinements - elsewhere in the literature. Plutarch in his
t Avoidanceof Anger describes (with a reference to Hippocrates!) the depar-
ture from normal appearance that a person undergoes in the pathology of
II
31
On progress see e.g. Arrian, Epict.1.4; Il.18.12 ff; IIL13.8. This is also an area where one may de·
tect the relevanceof Aristotelian thought; see Gill (2010) 257, noting the relevance to Affectionsof
l
I
32
33
'the idea, strongly marked in Aristotle's ethical writings, that habituation to virtue over time makes
virtuous action pleasurable'.
AvoidanceofAnger,Mor.459e--460c.
Marcus Aurelius III.13: 'have your doctrines ready for the purpose of knowing things divine and
human' ('re(66yµaTa crV~To1µatxs np6s TOTC< esra Kai 6.vOpc.:nnva e!6Sva1);the idea is preva-
lent in Epictetus, e.g. Arrian, Epict.I.1.21: 'What should one have procheironin such circum·
stances?' '(The knowledge of] what is mine and what is not mine ... '
34
I
See in this context Gill (2010) 245, contrasting the position of Marcus and Epictetus in this regard
with that of Cicero.
35 This point is developed further below, pp. 223-224.
I
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214 Affections and Errors
anger. But he goes further. One should use a mirror, hesuggests, to check
ones' own appearance 1n . relanon
. to t h'IS.36
The 'Hippocratic' diagnosis of anger, just mentioned, leads us on to
another, and final, area of comparison in which Galen appears to use lan-
guage less richly than his ethical confteres;and this, intriguingly enough,
is the use of the medical analogy foe treatment of the soul. The use of
medicine as a parallel or metaphor to describe the 'health', 'illness' and
'treatment' of the so_ulis very widespread in Greek literature and philoso-
phy. It has a long history before Galen's time, although, as we have seen,
the parallelism becomes more intense in a specific genre of ethical treatise
(from Chrysippus onwards) that has the 'therapy' of the soul as its aim.
Such terms as diagnosis(diagnosis), epanorthiisis(correction), iasis (cure),
therapeia(treatment), prominent in Affections,indeed, make clear its con-
nections with this kind of writing.
And yet, perhaps surprisingly, we see the medical analogy used more
extensively, and in a wider variety of ethical contexts, in some of the other
texts of practical ethics. The point is not a trivial one. It is not just that
rhe metaphors of 'therapy-of-the-word' or of 'philosophy as medicine' are
embraced and emplo)'ed with greater vividness in such texts. 37 There is,
in fact, a strong relevance to the comparison already developed between
Galen's text and the other ethical literature: the rich use of the medical
analogy conduces to a greater range and subclery in the discussion of actual
procedures.
The notion that words may heal the soul, for example, is a standard topos
of Greek thoughr; and one may see it refle,ced inAjfectiom and Errors,both
1
in the general conception of accepting advice and in the specific cha_stise-
ment of words' mentioned in relation to the irascible Cretan. Plutarch,
36 455e-456b; cf. 453a, with Kidd'saiinotations in Waterfield (1992): the mirror also appears at
Seneca,De iraII.36.1-3. ., ,
37 Plutarch'sHow to Distinguisha Flatterer from a Friendcontains a number of parallelsbetween the
moral interventionsof a friend (or flatterer)and medicalinterventions,e.g. Mor. 54e (differencebe-
tween medicinesand perfumes),58a (the flatteryof allowinga non-expert to perform operations),
60a-b (flatterers employ candour, like a scalpel, in the wrong contexts). Medical analogiesare
also widelyused elsewhere,e.g. Avoidanceof Anger,Mor. 453b: 'the spirited [part] ... being treated
by some good words' (TO 8vµoe16~s... UirO Myoov ,1vOOv xp71cr,OOv 8epcmev6µEvov);cf. ibid,
453c-e; 456d-e; seealso BeingAwareof MoratProgress, Mor. 79d; 80a; 82f (the imaginativeand af-
fective[part] of the soul been dissipatedby the word', 'Ti)Slf!VXTlS
TOqio:v:ro:crn1<6v1<0\1Ta811Tt1<.0v
6tai<Exvµlivov UTIO TOO i\6yov). Pathosis itself a 'deceptioncausing inflammation(ph/.egmainousa)'
in Plutarch'sSuperstition(Mor.164e-f); see also n. 44 belowfor similarconceptionsin Epictetus.
One may also here compare Seneca's.94th Letter, with its parallelbetween the praeceptaof phi~
losophy and medical prescriptions;and Marcus Aurelius (the passageis adjacent to that already
cited above}III.13: '[have your doctrines ready)... just as the doctors have their instruments and
tools to hand' (Opyo:vcx Kcxl016fip1a1rp6xs:1pcx).
i
-,
Introduction 215
meanwhile, takes the analogy further: milder words correspond ro milder
drugs, and it is important to know in which cases to use these rather than
the potentially disastrous stronger ones. 38 One must, developing the anal-
ogy still further, choose the appropriate time (kairos- a specifically medi-
cal term in this context) for one's intervention; in particular, frankness
(parrhisia, an important term in the ethical discourse) is like a medical
cure: ic-must be applied to the right degree, nor uncritically; and soothing
words (just as is the case with drugs) should follow a painful operation.39
Plutarch also elaborates rhe parallel between rhe doctor and the friend
effecting an ethical 'cure'. Again in How to Distinguish a Flattererftom a
Friend-which is directly concerned with the righr choice of the supervisor
or monitor. to give advice - this role is likened to that of a doctor. More
specifically: the flarterer will encourage the lower part of the soul, in a way
which parallels the progress of a disease. 40 It is also relevant here co con-
sider the ethical correlate of the fact chat one who is seriously ill tends not
to believe that he even needs a doctor. 41
le is also noteworthy that there are some works of practical ethics where
the importance of the body for ethical health is asserted, in a way in which
it is not in the Galenic work. 42 Plucarch, for example, in his treatise Advice
on Health,43 presents considerations relating to the health of soul and body
as mutually complementary and synergeric.
Part of rhe reason for the greater prominence of medical analogies in the
authors mentioned - especially Marcus Aurelius and Epictetus - may lie
in the fact that their philosophical use of such analogies belongs within a
I discourse which is in a sense committed ro downplaying the role of actual
doctors. When, for example, Epictetus talks of the philosopher's study as
a surgery (iatreion),44 part of the implied force, at least, of the statement is
! surely that this- and not an actual surgery- is the one which really counts.
A similar rhetorical slant may be detected in many such medical meta-
! phors or analogies (as, certainly, in the quotation from Marcus Aurelius
I
JS How to Distinguisha Flatterer from a Friend,Mor. 73d-e.
I >9 Ibid 68f-69b; 74d-e. 40 Ibid. 61d-£
41
BeingAwareof MoralProgress, Mor. 81f-82a.
42
,Thesituation is, of course, differencin TheCapacitiesof the Soul and also in other works,e.g. Mat-
tersof Health;see General introduction, above, pp. 24-32, for an overviewof the subtly different
soul-body discussionsin differentworks.
I 43 Plutarch,Mor. I22b-137e.
44
Arrian, Epitt. IIl.23.30; also ibid IIl.21.20; c£ II.13.12: diagnosing the pathologyof someone's
lI
inclination and aversionin the same way that a doctor would diagnosea problem with spleen or
liver (and similarlyII.14.21-22); c£ I.11.35: we should try to removethe doctrine (dogma}which
givesrise to certain kinds of action even more than we would tumours and abscessesfrom the body.
II
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216 Affections and Errors
already cired in notes 33 and 37 above).45 In Marcus Aurelius, indeed, the
rhetorical slant sometimes extends to a tendency to deny the seriousness of
the physical body and its concerns altogether.
Galen, by contrast, will be hesitant to embrace wholeheartedly this
metaphorical talk of surgery, drugs and medical interventions, which may
seem to trivialize rhe real ones in which he is an expert - to risk having
his serious discourse of medicine subsumed within that of popular ethics.
Conversely, this particular kind of philosophical discourse seems to be, for
Galen, something compartmentalized as separate from his main scientific
and medical (or even his larger philosophical) projects. 46 It seems almost
as if he regards such work as an extra accomplishment as if its point is
at least partially to make the statement: 'This, of course, is not my main
field of endeavour. See how, nonetheless, I excel at it, too, above all these
so-called philosophers whose supposed expertise it is.'
Affectionsand Errorsis not, to be sure, Galen's most philosophically or
intellectually sophisticated work; nor, arguably, does it compete with other
works in the genre to which it aspires, in terms of its variety and range or
the subtlety of its treatment. It does, for all that, give us fascinating insights
both into Galen's philosophical thought (frustrating though these some-
times are) and into aspects of everyday life in his milieu.
Finally, we may consider, beyond the work's relationship with the formal
literary products surveyed so far, its .participation in a broader, popular or
even semi-literate discourse. The significance of the Pythagorean 'Golden
Verses' has already been noted in ,passing, in the context of the reference
to these in other works of ethics. The Pythagorean text was undoubtedly
widely read (or rather recited) and widely regarded as providing ethical
benefit. And, as I suggest below, it seems possible to detect certain verbal
similarities between the Pythagorean text that has come down to us, and
the text of Affections.47 /
Such a popular work would doubtless have been part of a very early
phase of a boy's education in the Graeco-Roman world. So, too, would the
fables of Aesop - another pseudonymous, or perhaps rather, semi-mythical
author under whose name a huge collection of moral tales was assembled.
And indeed a text of Aesop appears in Affections,to make a moral point -
45
46
It is perhaps also worth noting in this context the explicit mention of the hostility of doctors to-
wards philosophy by Plucarchin Adviceon Health,Mor. l22b-c.
SeeGeneral introduction, above, pp. l l-15, on the relationship between different kinds of work in
47
the Galenic corpus.
Cf. book I, n. 157 on this point and also on the 'authenticity or not of the Pythagoreantext that
we have.
.~
I Introduction 217
I as, also, do certain anecdotes about philosophers (Diogenes, Zeno, Plato).
I 'TI1esetoo were presumably part of a fairly widely dispersed, to some extent
non-literate, discourse of popular morality.
Beyond all these forms of literary evidence, finally, it is not irrelevant
II to consider some archaeological evidence which casts further light on the
popular moral discourse, and its relationship with 'real-life' concerns.
A number of charms have been uncovered by archaeologists, labelled
I thumokatocha, 'spirit-restraining' or 'anger-restraining'. 48 From these ob-
jects it seems clear that there was undeniably a felt need to curb or destroy
lI
the anger of (typically) a husband, a master or social superior. This material
might be seen as giving evidence for an anxiety about anger which goes be-
yond the domain of the comparatively narrow elite to whom Galen's texts
are, presumably, primarily addressed.49
i
I' Structure and content of argument
f Affections and Errors: some general considerations
I The structure of Affections seems, on the surface at least, quite loose and
I informal; the stated origin as a response (presumably extempore) to a ques-
tion put to him (presumably in public) seems in this context not implausi-
ble. It is possible that certain features of the discussion that seem eccentric,
unbalanced or incomplete may be due to this origin, and not just to rhe
deficiencies of the manuscript tradition, grievous as these are. Although it
I would of course be possible for Galen in 'writing up' his oral response in
such a context to make corrections or supply omissions to what was said
!
I
!
originally, it is also possible that too great a departure from the nature of
the original would have been felt to be false, or simply unnecessary; and
we should bear in mind what Galen specifically tells us, in My Own Books,
that the circumstances of the original request for or context of a work in
l some cases explain their incompleteness. Though it is not actually labelled
r a work 'for beginners', the level of the intended addressee is, to judge from
some of his remarks, not .considered a high one. Furthermore, as seems
!
f
clear from some of the titles of his lost works that Galen relays to us (un-
der the same category-heading as this one), he had little hesitation, in this
l
(
48
49
The material is discussedby Faraone (2003). For a broader discussionof anger see Harris (2001).
The consideration is relevant also to the prominence of anger in ethical texts, mentioned above,
p. 211.
I
!
l
I
 ~
218 Affections and Errors
phase of his output, in putting into the public domain works of a highly
'occasional' origin. 50
Even the work Avoiding Distress,in this volume, can be seen in this light,
with its rich element of autobiographical reflection and anecdotal detail
(fascinating as these are to us) rather than doctrinal - or even practical
'therapeutic' - specifics (and also purporting to be a letter to a particular
friend). Affectionsand Errorsmay be more '1universal' in its ambitions than
some of these occasional offerings, but the original context must be borne
in mind; in any case, it is, or at least purports to be, such an occasional
composition, not a carefully worked-up literary product in the manner of
the great 7he DoctrinesofHippocratesand P!ato.51
We have on display here - perhaps even more than usual - Galen's pro-
pensity to digress and follow trains of thought beyond what seems essential
to the main aims or tide. Certain affections seem to attract disproportion-
ate interest, and the work is based around a small number of case-studies.
The classificatory principles seem sometimes less than completely clear;
and the 'errors' part of the discussion seems not in any serious way incor-
porated in the disc~ssi.on of diagnosis and treatment.
7heframing: addresseesand persons mentioned in Affections and Errors
Tue personae of th'e-work, though Unnamed and not otherwise known, are
of interest in the consideration of its. content and structure. 52 The main
addressee provides the frame, 53 and,by being a man of apparently no great
resources, either financial, or, it is implied~ moral-intellectual, conditions
the way in which Galen pitches his address; in particular, a very gradual
progress should be expected, while, at the same time, there is no reason
5o Extremeexamplesare 'On the disc9tirsewith Bacchides and Cyrus in the house of Menarchus',or
indeed 'Thingssaid in public in the time of Pertinax',Lib. Prop.170,2-12 BM (XI.X.45-46K.); see
above,General introduction, notes 28 and 45.
51 Though sQmelevel of responseto specificoccasionsor individualsis relevantin that work too (see
n, 45 to General introduction, above)- as indeed it is to all Galen'sworks.
52 The possibilityshould ar least be mentioned that the second addressee- the distress~proneyouth -
of AffectiQnsand Errorscould, conceivably,be the same individual as the addresseeof Avoiding
Distress:his characteristics,wealth and Pergameneorigin seem to make this possible- though of
coursequire speculative(and c£ pp. 48--49abovefor argumentsagainstsuch an equation). It should
also be mentioned, conversely,that many scholarswould prefer to see all such addresseesas literary
fubricationswithout any realhistoricalreference,Whateverviewone takeson that point, I hope, the
accounthere givenof the use of the individualsin the work'sstructure is valid.
53 On the possible relation of the frame to different historical phases of composition, see General
introduction, pp. 15-17,
"--.f.,
~·-,
I
i Introduction 219
for him to become involved in the kind of corruption or p!eonexia associ-
ated with those in high positions; the remarks of a socially specific kind
addressed to this person, moreover, seem to relate to a Roman context.
I But there is a second addressee, of apparently very different status, who
provides a further frame within the frame: this young man, apparently a
I fellow-citizen of Pergamum, an· acquaintance of Galen's from early days, is
one of the richest people in chat city, and yet suffers distress at his (at least
proportionately) very small financial losses. The frame within the frame
enables Galen to address remarks in two directions: both (in this latter
frame) remarks supposed to be of direct relevance to a rich man, with a
particular tendency to a greed-based kind of !upi!and (in the original one)
I remarks relevant to a man of modest means, with, apparently, shortcom-
ings of a more general kind.
A third, very vivid, persona appears in anecdote form: chat of the friend
from Gortyn, with a terrible proneness to anger; so, too, does Galen's own
mother, contrasted in this context with the positive role model provided
by his father.
In Errors,meanwhile, as we shall see, a number of unnamed and shady
personae are introduced, who, nonetheless cast a vivid light on Galen's
I
intellectual milieu and his attitude to it. Galen inveighs against a group of
faux philosophers and 'pretenders to wisdom' (doxosophoi),who indulge in
vacuous school-based point-scoring in public debates; Galen's view of such
l
i
'philosophers' is so low chat at points he employs the word 'philosopher',
without qualification, as a pejorative term. The group is contrasted with
those with a training in logic, mathematics and architecture, and, appar-
ently, with a specific architect 54 (the reference to architecture, of course, is
in a sense another reminder of the role model of his father). Galen seems
at this point to be recalling another occasion of real-life debate, in which
such an architect put the 'philosophers' to shame.
I
'
The framing, then, and the particular personae of the work, conduce to
a particular form of exhortatory presentation of the material. Though this
presentation does proceed from a fundamental theoretical basis, the latter
is not unproblematic in the way it is handled, and in its relationship with
other theoretical bases. Overall, the text perhaps owes more to a desire
to produce exempla and contextualized solutions, and make ad hominem
points, than to give a fully systematic treatment of the affections.
54
A.IfPecc.Dig. 65,16 ff. DB (V.98ff. K), The text, and the extent to which a specificindividualand
event are meant, are not certain.
Il
r:
f
f
l
220 Affections and Errors
Affections: detailed discussionof the argument
Chapter 155begins with a broad distinction, that between error and affec-
tion, which is based on a Platonist-Aristotelian division of the soul into
rational and irrational capacities, maintained against the Stoics and the
Epicureans. We note that Platonic tripartition does not appear at the out-
set. 56 We move, in chapter 2, to the ceiltral assertion of the need for a
monitor to advise us on our moral state. This, as we have seen, has close
parallels elsewhere in the ethical tradition; and indeed the reference here
to the 'Know Thyself' tradition appeals, in a sense, to a broader, less philo-
sophically technical, conception of Greek culture and ethics. In chapter 3,
the treatment of affections is stated to be prior to that of errors, essentially
because affections lead to errors too - a point which, as we shall see, is
ral<en up in the specific discussion of Errors.The first of two lists of af-
fections is given: rage (thumos), anger (orge),fear (phobos),distress (lupe),
envy (phthonos),vehement desire (epithumiasphodra).57 The list is worth
considering in some detail, as it reflects upon Galen's overall organization
of the subject-matter, as well as on the relationship of this to other philo-
sophical accounts.
We might expect that - on Plaronist principles - the items should be
divided between the two non-rational parts of the soul, rather than just
belonging to the non-rational in an undifferentiated way (even though, as
mentioned, this distinction has not yet been made). 58 If this is the case,
anger and fear would certainly belong to the spirited(the fact that thumos
itself, 'spirit', is here included simply as a pathos among others, without
any of its specifically Platonic connotations as corresponding to a capacity
of the soul in its own right, is indeed, from a Plaronic-Galenic point of
view, a particularly striking feature of this list). Distress and excessive desire
would presumably belong to. the desiderative.Envy (phthonos)may be more
problematic; one may, indeed, feel that it is difficult to conceive of envy in
a way which does not involve some element of judgement, and that this
55 Note that the chapter numbers do not correspond to any ancient divisions, but were inserted by
Marquardt; they are followed,here and in the translation, for convenience.
% On 'bipartition' and Aristotelianizingtrends in Middle Platonism, in relation to Galen, see above,
General introduction, nn. 46, 47 and 49.
57 Alf Pecc.Dig.7,2-3 DB 0/.7 K.).
5s In the context of this discussion,see the observationof Manuli (1988, 194) that in all Galen's'pure'
lists of soul~pathiof this kind, there is a 'total absence of classification', as well as a failure to mention
the fourfold Staie distinction.
T Introduction
again points to the problems inherent in regarding the non-rational and
221
the rational in the soul as separate areas to be addressed. 59
In fact, phthonosis defined as a subspecies of Lupe- the worst variery of it-
in chapter 7 (24, 12-13 DB, V.35 K.). And Lupeitself springs from aplestia,
insatiability. Now, aplestiacan be used with a very broad application, in-
cluding to an insatiable desire for reputation - definitely thymoeidic or
'spirited~ in Platonic terms. So, it turns out that distress is in fact an over-
arching category, and one which cannot be confined vvithin the domain
of either of Plato's non-rational capacities. 111isvery broad significance of
Lupe,distress, as an avoidable mental state (in ordinary Greek usage the
term also means <pain' or 'grief') seems to reflect a Stoic outlook, namely
that distress is something that, however bad the circumstances, one can
(if one has the right preparation) choose not to assentto. 60 (Our under-
sranding of Galen's view of Lupe- and its avoidance - as fundamental to
I the ethical project is, of course, now substantially reinforced by the newly
discovered text, Avoiding Distress.61 And we observe that there too a con-
nection is made between insatiability and distress. 62)
To return to the list: it seems similar, though certainly not identical,
to Stoic lists, in which pathe were brought under four main heads (gene),
II namely distress (Lupe),fear (phobos),desire (epithumia), elation/pleasure
(hedone).63 As far as one can see, the basic principle of organization which
informs that Stoic division into four is absent from Galen's thought; as
is, certainly, the further range of subdivisions which appear in some Stoic
( sources. It does not seem, indeed, that there is any particular significance
in Galen's choice of these particular six items here; cf. A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 9-10
f,
DB (V.24 K.) with note, where five are listed: Lupe,orge,thumos, epithu-
! mia, phobos. But we may at least say that Galen seems in a sense closer
l to a Stoic approach, with the prominence given to distress (and perhaps
59
It is interesting in this context to compare the passage of CharacterTraits(50 Kr.) which seems to
characterize envy as arising from the conjunctionof a particular state of the spirited (concerned with
domination) and a particular state of the rational (not loving the beautiful).
60
A Specifically Stoic technical term for 'assent', sunkatttthesis, is incidentally used in the opening
chapter of Errors,'rash' or 'hasty' assent being a fundamental cause of error; however, as we shall see,
the specifically ethicalaspect of that perception is not developed in that work in any derail (at least
in the text as we have it).
61
The noun of the tide, Cii\vTrlas(or equally on Jouanna's conjecture, &Av11'T)crlas; see above, p. 77) is
literally simply a negative form of the word for distress, !upi.
62
See Ind 15,9 BJP: the term aplistiais used there to characterize the reaction of wealthy people who
suffer distress at their losses, even though they have plenty left.
63
See n. 25 above; the most relevant texts here are Diogenes Ul.ertius, Vit. phi/. VII. l l O; Stobaeus,
Eel. II.7.10; and Cicero, Fin. III.35 (in the mouth of'Cato', who uses the Ul.tin terms aegritudo,
formido, libidoand, for hedone,laetitia).
 ~
Ii
222 Affections and Errors
also the choice of fear and desire as separate elements), than to a Platonic
one. 64
It is also worth considering the Aristotelian background here, since lists
ofpathe appear also in both of Aristotle's major ethical treatises. There does
not, however, seem to be any close parallel between Galen's lists and these
ones, though certainly there is some overlap. 65
A further problem then arises in relation to the list, namely why anger
(orge;let alone thumos)and indeed distress should appear without qualifi-
cationin a list of pathe; but epithumia, desire, appears with the qualifica-
tion sphodra('powerful' or 'vigorous', with implication of 'excessive'). Of
course, the appearance of any of these items in a list of pathe does not
necessarily mean chat their total eradication is recon1mended: chat ques-
tion still remains undecided. But the very fact that some items appear tout
court and some or rather one - only in an extreme manifestation -would
seem to imply that complete eradication is precisely what Galen has in
mind: otherwise, why not say that they are all defined as pathe only in their
extreme or excessive manifestations?
It is difficult, then, not to see here echoes of Stoic ways of thinking, and
in particular of rhe Stoic ethical project in which total eradication of anger
played a major role, 66 a perception which seems borne our by the later
course of this book, with its particular focus on that pathos; distress (or
grief), similarly, is rejected by the Stoics even if it arises from (what most
of us would think) a justified cause. Why then, by implication, is moder-
ate desire allowed? The most obvious answer would seem to be that some
degree of sexual activity (and indeed eati(lg and drinking, the appetites for
64 It is interestingto note the selectionof pathe that appears in another context in Galen, namely in
his description of the pulse in differentpathologicalstates.At Pu/J.VIII.473,13-18 K., four pathi
are mentioned in relation to their effectson the pulse: thumos,hedone,lupe,phobos.The list'seems
even closer to the standard Stoic on€, though it makesno claim to be exhaustive.That passageis
mentioned by Bazou(1999, 71),.Who,placing it alongsidethe other materialonpathi, claimsboth
that Galen sharesthe Stoicdivisioninto four main pathe, and that he regardsfurtherpathi- such as
aplistiaor phthonos- as sub-categoriesof these.four.But both of theseclaimsseemto me a consider-
able over-interpretation.Note also that the particular context of the pulse establishesa relationship
between all the pathi there mentioned and the heart - that is, with (what should be in Platonic
terms) the spirited part of the soul. We might say, then, that we have interferenceon the Platonic
tripartite model of explanation,not just from Stoic categories,but from certain feature of Galen's
physiology.Further on this point - and on the specificsenseof thumos- see below,A.ff Pet:c.Dig.I,
n. 40.
65 At Nit:omacheanEthics l 105b21-23, we have: ihn0vµkxvOpyl'ivqi61?,ov 06:po-osq:i06vovxo:pc<v
q:,1A!av µTo-05;r60ov (f\Aov-fi\eov.The list of 42 pathe at Eudemian Ethics1220b36 ff. seemseven
further from Galenlcinterests.
66 As famouslyargued for in Seneca'sDe ira; see also p. 211, with n, 23, aboVe.See above, General
introduction, p. 22 with n. 53, on the fact that Galen does not commit himselfone wayor the other
on the Middle Platonistconcept of metriopatheia.
Introduction 223
which would also be covered by ro epithumetikon)is necessary for survival,
whereas anger is arguably (alrhough, again, rhe argumenr would only be
advanced· by the Stoics!) never needed. TI1at, of course, would not however
be an acceprable Stoic answer (the Stoics would want human beings to be
able to eat, drink and indeed copulate wirhout being victims of pathos);
but it does seem to be what is behind the rather odd formulation here:
Galen (perhaps with the physiologicalaspect of the desiderative soul at the
back of his mind - rhough certainly no explicit connection is made with
that here) wishes to preserve some sense of positive role for sexual desire
and appetite for food.67
In chapter 5 there emerges an element which enriches the picrure of
'soul therapy' advocated. Thus far - and, for example, in relation to the
Cretan friend with the 'cursed temper' who is the subject of the main an-
ecdote - the kind of intervention envisaged by the supervisor is apparently
essentially rational in nature. Rational considerations - fron1 one who is
outside the grip of affection are introduced to the mind, and the process
seems to be that (provided one's soul is not too 'far gone') these rational
considerations will, if one is exposed to them with sufficient regularity,
drive out or subdue the non-rational affections. One's own self-discipline
(more relevant at a later stage) will also consist in daily contemplation of
rational propositions, or even recitation of relevant (Pythagorean' sayings.
One might, indeed, be tempted to form the impression that such a ther-
apy is both unrealistic and lacking in any sense of an interesting interaction
between the rational and the non-rational. Against this, the new element
in chapter 5, I would suggest, is the role of self-esteem. Time ('honour' or
'esteem'), after all, is not something properly sought by the rational capac-
ity of the (Platonic) soul, and indeed the love of time is a pathos explic-
itly mentioned later on. But time is the aim of the 'spirited' or thymoeidic
capacity of the soul - i.e., the 'middle' part of the soul in the Platonic
tripartition - and, on a Platonist model, the spirited soul's drive for time
is appropriate, provided rhat it remains under the overall control of the
67
This does not, however,entirely solve our problem, since a positive role for the spiritedsoul, too,
has to be acknowledged both in physiologicalterms (as connected with heart, blood, innate
heat), and in ethical terms (it alliesitself with reasonin the well*ordetedsoul, and helps subdue the
,epithumetikon);and indeed both such roles are explicitlydiscussedin CharacterTraits,which gives
a much fuller account of tripartition than the present work.
The relationshipbetweenthe rational and the desiderative,as understood in physiologicaltermS-
to put it crudely,what do we take the rationalpart of the soul to be doing while the body (of
someone who is not in the throes of pathos) is engaged in sexualactivity,or indeed eating - is a
larger problem (arguablyfor Plato as for Galen) than can be addressedhere. There is, though, an
intriguing- though in its extant form, inadequate- hint on the subject in CharacterTraits,where
the rationalpart 'can understand nothing of' sexualintercourse;seeaboveMor. 27,7-8 Kr.
 Affections and Errors
T
.
224
rational. Thus, in enlisting the subject's desire for self-esteem in the proc-
ess of self-improvement, Galen is suggesting - possibly as a 'way-stage' in
rhe progress, whereby spirited desires would themselves later be reduced,
or possibly in a more permanent way- that there is a concrete (and, argu-
ably, distinctively Platonic) way in which one non-rational capacity can
assist the process; it is not simply a question of a fight between rational
and non-rational. The injunction to have One's door constantly open again
expands this notion: ,what is being suggested is in effect that one's sense of
shame be employed to restrain one from acts which one might perform
without its interference. Now, shame, too, is a non-rational item; again, it
68
is intimately connected with the Platonic concept of the thumoeides. The
notion of shame before others is here extended to 'shame before oneself',
so chat it is in fact the enhancementof a non-rational capacity which will
assist progress. And when one considers again the role of daily contempla-
tion, already mentioned, one sees that, here too, a non-rational element
is in play in the process of self~persuasion: constantly having in mind 'the
ugliness of soul of those who get angry, by contrast with the beauty of
those who are not angry' can be seen as an exercise which at least involves
the spirited soul (With- its emotive response to honour/shame), even if it is
also a function of the rational.
It is in chapter 6, however, that we get the first explicit mention of
two non-rational -capacities of the soul rather than just one, and of their
distinctive Platonic functions. 69 The Context of this is a cross-reference to
CharacterTraits,which (even in the. summary form in which we have it)
contains a fuller account of this distinction, and of the way in which the
spirited can be enlisted on the side of reas~n, whereas the desiderative, part
(epithumi!tikon)must simply be made smaller by deprivation of its objects.
The tripartite functioning of the soul is, one might wish to say, fully in
play in CharacterTraitsin a way which it is not in this text. At this point,
moreover, we get a reassertion of the role of the supervisor, from which
it appears that the treatment of both desiderative and spirited affections
proceeds in exactly the same way (via that person's advice). It is notewor-
thy that what discussion we get of, specifically, desiderative excesses here is
centred mainly on the kind of greed that we associate with a Roman ban-
quet; food and drink certainly seem to be to the fore (though people who
boast about the extent of their sexual activity are mentioned in passing);
68 See in particular the 'classic'account of the spirited capacityat its first appearancein Plato, Republic
439eff.
69
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 19,8-15 DB (V.27 K).
Introduction 225
and it is interesting to consider whether we see here a peculiarly contempo-
rary Roman take on that third part of the Platonic soul.7° We may observe
that in this context, too, the role of selfesteem is mentioned in the fight
against such excesses.
Chapter 7 proceeds (via a rather unclear train of thought) to introduce
a number of other affections; which are perhaps less 'classic' features of
philosophical discussions, bur certainly central to Galen's socio-political
concerns: love of quarrel (or 'competitiveness', a term he uses very fre-
quently, in non-ethical works, in criticism of his contemporaries in the
intellectual world), love of reputation, love of power; and envy. Envy leads
us on to the broader category of distressi and, after a brief digression on
larger and smaller affections, and their relative detectability in ourselves
and others, we return to discuss distress, by way of an individual case:
Galen's young, rich and distress-prone acquaintance. First, though, there
are further digressions: on the relative role of nature and nurture in achiev-
ing the desired state, and on the different character traits of children (with
cross-reference to Character Traits, of which this is a particular concern);
and, in chapter 8, on the relative characters of Galen's father and mother,
which provided him with perfect models of what, respectively, to emulate
and to avoid, and Galen's own early education, as supervised by his father.
We thus return again to distress (via a rather roundabout route7 1: his
father suggests that he should cultivate freedom from distress first among
the virtues, since all men want it, even if they only want to appear to have
the other virtues 72); and to a contrast between Galen's freedom from it
(even ifhe suffers a considerable loss) and his acquaintance's susceptibility
to it (when suffering losses insignificant in proportion to his wealth).73 The
conceptual minimization by Galen of any loss he has suffered is interest-
ing from two points of view: it seems (if we are right about the date of
70
It is also interesting that the terms Galen concentrateson in this context, luxuriousnessand lascivi-
ousness (/ichneiaand lagneia:Aff. Pecc,Dig. 19,17 DB, V.27 K; 20,22 DB, V.29 K; 21,11-12 DB,
V.~1 K) -:re perhaps terms belonging more within a popular moral discourse than a specifically
philosophical one. At any rate lagneitis one of the few vices specificallymentioned in the popu-
larizing 'Pythagorean' GoldenVerses, which seem in some way to be in the background to Galen's
Affections;on t!1-e~ossiblere~ationshipwith th7 Pythagoreantext, see below,Aff.Pecc,Dig. I, n. 157.
71
.The extreme c;rcuitousnessin the argumentativeprocess by which we come to the topic of distress,
both in th~ first instance in eh. 7, and in particular here in eh. 8, givesrise to a suspicion: is Galen
aware of distress as a central category that he should focus upon, and must at some point return
to, while he is in fact more comfortable discussing the various shortcomings of his intellectual
contemporaries;and is he therefore forcing the argument, not without strain, to make a connection
between the latter and the former?
72
A.ff Pecc.Dig.29,6-12 DB (V:42-43 K.),
73Aff. P'"· D;g. 25,15-19 DB (Y.37K.) and 29,17-30,21 DB (V.43-45K.).
226 Affections and Errors
composition) to include the major loss he underwent in the Great Fire at
the Temple of Peace, as described in Avoiding Distress- which is not even
mentioned.74 And it introduces a benchmark by which one might decide
when distress would be appropriate, or at least understandable. Galen is
not here saying (as on an out-and-out adoption of Stoic perceptions he
would have to) chat distress is never justified, or must always be rooted out;
simply, that in nearly all the cases in which 'people actually experience it -
including what most people would regard as huge losses - it is unjustified.
Rather, a criterion of 'usefulness' or 'what is sufficient' is introduced .in rela-
tion to both bodily consumption and acquisition of goods; the desire for
more than this is insatiability (aplestia),which turns out (chapter 9) to be
a fundamental category, with a number of sub-species arising from it; re-
striction of one>sdesires to the limits set by that criterion is self-sufficiency
(autarkeia).Thus, insatiability (which may also be equated with pleonexia
('acquisitiveness' or 'wanting to get more')) is in fact the source of all forms
of distress, and may also be used co describe excessive desire for status or
reputation. Though we have pointed out that the (albeit implicit) accept-
ance that distress might be acceptable if one does not have enough would
conflict with 'orthodox' Stoicism, it should also be mentioned that the
tenor of this pare of the discussion, with its tactic of seeing the elimination
of distress as dependent on the radical realignment of one's desires, and
the related emphasts··on the concept o( freedom as an internal state rather
than something socially defined, are highly reminiscent of, for example,
Epictetus. . .. · could not this case have been reasonably addressed in the second part of
The way in which to bring about this realignment, again in this chapter,
seems to be mainly by a process of constanr rational contemplation; Galen
almost seems to be saying that having the doctrine of 'self-sufficiency'
should be sufficient for the avoidance of distress - that the rational accept-
ance of this proposition will automatically remove the pathos.
But this point - and the·particular form of distress, and of character,
that Galen has chosen to address in this part of the text - leads us back
again to the question of Galen's fundamental rational/ non-rational distinc-
tion, and of how well it fits with what he wants to say. For what is strik-
ingi on closer examination, about the 'distress-prone youth), is that he is
not 'a slave co the affectionl in any of the classic ways we associate with a
Platonic account; we have no reason to believe chat he is·particularly lust-
ful, greedy or bad-tempered, or indeed anything other than temperate in
his behaviour: Galen explicitly says that he 'has a similar daily regime' to
74 On this point see the discussion in the General introduction, above, pp. 34-41.
Introduction 227
Galen himself (which, we would imagine, can be taken to be a model of
self-control). Distress is, certainly, defined as a non-rational event (though
it could, if you are not a Stoic, have a rational justification); but what
seems striking is that the particular form of distress we are here talking of -
unhappiness at anything less than an utter maximization of one's goods,
physical and 'status-based' - is, indeed, something with a strong cognitive
element. In other words, here if anywhere, Galen has chosen a candidate
in relation to whom rational therapy stands a chance of success. This is not
an addict, someone whose non-rational drives are so out-of-control chat
they overwhelm the rational before he can pause for thought; there is nei-
ther an impulse arising from bodily pleasure here (which characterizes the
desiderative) nor an out-of-control temper (the spirited). Rather, we have
here, one mighr think, a habitual kind of behaviour which could well be
accessible to argument: this perceived need co gain constandy more money
and higher status is, objectively, not necessary to make you happy; in facr,
it impinges negatively on your happiness) because you, quite unnecessar-
ily, set yourself unachievable goals - or ones dependent on the vagaries
of fortune - and suffer disproporrionarely when they are not achieved.
This is a case, we may chink, where specifically rational interventions and
arguments stand a chance of being successful - of, ultimately, affecting
behaviour.
By the same token, though, it is a case where the mistake the man is
making is quite plausibly characterized as an error rather than affection;
the work? 75
What has happened, it seems, is that Galen has made lupe (and its avoid-
ance) an overarching category, in a way which interferes with his stated
dualism of rational and irrational. The discussion of lupe must come - as
it would in a Stoic discourse - within the domain of the affections; which
for Galen with his rational/ non-rational dualism means - as it would not
for a Stoic - in the domain of the non-rational. Given the range of things
covered by lupe - and indeed by the affections discourse generally - that
will leave little, as we shall see, of specifically ethicalrelevance to be covered
under Errors.
75
See below, pp. 229-232, regarding the distinction of different stages of error, One might in the
present case say either that the person has 1nade an error about the goat, perhaps thinking that
it consists in maximization of possessions; or that he knows perfecdy well that something else -
freedom from trouble, or even helping other people - is a better goal, but has somehow convinced
himself that this maximization of possessions is necessary for his security in achieving it,
228 Affections and Errors
We may, of course, wish to say, from our own philosophical perspec-
tivei that fupeof the kind just outlined is no more an error of reason than
it is a non-rational impulse; some complex interaction may be felt to be
required: there is, perhaps, some fundamental insecurity or competit.ive-
ness, which has been rationalized and leads to an apparently well-ordered
and non-affective lifestyle; distress has thus come about as a by-product of
some· kind of interaction of the two. · shown Up by anyone trained in logic, or in demonstration, especially by
What seems to be ,the case, though, is that both in relation to his actual
presentation of the case in the text, and in relation to a probable modern
analysis, the basic intellectual scheme (rational/non-rational; errors/affec-
tions) with which Galen sets out in his attempt to frame the data does not
entirely perform the task that he would wish of it.
In conclusion, Galen remarks - as is perhaps not surprising - on the
frequency with which he has expounded such arguments, and how peo-
ple, though agreeing as he speaks, fail to imptove in practice (chapter I 0).
He also makes here a practical point about the difficulty of people mak-
ing the right distinctions, when they are still 'beginners', between, for
example, meanness and thrift. If, as it appears, he is here talking about
conscientious - rath~r than affection-induced - errors made in the at-
tempt to get that right, one might think that he has here again strayed
into the realm of Errors(interestingly, since much of the ertor discussed
in that section of the work seems in fact to derive from affection). The
conclusion contains a restatement Of the supervisor-based method al-
ready outlined; and remarks on the gradual nature - but also the posi-
tive outlook, since the first stage should have been the hardest - of the
ptogress to be expected.
Errors:detaikdaiscussion of the argument
Errorspurports to complete the argument of Affections,by prnceeding to
deal with the harmartemataptoper (that is, errors of reasoning) as opposed
to the pathe or affections that were the subject of the first volume. The
argument, however, takes unexpected turns, seems not directly to address
the central questions one would expect of such a discussion, and has·.been
found unsatisfactory in various ways by recent scholars.
It is perhaps worth noting at the outset that, if Galen had adopted a
fully 'Stoic' view of the pathe, as he seems at points close to doing, there
would be no need of a separate discussion of errors;if, then, we find his
discussion of errors in some way subsidiary to the therapeutic treatment of
the soul, or beside the point, that may be a relevant consideration.
=:;L
Introduction 229
Ftom chapter 5 - with its well-known description of the building of a
sundial - to the end, Galen is chiefly concerned to give examples of how
geometrical-mathematical forms of enquiry provide one with incontest-
ably true answers in a way which should ptovide one with a paradigm
before moving to other enquiries; and, relatedly, to rail against the logi-
cal inadequacies of contemporary practitioners of 'philosophy', which are
an architect and by Galen himself. The polemical aim, in relation to the
school, or sectarian, philosophers who lecture or debate in public in the
Rome of his day, seems here to be central.
The earlier phase of the argument, however (chapters 1-4) is more dif-
ficult to summarize, and rhis difficulty is due in part to its slippery and
tortuous nature, in part to the severe shortcomings of the text as we have it.
After repeating the distinction between affection and error (chapter I),
Galen moves im!Ilediately - via the introduction of the concept of false,
rash and weak assents, and before considering any examples relevant to
ethics - to the analogy with mathematical truth and error. 1be funda-
mental thrust of the argument is as follows. As one will malce errors in
mathematics if one proceeds without the necessary logical training, so too
in ethics. Now, since errors in ethics (which concerns the 'goal' of life, i.e.
the ultimate good for a human being) are of fundamental importance,
one should get training in less important matters first, before presuming
to address that 'big question' (or rather: to address both the 'big question'
and the business of drawing the logically correct conclusions from it in
practice). It is noteworthy, though, tl1at in the process of developing this
argument, Galen makes reference again to affections: it is affections above
all (greed, love of reputation, pretentiousness) which in practice prevent
people from engaging in such studies seriously (chapter 2). The argument
ptoceeds for some time (chapters 2-3) with the twin prongs of an at-
tack on such affections, and an attack on the intellectual shortcomings of
I teachers.
f In chapter 3, there is reference to another work of Galen's 1 given, or
arising, in another such public-debate context: the lost work, What Fol-
I lowsfrom Each Goal in Life. He seems to say (after having summarized
the standard school answers to 'the goal of life') that one sect doeshave
I
~
the right answer to it; he also makes a basic distinction, between, on the
one hand, having the right goal and then failing to follow it, and, on the
other, having a false idea of the goal but then following that consistently.
II And we have a further distinction (chapter 4) between ertors in identify-
ing the goal itself, and ertors one may make (even having chosen the right
!
t
I
230 Affections and Errors
goal) in drawing the right consequences from chat choice. We are here,
however, in an area of both difficult interpretation and a seriously dam-
aged text. 76 TI1e problems cannot be addressed in full detail here; nor can
Donini's discussion (1988), which is fundamental. But the central thrust
of Donini's argument needs to be considered: that we must posit a size-
able lacuna at this point, essentially because it is unacceptable to suppose
that Galen, having raised the question of the 'goal of life', then fails to
identify it, and in fa~t jumps to a difrCrent area of discussion, addressing
the 'individual' errors chat arise in relation to consequence before having
addressed the central question of the goal.7 7 The lack is indeed a striking
one. Yet is it so out of keeping with the rest of the (admittedly mangled)
text of Errors?If, further, we feel that Galen's other ethical work does not
give a completely univocal answer to the question of the 'goal of life', this
might be evidence fat that answer's not having been included here, rather
than for its having dropped out. 78 The oddity of Errorsseems to me pre-
cisely the fact that, each time we seem to be about to address the question
of what problems are caused, in the ethical sphere, by intellectual errors,
we veer off and talk about something else. Mathematical or geometrical
examples are used, ''fifSt of all, as a parallel for ethical error; then, as an
intellectual paradigm (one should train oneself first in this, to know what
demonstration would look like in ethics too); and, finally, as a stick with
which to beat contemporary sectarian philosophers (they have no under-
standing of it). Between these points, we constantly expect the parallel to
be drawn between mathematical tt:.l;ining and ethics; but we are always
left on the mathematics side of the paralkl. All we have of substance (in
spite of Donini's painstaking and brilliant elucidation) on the ethics side
is the bare statement of the possibility - and dire consequences - of an
error, either in identifying the goal or in drawing the right conclusions
from that identification. Whenever we think Galen might be about to
exemplify error (or indeed certainty) in ethics, he in fact exemplifies them
in the precise sciences. 'If this is what people are like in basic logic, how
can they possibly hope to get it right in ethics?' seems to be the thrust of
76 EspeciallyaroundAff. Pecc.Dig. 54,6 DB 0/.79 K). .'
77
78
There is also an abrupt appearance here of the concept of 'analysis',arguably not justified by the
discussionof demonstration so fur.
We might suggest that Affectionsoffers 'approximation to god' as the goal of life:seeAff. Pecc.Dig.
9,11 DB 0/.11 K.), with n. 58; also Mor. 34,4 ff. Kr.and 40,8 ff. Kr.But it is specificallywisdom
(sophia)that is equated with the approximation to god; and that discussionis not explicitlybrought
into relation with that on the goal.
-J
,_=-:;!<.;........,,
Introduction 231
the argument; but we do not move beyond that to get a positive theoreti-
cal account in the area of ethics. 79
Moreover, in the narrow space in which the text does address people's
shortcomings, these seem to be almost wholly due to affection. The distinc-
tion (chapter 2) between error due to affection (i.e. deliberate misleading,
for some reason of financial gain, love of reputation, etc.) and error proper
is an iriteresting one; but, again, Galen gives detail only of the affection
side of that divide; here, too, ethical error itself seems to be squeezed out. 80
And so, though Donini's point of the extraordinary absence of the goal of
life is well taken, this is far from being the only extraordinary absence; it is
rather that almost all direct discussion of ethical error and its consequences-
as opposed to either affection, or intellectual error in other fields -
is avoided. It is as if, having set himself the (Platonic/Aristotelian-style)
bipartite schema of errors and affections at the outsecj Galen is not really
able to use it meaningfully; his ethical discourse can (almost) all take place
within the model of affections, or non-rational impulses, and their interac~
tion (sometimes with reference to Platonic tripartition, more often on the
basis of a dualistic distinction) with the rational in us.
Galen's championing of the value of the geometrical-style model of 'self-
certifying' truth remains noteworthy in its own right: it is of a piece with
his views on the foundations of scientific knowledge elsewhere, and is one
of his mos.t interesting and striking statements of it. From the point of
view of ethics, however, if this form of knowledge could provide a parallel,
that parallel is not in any real sense drawn.
It is, of co~rse, a possibility that much material is missing, in which
these matters were developed in an interesting way. (And of particular in-
terest, in this context, would be the lost What Followsftom Each Goal in
Life.) It is not clear to me, though, that the portion of the text that we have
gives very strong reasons for believing that that was the case.
In summation, one should consider whether a coherent picture of
rational/non~rational interaction emerges (judgements and emotions
i
I 79
There is, indeed, as alreadynoted, one place in eh. 10 ofAffections
!l
which seems to refer to difficulties
of judgement which may be liable to error pure and simple (see above,p. 228); but such examples,
, or points of detail, seem to be absent from Errors,
80
An interesting parallel to the absence of ethicalerrors - or at least to the phenomenon that what
I exists on the 'rational' side of the divide is, essentially,logicaland scientificrather than ethical - is
arguably provided by a passage in The Orderof My Own Books,91-92 BM (XIX.53-54 K.). For
here, coo,the transition is made from the discussionof ethical character (admittedly in general- but
I largelyin terms which could be described as 'absenceof affection') to the discussion of specifically
intellectualexcellence:Galen'sown blamelessconduct in his lifecan be used as evidencethat Galen
is to be trusted in the areasoflogic and foundation of the science.
!
t
lI
 ''l-
•····.·.··.·
l
i
232 Affections and Errors
mutually informing and capable of gradual adjusrmenc), or indeed wheth-
1
er Gill's comment here is apposite: I am not sure chat Galen works out in
any detail how ro integrate his therapeutic methods with this psychological
theory.' 81
Note on the history of the text
Establishingthe text
The textual tradition of this treatise - 'undoubtedly the most corrupt of all
which bear Galen's name', to quote one modern edicor82 - is particularly
problematic. There is only one manuscript (Codex Laurenrianus plut. 74,3
= L) of major significance in establishing the text. TI1is, however, contains
a very large number of errors, as well as scribal peculiarities which often
make it difficult to establish its actual reading. That is one source of dif-
ficulty; the fact that scholars of the modern era have had radically different
approaches to the methodology of establishing the correct text - combined
with the fact that a hrge number of extremely learned individuals have
been involved in thiS i,J:'ocess- presents a further source. Anyone interested
in considering the work's textual problems now must not only wrestle with
the difficulties arising from a corrupt text, but also wade through, and at-
tempt to judge between, the large number of ingenious solutions offered
by a whole range of authors and publications, culminating in no fewer
than three modern critical editions,,all of them to varying degrees the re-
sult of collaboration between a number of scholars.
To summarize the methodology adopted in the present translation: the
CMG edition ofWilko De Boer (1937) is followed except where explic-
itly stated in the notes and in th'e List of textual departures. De Boer's is
the second of the two moder,;i·'editions mentioned above; it largely super-
sedes the Teubner edition df Johannes Marquardt (1884), bur is not (in
our view) superseded by that of Giuseppina Magnaldi (1999) - which,
however, has been consulted throughout. Magnaldi's readings or suggested
81 Gill (2010) 261, with nn. 71 and 76, in which he cites Hankinson (1993) 201-203 for an, ad-
mittedly qualified,statement of the former view (coherence).The 'Aristotelian'category of ethos,
too - of charactertraits formed by habituation, in a processwhich may compriseboth rational and
non-rational components - ls potentially relevanthere; this, however,is elaborated in Character
Traitsbut nor in any significantway in our present text.
82 'haud dubie omnium, qui Galeni nomen ferunt, corruptissimus".Marquardt (1870) l l, quoted by
Magnaldi (1999) xlvi. Cf. the similarlydespairing view expressedby C. G. Cobet, dted at ibid.,
xxiii: ' ... mendis obsitus et lacunishians, quas sentire et animadverterepossumus,sed sardre et ex-
p!erepraeter pauculasnon posswnus' (' ... full of errors and riddled with holes,which we can realize
and be awareof, but which, with fewexceptions,we cannot correct or make good').
<
Introduction 233
emendations (of which there are a very large number) have sometimes
been adopted; and, even when not adopted, are frequently discussed or
presented as alternatives in the footnotes.
In view of the difficulties already mentioned, texrual problems have
been discussed at greater length than is perhaps usual in a translation; and
in order to avoid the pages being overburdened by specialized philological
matters·, the larger part of such discussion has been consigned to a textual
appendix, with a footnote on the page simply indicating the existence of
the problem and where to look in the Texrual notes for more detail. Al-
though it has not been our task to produce a new critical edition, it did
seem important to draw the attention of the reader to the (frequent) oc-
casions where the translation is chat of a conjectural text) or one which
commands no unanimity; and, in cases where the variant readings make
a more or less significant difference co the meaning) to give some discus-
sion of these. It should not, however, be taken that all places where other
editors or scholars differ from De Boer have been mentioned, nor indeed
all instances where the text presented is based on a significant emendation
of L (and silence in the latter type of case is especially likely if there is no
disagreement between De Boer and Magnaldi). To summarize: the 'default
position' remains that of following De Boer, but the difficulties inherent in
that position - or alternatives to it - have frequently been discussed.
So much by way of summary; in view of the complexities involved,
however, it will be worth discussing the history of the text in a little more
detail. The following account is largely indebted to the preface to Mag-
naldi's edition.
The central importance of L among the MSS is universally agreed; bur
there unanimity ends. A minor debate is the relative importance of the
fragmentary MSS, F (= Laurentianus gr. plut. 74,5) and M (= Marcianus
gr. 581): Magnaldi believes, with Marquardt but against De Boer, that F
is dependent on L; and it now seems uncontentious that M is dependent
on F. The main point at issue, however, is whether we follow Magnaldi
in taking L as the direct source of the editioprinceps,the Aldine edition
of 1525 - and thus see the Aldine as having essentially no independent
value as a source - or whether, with other scholars, we regard the Aldine
as giving evidence of an independent MS tradition, or at least a different
individual MS, now lost to us. 83 Vivian Nutton believes that the Aldine is
more likely to have derived from a MS, no longer extant, which belonged
83
SeeMagnaldi (l 999) vii-ix: her view is that all the Aldine'simprovenientson L can be interpreted
as scholarlyemendations on the part of the editor; and further that the Aldine contains cenain
mistakeswhich can only have arisen from a misreadingofL.
234 Affections and Errors
to rhe Renaissance scholar NiccolO Leoniceno (even if this MS was quire
closely related to L). 84
The difference in practice, however, is perhaps not as great as might at
first appear. "Ihe main significance of Magnaldi's work lies in a fresh colla-
tion ofL, with more attention than previously paid to its scribal peculiari-
ties, and a more serious attempt, at points, to get behind the reading of
'L2', a later hand which 'corrected' L's original words. In the process, her
reading ofL not only,is frequently different from what appears in previous
apparatus, but on several occasions comes up with the same result arrived
at by a previous scholar's conjecture. And the Aldine may still have value
even if one consults it (like Magnaldi) merely as an edition rather than as
a separate MS source. On the whole, moreover, the greater weight given to
Las opposed to the Aldine seems largely to be jusrified in detail.
To move, then, to the earlier history of the text in modern times: all
editions up to the ninereenth century relied on the Aldine alone - with
the exception of that of Theodore Goulston (London, 1640). Goulston
made use of what he called rhe 'Codex Londinensis' and 'Codex Adel phi'.
These icodices', as Vivian Nutton has shown, seem in fact to be not MSS,
but the copies of the printed text owned by, respectively, John Caius (the
'Eton Galen') and an unknown 'Adelphus', into the margins of which
those individuals had transcribed a number of variant readings. Those
copies, and marginal annotations, we~e then consulted by Goulston, and
the varianrs reported in his published work. It seems, further, that these
variants do, in some cases at least, rtpresent material derived from other,
better MSS ro which those annotators had access, and are not just con-
jectures. 85 The early editions of Johannes Caselius (Halmstad, 1592), and
of Rene Chartier (1639) in his complete Hippocrates and Galen, do not
draw on a.ny further MS sources, but the editors suggested a num\,er
of sometimes useful emendations - as indeed did a number of scholarly
84 Nutcon (1988b) 295-296, following a suggestion of P.L. Donini; cf. Magnaldi (1999) xii, n. 16;
see also Nutton (1992) 266-267, on the extent to which this lost MS ofNiccolO'smay have been
used as the basisfor a range of Aldine printings, and on the possibilitythat it lay behind the mysteri-
ous Codex Adelphi (on which see next note).
S5 On the 'Codex Londinensis' and 'Codex Adelphi' see Nutton (1985), esfl..240-245 on the nature
and value of the annotations of John Caius (1510-1573) and Theodore Goulscon (1574-1632).
See also Nutton (1992) 263-265 and Magnaldi (1999} xv-xvi; the latter also (ibid xviii-xx) em-
phasizesthe high quality of Goulston's editorial work, often ignored (or adopted without acknowl-
edgement) by modern editors. A contrary view of the value of the 'codices' material as independent
MS evidence is taken by Beguin (1989). For the mysterious identity of'Adelphus', and possible
candidates for it, see Nutton (1985) 240 ff. and (1992) 261-262.
Introduction 235
Latin translations in the sixteenth cencury. 86
C. G. Kiihn in his complete
Galen edition (1823) apparently relied on the Basileensis of 1538 and on
Chartier's 1639 edition.
The serious work of improving the text of our opuscula, in modern
times, could be said to have started with Joachim Marquardt (1865), in a
publication dedicared to one particularly corrupt locus in the Aldine, the
description of rhe sundial; in this endeavour he was followed by Hermann
Sauppe (1866), and then by his own son, Johannes Marquardr, who wrote
a dissertation on the text (1870), followed by his edition for the Teubner
Scripta Minora (1884); both these last works relied on a collation of L
carried out by others. Apart from the greater reliance on the Aldine as op~
posed to L,already mentioned, Marquardt's main weakness is an eccentric
approach ro the text, whereby he became convinced that a large part of it
(more than 1,000 words) was due to the interpolations of an ignorant or
foolish scribe attempting to gloss or improve on the text.
Marquardt's work met with considerable criticism. It was attacked by
Nauck (1887); and there followed further srudies by Panrazidis (1888)
and, more significantly, by Hennicke (1902), who had access to a fresh col-
lation of L by Hermann Schone and Walther Rabehl, and who improved
the text considerably, in the process restoring nearly all Marquardt's dele-
tions.87 Wilko De Boer in his 1937 edition for CorpusMedicorum Grae-
corum drew on this work, and on the large number of emendations that
these scholars had proposed; at the same time he also had access to a con-
siderable number of, largely unpublished, emendations by, in particular:
A. Brinkmann, K. Deichgriiber, H. Diels, G. Helmreich, K. Kalbfleisch,
J. Mewaldt, J. von Arnim (who had worked on rhe rext in the conrext of
his prepararion of the monumenral Stoicorum VeterumFragmenta)and H.
Schone (apparently hand-wrirten in his copy of Kuhn's edition). His work,
however (as Magnaldi argues), still gives too much weight to the Aldine;
and it is also the case that he did not personally collate L (even phoro-
graphically), relying rather on the work of Schone and Rabehl. 88
A few other scholars, for example Wifsrrand (1964), have proposed
emendations since 1937; Magnaldi was able to draw, not just on these,
but on suggestions made to her orally by, in particular, Pier Luigi Donini,
86
Magnaldi (1999) xvii-xviii mentions in this context especiallythe work of Guenther of Andernach
(Paris, 1528), Bernardinus Donarns (Venice, 1538), Rasarius (Venice, 1562) and Iunius Paulus
Crassus (Venice, 1565).
87
See Magnaldi (1999) xxv-xxviiwith n. 52.
88
See Magnaldi (1999) xxvii-xxixwith n. 59.
236 AfFeccions and Errors
Michelangelo Giusta, Carlo Gallavotti; and proposed a considerable
number of her own.
Reception of the text in medieval and early modern times
Affectionsand Errorsdoes not seem to have attracted significant attention
in the centuries immediately following its composition. It did, however,
apparently contribute to the high repute Galen came to enjoy, specifically
as a moral philosopher, in the Arabic tradition, which was quite dispropor-
tionate to his reception in chat capacity in the Wesc.89
At a later period, and in the West, it is easier to talk of the success and
popularity of the genre to which Affectionsand Errorsbelongs - the popu-
lar moral tract, more specifically that aimed at the 'cure' of the soul's ills -
than of the success and popularity of this work in particular. Other works,
especially those of Plutarch and Seneca, enjoyed an enormous success in
the Renaissance and early modern period, including many printings and
vernacular translations a success with which, certainly, Galen)s ethical
traces never compereg.. However, as Vivian Nutton shows, from the time
of the first printed 'edition, Affections(though not, interestingly, Errors)did
enjoy some considerable popularity, with seven separate reprintings of the
work in Latin and one in Greek, as well as printed translations in French
and Italian. 'Unli:ke many Galenic ~racts', he comments, 'it retained its
popularity until the end of the [sixteenth] centuty.' 90 The work was obvi-
ously considered to have some ethical and paedagogic value, and was in-
cluded in a range of classical works which J. Caselius, a Protestant German
scholar in the late sixteenth century, edited with a view to bestowing moral
benefit on school or university students.' 91 In later times, though, the work
has been largely overlooked, except by scholars of Galen; and it received no
English translation until the middle of the twentieth century.92
89 On this point cf. Nutton (2008).
90 Nutton (1988b) 289. (Cf. the list of sixteenth.centuryLatin trans!atiOnscited inn, 86 above.)
91 Ibid.289-290.
I
92 '!hat of Harkins (1963), which wasthen followedby another by Singer(1997a),
l of the school,i.e..thosewho believedin,mechanisticaccountsin physiology.On this point seebelow,
I QAM, n. 71. Epicureansattract Galens attention less than the other philosophers;but one should
I S~eErler (2009!es~. 5?, sh,0"'7ngthat Epicurus'philosophywas consideredas important to engage
t w~thand even, 10 his vrew, enJoyeda renewedblossomingin the second and third century'; see also
Translation
The Diagnosis and Treatment of the Affections and
Errors Peculiar to Each Person's Soul,i
V.1K. Book I: The Diagnosis and Treatment of the Affections 3DB
Occasion of the present work; Antonius' flawed presentation
1. You ask to have in note form, 2 too, the reply I made to the question 5
you put us regarding Antonius the Epicurean's book, Control of Onls
Own ParticularAffections;3I shall now make you one, and I put this as its
beginning.
It would have been best if Antonius had himself stated clearly what he
means by the term 'control'. If one is to make a guess on the basis of the
' :he page nu~bers in.the left margin referto the Kuhn (1823) edition (abb. K.), while the page and
hn: nu.mbers10 .the nght marginrefer to the CMG text (abb. DB) edited by Wilke De Boer (1937),
which is the basisof the present translation.
1
'Thereis some slight variation in the form of the tide, and in whether the work is referredto as a
singleone with two 'books', or as two works.See textual note 3.1.
2
~e casualaccount here of rhe book'sgenesisreminds us of two very important aspectsof Galen's
literary output: (l) the oral context of the public lecture or debate; (2) the extent to which works
were written in response to particular requests or needs. On these points, as we!!as on the term
hupomnemata,see the General introduction, pp. 12-17, with notes 28 and 40. On the genre of the
presentwork see Introduction, pp. 205 ff. and below,A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 23,14-19 DB (Y.34K), as well
as nn. 13 and 173.
3
Neither the work nor the author is known from any other source.Galen is hostile to Epicureanism,
' though the focus of his hostility is more often the physicaldoctrines associatedwith the school
namelyatomism and mechanism,and the individualsattacked are more often the medicalrelativ~
be wary of forming the impressionthat they were the 'poor relation'among the schoolsin his time.
Timpe (2000). C£ also Galen'smention of Epicureansbelow,Aff Pecc.Dig.62,4 DB (Y.92K.) and
67,13-15 DB (Y.102K.).
237
 238 Affections and Errors
2K. statements contained in the book, he seems to me to be indicating either
surveillance or diagnosis - and possibly also correction. 4 It also became
apparent, as you know, that he was confused and unclear in the way he
expressed himself, so thac 5 most of his statements are susceptible co con-
jecture6 rather than co clear understanding. For sometimes he seems co be
urging 7 us co bear in mind that we ourselves ~lso commit many errors, just
as others do; at other times, how one may diagnose each individual error;
and then again, in addirion to these points, how one may lead oneself away
from the errors. (This last is, it seems to me, the aim of the whole discus-
sion: for each of the previous points is valueless and redundant if it is not
related to this aim.)
4
We can learn little of rhe text in question from Galen's brief criticisms. 'The failure to
n1ake sufficient, or correct, distinctions is a standard trope of Galenic attacks on his op-
ponents. To consider the terms here discussed: ephedreia('control') has an original sense
of 'sitting on/by'; and can be used (in both noun and verb form) of a bird sitting on eggs,
and in military contexts of 'observation' ot 'lying in wait' (usually for the opportunity
of hostile action, e.g. Aristotle, Politics l269a38, Deinosthenes, V:15). If it had a techni-
cal sense in regard to patbi,,sthis does not seem to be attested anywhere else. A medical oc-
currence of the verb, [Hipp.], Ep. 19, 64,2 Diels, refers, rather, to a disease - madness -
'lying in wait' to attack human beings. Pigeaud (1981) 68 emphasizes the connotation of'being
on one's guard' (though in the passage which he cites, Plato, laws 819b6, ephedreiaseems rather
to refer to some kind of 'sorting' of athletes by children). Galen was perhaps justified in feeling
rhat the term was less th.in· clear in context. Parap&ulake (here 'surveillance'} again has military
~onnotations ('safeguarding'); but is also used in the 'practical philosophy' tradition (Hierodes of
Alexandria, in CarmenAureum 39,2 Koehler; cf. n. 157 below on Galen's own engagement with
the Pythagorean Carmen);and in rhe medical tradition: paraphulaki of the opportune ffioments
in disease ([Hipp.], Ep. 16, IX.346,2 L.). Diagnosisis a reg1ilar medical term, used in a sense simi-
lar to the modern one familiar to us, and, like epanorthOsis ('correction', 'rectification') it can. be
used in purely medical but also in moral contexts. The term efanorthOsis,in fact, as pointed out
by Hadot (1969) 66, is regularly used in treatises of practical ethics from Philodemus to Galen.
Given the cursoriness of Galen's criticism, _onewonders if he is doing much more than making. a
gesture towards his own superior ski!! in lo~ical analysis. And one may question whether, with regard
to the three topics he here mentions (we make mistakes just as others do; how to diagnose each of
one's own errors; how to lead oneself away from errors), he makes such a very clear distinction in his
own exposition of them. The engagement with Antonius seems here to be no more than a point of
departure.
5 The text is slightly uncertain here: both 'confused' and 'so that' represent editorial conjectures rather
than MS readings.
6 The word fof 'conjecture' is e\K6:o-o:1, the same verb translated 'guess' earlier in the previous sente!)ce.
'The verb, whose central meaning is 'form a coinparison', and therefore also 'infer from a compari-
son', thus, 'form a conjecture', indicates for Galen a lower-level epistemological activity, whereby
only approximation to the truth is available, and not true knowledge. But the. verb can be used with
more positive connotations, in the context of forming analogies, e.g. below 19,19 DB {Y.28 K.): the
appropriate analogy for each irrational part of the soul; among other examples are PJIP 90,14 DL
(V.199K) and 294,37 DL (v.432 K.).
7 The verb is protrepein - on the significance of this in the sense of an exhortatory ('protreptic') genre of
literature, and its possible significance within the ethical discourse, see Introduction, pp. 206-207;
below, 24,13 DB (V.35 K); andnn, 13 and 173,
Translation,book 1 239
10 Essential distinction between errors and affections
Above all, he should have corrected what he wrote 8 by distinguishing 20
affections from errors: 9 sometimes it is as if the argument refers to affec- 4DB
tions only, often to errors; and sometimes it will seem to you that he is
discussing both. I, as you know, made this distinction from the very outset;
15
I defined error as arising from false belief, and affection as arising from
3K some non-rational capacity in us that is not amenable to reason. I added 5
that in common parlance both are referred to, more generally, as errors; 10
for example, we use the term 'error' in reference to someone behaving
without discipline, to someone acting in rage, and also to someone believ-
ing a slander. 11
Many ph.ilosophers, including Chrysippus, have written works con-
cerned with the treatment of the affections of the soul; 12 Aristotle, and 10
6
Reading Expf1v... TO: ypo.qn\v,a 8top!~ovTa with De Boer; but see texrnal note 3.2.
9
This distinction, between path? and hamartemata(and their cognates) rests on the fundamental
(to Galen, and to Platonic-Aristotelian tradition as it had developed in Galen's time) bipartition
between a rational and a non-rational element (of which the tripartition is in a sense a further
refinement): the rational makes errors of judgement (hamartbnata),the non-rational is subject to
affections (pathe);and Galen asserts this Platonic-Aristotelian way of describing the soul vocifer-
ously against the Stoics, in particular Chrysippus (most notably in PHP), who characterized al!
wrongdoings of i:he soul as errors of judgement. On this Platonic-Aristotelian 'bipartition' and on
the relations between Galen's theory and the Stoics, see the Genera! introduction, pp. 18-22.
10
Galen habitually allows different usages of terminology, 'provided that we are clear about the actual
matter under discussion'. For relevant discussions of Galen's attitude to language see Manuli (1986);
Barnes (1991); Hankinson (1994a); and most recently Morison (2008b) esp. 129-132. It is also
relevant here that Galen took a considerable interest in classical 'Attic' usage - on the orthodoxy
of which, however'.he claims that one should not insist, his purpose being rather to bring clarity
as to what items are meant by particular terms in particular authors. Galen devoted a considerable
number of (lost) books to such themes, in particular to the usage of comic playwrights; on this see
Ord. Lib. Prop.100,2 l-l 02,5 BM (XIX.60-61 K.) and Lib. Prop. 172-173 BM (XIX.48 K.) with
Boudon-Millot's note; and see now Ind. 8,11-10,24 BJP. Galen often relies on comic authors to
elucidate actual usage of a term.
11
The three examples seem intended to cover the pathi of the two different non-rational parts
of the soul specifically, as well as rhe hamartlma of the rational: an action 'without discipline'
(&Koi\ao-;o:{voVTo:, with connotations of sexual incontinence) would belong to the desiderative,
'rage' (0vµ~) to the spirited; and 'believing a slander' would be an intellectual error (i.e., of the
rational capacity}. For a relevant discussion see PHP 246,13 ff. DL (V.375-376 K.).
12
The phrase 'works concerned with the treatment' translates therapeutika:Chrysippus wrote a work
On Affections,for which (as indeed for Chrysippus generally) Galen in PHP is our chief, and ex~
treme!y hostile, source; it seems that a 'therapeutic' work (Therapeutikon) constituted the fourth and
final book of this On Affections;on this, and for attempts to reconstruct Chrysippus on the basis of
(predominantly) Galen, see Tie!eman (2003b); also Dufour (2004). With regard to Aristotle and
Plato, Galen does not mean any specific work, but rather that material relevant to the subject can be
gleaned from various places in their writings. It seems extremely odd that, even in this vague refer-
I ence, Galen appears to line Chrysippus up with Plato and Aristotle as superior authorities, given his
mercilessassault on him in PHP, and especiallyso since this very point- failure to distinguish enors
I and affections, or, more broadly, the rational and irrational faculties of the soul - lies at the heart
of his disagreement with Chrysippus, Either Galen does not intend us to understand Chrysippus
d
I

240 Affections and Errors
his comrades) also spoke about <these matters>; and befOre them Plato. It
would have been better to learn these things from these people, as I did. In
this first pare of che discussion I shall set out all the main points concisely,
as you request, in the order in which you heard them on that previous oc-
casion, when you asked about Antonius' book.
Necessityand dijficnltyof self-knowledge
2. It is likely that we are committing errors even when we seem to ourselves
not to be making any mistake at all, 13 as may be inferred from the follow-
ing: we see that all human beings suppose either chat they are completely
free from error or that their mistakes are few, small and infrequent; and
4 K. that che people most strongly subject to this impression 14 are chose chat
others think make the most errors. Well, I, for one, have had a great deal
of experience of this, if of any other phenomenon: I have observed chat
chose who have gone to others for arbitration 15 regarding their own per-
sonal qualities commit few errors, whereas I have found that those who
have assumed their own superiority without turning to anyone else for
judgement perpetrate lhe greatest mistakes, and the largest number of
chem. 16
under 'these people' (but this is surely the only nai:uralreading of the Greek - also of Magnaldi'S
slightly different reading) or it is a (particularly extreme) case of the shifting Uneof authority that
Galen employs. For another case where Chrysippus is used 'on Galen'sside' against an op·ponent-
name!yThessalus- seeMMI.2 (X.9 and X.18 K). Galen's.fluid strategy in the use of authority has
been well analysedby Vegetti (1986/l999b) and (1999a); cf. also Manuli (1986) and Lloyd (1988)
and (1993).
l3 The first stage towards improvement is recognition that there· is something in need of improve·
ment. Ethical treatises such as this seem op.·the whole addressed to those who do acknowledge
such a need, rather than those who need pCrsuasionof the validity of the whole project, see above,
Introduction pp. 206-207 and belo\'I;,23,14-19 DB (V.34 K.) with n. 173; it is interesting to
compare the remark of Marcus Aurelius I.7, where he acknowledges his teacher Rusticus as a
source of his 'awarenessof the need for rectification and cure of my character' (qiavTaalav -roiJ
XPft~etv81opSOOaews 1<0:\Sepcmefas). Relevant t00 may be the threefold typology of proptr_eptic,
therapy and advice which, according to Stobaeus,Eel II.39.20-41.25, had been outlined by Philo
of Larissa. See Gill (2003) 42 for discussion of this and other possibly related categorizations
within the ethical discourse.
l4 'Subject to this impression' translates-roUToTI€Trov66-ro:s, where 1TETiov06TO:S is a participle from
the verb ir&axw, cognate with pathos,'affection'. (See above, Introduction pp. 209 ff., for discus-
sion of this term.) So, the misconception that we have about our own state of unaffectednessis,
interestingly,at least in some sensean affection. , motion[= pathos]does not arise in decent (TOOV
15 The importance of some kind of'supervisor' to assist the process of improvement is a weU·estab~
lished feature of the ethical discourse before Galen, See above, Introduction pp. 210 and 212, for
parallels,
16 Or, followingMagnaldi (and the original reading ofL, µ&AtaTo: for µ~yla-ra): 'perpetrate mistakes
the most, and the largest number of them'.
9'
. ·I
.!
Translation,bookI 241
That praise, then, which in my youth I used to think unfounded, for 5 DB
the Pychian oracle's 'know chyself' 17 (the demand did not seem to me
a difficult one), I lacer found to be justified. For it is only the wisest of
men who could be said co know himself in che strict sense of the word;
15 no one else knows himself in this strict sense) though some know them- 5
selves betcec than others. In all aspects of life, and in eve,y specialized
skill, 18 everyone may cecognize19 very large distinctions - things which
stand out a long way - but only che discerning2° or skilled person will
recognize the subtle ones. So it is with errors and affections. When some-
5 K. one becomes extremely angry over tiny chings,21 and vigorously bites and
17
The motto, famouslyinscribed on the outside of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, was a widelyused
referencepoint in philosophical discussions,including those of Galen's period; on the history of
the 'Delphic Maxims' see Wilkins (1929) esp. eh. 4 on the use of'know thyself' in Graeco-Roma.n
20 literature (e.g. P!utarch, Lucian, Cicero, Seneca); she also traces the connection that is made by
Socrates/Platobetween the maxim and knowledge,specifically,of the soul,and, relatedly,the virtue
of temperance or self.control (siJphrosune) (ibid., 55-62, discussing the Platonic texts Charmides,
Philebus,Phaedrusand Alcibiades!). More broadly, the project of self-knowledgecan be seen as
central to the Socratic project (as sum1narizede.g. by Plato,Apology38a: 'the unexaminedlifeis not
worch living for a human being', and by the same dialogue'sinsistence, esp. 23a-b, on the paltry
nature of human wisdom).
25 18
The use of the concept of a specializedskill or art (techne)as a model or point of departure in the
discussion of ethical excellence famously begins with Socrates and his interlocutors among the
'sophists' {amongmany possible relevant forms of the argument, see e.g. Plato, Gorgias,esp. 464b
ff. and 500a ff.). In Galen the concept of techniis esp. applied to medicine, essentiallyreferring to
a kind of practical expertisewhich nonethelesshas very strong theoretical-logicalfoundations; the
argument of &hortation to Study the Arts in particular is aimed at giving medicine precisely that
high-levelprofile.
1
~ 'recognize':or 'come to know'; the verb (gigniJskein) is the same as that translated 'know' in 'know
thyself, and the fol!owingsentence. Though 'come to know' or 'get to know' would be a cumber·
some translation, the verb contains the sense of a process,rather than just a state of knowledge.
20
'Discerning' corresponds to phronimos,a somewhat difficult term in translation. The related noun
phronisisis in philosophicalcontexts usuallytranslated as 'prudence' or 'practicalwisdom' (the latter
especiallyin Aristotelian ethics, where the term has a semi-technicalusage), Central is the notion
I of ;i. kind of mental excellenceor discernment of use in practical contexts. See n. 116 below; and
cf. the related, but distinct, usages,discussedat QAM, n. 91. In the present context, the two quali-
ties - being technitisor being phronimos- must be taken to correspond to the two fieldsidentified
i in the first part of the sentence: beingphronimosdoes not entail a specialistexpertise,but a kind of
j 21
knowledgeof broader application to the problems of life.
1he policy of starting by eradicating big, easily discernibleexamplesof pathos,and progressingto
s1na!lerones, is standard in practicalethical literature, esp. in the Stoic tradition, where the ultimate
aim is of course the total eradication of pathos.Galen seems here to share that approach, but, as
Donini (2008) 194 has pointed out, never really makes clear whether he intends the total removal
of pathe or - what was the 'orthodox' Platonic-Arist0telian view in his time - their moderation
(metriopatheia). Relevant to this is the opinion stated at PHP 294,31-33 DL (Y.432 K.) that 'this
II
&a-rdwv)people'ssouls': the view attributed to 'the
ancients and Chrysippus' but clearly,at that point, endorsed by Galen, who continues that the only
differencebetween 'the ancients' and Chrysippus is over 'what bad people's(-r&vq,o:\JAwv) soulsare
like, during and before the path/. On the prominence given to the avoidanceof anger (especially
I by masters to slaves)in ethical treatises of the first-second century CE, see Introduction, p. 211.
Another passagefrom PHP provides an interesting parallel here: at 278,32-280,6 DL (V.415 K),
t
1
I
I
i

242 Affections and Errors
kicks 22his household scaff, it will be evident to you chat that person has
got into a state of affection, just as it will when someone gets involved in
drunkenness, whorinf and wild parties. 23 The case of one whose soul is
moderately troubled 2 by some major harm to his finances, or public hu-
miliation, will be less clearly one of affection, 25 as also that of one who eats
cake rather inappropriately; 26 but these cases too are quite evident to one
who has given his soul the preliminary practice[ ... ]. 27 Therefore whoever
wishes to be a decent human being28 should bear this point in mind: that
he is necessarily unaware of many of his own errors. As for the question of
how to find them all out, I could give an account of this, seeing as I found
them out in my own case,29 but will at present refrain, since this book may
at some point fall into the hands of others, so that they too may first be
schooled30 in the discovery of the path to knowledge of their own errors.
So, just as I suggested that you tell me, and listened in silence while you
6K. declared what seems to you the case, I will now do the same, exhorting che
reader of this piece of writing to put it down and enquire how one may
gain the ability to recognize when one is oneself committing error. 31
Galen quotes from Chrysippus' account in his Affectionsof how in anger we throw objects (indud~
ing, hypothetically, a knife); bite keys; beat doors when not opened quickly; attempt to punish
stones that we stwnble on; use inappropriate language.
22 Or 'abuses'; see textual Jlote 3.3.
23 Following De Boer (the text seems good, though there is a little doubt over tl1e reading ~Talpcns,
'whoring'). Note that drunkenness is simply included alongside other excessivemanifestations of
the desiderative capacity (i.e. that related to bodily appetites) rather than having any special status
similar to the modern category of alcoholism. ':' .. · in various forms in our collections, it is not clear that Galen would have read any of those exact
24 'Troubled' translates tarachthenai, a verbal form cognate with the term ataraxia,'freedom from
trouble' or 'untroubledness'. Thisis the term used in Epicureanism to refer to the desired state in
life; and therefore there would probably be Epicurean connotations for the reader here, however
doctrinally u11explicitthis passage is. See .below,A.ff. Pecc.Dig. II, n. 17, on the term aochlisia.
25 The argument of AvoidingDistressis of ~ourse relevant here: being affected by major calamities is
acceptable in principle, but there is a vef'}'high threshold as to what should count as such a calamity.
26 A somewhat approximate translation·of 6:1<.vpWTepov (L followed by De Boer); see textual note 3.4,
27 I have omitted the problematic bit of text that follows, which even in the highly emended version
printed by De Boer (see List of textual departures} makes imperfect sense. The verb ~So6l6{Etv
seems particularly problematic; nor is any of rhe other suggested emendations for the passage sat~
isfactory. It seems dear that the argument had something to do with 'dealing with all affections in
need of rectification, including the small ones'; but the exact proposition (and, crucially,its relation
to the question raised above, of total eradication versus metriopatheia}cannot be ascertained.
28 'A decent human being'; kaios kagathos, a term of conventional Greek morality rather than one from
the philosophicaldiscourse;see also Ind 20,13 BJP with note. (The usagein the present text, certainly,
has more to do with general ethical qualities than with membership of a social or polltical elite.)
29 Following De Boer; but see textual note 3.5.
30 The verb 'school' (.gumnazein, usually in a passiveor reflexiveusage) standardly refers to physical or
athletic, but also (and especiallyin the present text) to various forms of mental, training.
3l An interesting development of the relationship between the oral and the written version: it seems
that Galen here wishes to regard the book as equivalent to an actual living teacher, so that at the
TI
'
Translation,bookI 243
10 32
We have, as Aesop used to say, two bags strapped round our necks: 5
the one in front is full of other people's wrongdoings, 33the one behind full
of ours, so that we always see other people>s and are consistently unable
to see our own. The truth of this statement is accepted by everyone; but
Plato also adds the reason for the phenomenon. He says that the lover is
15 blind regarding the loved one. 34 Now, since each of us loves himself best 10
of all, he must necessarily be blind in his own case. How, then, will he see
his own evils? And how will he realize that he is committing error? Aesop's
20 fable and Plato's argument 35 seem to tell us that the project of discovery of
our own errors is more hopeless by far; for unless one can somehow desist
from loving oneself, the lover is necessarily blind regarding the loved one. 36 15
Now, I would not have thought it worthwhile to ask the reader of this
7K, book to conduct an internal investigation <regarding> the discovery of his
6DB own errors, if the matter were not a difficult one, even for a person who
has spent a long time on such internal examination. Well, I will declare
my own opinion; 37so that if each individual finds some other way as well, 20
point in the lecture where the teacher would be silent and invite the student's response, the book
should do the equivalent of being silent - and be set aside for a little.
32
Aesop: a mythical figure rather than an identifiable author; moral tales or 'fables' (often, but not
always, involving speaking animals) came to be regularly attributed to the name 'Aesop' from the
fifth/fourth century BCE onward; and collections of such fables had been made probably since
about 300 BCE. The actual texts that have come down to us can essentiallybe divided into versifica-
tions of fables by named authors such as Babrius (second century CE or earlier, and much used in
Graeco~Romanschools; see Joyal, McDougall and Yardley2009, 233); and anonymous prose col-
lections, some of which seem to be exercisesin rhetorical composition, daring in their present form
to various periods.from second to fifth centuries CE. Thus, though we have rhe 'fable' mentioned
versions, though dearly the version he knew shares a common tradition with them. So, in both
Babrius' version (Crusius 66) and a similar one in prose (Hausrath 229, Perry266), the attaching of
the bags is related to the story of Prometheus' creation of the human race; another version, perhaps
closer to what Galen has in mind (Halm 359), simply says: 'Every huinan being has two bags ... '.
In,all three cases the thing which fills the bags is 'evils/wrongdoings' (Ko:KOOv}. Galen refers to the
'fable' again at Hipp. PrQrrh.63,6 D. (XVI.613-614K.) in the context of errors of interpretation of
a text; and cf. above, Mor.IV,p. 167and Quotations 2.23.
33
Adopting SchOne'sconjecture, not adopted by De Boer: KaKOOVµEcrTT)v. This seems clearly required
by the text, as it appears both in the '.Aesop'sources and in Galen's other referencesto the 'fable', see
previous note. But it is just possible that the moral import of the ta.lemight include the sense that
we are blind to both our faults and our virtues.
34
The quotation is from Laws73 le5--6, where the sentence continues: 'so that he has bad judgement
regarding what things are just, good and fine, and always believes that he should hold in high
regard his own qualities, rather than the truth'. Note that both 'the lover' and 'the loved one' here
are grammatically neuter (though see textual note 3.6): 'that which loves' and 'that which is loved';
this presumably has the effect of further generalizing the proposition, but would read strangely in a
literaltranslation.
35
'Fable' is muthos and 'argument' logos:the two terms form a common rhetorical opposition in
Greek.
36 Magnaldi prints a subtly different text, which may be preferable; see textual note 3.7.
37
Again Magnaldi has a slightly different text, which has its merits; see textual note 3.8.
244 Affections and Errors
he may take mine too, and be benefited by the abundance of two ways of
salvation instead of one; if not) then let him continue using this way of
mine until he finds a better. It is time, then, to say what mine is: here is the
beginning of that account.
How to free oneself of affection: the choiee and use of a supervisor
3. Since errors arise fr.cm false belief, while affections arise from non-
rational impulse,3 8 it seemed to me that one should first free oneself from
the affections: it is not unlikely that rhese may themselves in some way be
a cause of our forming false beliefs. 39 There are affections of the soul that
are universally acknowledged as such: rage,40 anger, feat, distress, envy,41
38 'Non-rational impulse' translates a/ogonhormetl;see above, pp. 22-3 n. 54, p. 136, n. 3 and p. 209
n. 18, for the problematic status of the term horme, which is used differently in The Doctrines
of Hippocratesand Plato and has a technical sense in St0icism, esp. related ro the account of ac-
tion. Here the crucial point is the existence(pacethe Stoics) of two fundamentally different princi-
ples in the soul (which in TheDoctrineso/Hippocratesand Plato,but not in this text, are referred to
as eidi, 'forms' and mere,'parts', as well as archai,'principles' or 'sources').
39 Problems for the extent to,which Galen explores or fails to explore the interrelation between rhe
parts of his tripartite soul have been discussed recenrly by Gill (2010); cf. also Donini (2008)
195-196. Here Galen acknowledgesan interference of the pathi on judgement, though he is quite
unspecificabout how that might come about.
40 This usage of thumosas si:nply 'rage' (a pathosamong others) is in a way odd. In Plato, and also in
Galen (esp. in TheDoctrines·ofHippocratesand Plato,.butalso at points in the present work) thumos,
as well as the relared form to thumoeides(lit., 'the spirit-formed [part of the soul]'), is a technical
term, referring to one part or form of the tripartite soul, with cermin appropriate faculties; and a
proper function: in other words, it is far from be.tog.simplya pathos.Galen seems simply t'o juggle
the two usagesin this text - thumosin the technical Platoni~ sense, and thumosas a pathosalongside
others. In the latter cases- i.e. where it is not translated as 'spirit', etc. - I have translated it 'ra~e',
though it is not really clear whether' there is a firm distinction between it and orgi, 'anger', in such
contexts. (For the possibility that Galen does make such a distinction explicit, see Mor. I, n. 34,
and related text.) Perhaps thumosis a more pOwerfulemotion, with some stress on its·physical or
'all-consuming' nature; perhaps Galen use$·theterm when he wishes to strike Platonic chords. The
discussion of thumos in Nemesius - itself indebted to Galen's - is interesting: he seems to regard
thumosas the broader category, of which orge,minis (see below, n. 148) and kotosare subspecies
(Nat. Hom. 81,1-13 Marani; see Sharples and van der Eijk 2008, 141-142). Relevant also - by
contrast- is the Stoic usage, whereby orgi (itself a variety of desire) has as a number of subspecies,
among which are both thumosand minis. See SVFIII.394 (= Stobael!s, Eel.II.90,7); SVFIII.395
(= Stobaeus, Eel. 11.91.10);SVFIII.396 (= Diogenes Laertius, llit. phi!. VII.113); SVFIII.397 (=
ps.-Andronicus, De ajfectibus4). In such contexts (SJ.PIIl.395 and 397), thumosis defined specifi¥
cal!yas an onset of anger, or 'anger in its inception' (OpyT\!vo:pxoµilvn).As noted above, Introduc-
tion, pp. 221-222, Stoic classificationsof pathi may be in the background of Galen's thought, but
he certainly does not fo!lowthem closely(seealso above, Introduction, n. 25 with text). For Galen's
usage, see e.g. PHP 186,4-5 DL (V,303-4 K.): evµ4> 6ovi\EIJOVTO:~, 'slaves to rage'; note that,
from the point of view of translation, there are borderline cases:'rage' may be mentioned when the
translation 'spirit' could also have been appropriate.
4! The Greek term isphthonos,which may also connote an attitude of malice or ill will towards some¥
one; sl!ch an attitude llsual!y,though not always, being connected with envy though in Galen
the sense of envy for another's goods seems to be prominent. The term may also used in a political
Translation,book I 245
vehement desire. In my opinion, very excessive42 haste in forming love ·or
hatred fOr any 5 object is an affection too. 'Moderation is best' seems to
SK. me a good saying; nothing that happens without moderation is good. 4 3
So, how should one excise44 these affections, when one does not realize
that one has them in the first place? Such realization, as we were saying, is
rendered impossible by our excessive love of ourselves. But this argument,
though fr does not suggest that you rely on your own judgement of your-
25 self, does admit the possibility of someone else's carrying out the judge- 10
7DB ment45 - someone who is neither loved nor hated by you. So, when you
hear some individual in the city 46 being widely praised for not indulging
in flattery 47 of anyone, cultivate his acquaintance and judge from your own
experience whether his qualities accord with his reputation. First of all, if
context, e.g. as between Sparta and Athens. The connotations are difficult to capture with a single
English word ('grudge' seems to contain some of the same range of meaning - but perhaps not the
violence of emotion that the Greek tenn can include). On the position of phthonoswithin Galen's
view of the non~rarional soul, see above, Introduction, pp. 220-221; also n. 161 below, and Mor.
IV, n. 25.
42
The word translated 'excessive'here (also in the next paragraph, 7,8 DB) is sphodra,the cognate ad-
verbial form of the adjective 'vehement' in the previous sentence. The adverb does not have exactly
the same connotations of power or vigour as the adjective, and would usually be translated by rhe
simple term 'very'. There may, however,be some significancein the three occurrencesdose together
here: all these phenomena involve 'excess',whether of desire, haste or self-love.
43
The saying in this form, 'moderation is best' (metron ariston) is attributed (by Stobaeus, Eel
III. l.172) to ·Cleobulus of Lindos, one of the legendary·'Seven Wise Men'. In the better-known
form miden agan,lit. 'nothing in excess',it was, along with 'know thyself', inscribed on the outside
of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi (see note 17 above), and Plato recounts the myth of the com-
position and dedi~ation of both the maxims by the 'Seven' at Delphi, Protagoras 343a-b. Again,
it was a motto of widespread application in Greek literature, related to temperance or self-control
(stiphrosuni)by Plato and contrasted with excessiveindulgence in affections by e.g. Euripides - see
again the survey of Wilkins (1929) eh. 3, a summary of her fuller (1926). The intuition may be
seen as having a more specific medical relevanceto Galen, e.g. in the doctrine of mixtures, where
mqderadon or the mean (to metron)is equated with the healthy state; and one might think that in
the ethical context it would incline him to the doctrine of metriopatheiamentioned earlier, though,
as discussed,he does not either commit himself to k or, indeed, mention that term. In exactlywhat
way the motto is relevant to the point just made about, specifically,excessivehmte in forming love
or hatred is not, however,entirely clear.
44
The verb (~xK6Ti'TStv), which has medical connotations, seems, again, to hint at complete eradica-
tion.
45
111eGreek could also mean 'the possibility of your carrying out the judgement on someone else -
someone who ... '; this latter interpretation would follow more strictly the logic of the Platonic
dictum (it is the person jl!dged who must not be a loved one, not the person judging), but seems
l 46
neverthelessto read less naturally. .
Omitting, with De Boer, the phrase which followsin L, which would mean something like: 'whom
i 47
you know will neither love nor hate [you]'.
The obstaclesthat flattery puts in the way of true moral judgements, and the importance of distin·
I gttishing the true advisor from the flatterer in the pursuit of moral progress, were again explored
more fully in the ethical tradition in the period immediately preceding Galen's:see above, Introduc¥
tion, p. 212 n. 27 and pp. 214-215 with notes (esp. on Plutarch and openness orparrisia).
l
d.
 246 Affections and Errors
you see him constantly going off co48
the houses of the rich and power- 15
ful, lee alone chose of kings, you may realize that the person's reputation
for being always truthful is a false one: lying is a necessary consequence of
that kind of flattery; and so too if you see that he greets such people, or
attends upon them, or indeed dines with them. One who has chosen such
a life will not just be a liar; he will necessarily be thoroughly involved in 20
9 K. vice, coo, since he must be a lover of some. or all of these things: money,
power, esteem and reputation. 49 If you find a man who does not greet, at-
tend upon, or dine with men of power and wealth, a man who follows a
disciplined daily regime, you may hope that he speaks the truth. But you
must attempt to achieve a deeper knowledge of his qualities (something 8 DB
which can only be done over a prolonged acquaintance). If you find that
he is that kind of person, take some opportunity to talk to him in private.
Ask him to make evident to you directly50which of the above-mentioned
affections he sees in you, emphasizing the gratitude you will feel cowards
him: he will be your saviour, even more so than the man who saves you
when you have a bodily sickness.51
48 Readinga1n6vn:i:(L, followedby Magnaldi) for De Boer'shn6vTo:; see textual note 3.9.
49 The penultimate term (1over of esteem', philotimo~)
and the cognate abstract noun phiiotimia,.are
very frequentlyused by Galen, usually,but not exclusively,with negativeconnotations regardingthe
ambition of intellectual opponents. (See n. 168 below on the similar, bur more definitely negative,
term philoneikia.)See e.g. Nat. Fae. 125.,15-18 H. (II.34 K.): the evil of philotimia suirounding
rhe sects;At. Bil 84,30-31 DB (Y.131-132 K.): Hippocr~teswasa lover of truth, not of philotimia
(even though this might have been justified in his case); San. Tu. 182,35 Ko. (VI.415 K.): philo~
timia is a synonym for vanity (ken()doxia),and prevents people from accepting the truth; but cf.
Lib. Prop.138,19 BM (XIX.14 K.) and ibid 139,11-12 BM (XIX.15 K), with the admission that
Galen himself wrote certain books 'in a mo,rephi/QtimQs wai, or in the context of a particularphi~
lotimia;PHP232,24-26 DL (Y.359 K.),,Wherethe philotimiaof Galen'sfriends causedhim to un~
dertake a particular argument; and Pa,;v.' Pi!.(Y.900 and 904 K): a positivesense in the context of
healthy sporting behaviour.See also.n. 92 below on Dio Cassius' characterizationof Hadrian. The
reader may or may not experiencea sense of irony here, in relation to Galen's use of this term in
particular, and the denigration of the cultivation of great men in general in this passage;for a vivid
picture of Galen's'everydaylife'in this context see PrognQsis, and for this aspect of Galen'scharacter
in its social context see most recently Hankinson (2008c); and cf. Schlange~SchOningen (2003).
50 The adverb (eutheiis) may mean either 'straightforwardly/openly'or 'immediately': I have retained
the ambiguity with 'directly; but certainly the temporal sense is the more common one. · 54
51 The verb siiizeinis quire often used in the straightforward sense of 'keeping alive', 'preserving'
(which would be an alternative translation here), in lay and (sometimes)specificallymedical con~
texts (e.g.Hipp. C()ac.V.612,1 L.); it can alsohave religiousconnotations, and is the term used with
the well·known Christian theologicalimplicationsin the New Testament. Though the metaphor of
medical 'saving' is probably the central one in the present passage,the noun, siitir,does often have
religiousconnotations- applied to a god who intervenesto savefrom disease(e.g. Sophocles, Oedi-
pus Tyrannus304, Euripides, Medea360, Heraclidae640), and an epithet of gods (Zeus, Apollo,
Hermes, Asclepius)worshipped in their specificcapacity as 'saviours'.
Translation,book I 247
And ifhe promises thar whenever he sees you in the grip of one of these 5
affections52 he will make it evident to you, but after an interval of several
days - days when he has spent time with you, of course - has still said
nothing, take him to task, and again ask him (even more pleasantly than
before) to make known to you directly any act of yours which he observes
to have been committed under the influence of affection. Ifhe replies that
his silence was due to his having observed no such action in you in the 10
intervening period, do not readily believe him. Do not imagine that you
lOK, have suddenly become free of error. There are two possible explanations.
Either the friend that you have asked has been lazy in his attention to you,
or his silence is due to shyness to criticize - or indeed reluctance to incur
your hatred, because he realizes that it is an almost universal human habit
to hate those who speak the truth. Otherwise, the reason may be a reluc- 15
ranee to help you - or some other cause which I do not regard as praise-
worthy. If you trust me, 53for the moment, when I say that it is impossible
that you committed no error at all, you will subsequently praise me, when
you see that all human beings commit countless errors every day, and act 20
under the influence of countless affections, but are not themselves aware
of it. So you should not imagine that you are anything other than human,
either. And if you deceive yourself that you have acted perfectly for an
entire month - no, even an entire day - then you do imagine that you are
something other than human. 9 DB
Well, perhaps you will say - if you are a disputatious sort (by choice,
because you have become so through some bad character trait,54 or just
llK. because you are naturally competitive) - that, according to the account 5
that I have here undertaken, wise men are something else, and not human
beings. 55I counter this argument of yours with the following, which is in
52
The participle paschontais here translated 'in the grip of. .. affection(s)':the verb is cognate with
pathQs,'affection',and may thus on its own (as here) mean 'undergoing a pathQs'.(The traditional
translation of this verb is 'suffer', but it has a much more general sense, referring to 'undergoing'
anything, or to something 'happening to' one. This passivesense,that an affectionis something thac
'happens to' one, is important to our understanding of the concept.)
53
Magnaldi's different reading is worth considering: 'If you do n()ttrust [or,believe] me .. .' (with
Giusta:'ssuggestedinsertion of a negative):i.e., Gale11will persuade him from his initial scepticism.
Or 'bad habit': I read T1eous,followingL, against De Boer, who prints Hennicke's ~eous.The usage
,seems consistent with the view of ,i6os in CharacterTraits(namely that it is a quality which is not
necessarilyinnate, though natural endowments and habits formed early in lifeare the major factors
in its development) and therefore the emendation seems unnecessary.Cf. the similar doubt as to
which of the two terms to read at QAM32,8 M. (IV.767 K.) with textual note 4.2.
55
It is by a slightly odd logicalorder thac Galen here moves to counter an imagined objection to the
notion of the error~freewise man (soph()s) before he has introduced the concept: so fur he has only
characterizedfreedom from error as highly unlikely for a human being, not as the property of the
s()ph()s.Possiblythis is one sign of the oral nature of the composition, the author responding to
248 Affections and Errors
two parts. The first point is chat it is only the wise man who is completely
without error; 56 the second is a direct response co this utterance: 57 'if the
wise man is without error, he is, by virtue of this, also not human'. It is on
this account that you will hear the most ancient philosophers 58 saying that
wisdom is the process of approximation to god. But in your case, it could
never happen that you suddenly become on a level with a god.; 9 If people
who have cultivated 60 freedom from affeccion 61 throughout their whole
ideas as they occur ro him, and perhaps even to suggestions from the listener; as well, perhaps, of
the apparently hasty nature of the work. 'Theimagined objection is, presumably,one which might
(perhaps quite widely)have arisen in responseto the apparently impossiblecriteria for wisdom laid
down by, specifically, the Stoics; ir is interesting, then, that Galen seems to ally himself implicitly
with that Stoic position (see next note), to the extent of describing someone who feels this objection
as deliberately disputatious.
% One again seems to sense the presence of a Stoic perception, namely the possibility of complete
perfection, or freedom from error. Yer here the proposition is not the one usually associated with
the Stoics, that one musr be error-free in order ro be considered a wise man, but the subtly different
one that one must be wise in order to be completely error-free. The development of the argument
in the direction of'approximation ro god' evokes Plato and Pythagoras, however: see nore 58 below
on 'most ancient philosophers'.
S7 The text is somewhat uncertain; see textual note J. l O for other possibilities.
ss When talking, always with"approval, of 'the ancient philosophers', or 'the ancients' (hoipalaiot)
Galen's reference is a fluid one, with, almost always, Plato and/or Hippocrares at its centre, bur with
a varying range of others son1etimes added, in accordance with the details of the argument under
discussion. (These may even include some to whom he is usually hostile; see bibliography cited in
n. 12 above.) The superlative 'most ancient' is less common, the more frequent usage involving siin-
ply the word 'ancient' in' the positive, often in conjl.!,nctionwith the term 'best'. The particular usage
here perhaps reinforces the notion of a reference here, not just to Plato (which there certainly is)
but also to Pythagoras, with whom eschatological doctrines regarding the soul were associated. See
on this pairing Mor. J, n. 10. The actual phrasehomoiOsis
0
theJi ('approximation to god') iippears in
Plato, Jhea.etetus l 76b I, where, in the context of the des,irli:bilityof escaping the evils associated with
mortal life in favour of the divine world, Socrates says: '[Such] escape consists in approximation to
god, as much as possible; and this consists in becoming just and holy, with discernment (phronhis).'
See also Mor. I, n. 45.
The term theos,though masculine and personal rather than neuter and abstract, can in Greek
have connotations of 'the divine' in a m9re abstract sense; and this presents a problem for transla-
tion. Though I have preferred the tra,llSlation 'god', here, that abstract sense, of what constitutes
divinity in general, is present here; and certainly Galen does not mean any particular, individual
god.
59 Though the main point is the necessity of long discipline, and therefore 'suddenly' seems the i_mpor-
tant word here, it is also true that the personal dimension of the remark is made prominent, by use
of the personal pronoun su ('you') followed by the particle ge, which functions to highlight it (and
the point is continued in the next sentence). We have here a tantalizing glimpse of the person who
is the unknown addressee; see also below, 11,4-5 DB (V.13 K.): he is neither rich nor powerful.
60 The term corresponding to 'cultivated' is askein;this verb (with its cognate noun aski£is)refers to the
concept of a long-term, daily, rigorous training or discipline, which may have a physical as well as
a mental dimension; but the term also has spiritual or even religious connotations. It is difficult to
catch all these connotations with one term (or set of cognate terms) in English: in this volume the
translations 'train' 01· 'training' have been preferred, alongside the present one, according to different
contexts.
61 The term 'freedom from affection' (apatheia):again, the term is specifically associated with the
Stoic project of the total eradication of the pathe, and the term apatheiaand itS cognate adjective
Translation,bookI 249
lives cannot be confident that they have perfectly attained it, how much
more will that be true of you, who have never done so. Do not> then, trust
10 someone who says that he has not seen you perform any act under the in- 15
fluence of affection. You must rather think that he makes such a statement
because he is reluctant to help you, or because he has decided not to watch
closely for what you do wrong, or because he is wary of incurring your
hatred: He may even at some point have seen you getting annoyed with
someone who criticized your errors and affections; and therefore he very
12 K. reasonably says nothing, not trusting the sincerity of your statement that
you want to know all your errors. But if you first of all remain silent after 20
you have been separated from your actions performed under the influ-
ence of affection, 62 you will find after a short time that many are prepared
genuinely to correct you, 63 and all the more so if you thank the person 10 DB
who gives you this blame, since through him you have been freed from
that harm. 64 From the very process of contemplating whether his criticism
was correct or nor, you will be conscious of a great benefit; and if you do
this continually, on the basis of a genuine choice that you have made to
become a decent human being, you will become one.
In the initial period, even if after diligent investigation you find that a 5
person has accused you insultingly and falsely, do not attempt to persuade
yourself that you have committed no error; but let this be the first rudi-
ment of your philosophy: to endure insult. At some later point, when you
become co.nscious that your affections have been sufficiently reduced, you
will try to justify yourself against such insults - but never in a shrill or ar- 10
gumentative way, nor displaying a quarrelsome spirit or desire to beat the
person. 65 Rather, you will do it for your own benefit, so that when he pro-
duces some plausible counter-reply to your rebuttal, too, you will either be
13 K. persuaded that his assessment is superior, or find, on further examination,
apathi£are standard terms in the Stoic discourse (e.g, Arl'ian, Epict.I.4.27, attributing the concept
to Chrysippus). The (undiscussed) transition from the terminology of 'error-free' (anamartetos) to
that of 'freedom from affection' (apatheia)is surely revealing. The distinction should be a central
one for Galen; but in this quasi-Stoic context he seems to have fallen into an elision of the two. For
the Stoics, of course, to say that the wise man is free of error is essentially the same as to say that he
is free of affection.
6
~ The text is somewhat uncertain; see textual note 3.1 L
63
The term translated 'correct' is epanorthoumenous, cognate with the potentially medical term
epanorthtisis discussed above, n. 4,
64
The terin b!abe('harm'), like pathosand epanorthJsis can have a physical/medical sense, 'damage' or
'injury'; the notion here in play is that of a harm or damage 'of the soul', which goes along with the
related notion (common to the Stoics and Socrates) that the only true harm that can befall one is
through being a bad person or doing wrong.
65 Reading µ116£T6 cp1A6v1:1Kov Eµqialveuvµ116EK<rro:!3CVV'ls111ESEAeuv; see textual note 3.12.
 250 Affections and Errors
that you are free of his accusations. Zeno, too, had a similar view: that all 15
our actions would be secure66 if we imagined that we would shortly have
to justify ourselves to our tutors. For that was What he called the mass of
people who are ready to offer criticism of their fellows, even if unsolicited.
And the recipient of such criticism 67 will have to be neither rich nor
possessed of political ambition. 68 In the latter case, fear will prevenr any- 20
one fro'm telling him che truth; in the formCr, monetary gain will prevent
his flatterers; and even if someone did appear who told the truth, he would
stand aloof in rheir presence. 69 If, then, someone of great power and wealth
15K.
desires to become a decent human being, he must first put those things 11 DB
from him - and especially so today, when he will find no Diogenes 70 to
tell him the truth irrespective of how wealthy he is, and even irrespective
of whether he is a king. Well, those individuals will make their decisions
on their own behalf. You, who are neither wealthy nor powerful in rhe 5
affairs of rhe City/ 1 should enrreat everyone to tell you whar they find to
criticize in your behaviour, and not gee annoyed with any of chem; and in
14 K. rhis way - as Zeno would say - have the whole world as your tutors. Yet
I do not recommend ..th~t you give equal attention to what everyone says,
but in particular to older men who have lived the best kind of lives. (The
characteristics of those who live such lives, I have stated previously.) As
time goes on, you will yourself be aware, even without those individuals, 10
and you will realize the extent of the errors that you used to commit; and
then, indeed, it will be apparent to you how true is my statement that no
one is free of affections or errors,. not eyen the person with the best natural
endowments, brought up in the best habirs;72 and rhat in all cases there are
some mistakes, especially when one is young.
66
The Greek adjectiveasphalis(and related a4verb), usually translated 'safe(ly)',Jndudes the concept
of 'avoiding mistake'. De Boer cites SVF 1;56.233.
67 Lit., 'the hearer'. ,- '
68
The basicsense is dear, but the text is' uncertain in detail. See textual note 3.13.
69
The referenceof the pronouns here, and indeed the Greek of this sentence, are uncertain; see textual
note 3.14 for other possibilities.
70 Diogenes the Cynic (fourth century BCE). A genuine historical figure, with distinctive views (in-
cluding an anti-intellectualiseapproach and a rejection of societal norms, neither of which Galen
could conscientiouslyhave agreed with), he also became a semi-legendarycharacter around whom
accumulatedanecdotesand bonsmon in the area of'practical 'ethics'.(SeeIntroduction, pp. 210-.:211
above.) For Galen, Diogenes' lack of respect for riches and power, especiallywhen not allied with
education or care for one's soul, is the crucial point; see Protr.92,5-9 B. (I.10 K.); 99,1-16 B.
(I.18-19 K.} for relevant Diogenesstories; and see also above, Mor., book II, n. 5.
71
'Ihe context, and what we take to be the date of the composition, seem dearly to imply that Rome
is intended here; cf. below,where the social context is rather Pergamum/Asia.
72 Here Galencoversthe two areaswhich he regardsascausativelyessentialin ethics, i.e, nature and early
training/education. The point (with the concomitant unlikelihood of anyone who has not had these
advantagesever attaining virtue) is elaborated further below, esp. 25,21-27,19 DB (V:37-40 K.}
Translation,bookI 251
Gradual nature of self-improvement; extreme examples
of anger to be avoided
4. For each of us requires training 73 throughout practically the whole of his 15
lifoi.n order to b«:ome a perfect 74 man. One should not put aside the pos-
s1b1lityof Improvmg oneself, even ar the age of fifry,75 if one is conscious
of some defect that one's soul has sustained, provided rhat this defect is
not incurable or irremediable. 76 If one's body were in a bad state ar rhat
age, one would nor give oneself up t0 the bad condition; 77 one would by 20
all means attempt to improve it, even if one were not able to achieve a
Heraclean type of good condition. No more, then) should we refrain from
efforts to a~hieve a better state of the soul. Even if we cannot get the soul
of the wise man 78 - though we should have a high hope of getting even
that, if we take care over our souls from early youth - then we should at
least take care that our soul be not utterly disgusting) as was Thersitel 25
body.79
on ~fferences in and education of children: and 27,20-29,16 DB (V:40-43 K.) on Galen's own
et~tcal aut0biography as he sees it. The phrase 'brought up in the best habits' rranslaresethesika!Lis-
t01stethrammenois,wherein ethesi(from ethos- not to be confusedwith ethos,'character trait') is the
stan,dardte:m for 'habits' o.r 'customary practices' and tethrammenoisa form of the standard term
for nurture . Chara;terTraits,of course, pays particular attention to child development; one may
73
also compare Galens short work on CustomaryPractices(Com.).
The term here is askesis,which can have the connotations of discipline and self-improvementin-
volvedin a quasi-religious(e.g. Pythagorean)sect, as well as the more down-to-earth connotations
of daily training. See also above, n. 60.
74
Or 'complete': ~heword te!eioshas (Aristotelian)connotations of fulfillingone's proper purpose, as
well as of reachmg a goal, rather than of necessarilyachievingabsolute perfection.
75 11 ''h
1e~pt1i.rusm ere expressed seemssomewhat at odds with the tone, at least, of Galen'sremarks 011
76
the vital 1mpo~tanceof early ed~cation elsewhere(as discussedabove, n. 72).
The terms (an1aton,anepanorthoton)are again ones whose usual application would be in the realm
of the medical or physical- as indeed is the term translated 'defect': Jobin.A lobe(though this also
~as a n~n-phys'.calsenseo_f'ou~ra~e' ?r:dis~o?o~r') seemsto be used here in a metaphorical-applica-
t10nof its physicalsense, munlat10n, maun1ng. There seems to have been a more specificmedical
lliia?~of lab~,to refer to something like leprosy: see [Galen], lnt. 70,10-12 P. (Xrv:757 K.), with
Pents note; 1n any case the connotations of mutilation are relevant.
77
Greek kachexiai,i.e. a bad 'heds' (the opposite of euexia).He;dsis one of a number of technical terms
Galen employs,with precisedefinitions, in the realm of health and dietetics,and it refersto the no-
tion of stabilityin a state; see the small treatise GoodCondition(Bon.Hab.),also JheBestConstitution
of Ou~~odies(?pt. Corp.Const.);and cf. the discussionin Jhrasybulus, esp. 38-40 H. (V,813-817
K) It is mterestmg to note the use of the term kachexiaby Nemesiusin the context of a bad state of
the body having adverseeffectson the soul: Nat Hom. 75,220 ff. Marani, with Sharplesand van der
Eijk (2008)
n. 657.
78
Ho sophos,alsotranslated 'the sage',when used in this absolutesense,again reflectsthe Stoicdiscourse.
On the other hand, this veryproposition, that one should settle for the closestonecanget to that level
is in a sensecontrary to 'official'Stoic doctrine, wherebyall personsother than the sageare mad. '
79
The figuresmentioned here and in the following sentences are (except for Herades) all characters
from the Iliad,where Thersitesis a by-word for uglinessand physicalwretchedness(seeIliad II.212
ff.), and Achilles is traditionally regarded as the 'best' of the heroes. The kind of classification
whereby there is a universallyacccepted 'best' in every field - e.g. Herades for physicalexcellence,
 252 Affections and Errors
If it had lain in our power before being born to meet the one who had
oversight over 80
our birth, and to beg him that we might take the noblest
kind of body, and he had refused this, then we would surely have begged
of him chat we might have the second, third or fourth after chat, in terms
of good condition. For it is desirable, if one cannot have the body of Hera-
cles, to have that of Achilles; or, failing that, the body of Ajax, Diomedes,
or Agamemnon or Patroclus; or, failing those, the body of some other
admirable 81 heroes. So too with the soul: someone who is unable to have
the perfect sort of good condition would, I believe, settle for being sec-
16 K. ond, third or fourth from the top. And this is not impossible for one who
is prepared co82 exert himself for a long period in a process of constant
training.
In my youth - when I had already engaged in this training 83 - I once
saw a person hurrying to open a door and, when the operation did not
proceed as required, biting the key, kicking the door, cursing the gods; roll-
ing his eyes wildly as madmen do, 84 and all but frothing at the mouth like
a boar. I hated this rage so much that I would never be seen thus disfigured
by ir. And rhis, indeed, will be sufficient, at least to begin with: that you
do not curse the gods,"do not kick or bite objects of stone or wood, do not
take on rhe appearance of a wild man; but hold back and conceal the anger
within yourself. For one cannot become free from anger immediately, in
the same moment that one wishes it; j:,ut one can control the ugly mani-
festation of the affection. And if one does so frequently, one will at some
point notice that one is becoming le~s angry than previously, so that one
Pheidias among sculptors, Apellesamong painters, Hippocrates among doctors {for the last three
see Opt.Med. 287,16-18 BM, 1.57K.) - }Vasdoubtless part of the classicizingGreek education in
Galen'stime (and the apparent assignm~-i:of Ajax, Diomedes, etc. to specificpositions in a hierar~
chy may belong to the same tendency).'
so The verb (pronoei.sthai) has connotations of foresight, providence. It is also the same verb used in
the previoussentence, 'take care of'; see also n. 101 below,as well as above, Ind., n. 105, where the
verb (in the activeform) has a political significance.The precise nature of Galen'stheologicalviews,
esp. in relation to the way human beings are formed in the womb, and how souls reach human
form, are unclear - and perhaps not very important here, where Galen is making a hypothetical
point. But the most relevant discussionsare in TheFunctionof thePttrts,TheShapingof theEmbryo,
My Own Doctrines;see also M, Frede (2003).
St The word 'admirable' (&yo:aT&v)is conjectural;see textual note 3.15 for other possibilities.
82 Or, 'one who has planned to' ([3ovAfv6~\IT1, L, for which [3ov7'ri6~vnwas Chartier's emendation),
83 Or 'when I had already been given the above advice [lit. heard these things]' (if one were to read
6:KoVao:s, the MS reading, preferred by Magnaldi over Scheme's6:aKftao:s).
84 Mainomeniii - the term is cognate with mania, a technical medical term (usually translated
'madness') for a state of mental aberration with certain accompanying physical symptoms'. For
relevant texts in the area of Galen'sclassificationof mental disturbances, see General introduction,
pp. 26-28.
Translation,bookI 253
17 K. no longer becomes enraged 85 over either small or great things to a great
12 DB degree, but only over great ones - to a small degree. 86 Thus, some time
later, one will manage to get angry only to a small degree over the great- 13 DB
est things; and then, perhaps - something that I have kept to throughout
my life, since imposing it on myself in my youth 87 - never to strike any
5 household servant with my own hand; this was a discipline cultivated by
my father, too, who indeed berated many of his friends who had bruised a 5
nerve88 in the act of hitting servants in the teeth. He used to say that they
deserved to suffer convulsions and die from the inflammation that they
had sustained. For they could perfectly well have waited just a little and
IO applied the number of blows that they wished, with a cane 89 or a strap,
carrying out the task in accordance with their judgement. And there are
those who use not only their fists but even their feet on their servants, and 10
gouge out their eyes or stab them with a pencil 90 which they happen to be
holding. 91
15 Once I even saw a man in the grip of anger strike his servant in the eye
with the kind of reed used for writing. The emperor Hadrian, 92 it is said,
once struck one of his household servants in the eye with a pencil; and
when he realized that the blow had caused him the loss of one eye, Hadrian
summoned the servant and allowed him to request a gift from him in 15
20 18 K. recompense for what he had suffered. When the injured party remained
silent, Hadrian again encouraged the man not to be shy, but to ask for
115
The verb translated 'enraged' is thumousthai, cognate with thumos,on which see above,n. 40; in the
present context there againseems to be no great distinction betweenthis and the 'anger' and 'getting
angry' (orgeand its cognates)just mentioned.
86 Reading µTjT'hrl µey6i\01sµey6i\v:is... µ1Kp&5 ... µ11<p&5.See textual note 3.16,
87
Reading dT' iav:is- Crrrep. , . ToCi f3!ov- TO;see textual note 3.17.
88
'ftie word 'nerve' here is not entirely certain; see textual note 3.18.
89
The actual item in question (narthix)is the giant fennel plant (Fen1lacommunis),the dried-out
stalk of which (a common sight in Mediterranean countries after the end of the summer) could be
used as an instrument of chastisement, as here (such use of it by schoolmastersis well attested, e.g.
Xenophon, Cyr.II.3.20, cf. '.Aristotle',Problems948al0) - or, indeed, as a torch (it was also the
legendary 1neansof Prometheus' bringing fire to mortals, Hesiod, Theogony567).
91
> The mention of gouging out eyes seemsout of place here, both becauseit is a far more extreme and
deliberateact of violencethan the others, and becauseits appearancehere surelyspoils the escalating
progressof the anecdotes. It seems odd to say 'I evensaw a man ... strike his servant in the eye ... '
. when one has already mentioned gouging out.
91
The passage(from 'For they could' to 'happen to be holding') is one of the many which Marquardt
regarded as scribal interpolations, but there seem to us no good grounds to doubt its authenticity.
See textual note 3.19.
92
Hadrian was emperor from 117 to 138, i.e. in the generation before Galen'spresenceat Rome. This
anecdote about his loss of temper does not seem to be paralleled from elsewhere.(In Dio Cassius,
Hist. LXIX.3, for example, his faults of character that receiveparticular attention are philotimia,
desire for honour, and phthonos,envy, especiallyof others' excellences,rather than anger.)
 254 Affections and Errors
whatever he wished. At which the servant replied that he had no other re-
quest - only an eye. For what gift could compensate foe the loss of an eye?
I should also like to remind you of something chat once happened to
me, even though I have spoken about it many times. 93 On a journey home 20
from Rome I was travelling in the company of a friend from Gorryn, in
Crete, who was in other respects quite an admirable man - straightfor- 14 DB
ward, friendly, kind, liberal in his daily exp.enditure- but who was so iras-
cible chat he regularly used his hands on his servants, and sometimes his
legs too; more frequently, though, it would be a leather strap, or any piece
of wood that came to hand. When we reached Corinth, we decided to em- 5
bark all his luggage and his servants - all but two 94 - at Kenchreai and send
chem to Athens by sea, while he hired a carriage and proceeded by land, via
Megara. We went through Eleusis to Thriasion; 95 there he asked the serv-
19 K. ants who were accompanying him about a certain item of luggage - and
they could not tell him anything about it. And so he flew into a rage, and 10
as he had nothing else with which to strike the boys, seized a great knife
which was lying there in its sheath, and brought it down, sheath and all,
on the heads of both of chem, not striking them with the flat of rhe knife-
which would not have been so disastrous - bur with the edge. The blade
cut right through the sheath, and both servants suffered two very serious
wounds - he had hit each of them twice - to the head. 15
When he saw the enormous quanriry of blood that was flowing, he left
us, making for Athens with great speed, to avoid rhe possibility of one of
the servants dying in his presence. Well, the servants we saved and brought
to Athens; but my Cretan friend was utterly disgusted with himself. 96 He 20
took me by the hand, led me into a house somewhere, offered me a strap,
stripped, and told me to flog him for what he had done under the com-
pulsion of his accursed rage97 ~·these were the words he himself used. I
responded, naturally enough, With laughter; but at this he fell to his knees
20 K. and begged me to do exactly as he had asked. And so, quite evidently, the
more earnest his entreaties to be flogged, the more he made me laugh. So, 25
9.3 Here is another vague due to the addressee'sidentity, since both from the tone and the content of
the swry-which is not, in facr, attested elsewhere.in his work- it seems that Galen means that he
has recountedit in informalcontexts,amongsta fairlyclosecircleof friends,to which the addressee
preswnablybelongs.
94 In a dubious text, there havebeen differentscholarlysuggestionswhich affecthow many slaveswent
by land ('two', or 'four or five') and exactly who hired the carriage. The central point is presumably
that the item of luggage that he later wanted had gone by sea.
95 Kenchteai wasa point to the east of Corinth, from which one might take a ship across the Saronic
Gulf to the Piraeus. Thriasion is near Eleusis, to the southwest of Athens.
% Lit., 'condemned himself exceedingly'.
97 'Rage': here again, thumos(and a few lines above, 14,10 DB, 'flew into a rage'= thumotheis).
Translation,bookI 255
after a fair amount of time had passed in this manner, I promised to give
him the blows, if only he would in turn grant me one very small favour - 15 DB
whatever I asked. He agreed, and I commanded him to submit his ears
to an argument that I would expound: this would be his punishment.
He promised to do so, and I discoursed at some length, explaining what
sort of schooling is appropriate 98 for the spirit of rage99 in us - chat of the
word, of course; 100 I gave him his flogging but of a different kind! And 5
with this schooling I left him.
Well, this person, by taking care over himself, lOl improved greatly in the
space of a year. In your case, even if you are not capable of a great improve~
ment, you should be satisfied even with some quite small progress in the
right direction in the first year. If you continue to withstand the affection,
and to soften your rage, you will mal<e more substantial progress in the 10
second year. And if you continue to take care over yourself, in the third,
21 K. and then in the fourth and fifth year, and beyond, you will be even more
conscious of the great improvement in the direction of dignity of life. It is
a shameful thing that a man will make every effort for a period of many
years to become a good doctor, orator, scholar 102 or geometer, but that you 15
96
A number of emendations have been suggested for what is a problematic passage; the central
point, however, seems to be the same: that words are the appropriate means of discipline for the
thumoeider.
Certain features of the account of his friend's 'spirited' behaviour are worthy of attention, roo:
shame, and disgust with oneself, perhaps even the desire to be punished, can be seen as spirited
(thymoeidic) functions on the Platonic model, just as much as anger and the desire to punish. (For
these features see esp. Plato, Republic439e. ff., rhe 'classic' - and probably first - Platonic state-
ment of the role of the middle part of the soul.) Thus, the excessive sense of sha.n1e,or disgust with
oneself, and the desire to be whipped can be seen as part of the same out-of-control functioning of
99
this part of the soul as is the original incident of anger.
Jb.e term here is thumoeides,which refers to the technical Platonic concept within the tripartite
soul, and would normally be translated 'spirited' or 'spirited part';.the translation 'spirit of rage' is
100
here preferred to make dear the connection with thumosas it has appeared in the passage so far.
An alternative translation (for logOt)is 'that of reason'. (The remaining part of the sentence is some-
what uncertainly reconstructed.)
lOl The verb (here and a few lines below) ispronoeisthai, which means lit. 'to have forethought' (in this
case, regarding oneself); it is incidentally the same verb that was used above in the context of 'the
one who had oversightoverour birth'; cf. above, 11,26 DB (V.15 K.), with n. 80.
102
The term grammatikos(Latin grammaticus)can refer, more humbly, to one who teaches grammar
and literature at what we would call a 'secondary' level; cf. below,Alf Pecc.Dig. 44,27 DB (Y.64
K.) with n. 34. What is referred to in the present context, rather, is one with an expertise in the
analysis, exegesisand establishment of texts {for Galen, of course, an important aspect of his own
work); and the grammatikosin this sense appears alongside other practitioners of noble, rational,
accomplishments at Alf Pecc.Dig. 68, 15 DB (Y.l 03 K.) ('practitioners of scholarship') and Protr.
89,2 B. (I.7 K); see also Ind. 4,6; 6,5; 9,19 BJP. For the straightforward educational sense, see
Marrou (1956) 265, with notes; and for the history of the twin uses of the term, with more derail
on grammatical education, see Morgan (1998) 155 ff.
 256 Affections and Errors
should give up on ever becoming 103a good human being, because of the
expenditure of time.
Making judgements when not in the grip of anger
5. What, then, is the beginning of this training? Let us again take up the
point.:....in matters of the greatest importance, there is no harm in repeating
the same things twice ,or even three times - that one should never chastise
any of one's servants who commits an error with one's own hands. The
temperance1o 4 which I once heard that Plato showed towards a servant 20
who made a mistake is one that I have always followed, as I consider it a
fine practice. And so you impose this precept upon yotirself, too: never to
strike a household servant with your own hands, nor to instruct any other
co do so, so long as you are still in a state of anger, but co put it off until
the next day. Once your rage has subsided, you will consider in a more
self-controlled way how many blows are to be inflicted on the person who 16 DB
22 K. deserves the punishment. Is it not better, indeed, to act with judgement 105
in the first place: to call for the whip but recall him to his senses 106with
words, 107 chreatenirig hot to be so forbearing in the future, if the error is
repeaced?108 For any action is much better undertaken when your spirit is 5
no longer boiling, 109and you are free from irrational madness, at which
!03 The basic sense is dear, but the text uncertain in detail; see textual note 3.20.
l04 TI1is is a slight paraphrase of the verb aideisthai,.'to have shame', 'be ashamed', with co.ii.notations
of refraining from a certain course of action (but at6.~Ta6atis itself a conjecture, perhaps not
wholly satisfactory,for the MSS a1psTcr6at).Diogeneslaertius, Vit.phi/. III.38-39 (referredto by
De Boer), recounts of Plato that he asks someone else to punish his slave,becausehe cannot him·
self do it, as he is angry; and says to a slave: 'You would have been flogged,had I not been angry.'
!05 The text is slightly problematic here; amoryg· other things, the term rendered 'with judgement' (alJv
yvt'lµn) may rather be 'with mercy' (cr1;iyyv<:bµn), , t)le sufferer's)point of view that is primarily under consideration - chat is, what it means for that
106 The verb is s<Jphronizein, cogriate wi.th the adjective sophron('self-controlled')which appears (in
the comparativeadverb form) in the previoussentence: the activeverb may be translated 'chasten',
but the underlying senseis presumablythat of 'returning (someone]to a state of being sophriin[i.e.
self-controlled]' (on which term see no. 112 and 171 below).
io7 Or: 'with reason' (bJgOf).
ioa This sentence is the second of the 'corporal punishment' passagesomitted by Marquardt; see n. 91
above.
109 'Spirit' translates thumos here. Tue 'boiling' in question· is for Galen not merely metaphorical.
Anger is associatedwith, and in fact possibly defined as, the zesis or boiling of the blood in the
region of the heart, San. Tu.61,24-25 Ko. (VI.138 K.): 'rage.is ... a kind of boiling of the blood
in the heart'. In fact that, he proceeds to say (and not 'desire for retribution') is the essenc;e(ausia)
of rage according to 'the best0 reputed among the philosophers' (ibid 61,26-27 Ko., VI.138 K.).
Although the connection is not explored in our text here,·the terminology belongs within a nexus
of concepts whereby anger, and indeed shame, are related to heat (with its specificrelationswithin
the humoral theory), to physicalaffectionsinvolvingheat (e.g. fever),and to blood and the innate
heat; see General introduction, pp. 26-29.
Translation,book I 257
point you will find our the correct course of action by a fresh process· of
reasoning. 110 Rage is nothing short of madness, 111 as may be seen from the
actions of men in the grip of it. They strike out, kick, tear their clothes,
and perform every act with a furious expression, to the point where - as
stated earlier - they even get angry with doors, stones or keys, which they 10
rattle, bite or kick.
But perhaps you will say that the above actions are those of people who
actually are mad, while your own actions are those of a self-controlled 112
person. Now, I concede that the error 113of those who strike household
servants with rheir own hands is less than that of the biters and kickers of
stonesi doors and keys; yet it is my conviction that to perpetrate anything 15
of the sort 1.l4 against a human being, too, is either the function of some
kind of madness, albeit a mild one, or of some non-rational and wild ani-
23 K. mal. For, since human beings have, uniquely among animals, the faculty
of reason, 115if they cast this aside and gratify their rage - that is the life
of an animal, not a human being. Do not, however, imagine chat to be
110
The text here is conjectural;see textual note 3.2 l.
ll
1
'fl1e structure of the argument here is interesting in relation t0 the classic Stoic position that all
affection is equally bad, and therefore also a sort of madness, and again suggestsan influence on
Galen from th"atposition, without his dearly adopting it. Galen seems t0 start (as a Stoic would)
with the general proposition 'anger= madness'; then (also Stoically)givesan extreme exrunplet0
illustrate rhe point; he then seems to be pre-empting the normal response to the Stoic position,
namely: 'not all casesof anger [or affection]have these extremeconsequences';but, finally,departs
from the way a Stoic would develop the argument, by conceding the point of lesser and greater
'error' in this area, before perhaps compromising with the concept of'mild' madness.
The proposition developed in the process, that striking household staff with your bare hands is
not as bad as coffipletelylosing your temper with inanimate objects, nmy seem bizarreto a modern
reader (though the point will be partly that the latter actions serve 110 practical purpose at all,
whereas there is thought to be a purpose in punishing servanrs if only that were done rationally);
but it is important to bear in mind that it is the pathos as seen from the agent's (or, in Greek terms,
person's 'mental' health. The consequencesof that pathos- through-the medium of out-of-control
actions - for others are secondary;indeed, they are not reallyat issuehere.
112
The term 'self-controlled' is here used for s<Jphr<Jn (cognate noun J/Jphrosuni,'self-control'), The
term has both a widespread lay usage (traditional translation 'temperate/temperance') and a spe-
cificone in the Platonic tradition, whereby it relates to a particular balanceof elements in the soul,
more especiallyto the control of the lowest drives by the rational, and its opposite is taken to be
akolastos('undisciplined'); see nn. 144, 147 and 171 below.
113
It is interesting that Galen uses 'error' (6:µapT6:vovO't)here for something which is dearly in
, his system a case of pathos rather than hamartima. .AlthoughGalen has explicitly acknowledged
the possibility of this 'more general' sense of the term above, 4,5-7 DB (V.3 K.), it is tempting
here again to see an elision between a Platonic-Aristotelian and a Stoic understanding of error/
affection.
1
!4 Reading 6µol6v Tt. See textual note 3.22.
115
The perception that human beings are between gods and animals, sharing features with each, is
a traditional one in the popular 1noraldiscourse, perhaps especiallyin Stoicism; see e.g. Arrian,
Epict. I.3.3; also, in this volume, Mor. 33-34 Kr.
 258 Affections and Errors
a discerning 116
human being consists merely in refraining from kicking,
biting or scabbing those around us. Such a person is at least not a wild
beast; but he is certainly not yet a discerning human being: his position
is somewhere between the two. Are you then satisfied with the fact that
you are no longer a wild beast, without taking care to become a decent
human being? Or is it not preferable to avoid a continued state, not just
of bestiality, but also of senselessness117 and irrationality? And you will
achieve that state if you are never a slave to rage, but always perform, on
the basis of consideration, all those actions which appear to you best on the
basis of examination conducted when you are outside the influence of the
affection.
1he role of self-esteem/shame in bringing about improvement
How, then, will this come about? By awarding yourself the greatest esteem
of which it is possible to conceive. 118 To remain free from anger when all
others are getting angry - what else is this than to demonstrate one's supe-
24 K. riority over all human beings? It may, however, be that you wish to enjoy
the reputation of suf,etioriry, but not the reality- as though someone con-
ceived a desire to be thought healthy in bodily terms, but to be sick in fact.
Do you not think that rage is a sickness of the soul?119 Or do you think
that there was nothing in what the anc}ents said, when they gave the name
'affections of the soul' to all these: 120 distress, anger, rage, desire, fear?
116 See n. 20 above on phronimos.As noted there, the ter1;1has a particular Aristotelian hi::ritage.If,
however,some precise connotations of the word are intended, in relation either to Galen's Platonic
psychology or to Aristotle's moral psychology,Galen does not elaborate these.
117 The term corresponding to 'senselessness'-the adjectiveaphron- is taken as the negative of phroni-
mos.what is meant, then, is the lack of any'of the qualities which would make for 'discernment'.
l 18 Using the desire for timi, honour or .esteem, as an aid to moral improvement is an intereiting
move. In a sense it belongs to the sa.gietheoretical framework of the tripartite soul, where the spir-
ited part is said to act as ally to the rational, because desire for timi is discinctivelythe function of
the spirited. Since this spirited part should not dominate in the healthy soul, the use of the desire
for timi as a motivator is presumably only a stage in the process of self-improvement; once one
has eliminated or reduced the power of the affections, the rational soul rather than the thymoeidic
would be the prime motivator.
ll9 The concept of'sickness of the soul' regarded in parallel with (and to an extent treated in simi-
lar ways to) the sickness of the body runs through the Greek moral-philosophical discourse; see
above, Introduction, pp. 214-216. From the point of view of Galen's oe.uvre,the use of the termi-
nology of'affection' (pathos)in this context - and the abrupt transition in the present passage,from
talk of'sickness of the soul' to talk of 'affection of the soul' - are interesting: Galen does also use the
rerm pathos- even within the context of the soul - to refer to categories within the medical, rather
than the moral-philosophical, tradition, e.g. phrenitis,mania, melancholy (on which see General
introduction, pp. 26-29).
120 Or, possibly,'to these five';see textual note 3.23. Compare this list with that above, 7,2-3 DB (V.7
K.); and cf. Introduction, pp. 220-222.
Translation,bookI 259
20 But the fOllowing seems to me much the besc course of action fOr one
who would as far as possible be without the above affections: firsc, on ris-
ing in the morning one should consider, before all the tasks of the day, 12 1
whether it is better to live a constant slave co the affections, or to employ
reason on every occasion; secondly, that the man who wishes co become 15
a decent human being must call to himself one who will make evident to
25 , him everything done incorrectly by him; furthermore, that one must have
this belief to hand, 122 every hour of every day: that it is better to esteem
17 DB oneself among those decent human beings, but that it is impossible for
that to happen for us without our having that person who made our errors 20
25 K. evident; 123 and one should, indeed, regard that revealer of one's every false
step as his saviour, as the greatest of his friendsi further, chat, 124 even if his
criticisms sometimes appear to you unjust, it behoves you to appear free
from anger - in the first place, because ic is possible that he has a better
perception than you of each of the errors you actually perform (as, recip- 18 DB
rocally, you would have of his); secondly, because even if he occasionally
criticizes you falsely, he has, then, provoked in you a more accurate exami-
5 nation of your actions.
But in this process there is one thing above all that you should always
keep hold of, if you really have made this choice in favour of self-esteem;
and that is: always have to hand in your memory the ugliness of soul of 5
those who get angry, by contrast with the beauty of those who are free
10 from anger. 125 For someone who through a long period in which he has
developed the habit 126 of error 127 has acquired a stain of affections so deep
121
The text here is slightly uncertain; see textual note 3.24. The approach here discussed is perhaps
worth comparing with contemporary techniques of 'visualization'. For ancient parallels for the
practice of daily assessment,see above, Introduction, pp, 212-213.
122
1}ie terminology of having a doxa(belief, opinion - even, 'school doctrine') at the ready or 'to
hand' (enprocheirtil)is fairly common in ethical treatises of this period; see above, Introduction,
p. 213. The sense is that a belief or opinion is not simply something that is held because it is
correct, but something that can be regarded as a tool: if you have the right one ready in the right
context, it can help bring about the right state of mind, or combat affection. Cf. the usage below
at 34,24-25 DB (V.52 K.)
123
The text has 511A~O'O:VTO:(aorist tense); perhaps it would be better to emend with Chartier to
511i\~O'OVTO: (future, 'one who will make , .. evident', as earlier in the sentence).
124
Magnaldi has a slightly different reading; see textual note 3.25.
12
~ For 'ugliness' and 'beauty' in the ethical context, see Mor. 32-34 Kr.;and che discussion in the
introduction to that work of the relationship of these terms to Platonic psychology.This visual-
emotive response to forms of behaviour is also relevant to the point made about visualization
(n. 121 above}.
126
The importance of habiruation (here the verbal form is ethistheis),in both the 'soul' and the 'body'
context, is emphasized elsewhere in Galen's work; cf. n. 72 above.
127
Again we notice the terminological elision: it is actuallypathosthat is at stake here. But something
more profound seems to be happening here too: we have a relationship between doctrines and
 260 Affections and Errors
128
that it is hard to wash out ought to spend a long time too in the practice
of each of the doctrines by obedience to which you may become a decent
man. For we forget such doctrines, which are easily removed from our
souls, 129 because our souls have already become filled with affections. 130
And so any individual who desires to be saved must take the greatest care
not co slack for a momenti must prevail upon all and sundry to accuse us,
26 K. and must listen to chem in peace; and be grateful, not to chose who flatter,
but to those who requke.
Let the door to your dwelling be kept open constantly, and let your
acquaintances 13 1 be able to enter at all times - if you are so prepared, that
you are confident chat those who enter will not find you powerfully in the
grip of any of the major eccocs. And though it is difficult to remove all,
equally it is extremely easy to remove the large ones, if one is willing. 132
Have your door open, then, as I said, constantly, and let your acquaintanc-
es enter at all times. And in the same way chat people in general attempt
to make all their actions fine ones when they enter a public arena, you do
the same in your own home. Those people act out of shame towards oth-
ers, lest they be caught in some error; and it is only in respect of their own
selves that they haVft Ilo shame; you, though, must be most ashamed in
front of yourself, 133 in accordance with the saying: 'First and foremost of
men, have shame for your own self.'134
affections,in what follows,which is interesting - and potentially problematic for Galen's'official'
Platonist position. . 28
128 Presumablyin the sense of repeating to onhelf, or constantly meditating upon, the doctdne in
question. 1he verb here translated - meletan- has Connotationsof a repeated exercise.'Doctrine'
{dogma)may refer to officialbeliefslearnt in the context of a philosophicalschool (see also n. 122
above).
129 Or: 'we easilyforget (such doctrines] whe.nthey are removed... '.
130 The interaction between affections(pathe)and rational doctrines (dcigmata)
seems interesting here.
13 1 The Greek term sunithis means someone 'familiar' or 'accustomed' to one (indeed, the archaic
English substantive usage of 'familiar' would fit the sense perfectly). It could be translated 'inti~
mate', which I chink in this contl!xris excessivelynarrow; on the other hand 'acquaintances'risks
broadening it too much. What is presumably meant is not that any casual acquaintance might
enter, but any one from that group of people·that might be 'accustomed' to be receivedin one's
house: in Roman society,probably quite a wide range of individualswho might call for a varietyof
business/socialreasons,rather than just one's familyor closefriends, See25,13 DB 0/.37 K) below
with n. 183 for the superlativeform ('one of the young men in my closecircle').
132Reading TO1r&vfor •ii>0:Kovn rrO:v;see textual note 326.
l33 At first sight there appears to be a slight incoherence here: Galen starts by talking of shame in
front of others - and suggestsextending the possible time in which one feelsthis shame by having
one's doors constantly open - but ends the argument by rejecting the value of that sort of shame
in comparison with shame in front of oneself.The (not quite stated) sense of the argument would
seem to be that the first kind of shame is used as stepping-stoneto get to the second!opening one's
doors - turning one's private space into a public one - will either cause, or work in conjunction
with, the habit of constant self-examinationand 'shame in front of oneself'.
l34 The word~ are identical to the latter part of line 12 of the Pythagorean Cannen Aureum (94-95
Thom); see below,n. 157.
Translation,book I 261
If you act in rhis way you will be able one day to tame and sofren the 19 DB
non-rational capacity of the spirited in you, in the same way as you would
27 K. a wild beast. It would be a terrible thing, would it not, if a horse-trainer
10 could take a useless animal and make it tame to be handled in a very
short space of time, but you, who are not taking on an animal exter-
nal to yourself, but a non-rational capacity residing within your soul - 5
with which 135 your reasoning-faculty perpetually co-exists - could not
tame it, if not quickly, rhen at least over a fairly long period?
15
Distinctions and similarities in method of discipline for the two
non-rational capacities of the soul (i. e.for anger and desire)
6. We have discussed more fully, in our notes 136 on CharacterTraits,how
one may improve it 137 co che greatest extent possible; that one must not 10
20 break its natural strength, any more than one should chat of the horses
and dogs that we use, but - as with these animals - one should cultivare
its quality of obedience. It has also been displayed for you in chose nores
in particular how you will then use the capacity itself of the spirited as
an ally against the other capacity - called by the ancient philosophers 138
25 'desiderative' - which rushes in an irrational way 139 towards the pleasures 15
that come through the body. Just as a human being disfigured by rage is
an ugly 140 sight, so too is one disfigured by lusc 141 or greed, drunkenness
or luxuriousness, which are the particular actions and affections of the
K. desiderative capacity of the soul. The latter resembles not a horse or dog
135
Grammatically,'which' here may refer either to the sou! as a whole or to the non-rational capacity.
136,On the term hupomnbmlta(here 'notes'), see above,General introduction, p. 16 n. 40. The treatise
CharacterTraitsdoes indeed cover very similar ground to that reh<.wsedin the first paragraphs of
this chapter. On the possibilitythat the cross-reference,and this passageof argument, representsa
later addition to the 'original' oral argument, see General introduction, pp. 38-39.
u 7 The reference here must be specifically to the thymoeidic or 'spirited' part of the soul. The
comparison with a horse or dog is derived from the Platonic source, which Galen in this respect
follows authentically; on Galen's use of Platonic imagery in such contexts, cf. above, Mor., I,
n. 26.
138
Galen here has Plato primarily in mind (although, as discussedabove, General introduction, p. 19
· n. 48, he equat~ the Aristotelian concept of the 'nutritive' with Plato's'desiderative').
139
'In an irrational way'= alogistiis:this is one of the terms which appear in the 'Pythagorean' Cannen
Aureum (cf. n. 157 below); it is not otherwise of common occurrencein Galen.
140
Or 'shameful'; on the term o:laxp6vseen. 154 below,with references.
141
The term translated is enJr,in a way perhaps similar to the use of thumosin the list of pathi (cf.
n, 40 above),erOs-which, as is well known, has a wide range of connotations in the area of sexual
love/desire is here used in a purely negative, affectivesense, and certainly with none of the
complexity,let alone potentially positive aspects, that it at !east sometimes has in Plato (esp, the
Symposium).
262 Affections and Errors
(the analogy I used in the former case), but an insolent 142 hog or goat, or
some other wild beast incapable of being tamed. 143
And therefore in this latter case there is no process of education similar
to that which brings about obedience in the other capacity: its place must
be taken by what the ancients call 'discipline'. 144 And the discipline of this
capacity consists in not allowing it the enjoyment of the objects of its de-
sires. For such enjoyment renders it great and strong) while the process of
discipline renders it small and weal,, so that it follows the reasoning-faculty
through its weakness, 145 not through an actual inclination to _obey.146 Even
among human beings, similarly, we observe that the inferior follow the
superior either by compulsion against their will, as is the case with children
and household servants, or, in the case of people who are naturally good,
willingly, as a result of persuasion. And indeed, in the case of people who
142 Hubristls - the tenn (cognate with hubris) has connotations of 'getting above oneself', acting
without due to deference to one's superiors.
143 On the specificanimal comparisons, seen. 137 above.
144 The terms paideiaand (here)paideusishave the broader and more positive sense of cultural 'educa-
tion' (though it may include also connotations of training in a more mechanical.sense). The verb
translated 'discipline' - kolazein,with the cognate noun kolasis - often means simply 'punish',
though dearly that would be too narrow here. The argument here, that the spirited - the capacity
for anger or shame - can be educated to have the right responses, and thus act in harmony with
reason,while the epithyffietic- the capacity for desiring food, drink or sex- can essentiallyonly be
trained by being made'sl'naller,potentially has int~restingimplications for the moral-psychological
system. It may, for example, appear to imply chat there is no such thing as appropriate desire for
these things: that eating and sexual activity should be engaged in purely at the dictate of reason,
without desire being involved at all. I take it that this is not actually what Galen is sa)'ing: rather,
two essential points are being made: (1) there is a diffi:rentprocessfor dealing with the two parts
(and on this see Mor. 42 Kr.); (2) what must be avoided at all costs is that reason might be follow~
ing the dictates of desire without first making its own judgement on them ('without contemplating
whether it is beneficialand noble, or harmful and bad', beloW,20,11-13 DB, V.29 K.) - without,
indeed, being ultimately in control. It is s.till,perhaps, not dear what an appropriate activity of the
desiderative capacity is supposed to b$,·and how the response of reason to that works. The diffi~
culty is, I suggest, further complicated by the physiological interpretation of each capacity'sactivity,
esp. in TheDoctrinesofHippocrates'and Plato:in that context, it is more difficult to understand how
one capacity is taken over by, or givesway to, another. On akolastos,ako!asia,see n. 147 below.
l45 The sense in which rhe epith)'metic capacity 'follows reason' is also not entirely dear. It does not
seem that Galen is saying thar one begins to desire in an appropriate way - that would be in con~
llict with the very distinction that he has just made between the epithymetk and the thymocidic.
The desiring capacity 'follows the reasoning-faculty'simply because it has been made so weak - as
it were bludgeoned into submission. Is anything more being said here than that one continues to
have desires, but that reason preventsone from following them, except where it judges such follow~
ing appropriate? Another way of stating the question would be: is there any poi11tin one's having
desires,in a well-orderedsoul, or would the motivation - even in the case of food and sex- alwa)'s
come from the rational part?
146 The term translated 'actual inclination to obey', eupeithellz, is cognate with the verb peithein,'per~
suade': the passive of the verb is used to mean 'obey'. Inclination to obey is thus in a sense the
same as 'being persuadable': the key point is that both these require somekind of affinity with the
rational, which the middle, spirited part of the soul has but the lower,desiderativedoes not.
7ranslation,bookI 263
have not undergone this process of discipline, this is precisely the term ha- 5
20 bitually used by the ancients: such-and-such a person is 'undisciplined', 147
evidently, when his desiderative capacity has not been disciplined by the
rational.
· For we have two non-rational capacities in our soul. The action of the
29K. first is to become immediately enraged and angry at people who seem to
us to be doing us some wrong. This capacity is also responsible for the
25 nurturing of resentment over a period of time: this affection of the spirit is 10
20DB greater, to the extent that it is longer~lived. 148 Our other non-rational ca-
pacity is dragged rashly towards anything which appears pleasant, without
contemplating whether it is beneficial and noble, or harmful and bad. Try
to resist the-vehemence of this latter capacity, before it gains such strength
that it is impossible to remove. At that point you will be unable to control 15
it even if you want to, and then you will say- as I have heard someone say
who was in love 149 - that you want to stop but cannot; and you will call on
us in vain, as did that person, begging for help and for the excision of his
affection. The body, too, 150 has its affections which are incurable by virtue
of their size. But perhaps you 151 have never even realized this fact.
It would, then, be advisable for you to consider it even now, and to con- 20
template whether or not this statement of mine is true: chat the desidera-
tive capacity, .ifit grows, frequently passes into 152 incurable lust - lust not
only for beautiful bodies, nor only for sex, but also for luxuriousness, 153
30 K. greed, drurikenness and unnatural perversions 154 - or whether I am lying,
both in this and in many of my previous statements.
147
The term ako/astosand related abstract noun akolasiaare used in referenceto 'undisciplined' or self.
indulgent behaviour {c£above, n. 144), and are taken as the opposite terms ro sOphnJn, sOphrosune
(c£ above, n. 112).
148
Aninteresting point: most of the manifestations of patbe Galen discussesin detail are precisely
things that play themselvesour over a short time. The verb mblian, to 'cherish wrath', or keep alive
anger, is a poetic word {usede.g. of Achillesin the //iadI.422), uncommon in classicalprose - and
perhaps corresponds to a less commonly discussedpathos,too. (But c£ n. 40 above on uses of the
related term mblis.) C£ now von Staden (2011).
149
'In love' translates ~p&v,05, from the verb related to ertJs;again, 'lust' may be as valid a rranslation
as 'love'. (C£ n. 141 above.)
150
The statement here makes explicit the parallel that is implicit throughout this section in its adop-
tion of medical terminology, e.g. 'more long-lived' (or 'more chronic', chronitJteron), 'beneficial/
, harmful' (tJphelimon/blaberon), 'excision' (ekkopsa1?, 'incurable' (aniaton- below, in relation to
lust).
151
The pronoun 'you' here is emphatic within the S)'ntaxof the sentence; it seems that the capacity or
educational background of the specific addresseeis again glanced at.
152
The Greek is slightly problematic here, rhough the basic sense seems dear; see textual note 3.27.
153
Greek lichneia,similar to greed, but implying a more expensiveor extravagant kind of appetite.
154
'Unnatural perversions': ;fi51rapO: ip\Jcr1v a!axpovpy!o:5, more literally 'shameful action against
nature'. For what is atoxp6v, 'shameful', sometimes also translated 'ugly', in the present text see
264 Affections and Errors
For what has been said up to now in the context of rage 155may be taken
to apply equally to che ocher affections: first, chat one should rely on oth-
ers, not oneself, for their diagnosis; next, chat the persons appointed for
this cask should not be any random selection, but people of the older gen-
eration, generally agreed to be decent human beings, and who have been
further examined by ourselves in those situations, to establish that they are
outside the grip of affection; moreover, that whenever such people tell one
any of one's errors, one should be obviously grateful to them, not annoyed;
finally, that one should remind oneself of these things, 156 preferably many
rimes a day, or, failing that, at least at dawn before beginning one's daily
activities and in the evening when one is about to take one)s rest. I myself
have developed the habit, first of all to read the 'Precepts' 157 attributed
to Pythagoras twice a day, and in more recent times to recite them from
memory. 158
above, 19,15 DB (V.27 K.); below, 24,17 DB (V.36 K.) with n. 190 and 28,2 DB (V.41 K.). The
phrase here is vague,J>u;-probablysexual in its reference.Though there is not a great deal of evi·
dence for Galen'sviewson what was 'unnatural' or 'shameful' in this sense,see Hankinson (2008c)
2, citing a couple of derogatory referencesto homosexual activity,and a passageexpressingdisgust
at the consumption of certain bodily substances.In the latter context (SMTXIl.249 K.) the term
aischrourgos refersto certain, specificallyoral, practiceswhich are then further categorized.In terms
of Roman social noi:ms, there may be some equivalencewith the concepts of stuprumand turpiH
tudo,which literallymean 'disgraceful'or 'shanieful' behaviour; on the understanding of these, see
Williams (2010) esp. eh. 3. From a philosophical point of view, the nodon here implied- that
one's desires become moreinappropriate thegreater the epithymetlc capacity becomes - arguably
points in a different direction from what was said_above in n. 145); at least, the fact that they
become moreinappropriate in this negativesituation dOesnot, it seems,entail the converseproposi~
tion that they ever become reliablyappropriate.
155 Or: 'spirit'.
156 The precisesense, and indeed Greek texf are not entirely dear; see textual note 3.28.
lS7 Paraineseis ('counsels'would be anod:ei possibletranslation). A text containing the line that Galen
here quotes has come down to us tn' the 'Pythagorean' CannenAureum,in which it is line 12, see
Thom (1995) 94-95; and in later antiquity it seems that this text had considerablepopularity. It
has been doubted, however (partly on grounds of the different tide, partly for a variety of reasons
of style and content), whether the text availableto Galen was, in fact, this same CarmenAttreum,
which some scholars believerather to be a later compilation, containing a mixture of earlier 'Py~
thagorean' and later material. It is noteworthy, in this context, that Galen here describesthe work
he is reading as 'attributed to' Pythagoras, with no illusion about authenticity. See Thom (1995)
3-17 for a summary of the widely differing views of modern scholars. Most of the reasons that
have led to doubt about the text's date, however, appear to be negativeassessmentsof its quality,
rather than genuinelyhistorical considerations;further, it seemspossible to argue for a number of
interesting points of contact between the text as we have it and Galen'swork; see notes 134 and
1.39above, and textual note 3.15. In any case, a text of this kind - giving very specific,dowu-toH
earth instructions for daily moral 'exercise'-was clearlyin circulation at Galen'stime, and thought
by him useful. For parallelsfor this kind of daily practice in the ethical literature, also with teferH
ence to Pythagoras,see above, Introduction, p. 212.
15~ Or perhaps: 'read ... twice in the day, and later [in the day] say them out loud'.
Translation,bookI 265
25 · For 159 it is not sufficient to cultivate 160 freedom from anger; one must
31 K. purge oneself also of luxuriousness and lasciviousness, of drunkenness,
21 DS idleness and envy. 161 And therefore another person must watch over us,
to ensure that we do not make the same spectacle 162 of insatiable gobbling
of food as dogs, or gulp down a cold drink like someone in the throes of
a continuous fever, in a way U:nbefitting a man of dignity. Even when one 15
is hungry, it is not appropriate to gobble in a violent and insatiable man-
5 ner; nor, if one is thirsty, should one drink down a whole goblet in one go.
How much less should a luxurious appetite lead one to indulge more than
all one's fellow diners in cake or any other rich food. In all these situations,
when beginning the process we should call upon others to observe any er- 20
rors we make, and tell them to us; later on, let us conduct the observation
10 upon ourselves, even without tutors, 163 and let us take care that we take 22 DB
less food 164 than all our fellow diners, and that we abstain from the rich
foods, and take a moderate amount of the healthy ones.
And after a while I would say that you should not even consider the
amount consurned by your fellow diners; for it is no great achievement to
32 K. be more restrained than they with regard to food and drink. If you have 5
learnt truly to esteem yourself, consider whether you are more restrained
in your daily regime 165 yesterday or today. Following this practice you
will become conscious each day that it is easier to abstain from the foods
that I have mentioned; and conscious of a greater joy of the soul, if you
really are a lover of self-control. For whatever a person is in love with, he IO
1 9
5 The connective'for' (gar)seems to draw a direct link between the project discussedin this sentence
and the reading Of 'Pythagoras'.
160
Or simply, 'keep/observe freedom from anget' (reading the MSS &yE1v,defended by Magnaldi,
against Nauck's 6:crKeTv; perhaps such phrases as ficrvxkxv&yeivare indeed close enough parallels
to make the restitution plausible).
161
The fivepathi mentioned after anger are presumably all to be taken as belonging within the epi~
thymetk or desiderativesoul. Onphthonos in this regard see above, n. 41; on lichneiaseen. 153
above; idleness (periergia)could plausibly be taken as a subspecies of desire, although it is not
coveredin the standard glosson to epithumitikon,which only mentions food/drink and sex.
162
Lit., 'Iesewe be seen, like dogs, insatiably fillingourselves';:aswith the discussionin eh. 5 of anger,
shame and allowingoneselfto be seen, here agai11 the contemplation of what appearance one makes
in the throes of affectionsis supposed to be instrumental in bringing about improvement.
163 The supervisorwas a stage on the way in self-knowledge,not something which should be needed
permanently.
1
61 'Food' here (and also in the previous sentence, but not later in this sentence where the term is
the neutral edesmata)translates opson:this refers 1norepreciselyto 'relish', i.e. the variety of meat,
vegetablesand sauces that would accompany the cereal-or pulse~based'staple' (sitos).
w5 The Greek term diaita (here in a verbal form) coversa range of daily activitiesthat require control,
including e.g. exercise,sexual activity, baths, rather than just 'diet'; the term '[daily] regime' is
preferred to give this wider sense, even though in the present context food and drink are mainly
at issue.Cf. n. 214 below.Galen'smajor work in this area is Mattersof Health;also (specificallyon
'diet' in our sense) lhe Capacitiesof Foodsrnffi.
 266 Affections and Errors
rejoices to make progress with. 166 It is for this reason that one may observe
the drunkard rake pleasure in surpassing his fellow drinkers; or the greedy
man derive joy from rhe sheer quantity of his food; and the man ofluxuri-
ous appetites from cakes, fried and rich delicacies, and foods wirh heavy
sauces. 167 I have even known some set great store by the amount of their
sexual activity. , dergo training in relation to your rage, you had an indicator of the benefit
In the same way, then, that those individuals cultivate and pursue the
peak in their respective fields of endeavour, just so should we endeavour
to attain the peak of self-control. In doing so, we shall not be comparing
ourselves with the undisciplined, nor shall we be satisfied merely to ex-
ceed their level of restraint and self-control. Rather, we shall compete, first
33 K. of all to surpass those who are engaged in the same ·endeavour as we are
(this kind of competitiveness is, after all, the noblesr 168); and secondly, to
surpass ourselves 169 - as long-established habit will make healthy nourish-
ment easy and pleasant at the same time; we should remember that the
following motto, too, is a very fine one:
!66 On rhe concept of progress in the ethical tradition, see Introduction, p. 213 with n. 31.
167Reading KapvKcla15for 1<wpv1<l015. The four items mentioned are (in De Boer's text) plakou~,
tagifnon,lopasand korukion- all, except the first, difficult ro identify with any precision. P/akousis
certainly a kind of SWeetflat cake; it seems that.its chief ingredients were usually cheese, honey and
flour, see Dalby (2003) 69-70. Tagenonand lopasare more puzzling, because both usually refer to
vessels(the former, specifically,a frying pan) rather than to foodstuffs; but for tagenon,see textual
note 3.29. Though hpasseems diffict1ltto takeas referring to a kind of food, there does seem to be
an association, at least, between the vesseland various..kinds of 'dish' involving rich food or season~
ing. C£ Alim. Fae.293,22-24 H. (VI.602 K): a dish of fruits baked in honey; ibid. 371,6-7 H.
(VI.725 K): preparations of 'the lopadesof the cooks' are a cause of indigestion; ibid. 326,20-21
H. (VI.653 K): 'variously seasoned hpades' made from a root vegetable; 379,16-18 H. (VI.738
K.): lopadesmade of sea~urchins,ad~g·eggs and honey. For the final item, see again textual note
3.29. .·
16s !he term phihneikia ('competitiv~n'ess')has for Galen predominantly negative connotations, and
is used of the argumentative behaviour of his opponents, especially·those in thrall to a sect (c£
above, n, 49, on the less pejorativephilotimia).See e.g. Lib. Prop,138,7 BM ()CTX.13K.): the char~
acter of Martialius; At. Bil 85,8 DB 0/.131 K.): Erasistratus' motivation was philoneikiatowards
Hippocrates; PHP 198,27-30 DL (V.319 K.): the followers of Plato (and those ofChrysippus)
produce shameless sophisms because of their philoneikia; ibid. 294,11-13 DL (V.431 K): the
followers of Chrysippus are motivated by philoneikia towards the ancients; ibid. 432,29-30 DL
(V.593 K.): the arguments char proceed from ignorance and phihneikia are many; Praen.96,25
N. (XIV.628 K.): with reference to acrimonious behaviour of a rival in a public meeting- see also
ibM.98,11 N. (XIV.629K.) ,nd 122,16N. (XN 653 K.); O,d.Lib. h,p.91.19-20 BM (XllC53
K): phihneikia placed alongside hostility (echthra)and non-rational love of a sect. It is interesting
that here, in this unusual ethical context, he turns the terminology to a positive account. Cf. above
9.4 DB 0/.10-11 K); also n. 177 below.
169 Tue Greek is somewhat problematic after 'surpass ourselves'; it is possible that some words have
dropped out, and various editors have suggested various small emendations; still, the basic sense
seems fairly clear.
Translation,bookI 267
Choose the best life; and familiarity will make it sweet.17o
The role of habit
In the context of the earlier discussion in which I encouraged you to un- 23DB
15, to yourself- namely, that you would observe yourself no longer becoming
enraged. It is exactly the same with self-control: your indicator will be
that you no longer experience desire for the greatest sources of pleasure.
And the path to this goal is through restraint. The superiority of the self- 5
controlled person to the restrained person 171 lies in the fact that the former
20 does not even desire rich foods, either because of a long-established habit,
or because of restraint (the word itself, which comes from 'restraining'
and conquering the desires, 172 indicates this). The road is laborious and
rough to begin with, as are all processes of training in fine practices. If,
however, you wish either to possess virtue in place of vice, or calm of the 10
34K. soul in place of the itching of the body, you must undergo training in the
manner described, proceeding through restraint towards self-control. If,
on the other hand, you wish either to have no respect for virtue, or to itch
throughout your body, then you should simply forget about the present
argument. For it is not one designed to convert people 173 to virtue, but 15
170
Here too we have a saying that was traditionally ascribed to Pythagoras; as noted by De Boer, it
appears, in almost identical form (attributed to Pythagoras) ar Scobaeus,Eel.111.1.29and III.29.99
and at Plutarch, Mor. 123c (in the Advice QnI-Iealth).
171
Restoring !yK!)aToCisagainst De Boer's emendation 6:KpaToiis('unrestrained person'): the point
is precisely that 'self.control' (sophronml),represents a level of harmony or stability in the sou!
beyond mere 'restraint' (enkrateia),the latter being a stage or technique instrumental to achieving
the former. With enkrateia,a battle is still going on within the sou.I,whereas in the former one
, has disciplined the soul not to have the relevant desires. This distinction is made dear by Galen
at PHP 246,20-27 OL (Y.376 K.); see also Gill (2010) 257, linking the Galenic discussions with
Aristotelian thought. The two 'because' clauses are then admittedly a little confi.1sing;it seems that
what Galen should be saying, but has put in somewhat abbreviared form, is that restraint can after
a while become a habit, and that when this habit is ingrained one is ultimately free even of the
desire,
172
The root krat~in the word enkrateiadenotes power or domination.
173
The words 'designed to convert people' translate the Greek word protreptikos,a term which refers to
a specificliterary genre by Galen's time. With its origins apparently in the writings of the 'sophists'
of the fifth century BCE, the term has rhetorical connotations, referring to an ambition to 'con-
vert' or 'exhort' a wider public. The word prQtreptikos may itself be used to mean 'oratorical', e.g.
Plato, Euthydemus278c; c£ Arrian, Epict. 111.23.36.Galen's own Protreptic(Exhortationto Study
the Arts), a showy speech urging people to study the arts, or medicine in particular, certainly con-
forms to these rhetorical expectations; it is interesting, too, in this context, that Marcus Aurelius
uses the word in a derogatory way: he is grateful that he did 'not discourse in protreptic verbiage'
(protreptikalogaria,1.7.l). But the term also had a more specific significance in ethics, where it
seems to have been regarded by some as a subdivision of the ethical discourse; on this, and further
 268 Affections and Errors
rather to show chose who are already converted the way in which it may
be achieved.
And the argument is further divided into consideration of the role of
each of us in carrying out his own diagnosis, and the correction chat takes
place upon diagnosis of the errors; our project now is co consider not the
latter, but the diagnosis of one's own parrh,:ular errors. And since it is not
possible for beginners themselves to perform this diagnosis, we shall put 20 ,
other people in charge as supervisors of the beginners, but those who are
in training as supervisors for themselves - since they are already able to rec-
ognize for themselves the nature of the errors and affections of which they
have rid themselves, and the distance which they still have to go to achieve
this goal. I will repeat here too the statement that I have been accustomed
to mal<eso often: in one sense it is the hardest thing of all to know oneself; 24 DB
in another it is the easiest. If one wishes genuinely to be esteemed, it is
extremely hard. 174
Special status of distress;example of young man of Galen'scircle;
relative role of nature and education
35 K. 7. The above remarks - in conjunction with what follows - I put down
for those who are interested. 175 It is quite possible that there is some other
path by which one may become a decent human being, too; but if SO, I
do not know how to find that out; and this is the one that I have used
throughout my life, and I ungrudgingly make ir evident 176 to others, while
encouraging them to return the favour; with some reciprocal benefit and
teaching, if they themselves know some other path towards becoming a
decent human being; until we come upon another, though, let us continue
with this one, which is the way_of diagnosis and treatment common to all.
For indeed love of quarrel, 177. love of reputation and love of power are also
on questions of genre in Galen, seen, 13 above, and Introduction, pp. 206-207. Note also that
the word 'argument', logos,to which the adjective protreptikosis applied, may also mean 'speech'
or 'book' in the more concrete sense (also in the further subdivision of the 'argument' in the next
sentence); so, Galen is in a sense talking about the actual literary work he is producing and also the
argument in a more genernl sense,
!74 The Greek is somewhat problematic; see textual note 3.30.
!75 Or perhaps: 'to those who have made a decision [sc. to improve themselves)'; the Greek is
j3ovi\ri8eta1v,lir., 'to those who have wanted',
176 Reading 6T'ji\&.There are a·number of minor problems and variants in the sentence; see textual
note 3,31.
177 Philoneikia,'competitiveness' (c£ n. 168above). I have here preferred the translation 'love of quar~
re!' to bring out the connection with the other two 'loves' here mentioned (in Gr:ek, f!hilodoxia
and phi!archia).I take it thar the structure of the argument here represents a conunuanon of the
Translation,bookI 269
affections of the soul. Less of an affCction than these, but still an affection
178
( ••. ] And what can one even say about envy, which is the most extreme
of evils? By envy I mean becoming distressed at what others enjoy. 179 All
distress is an affection, bur envy is the worst distress, whether it is an af· 15
fection in itself or a subspecies of distress, somehow approximate to ir. 1so
In any case the way of being cured, which we have described above, is the
same for all.
36K. Shameful' 81 and abhorrent [practices] should be condemned in those
who are severely addicted to them. In those people the shamefulness ap-
pears manifest to us; when, however we are unable to detect any such
thing in our own lives, we should not also think that it does not exist; for 20
the lover is blind regarding the loved one, and some things elude us and 25DB
get overlooked because they are so small, though rhese same things are
impossible to overlook in others because they are so great. It is therefore
necessary to find some older man who is capable of seeing these faults,
and to beseech him to make everything evident to us quite freely; when he
has done so, we must first of all thank him immediately, and later, when 5
we are out of his company, contemplate in solitude, applying criticism to
ourselves and attempting to excise the aff'ection - not merely to the point
where it is no longer apparent to others, but in such a way char its actual
5 root is removed from the soul. For it may grow back, nourished by the
wickedness of those around us. So we should consider, whenever we ob-
serve an affection in our neighbour, whether there is something similar in 10
our own soul too. It should be cut out in the early stages of growth, before
37K. it has grown so large as to be incurable.
10
thought: 'if you have found another path, tell tne it'; thar is, the particular reason for mentioning
love of quarrel, etc., here, and then proceeding m mention envy, is that these are pathewhich
would prevent people sharing findings with their fellows (both in the sense of offering information,
and in that of refusing to accept the truth from someone else).
178
I omit De Boer's conjecture here, '[is] insatiability' (11cmi\ncrTkx),which seems dearly wrnng. The
correct solution is lessdear; see textual note 3.32.
179
More lit., 'at other's goods'; bur 'goods' (agatha)in this abstract sense can include possessions,
physical benefits or attributes, as well as goods that belong in the sphere of the soul.
18
? The final phrase here seems problematic, implying that envy is both a varietyof and similar to
distress. See textual note 3.33. On the affection of distresss in general, see Avoiding Dhtress.
The present remark is relevant to Galen's listings and classification of pathi, above, 7,2-3 DB
(V.7K.) and 17,9-10 (Y.24 K.); see Introduction, pp. 220-222. It is also relevant to the question
of whether total eradication is advocated or nor: here we seem to have the implication that all lupi
is bad.
!al On o:lcrxp6v('shameful' or 'ugly') see above 19,15 DB 0/.27 K.) and 20,23 (V.30K.) with n. 154;
bdow, 28,2 DB (Y.41 K).
 270 Affections and Errors
Most people pay little attention co the other affections of the souL al-
though they do condemn them when they observe other people in their
grip; distress, however, like bodily pai~, appears bad to everyone. 18~
One of the young men in my close ctrcle, 183 who used to suffer gnef over
trivial matters, realized the fact one evening; and he came to me first thing
in the morning, admitting that he had been awake all night over this, and
that at some point it had occurred to him that I did not suffer grief in the
same way, even in n;sponse co great matters, as he did in response to trivial
ones. He desired to learn how this had come about -whether it was the re-
sult of training, of particular doctrines, or simply because I had been born
like that. 184 I told him the truth. In all cases, I said, nature has great power
in childhood; so too does emulation of those amongst whom one lives. 185
Then, at a later stage, the important factors are doctrines and training. The
fact chat there are great individual differences in nature can manifestly be
learned from the children we see about us being carried around. 186 Some
are always cheerful, others sullen, some are ready to laugh at anything,
38 K. while others cry on the smallest pretext. Some are ready to share things,
others are acquisitive'. Some become violently enraged at the smallest occa-
sion, and will bite' and kick and attack those around them with sticks and
stones whenever it seems to them that they are being unfairly created; oth-
ers are patient and kind, and will not get angry or cry until they are treated
very badly indeed: According to the_poet Eupolis, 187 that just individual
Aristeides, when asked, 188 'How did you become so outstandingly just?' 189
gave the following response:
!82 The point here seems to be simply the commonsense,selfish perception that .no one.wishesto ?e
distressed(while you might think being angry a good thing), rather than a ph1losoph1cally soph1s~
ticated position in the debate between ~toics and Platonists/Peripatetics.
183 Lit,, 'of those most familiar to me'. The Greek adjective is the superlative of sunithes,discussed
above, n. 131. ,'
ta4 Cf. the similar puzzlement expres;ed to Galen, as he reports, above at Ind. 2,3-5 BJP (with note).
1S5 There are some variant readings of the text, which subtly affe<:tthe precise proposition we should
attribute to Galen here i11 relation to the pairing of nature and nurture. See textual note 3.34.
l86 I have taken the participle (,ro:po:q>epoµEvc.vv)literally:the point that the differencesar~obse~ble
in veryyoung children (hence, here, babes~in-arms)is important for Galen; cf. the dis<:uss1on of
this point in Mor. 28-30 Kr. and QAM32-33 M. (IV.768-769 K.).
t87 Fr. 91 Kock. Eupolis was one of the most highly regarded poets of the Old Comedy (in the sec?nd
half of the fifth <:enruryBCE, roughly contemporary with Aristophanes};his work now survives
only in fraginents, though it was still widely read in the time of Galen,_,whoindeed, as he re<:ords
at Lib,Prop.173,7-8 BM (XIX.48 K.), devoted a (lost)work to Eupolis' use of everydaylanguage.
isa The text is imperfect;see textual note 3.35.
189 Greek dikaior.I have reluctantly adopted the conventional translation 'just' (and 'justice' for the
cognate noun dikaiosune)in view of the difficultyof finding an alternative that aan be us.edwith
reasonable <:onsistency.It should be understood, however, that the Greek term has a wide~~p~
plication than this equivalent: in particular it does not have that term's narrowly legal/pohucal
Translation,bookI 271
Nature was the greatest part; but then 10
I lent my hand to Nature eagerly.
The young, then, are naturally prone to becoming easily distressed, as well
15
as enraged and luxurious - the subjects which have occupied the larger
part of my argument so far.
There are other observable differences between children, in addition to
those ai"ready mentioned: there are shameless children, as well as ones that 15
do have a sense of shame; children with a good memory and children with
20
a poor memory, as well as some who are just forgetful; some work hard at
their studies, others are negligent and lazy; and among the hard-working
39 K. ones, some are eager to work because they enjoy being praised, while oth-
ers have a Sense of shame in respect of their teachers' criticism, and still
others in respect of the fear of physical punishment. Among the lazy ones, 20
similarly, there are opposite reasons for being lazy.
25
On the basis of the qualities that all people observe in children, they say
26
either that they are endowed with a sense of shame, 190 or shameless; and,
on the same principle, either loving of esteem and beauty or the opposite 27 DB
of these; timid, or fearless of being struck- and a range of similar epithets
is applied in accordance with the individual nature. In the same way, we
may also see that some children are by nature fond of lying, others lovers
5
of truth. There are in fact many such differences in their character traits, 191 5
which we need not give an appropriate account of now. Some are receptive
to good education, others receive no benefit from it. Yet this is no reason
to neglect children; rather, they should be nurtured in the best possible
habits. If their nature is able to receive the benefit of this care, they may
become good men. If it turned out that their nature was such that it could 10
40 K. not receive it, at least there would be no blame attaching to us.
For the upbringing of children is in a way comparable to the care of
plants. In the latter case, the farmer will never make a bramble bear grapes,
(nor indeed ar<:haic)<:onnotations,and is regularly used of persons, rather than, as in modern
English, predo1ninantlyof aaions or political states. 'Corre<:t','righteous', 'upright', even 'moral'
are all translations which in some ways better capture the <:annotationsof the word, which must
be understood as conveyinga sense of good order, whether in soul or state, as well as the ability to
make nmrally correct de<:isions.
19
~ The translation 'sense of shame', etc., has been used both for aideisthaiand its rognates and {as
in this case) for aiskhuntilos.In the present context 'respectful' might read a little more naturally;
but the terminology has been preserved to make clear the opposition in Greek: aischuntilos-
anaischuntos.Galen's views on the con<:eptof aid!Js(a sense of shame or respe<:t)were doubtless
elaborated in a two-book work of that tide mentioned in My OwnBooks,unfortunately no longer
extant, Lib.Prop.170,7-8 BM (XIX.46 K.).
191
'Character traits' translates ethos,the subject matter of ChamcterTraitsin this volume; indeed, the
discussion in that text coversvery similar ground to that here.
 272 Affections and Errors
for its nature is from the outset not able to accept that kind of comple-
tion. He may, on the other hand, by his negligence - causing them to rely
on nature alone - make vines which are in thC:mselvesperfectly suitable for
bearing fruit bear very poor fruit, or indeed none at all. Among animals,
too: through education 192 you may make a horse useful for a variety of
purposes. A bear, on che other hand, may ~eem tame at some time, but that
is not chat animal's stable condition; while a viper or a scorpion will never
even reach the stage, of seeming to be tamed.
Galen's own formative influences: father, mother and formal education
8. As for myself, I cannot tell what qualities I had by nature: 193 self~knowl- 20
edge is difficult enough in adults, ler alone in small children. I did have the
great good fortune co have a father who was to an extraordinary degree free
from anger, just, good and generous; and a mother whose irascibility was
41 K. so extreme that she would sometimes bite her maids. She was perpetually
shouting and fighting with my father, even more so that Xanthippe with 28 DB
Socrates. _ way you should begin now, and continue throughout yout life, endeavour-
Thus, as I saw alongside each other rhe fine qualities of my father's deeds
and the ugly 194 affections ro which my mother was subject, I was moved
to warmth and love fot the former, and avoidance and hatted of the latter.
I observed a very' great difference be\Ween my parents in this respect; and 5
so too in the fact rhat my father never appeared distressed at any setback,
while my mother would suffer grief,at the smallest occurrence. You proba-
bly realize yourself the way in which children imitate those things in which
they take pleasure, but avoid what they do not enjoy watching.
This, then, was the kind of education that I had from my father. Afrer
which, on completion of my fourteenth year, I began to attend the lee- I O
tutes of philosophers of my,home city mostly those of a Stoic, a pupil of
195
Philopator, but also for a short time those of a Platonist pupil of Gaius.
192 'Training' would obviously be more natural in this particular context; but 'education' is preserved
for the sake of consistency in the translation of the terms paideia,paideuein,etc.
!93 The text is slightly uncertain; see textual note 3.36.
194 On the term o:lcrx_p6v {'ugly' or 'shameful') see above, 19,15 DB (V.27.K.); 20,23 DB (Y.30 K.}
with n. 154; 24,17 DB (V.36 K.}.
195 Some other, briefer, information on Galen's philosophical teachers is contained in chapter 2 of My
Own Books,where it is mentioned that he went to Smyrna from Pergamum 'for the sake of Pelops
the doctor and Albinus the Platonist', Lib. Prop.140,15-17 BM (XIX.16 K.). See Hankinson
(2008c) for an overviewof Galen's biography and education; also Boudon (2000a} and the 'Biogra-
phie' in the introduction to Boudon-Millot (2007a), esp. xxi-xl (the fullest account, assemblingall
the relevant passagesand individuals mentioned}. Albinus, also a pupil of Gaius, is a well-known
figure in 'Middle Platonism' (on which see Introduction, pp. 18-21); see Dillon {1977/1996)
Translation,book I 273
This was because of the lack of leisure of my father, 196 who
was persuaded
into political activity by his fellow citizens, as he was the only one thar ap-
15 peared to them a just person, and indifferent to money, as well as accessible
42K. and kind. During this period there came another fellow citizen, too, re- 15
turned from a long period abroad- a pupil of Aspasius the Peripatetic; and
after him another from Athens, an Epicurean. Wirh each of these men, my
father Conducted his own examination of their lives and doctrines on my
account, accompanying me to visit chem.
My father had been patticularly well schooled in geometry, mathemat- 20
ics, architecture 197 and astronomy. He thought that the teacher ought to
use language [... ] similar to that of geometrical demonscrations; 198 on
these grounds no conflict should have arisen between teachers either, cer-
tainly in matters arising from your studies of the higher arts, 199 in just the
same way2°0 as the ancients agree with each other in the specialized skills
mentioned above, primary among which are geometry and mathematics. 25
'So,' he said, 'just as you should nor rashly declare yourself the adherent 29DB
of any one sect, but take a long time to learn and judge them, in the same
ing to cultivate those things which are universally praised among men and
agreed also by philosophers to be worth the endeavour; and I recommend 5
that you should learn and grow in the pursuit of justice and self-control,
43K. courage and discernment. These virtues are universally admired, even by
those who are aware that they have none of them; and they wish to appear
to others brave, self-controlled, discerning and just, while they actually
want to be free from distress, even if it is not apparent to those around JO
267-306 and 340; Whittaker (1987). Aspasiuswas a commentator on Aristotle, indeed the earliest
,such of whom we have any extant work; see Alberti and Sharples (1999); Konstan (2001). It does
not seem that anything is known of the Stoic Philopator.
196 The remark, which seems to imply the ideal of a father's direct involvement in the child's educa-
tion, is reflected also at Protr.96,3-5 B. (I.15 K.), where the Athenian lawgiver (Solon) is praised
for forbidding a father who has not taught his son a specializedskill from being maintained by him
in old age. C£ Plutarch, Solon22. l; and the saying of Cato the Elder, also attested by Plutarch,
Catomaim-20 ..3--4, that he would not let a slave instruct his son, but did so himself. In the back-
ground to Galen's thought is perhaps also the Platonic discussion of the role of fathers in their sons'
education at Lachesl79a ff., on which see Marrou (1956) 31.
J?7 The term 'architecture' (of which Galen's father was a practitioner) includes what we would call
engineering, too. As we shall see extensivelyin Errors,the role of mathematical and geometrical
proof as providing a paradigm of a rype of knowledge where one may know dearly whether one is
right or wrong is something of great importance to Galen,
198
There is some uncertainty as to the precise view being attributed to Galen's father; see textual note
3.37.
1~9 µo:6nµ0TwvKCCA&v -lit., 'fine' or 'noble studies'.
200
The text here too is uncertain; see textual note 3.38 for alternative readings.
 274 Affections and Errors
them. And this should therefore be what you cultivate first of all, since ir is
sought after by all people in preference to the virtues.' 201
Galen's own immunity from distress
These, then, I said, 202
were the instructions I took from my f'arher; and I
keep them to this day. I do not declare ailegiance to any sect, rather sub-
jeering chem all to a vigorous and thorough examination; and I remain
unshaken in the face of all events that befall me from day to day - the
same quality that I observed in my father. There is no loss that has the
power to cause me distress (except perhaps the loss of all my possessions -
that I have not so far experienced). 203 My father developed in me the habit
of scorn for reputation and esteem, and to esteem truth alone. I observe
that most people become distressed when it seems to them that they have
been shown a lack of esteem by some other individual - and also at fi-
nancial losses. As I have stated, you have never seen me distressed over
such losses - though, certainly, I have not up to this point suffered such a
44 K. severe financial loss a$ to have insufficient resources left to provide for my
bodily health, nor any humiliation, as I see when those in the Senate are
deprived ofhonour. 204 If! hear negative remarks from some quarters, I set
these against the words of praise I hear from others; and consider that the
desire for universal praise is analogoµs to the desire to own all the world's
possessions.
Now, indeed (I said), it seems to ,me - and perhaps it will seem to you,
too - that I have not done anything great by remaining free from distress
up to this point. 20 5 I have not been deprived of all my possessions, nor
2o1 I have placed this speech in quotatjoll~marks, as Galen is attributing remarks directly to his faw
ther, with the direct second~personalform of address, 'you', etc.; it is, however,nor entirely clear
whether rhe quotation marks sh6uld be dosed here or a little earlier, I have preferred this·place in
view of how the next paragraph begins.
202 Here, and with a number of similar parentheses hereafter, Galen reminds us of the oral origin of
the text outlined at the beginning.
2o3 The absence of a referenceto the events recounted Jn AvoidingDistress is in a way puzzling- even
though it is consistent with the argument of that work that Galen had not, even in that context,
suffered any overwhelming loss in the relevant sense, See the discussion of this, and of possible
phases of composition of Affectionsand Erron,in the General introduction, above, pp. 37-39.
204 The text and precise interpretation are uncertain here (see textual note 3.39), but the reference
may be to the power to exclude individual senators from the Senate on grounds of their moral
behaviour - a power exercisedby the censors from an early period, but then also appropriated by
the emperor; see Baltrusch (1989) 9 ff.; 140; 155; 157.
2o5 Or: 'that I [am] free from distress throughout by having undergone no great suffering up to this
point' (De Boer). I here follow Magnaldi (1TETI01rix€va1,
L forTI€Tiove~va1, Aldine; and 6taTsfl&v
for 6t0:Tilflovs).
Translation,book I 275
have I been dishonoured. I may have lose an ox, a horse or a domestic
servant; but chat was not sufficient to cause me distress, as I had always in 10
mind the counsel that my father gave me: that one should not be distressed
by any material loss provided that what remains is adequate for the care of
one's body. This he laid down as the primary aim of possessions: to keep
one from hunger, cold or thirst. If one happens to have more than is neces-
15, sary for these purposes, one should, he believed, use it for good works. I 15
have, indeed, up to now had access to sufficient resources to bestow in this
45K. way, too. And I know (I said) that you possess twice what I do, and that
you enjoy honour in our city; 206 so that I cannot see what cause for distress
you could have, other than insatiability. Therefore cultivate che argument
that I have ·stated, to this end; 207 remember it, and practise it constantly, 20
investigating whether or not I have spoken the truth, until finally you are
20 as completely convinced of it as of the proposition that two times two is
four.
30
Insatiability as underlying cause of distress;contrast with self-sufficiency
9. So (I said), 208 let us take our time to observe what kind of affection 31 DB
insatiability is. The beginning of our investigation will be provided by the
5 insatiable appetite for nourishment. For consumption of amounts of food
beyond what is moderate is described in this way. And the judgement as to
what is moderate is derived from the function of nourishment. Its function
is to nourish the body; this will be accomplished if it is well digested; and 5
it will be well ~igested if the amount is moderate - great amounts, as we
know, remain undigested. 209 And if this ever happens, then the function
of the nourishment is necessarily lost. Also, if the stomach evacuates every-
thing because it has been hurt by the biting qualities of undigested food
46K. substances, the symptom is known as diarrhoea, anQ.here too the function
of the food is destroyed. For we do not take food in order to pass it through
the intestines, but so that it may be added to each part of the body. And if 10
it is distributed through the body without having been digested properly,
this causes bad humour in the veins.
206
The word translated 'enjoyhonour' is somewhat problematic; see textual note 3.40. The phrase 'in
our city',along with the further discussionof the city below,seemshere clearlyto tie the person to
Pergamum, On Galen'shabitual use of'our' and 'us' in this context, see Swain (1996) 377-378,
citing also SchOne(1917); see Introduction on the addressee(s)of the work.
207
The precisesense is uncertain; see textual note 3.41.
208
'I said' is conjectural (Marquardt's g<pnvfor L's Exrov),but seemsplausible.
209
See Nat. Ftu:.,book I, esp. l 14 ff. H. (II.18 ff. K.) for Galen'stheory of nutrition.
 276 Affections and Errors
Since, then, you have learnt what manner of thing insatiability is in the
context of our bodies, move on now to the soul, and observe its nature
there too, considering it in the context of each kind of material, beginning
with possessions. Some possessions, then, are sought after wrongly - for
example, pearls, pieces of sardonyx, and all other kinds of stones, which
women believe to confer beauty on chose who wear them as an ornament.
In this class too are garments interwoven· with gold - things which involve
some unnecessary type of work, or require material that has to be brought
°
from far away, like for example silk.21 Certain possessions, however, are
sought after appropriately, since they have an effect on the health of the
body: to begin with, those objects by which we are nourished, clothed or
47 K. shod. Houses also belong here. In this class, too, would appear to belong
things which are of use to the sick. And there are substances like olive oil,
which are of value to both the healthy and the sick; and some of these
provide more benefit to the human body than others. But I think that by
now you will have observed the principle which establishes how much of
these one should obtain. The type of shoe which is one cubit long is per-
fectly useless; 211 so, ~oo, the possession of five or ten shoes 212 apart from
the two we are usln-ffis superfluous and useless. How, if one has two shoes
available at the same time, is their function not sufficient? Similarly, it is
sufficient to have two sets of clothes, and the same with household servants
and utensils. In bur case, 213 I said, ~here are not only more than two sets
of clothes, but far more than this in the context of servants, utensils and
indeed all material possessions. For, we have an income from our property
which is several times what is necessary simply to take care of the health
of the body.
And so (I said), among those who adopt what is called the life of in-
dulgence, some are to be observed spending not just twice or three times
as much as us, but even fi:~e,,Orten - or even thirty - times as much. But
2 10 Lit. 'the so-calledSerie (sirika) [goods]'.The Greek term for silk derivesfrom the region in Asia
from which it wassupplied to Rome; the use of the word 'so-called'presumablyindicatesthat this
was still regardedas something of a novelty.But it is also possiblethat the term hete refersrather
to a kind of exoticfood, which wasconsideredan unnecessaryand non-nutritious luxury;at Alim.
Fae.301,10-14 H. (VI.614K.) sirika apparentlyrefers to 'jujubes', a date-like fruit of the buck"
thorn family,whid1 receivesthat negativecharacterization.
211 Or: '[useless]for its purpose' (,rpOs1€/1.05,
Aldine; ,~Af!evswas Hellri.icke's
conjecture).Magnaldi
defendsL's 1€Ao5,which she glosses'sumptus', i.e. '[a useless]expense';but such a usage seems
unlikely.
2 12 The precisenature of the argument here is open to question; see textual note 3.42.
213 With this use of the 6.rst¥personplural pronoun it is not quite certain whether Galen intends to
referto himselfonly,or ro a group to which he, and presumablythe addressee(s),belong;on such
usagesee now van der Eijk (2013).
Translation,bookI 277
48 !(. in your case, I observe that you follow a similar daily my regime 214 to
own, but that you suffer distress in a way quite unlike me: although your
15 property grows every year, you suffer distress if it happens, say, that a tenth
of your income is taken away, even though the remaining nine-tenths are 15
added to what you already have. For I also notice that you do not even
dare to spend money on good works, or on the purchase and preparation
of books, and the training of scribes, to improve their ability at shorthand
transcription, or their calligraphy and accuracy - or even the training of
20 people to read properly. Nor do I see you - as you so frequently see me -
sharing your own clothes with people, 215 or, in other cases, assisting them 20
with nourishment or medical care. You have even seen me discharge other
people's debts. Now, I spend all the income 216 that my father left me, not
putting aside a surplus amount, nor hoarding it; but you, who put aside 33 DB
25 many times what you spend, on many occasions obviously suffer griefi2 17
although - as you yourself admit - you never see me in distress.
49 K. Can you by now see the cause of this distress, or do you wish to hear
32 DB its name from me, too? Well, if you want this too, you should know that 5
all forms of distress have one cause, which the Greeks call 'insatiability' or,
sometimes, 'acquisitiveness'. It is called 'insatiability' because of the desires
which are impossible to satiate? 18 <and 'acquisitiveness' 219 because> insa-
tiable people always desire <to acquire more> than they had before: if they
5 acquire twice as much, they are eager to get three times as much, too; and
if they get that, they desire four times as much. And thus they look not to 10
those who have less than they do, but to those who have more; and they
seek to surpass them and desire to have more than they do.
So, then, you (I said), if you investigate all our fellow citizens, will not
find even thirty who are richer than yourself; it follows, then, that you are
10
214
The Greek word is diaitiJmenon,i.e. followinga diaita; this may mean, broadly,'pattern/way of
life';at the same time diaita and its cognatesare the words used for the quasi-medicalprescriptions
on food, exercise,etc. thar a doctor such as Galen would give.
215
The precisesenseis uncertain; see textual note 3.43.
216
There is some variation of readingshere, in particular as to whether the verb should be 'spend',
'leavebehind', or 'do not leavebehind'; for the details see textual note 3.44.
217
ReadingO:v100µsvo) qiai11n(Sch6ne'semendation); another possibilityis 'you would nor say that I
suffergrief' (&v100µe11011OUK&v qialns, andµ' later in the sentence,Marquardt).
21
~ Greek aplistia, from root meaning 'fujl', lit. something like 'impossible-to-fill';the term for 'ac-
quisitiveness',pleonexia,and the cognateverbpleo11ektein, have the literal senseof simply 'having
more'. The latter term can have broader connotations of wishing to 'outdo' or 'have more than'
others in any context; and also specificphysicalones of a quality (the hot, the cold, etc.) 'predomi¥
nating' in a body. Aplistia is apparently conceivedin much broader terms than simply those of
bodilyappetites.
219
The bracketed words represent Deichgriiber'sconjecture (,ri\aove~lavOS 616111rAso11sKTEi'v),
which seemsrequired to complete the sense.
 278 Affections and Errors
richer than all the rest - and quite evidently also richer than their slaves, 15
and than that number of wives, coo. If, then, the nurnber of our citizens
is about 40,000, then, adding ro these the wives and slaves, you will find ' and then esreemed? But this wish to be known by all225 is the product of
that you are not content with being richer than 120,000 people, but still
r an insatiable love of reputation, and che wish to be universally esteemed, of
desire to surpass the others, and are anxious to become the absolute first 20
SOK. in wealth. And yet it is much better ro be first in self-sufficiency; and this
is up to you.220 To excel in wealth is not the function of Virtue, but of
Fortune, who may make both slaves and freedmen richer than us, the so-
called well-born. 221
But you, indeed, will not be satisfied, even if - as you pray - you attain
more than all your fellow citizens; you will at once look around in case 25
there is someone richer in some other city; and even if Fortune serves you
in this enterprise too, you will proceed to consider other races, and will
want to be richer than the rich men among those, too. The result is that
you will not be the richesc of all,222but in perpetual want, because of your
boundless desires. If you took the function of your possessions as your 34DB
yardstick of what constitutes moderation, you would already have counted
yourself among the rich, or at least among the well-off. I certainly count
myself in this categ&y, although I have less than you do.
If you convince yourself of this, then you will no longer suffer grief
over any of your losses, and you will be blessed in this, that you no longer
51 K. become distressed -over financial rriatters. And if you can remove this same 5
quality of insatiability in the context of the desire for esteem, you will be
free from distress in that regard to.q. But-in your case, not only-is the es-
teem of your acquaintances 223 insufficient __to satisfy youi you actually want
the praise of the whole population of the City; and yet what fraction is that
22o The Greek epi soi- 'up to you', or_.\~ithinyour power', is a standard term of Stoic practical ethics
(esp. in Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius),wherein the project is that of reacting correctly to events -
'appropriate use of impressions', to use another term of Stoic jargon. (See Introduction, pp. 207-
213.) It is this reaction, or use of impressions, which is 'up ro us'; whateverhappens,we have the
capacity to make the correct mental response. This terminology, then, has strong Stoic echoes; as
does the rhetorical structure of the argument, vividly juxtaposing an unreliable and unsatisfying
world of externalsbeyond our control with a vastly superior internal realm which is, supposedly,
within our power.
22 1 Forrune: the capriciousnessand unreliability of Fortune (sometimes personified as a goddess)was
a dichl::;the theme is pursued in some allegoricaldetail by Galen in Protr.85-90 B. (1.3--9K.},an
extended contrast between the way in which Hermes and Fortune (Tuche)are depicted by artists,
and the characteristicsof their respectivefollowers.
222 Or: 'you will not stop being in distress' (Magnaldi, adopting Garofalo's1ra1JonAu1ro1Jµavos for L's
1r6:01Au,rolJµEvos).The present translation is of 1r6:11Tevv 1rAoucrtOOTepos,Aldine, followedby De
Boer.
223 Seenn.131, 183aboveonsunfthis.
Translation,bookI 279
of all the people throughout the whole ofAsia 224-who do not even know
you in the first place? Perhaps, then, you wish ro be first known by rhem, 10
I a futile love of esteem. If, then, just as you now lose sleep over the posses-
I sion of wealth, you extend your desire towards this love of reputation and
esteem, too, you will necessarily suffer considerable grief226 over those who
do not know or esteem you, as this will be a large number. 15
So, if we constantly and steadfastly 227 train towards this, we will be-
come free from distress. How, then, shall we train, if we have not first
become convinced of the truth of the statement that insatiability is the
most wretched affection of the soul? For ir is a kind of foundation of love
of money, of love of reputation, of love of esteem, of love of power and of
love of quarrel. 228
First of all, then, one should keep always present to one's mind the 20
52K. doctrine concerning self-sufficiency: it is evident chat this is intimately
connected with chat concerning insatiability. One who hates insatiability
loves self-sufficiency. So, if freedom from distress is dependent on this
alone, and this is something which is up to us, 229 then co become free
from distress is something entirely up to us - if we have the doctrine
concerning insatiability and self-sufficiency constantly to hand, and carry 25
out our daily training in regard to the individual actions on the basis of
these doctrines; so that what some have had from their earliest education 35DB
may also be acquired, later, by those who were not fortunate enough to
have it, by following the path that I have described. For who would not
wish to be free from distress throughout his entire life? And who would
not prefer such an aim to that of being more wealthy than Cinyras and
Midas?230
224
'.Asia'is conjectural but seems likely; see textual note 3.45.
225
Or: 'by all these [sc. the inhabitants of Asia]' (reading ,olJ,oLS, L, according to Magnaldi).
226
Or: 'more grief (presumably than the pleasureyou get from the esteem of your acquaintances).
227
The text (from here down to 'convinced of the truth') is somewhat doubtful.
228
On the 'love of esteem' (philotimia)and 'love of quarrel' (= 'competitiveness',philoneikia), see
nn. 49, 168 and 177 above.
2 9
~ Eph' himin: again, the sameStoic terminology as above (episoi);see above, n. 220; also n. 122 on
the notion of having doctrines 'to hand'.
230
Midas and Cinyras were legendary kings, of Crete and Cyprus respectively.The phrase 'be more
wealthy than Midas or Cinyras' is a quotation from the lyric poet Tyrtaeus (9,6), itself quoted by
Plato, Laws 660e. The latter text - where the context is the correct education of children, in par-
ticular the proposition that the good man will be happy irrespectiveof wealth - seems likely to be
Galen'ssource for the quotation (his familiarity with this part of the Lawsis evident e.g. in QAM,
where he cites passagesdose to the present one).
 280 Affections and Errors
Context and success of these arguments; difficulty of eradicating
insatiability once engrained
10. Well, these are among the many arguments which I expounded to
that man, as also to many others on subsequent occasions; and in all cases
I persuaded them at that actual moment, but I saw that very few of them
indeed retained any long-term benefit from what had been said. Most peo-
ple have increased the affections of their souls over such a long period
53 K. that they are incurable. Those, however, who are in the grip of moderate
affections, and are thus able to recognize a little of the truth of the above
statements, 23 1 if, as I have previously said, they appoint a monitor or tutor,
who, by constant reminders, by criticism, by exhortation and encourage-
ment to hold back from the stronger affections, also provides himself as
an example of all those statements and exhortations, will be able, by the
use of words, 232 to make their souls free and noble. For it is shameful that
men set great score by 'freedom' as defined by human laws,233 but make
no effort to acquire that freedom that exists genuinely, in nature, being
content rather co be .slaves co shameless, wanton, tyrannical mistresses: to
love of money; to ~eJ.nness; to love of reputation; to love of power; to love
of esteem. And yet acquisitiveness is, I have little hesitation in saying, the
foundation of all these. 234 Who, therefore, can become a decent human
being with this in· his soul? And would not anyone who did not hate this
kind of ugliness deserve to die ten thousand times? And it is much more
to be hated and avoided by the young, if they wish to be saved, since, if
they first have an upbringing which leads them to an insatiable desire for
54 K. money, then after the fortieth year it will no longer be possible to help
them - or say, if you will, after the fiftieth, so that no one may call me in-
human. I did in fact once hear someone say this - one who was susceptible
to luxury, sex, reputation and' esteem, but was not wealthy, and therefore
suffered grief through his failure to fulfil any of his desires. Well, this per-
son too, when he saw over a period of time that I was cheerful every day,
being conscious of his own unhappiness, begged me to teach him· how
231 'The text is rather uncertain; see textual note 3.46.
232 Or perhaps, 'by the ministrations of reason'. Editors have chosen either the singular A6y(fl or the
plural i\6yo1~for the unclear MS reading; but in any case the term may include the notion of
'reason', nor simply 'words'. · The phrase 'a supervisor' (nv' ETI"6TI'TTJV)
233 Arguments subverting the traditional sense oflegal 'freedom', as prized in Roman society,in favour
of the true freedomof the philosopher,are a featureof Stoic discourse- e.g. 'you say that only a
free man is worth educating, we say that only a person educated [sc.in Stoic philosophy] can be
free'.We perhapsdetect an echo of this Stoicdiscoursehere.
234 Though the fundamental sense is clear,the precisereading is in doubt; see textual nore 3.47.
Translation,bookI 281
he might himself be free of grief. When I said chat the correction of rhe 5
affections that he had by now built up would require a period of many
years,235 he cried out: 'What could be more inhuman than you!>- as if I
5 could have exerted myself to free him from distress in a very short time,
h'ad I so wished, but begrudged him this favour. And yet this is the one
lesson that no one can begrudge his fellow. For it is to our own advantage 10
that all .those with whom we have social intercourse are outside the grip of
the affections, and that they are not damaged in their souls, either by love
of reputation or by some other such thing. The better these individuals are,
10 55K. the more beneficial they will be to us as friends, too.
Recapitulation on supervisor and gradual nature of improvement;
grounds for hope of success
15
I shall return to the subject of che one who wishes genuinely to become a
man, and prescribe again the common path that must be followed for all 15
good qualities of our souls. To begin with, he must appoint a supervisor,236
to recall to his mind anything chat he fails to see in each of his actions.
It is, for example, sometimes extremely difficult for one to draw the line
20 between aces of meanness and acts of thrift; so that this will be quite im-
possible for one who is first:237 beginning to rid himself of the affection 20
of love of money. Virtue is close to vice in this case; similarly, when love
of esteem is being removed, shameless behaviour arises in ill-bred souls. 238 37 DB
For young men wishing to be saved, then, people other than themselves
must be the ones to observe their errors - old men who throughout their
25 lives have given ample proof of the freedom of their judgement. Their
criticism should not be resisted, nor resented. Rather, these men must re- 5
ceive their gratitude, and be encouraged always to tell the truth; the young
36 DB 56K. persons must realize this truth and attempt to remov_ethe affections identi-
fied- not all at once, but to chip away little by little at the extent of them,
and must bear in mind chat, though in the early stages it will obviously be
difficult and be accomplished only at the cost of much unhappiness, it will
not continue to be equally difficult as time goes on. For to the same extent 10
23
? The predse reading is in doubt, though not in a way which greatlyaffectsthe meaning:see textual
note 3.48.
236
here is conjectural (Nauck; TOETI1<1Ta-rs!V
L, for which
Magnaldi believesthat we should read simply ·nv', 'someone').
237
Or 'primarily' (rrpOO,c.vs,
which Magnaldi takes to be L's reading).
236Or: 'a senseof shame arisesin well~bredsouls':o:icrx_l/VT]
TlS"... 1<CX/\W~
for &va1crxvvT{a... 1<0:1<Ws.
L has Kai\Ws;and, according to Magna!di,a!crxllvT]<tSlooks like L's original intention, masked
by a self-correction.
 282 Affections and E,rrors
that the rational in us is augmented in such forms of training, by which
our affections are diminished and reduced, their total subjection becomes
easier later on. Quite evidently, if the reasoning-faculty succeeded, while
still unschooled, in dominating the affections at their greatest, it will dom-
inate even more as, in the course of time, it gains a double advantage: not
only will ir be far nobler as a result of the schooling, but those affections
with which it will have to battle will havebecome smaller, too. Eirher one
of these circumstances would have given us sufficient grounds for hope
for the future. One should not, then, be dispirited at the beginning of the
training, if one is conscious that one is making only very little progress in
the cure of one's affections. The progress will be great, as time goes on, if
only one endures the account of one's own errors, through a genuine love
of oneself - and the will to become, and not just to appear, a decent hu-
man being.
57 K. The recognition and treatment of the soul's affections, then, is conduct-
ed in the manner described; we shall turn next to the errors.
y.58 !{. Book II: The Diagnosis and Treatment of the Errors' 41 DB
General and specificusage of term 'error'
15 1~1l1e diagnosis and treatment of the affections peculiar to each person's
soul, according to the path described, has been discussed in the previous 5
writingi 1 we should next proceed to discussion of the errors.
Here too, then, I shall make the best start possible, which is - as all
agree, even if they do not exemplify it in practice - to go through the
meanings of the word 'error' ,2 to avoid any ambiguity remaining in the
59 K. argument that follows, showing that, certainly in the customary usage of 10
20 all Greeks, the term is used sometimes in its specific 3 sense, in reference
to things that happen wrongly through a decision, and so belong to the
rational part of the soul alone, and sometimes in a general sense, so that
they concern the non-rational capaciry 4 too .... 5
Errors in factual matters; weak or rash assent;the rekvance of this to ethics
Now, chat a false or rash assent is an error, is universally agreed; but that
'weak assent' is one too, is not. It seems to some that 'weak assent' should 15
be placed between virtue and vice; and they call it 'weak assent' when we
have not yet convinced ourselves chat a given belief is true in the same way
as that 6 we· have five fingers on each hand, or that two times two equals
• The page numbers.in the left margin refer to the Kuhn (1823) edition (abb. K.), while the page and
line numbers in the right margin refer to the CMG text (abb. DB) edited by Wilko De Boer (1937),
which is the basis of the present tt'anslation.
1
'Writing' - gntmma, a very general word for a literary product. On the terms used by Galen for
his own writings, see General introduction, p. 11 with n. 22 and p. 16 n. 40. On the relationship
between the two parts of the present text, and the precise form of the title, see n. 1 to Affections.
2
Lit:, 'what they mean by the word "error'"; but the verb has no obvious subject: presumably the 'all'
of the previous dause or the 'all Greeks' that follows can be understood. (But Magna!di reads i\Eyoo
CCµOpifjµa,'what I call an error', which she takes to be closer to the reading ofL.)
3 The phrase 'in its specific sense' (\61oos)derives from the authority of FM; Magnaldi omits.
4
Note the vaguer usage of 'non-rational capacity' in the singular here, as opposed to the more tech-
nical Platonic usage which requires two non-rational capacities, On such 'bipartition', see above,
General introduction, pp. 18-22.
5
There is a lacuna here, and the beginning of the next sentence is uncertain; see textual note 3.49.
The appearance of the term sunkatathesishere and in the ensuing argument is interesting. It is a
technical term within Stoic philosophy, where it is related to a particular theory of psychology and of
action, the central feature of which is chat (in a 'moniscic' sou!, with no countervailing 'non-rational'
clement) rational 'assent' ro a proposition is sufficient for action; and this assent will be given appro-
ptiately if a soul has the right doctrines. The psychological theory within which this term is typically
used, then, is one fu11damentally opposed by Galen; the fact, too, that Galen ill this text - though
ostensibly talking about ethics - proceeds to focus primarily on the puresciences as the realm in which
to train oneself for correct sunkatathesis,also constitutes an interesting move.
6
The text is somewhat uncertain; this seems the likeliest sense.
283

284 Affections and Errors
four. For perhaps, in rhe case of an old man who has spent leisure all his 42 DB
life over the discovery of true propositions, to assent weakly to one of those
which have a scientific demonstration 7 would be an error. 8 The geometer,
indeed, has the same kind of knowledge 9 in relation to the propositions
taught in Euclid's Elements as most people have of the proposition that
two times two equals four. He has the s~me knowledge, too, in relation 5 sible that they are all false, in which case the good would not be defined
60 K. to the theorems of spheres, which are taught next, as well as in relation
to all the problems .solved by those theorems; and also in relation to the
theorems of cones and gnOmOns.10 If, then, he doubts it for a short time,
and does not have a secure 11 assent to those propositions (which some
12) this one would agree to be an error, since, of course, the
call katali!psis
man is a geometer. 13 When someone commits errors· in life, however, the
14
faulty beliefs, as well as the false, rash or weak assent are conscicuted in
matters related to the recognition, acquisition and avoidance of good and
bad. Here, then, there is an immediate danger that a small error will cause
the greatest harm, 15 ifwe assent falsely to a belief regarding matters of
7 Greek apodeixinepistemopikin.For Galen'sviews on what counts as 'scientificdemonstration' see
PHP 156 ff. DL (V.273ff. K.), 108 ff. DL (Y.219ff. K.) md 484,34-486.9 DL (V.655K.), sum-
marizing his proofs of the seats of the rational and 'affective'(1TC(6nT1K6v) parts of the soul. He
identifiesfour different grades of argument, of which only the first counts as 'scientificand de-
monstrative'.For discussionof Galen'sthought in this area seeTieleman (l 996a) eh. 2 (on Galen's
conceptionof demoilstrationand its historicalr~latives;esp. 12 ff. on the four kinds of pren1iseand
showingtheir relationshipwith Aristotle};further Barnes(1993) and (2003); Hankinson (2008b);
Morison (2008a) and (2008b);Tieleman (2008).
8 The sense as given relies on SchOne'semendation OµClpTnµ' &v Ein ('would b'e an error').
oxoi\ClaC(VTOS, 'has spent leisure', can mean, more P()Sitively,'has devoted himself to' (especially
when followedby simpledative: the Sv inserted by Dekhgriiberis thus perhaps better omitted).
9 The Greek episthnirefersin Galen'susage to a secureknowledge;it is cognate with the term trans-
lated 'scientific'(epistimonikin)in the previoussentence(and discussedinn. 7 above).
io 'The term gn0m6n has a range of mean!pi?;s: expert judge, carpenter'.ssquare, (pointer of) sundial,
as well as a technical sense in geom~try,where it is the part of a square left when you remove a
smallersquare from it (a definitiol).extended by Euclid, Elem.II, def. 2, to include shapesformed
by a similar operation on any parallelogram).The resultingshape can also be used (as it was by the
Pythagoreans)to illustrateseries of odd numbers. As will be seen from what follows,the specific
sensethat Galen has in mind is that of the sundial; but at the same time it is the precisege.ometrical
nature of its construction which is central to his argument.
11 Or, 'his own assent' (the MSS have µT}T' l6io:v,for which Marquardt readsµn6' l6{C(V and Magnaldi
µTlTTjvi6{C(v); 'secure' is von Arnim's emendation (!31;!30:(C(v;
and KalbfleischsuggestedTC(XEiC(v,
'swift').
12 !vitalepsis - again,a technical term of the Stoic theory, wherebythere are some kinds of perception
('cataleptic')the experienceof which is so strong or convincingthat they cannot be doubted.
!3 Or perhaps: 'error - that of a geometer,naturally'.
14 Or: 'faultyopinions are constituted by/accordingto false,rash or weak assents'(Magnaldi,reading
Kc:rr6:y;su6sisauyKo:To:6tae1s rather than fi 41eu6flsauyKo:T6.6ecns, with rhe fol!owingadjectives
also accusativeplural; her reading is closerto the MSS).
15 'Harm' is a conjectural insertion (f'i\CnrTa,Schone); Magnaldi suggestsrather TI, so: 'that a small
error is very great'.
~-
[
Translation,bookII 285
good and bad. Now, according to the Academics and Pyrrhonists, 16 who
do not accept that we have scientific demonstration regarding che subjects
of our enquiry, any assent is necessarily rash; and it is possible that it is also
false. The conflicting beliefs of those philosophers who make declarations
61 K. about matters of good and bad, they say, cannot all be true ; but it is pos- 20
as plea'sure, nor freedom from disturbance, nor virtue or the activity in 43 DB
accordance with it - nor indeed any other things mentioned by the phi-
losophers.17
10
Training in logic and demonstration must precede investigation of the
goal of life - where error is easilycommitted
The first task for one who wishes to be free of error is co examine whether
there is a demonstration of a non-evident matter; 18 chen, whenever he
15 finds [... ], 19 to try to enquire afrer the method of demonstration - and 5
lG Both adherents of Plato's Academy (at various points since Arcesilausin the third century BCE)
and the 'Pyrrhonist' school (founded by Aenesidemusin the first century BCE) espoused forms
of philosophicalScepticism.For a concisehistoricaloverviewof Scepticismand Pyrrho, and their
relationshipwith Academicphilosophy in the period leadingup to Galen'stime, seeSedley(1980)
10 ff.;more broadly,Burnyear(1983); Annas and Barnes(1985); Hankinson (1995).
17
Galen is here giving(rather loosely)someexamplesof the officialcandidatesfor 'the good' favoured
by the major philosophical schools, rather than a summary of them all. Pleasurewas the good
accordingto the Epicureans.Freedom from disturbance (aochlisia),similar to the more common
ataraxia(see above,A.ff Peci:.Dig. I, n. 24) was a term used by both Epicureansand Pyrrhonist
Sceptics:Galen perhapshas the latter in mind here, as they regardedsuch tranquillityas the actual
goal of life (seeSextus Empirkus, Outlinesof PyrrhonismL l 0, whereaochlisiais in fact given as a
glossfor ataraxia).The last two, 'virtue or activity ... ', are paired together grammatically;so Aristo-
tle seemslikelyto be intended by both ter1ns(Nicomachean EthicsI 097b22-1098a20: the function
of a human being consistsin the activityof his rational soul in accordancewith virtue). Interesting
ip this context is Galen's discussion of virtues and aims of life in PHP V; see esp. 326-330 DL
(Y.468-472 K.), assertingthe superiorityof Plato'sand Posidonius'.view regardingthe goal of life
(which involvesthe notion of followingthat which is divine within one) over Chrysippus';there
too he also explicitlymentions aochlesiaand pleasurein negativeterms. See n. 88 below on other
statementsregardingthe goal of life,in the present text.
18
The Greekmay mean either: 'whether there is a [discoverable]demonstrationof a [particular]non-
evidenr matter', or 'whether there exists [such a thing as] demonstration of a non-evident matter
[in general]'. On the latter interpretation, Galen would be making a distinction between his own
view and that of e.g. the Empiricists,who regard observablefacts as in themselvesconstituting the
, only availabletruth; but it is also possible- see the problemsdiscussedin the next note - that he is
talking of particularnon-evident matters, and how to go about investigatingthem.
19
The sense of 'whenever he finds' (with an unstated object} is not immediately clear. The sense
'wheneverhe finds that there is' seems impossible;the alternative,'wheneverhe finds one [i.e, a
non-evident matter]', is at first sight problematic, seeming to make the discoveryor finding out
(stlp!aKstv)of the result precedethe processof enquiry (~nTsiv),Note alsothat the connective'then'
in this phrase is conjectural: €19',Marquardt. It is interesting,however,to read the text alongside
the discussionof the method of demonstration below,pp. 299-303 - as well as alongsidethe other
 286 Affections and Errors
this enquiry is not something to be conducted in a casual way, nor on one's
own, but over a long period of time and with the most truthful persons,
ones who are both naturally intelligent and schooled in logical theory.20
Then, when a person is convinced that he has discovered that, co return
to a long period of training, before approaching the enquiry regarding the
greatest matters. Is it not evident that 'the good' (which, indeed, people
also call the goal of life), once acquired,' makes us happy, or blessed - or
whatever other term one may prefer? 21
2. So surely - for heavens' sal<e!- those who attempt to discover the
ultimate truths without first convincing themselves that they know the
62 K. method of demonstration are clearly rash? TI1eycertainly seem very much
so to me: their behaviour is similar to that of those people who dare to
make demonstrations regarding arithmetical or mathematical theorems
before first convincing themselves that they have sufficient schooling in
numbers. Just as these latter individuals must necessarily blunder in many
places, so coo with chose who make attempts at demonstrating without
first being schooled in the method of demonstration: it is impossible for
them not to blunder ..The fact that some of the false arguments persuade
certain people is 2i1.iit:e
evident from the multitude of sects; evident, too,
that these arguments would not persuade people of their veracity were it
not for some similarity. Nor should one imagine that this similarity is a
small one; if it were, it would have been easily found out, being tested by
many worthy men over such a long period of time.
So it appears that what Hippocrates said in the context of the srudy22 of
medicine holds true for philosophy too ..Hippocrates said that similarities
63 K. give rise to people going astray and to confusions even in the case ofgood
doctors. 2 3 Since, then, it happens that not just the ordinary doctors but
usages of rhese two verbs in the presCnrtext. Galen is attempting to clarify the stages in learning
the method of enquiry/demonst~ation,whereby the discoveryof individualnon-evident facts con-
tributes to the discoveryof the generalmethod of establishingthem. The 'finding' of an individual
non-evident fact would, then, be the same as the process described below of 'seeing' the correctness
of a resulc:the mathematical truth that underlies it is, presumably,non-evident, but the application
of that truth leads to a result which is undeniably correct. (If the above account seems unconvinc-
ing, an alternative would perhaps be to read 0TTv:JS in place of 0Tav: 'so that he may find'.)
2o The noun, thearia(here in the plural) may mean a theory or theoretical proposition, or more broad-
ly a kind of study.
2! I here depart from De Boer; see textual note 3.50,
.n Onpragmateia(referringto a 'field' or 'study' in the abstract sense, as here, and a concrete treatise),
see below,n. 101.
23 See Hippocrates, Epid.VI.8.26 (v:352 L.): &yaeotcn 6£ inTpo\cnv, o:! Oµot6TJ1T€5 TTA<Xvo:5Ko:\.
;&vo:vTla,11TTp6tpa0"15,
crrTopia5,@J..C'/,. olrJ ('Even fo'r good doctors, similarities [lead to] going
asuay and to confosions, but the opposite [is brought about by] the reason [for their being so]').
1he discussionof similarityand its significancein relation to error does, in fact, have a philosophical
background too. It is, indeed, odd that in the present passagewe have referenceonly to Hippocrates,
and the implic:l.tionthat it is Galen who is extending the discussion from medicine to ·philosophy:
Translation,book II 287
also che best of chem make mistakes in cases of similarity, it is not unlikely 5
that good philosophers, similarly, are subject to confusions and to going
astray, in the contexr of philosophy. TI1esimilarity between twins is easily
seen through by anyone who knows them well, but not by a stranger; and,
bn the same principle, those who are not very well versed in arguments,
IO and who have not been familiar and in constant contact with them on 10
a daily basis (as in the case of the twins' siblings), will not be able to see
through similarities in arguments.
Role of affection in bringing about error; UJwstandard of education
amo1!g contemporaries; necessityfor right natural endowments
15
This, indeed, is one primary and particularly great error made by those
who make rash declarations regarding matters of good and bad 24 in human
life; and it arises from self-love, self-regard,25 conceitedness 26 or love of es-
teem. For we observe some cases where people have convinced themselves 15
20 of the truth of their own beliefs, but others where they are engaged in con-
vincing those around them for the sake of honour or financial reward,27
while remaining personally dubious of their own statements. Both these
classes of people commit errors, 28 evidently: the latter knowingly (and in
64 K. their case the evil29 would be one connected with affection30 ), the former
25
elsewhere,in book IX of TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato,he engagesin a substantial discus-
44 DB sion of similarity,and the importance of distinguishingbetween similarthings. There the discussion
is related in detail to both Hippocratic and Platonic texts; see PHP 540,14-20 DL (Y.721 K.) -
where he quotes.from Phaedrus262a-b and alludes to the same Hippocratic text as here - with the
24
discussionfollowing.
In Greek, lit: 'goods and bads' or '[things that are] good and bad'.
25
'Self-regard':a!azoneia,conventionallytranslated 'boastfulness';the central notion is chat of wishing
to appear more than one ls (in philosophical contexts, to appear to know more than one does).
26
'Conceitedness': Mxosophia,not a particularly common word, but one which Galen uses a lot in
what follows.The central idea is that of wishing to appear wise, while that dai1n is in fact vacuous:
a rather large class of public speakerspretending to knowledge,in particular people making (in his
view) inadequate attetnpts at philosophy, seems to be the target. The present translation has been
chosen - rather than, say,'(false)conceit of wisdom' or 'desire to appear clever'- in the interests of
concise and idiomatic English; but it should be understood that the term is used with those rather
preciseconnotations.
27
The socialphenomenon of'sophists' is relevantto this accusation;see General introduction, pp. 4 ff.;
and on Galen'sielationship with, and criticisms of, the 'sophists'see esp. van Staden (1997b).
28
Or, wit.hMagnaldi, reading 6:µo:pTClvovat y' for 6:µo:pT<:XvouO'\\!
(L; -crt 6' De Boer): 'Well, both
these are errors,dearly ... ' .
2
" Kakon,usually translated 'bad'. The term is used both in a broad sense, like the English one, and
also to denote a specificallymoral category,as here and in the above referenceto 'matters of good
and bad in human life'. The term 'evil' may seem to bring with it extraneousmetaphysicalconnota-
tions; but it is difficult to retain the translation 'bad' when the word is used as a noun.
30
'Connected with affection' translates the Greek empathes.In other words, this conscious commis-
sion of error arises from a love of money (greed), or excessiveattachment to reputation, which are
pathi; and in such cases char underlying pathoswould have to be addressed, rather than just the
 288 Affections and Errors
unknowingly (and these people's blunder would fall rather under the head-
ing of error in its specific sense31).
These people 32 will do well to remember Aesop's wallets, and enttust
orhers.33 with the judgement of their own opinions; and these others
should not, of course, be of the same stamp as they themselves - not only
unschooled in methods of demonstration but also in the other studies by
which the soul is sharpened (geometry, niathematics, arithmetic, architec-
ture and astronomy), and in some cases without even the advantage of the
teaching of an orator, or that of a grammarian 34 (which is the most widely
available of all), but in fact so unschooled with regard to arguments 35 that
they cannot follow the words that they hear from my lips. Sometimes,
when stating some argument, I notice this, and ask-chem to repeat what
36
has just been said; for it is apparent that - just like the ass with the lyre -
37
they too have actually failed to follow what I have said altogether. None-
theless, their boldness or cheek is so great that even when subjected to the
65 K. scorn of persons who are literate, 38 for their inability to give an account of
logicalerror. TI1edistinction made here is interesting and not unproblematic. Those who know the
truth but deliberately.deceiveare doing so becauseof an affection; while those who are genuinely
in error over the truth are - obviously- subject to error (rather than affection).And yet Galen has
just apparently identified a particular series of affections- those to do with self~loveand desire for
reputation - as sources of the primary type of error- that arising from similarities. Unless in that
statement Galen is expressing himself rather carelessly,affection is involved in the formation of
genuine error too. There is, further, a relationsP,ipbetween the moral qualities needed to 'stick the
course' in logical and scientificenquiry and the successof that enquiry, as discussed by Galen at
various points; and so the relationship between error and affection would seem to be more compli~
cated than at this point allowed.See below,-48,20 DB 0/.70 K.) with n. 66. - examples from geometry etc.
31 Reading, with Magnaldi, Kai ;oU,wv €In &vall (whifh she believesto be detectable a·sL's original
intention); this surely givesbetter sense than KctlfiT) &vaV Ka\ ,oU,wv ('these people's... too'),
32 Or, 'They will still do well .. .'·(f;i, L fo!lowedby Magnaldi, for oV,01, FM Ald.).
33 Galen here extends the notion of the overseer of one's actions from the previous book; now it is
suggestedthat one should rely on suc!1·anoverseerin the realm of opinions, on matters of truth
and falsehood.At first blush this may seem a strange development, but in a sense Galen is simply
describing the teaching process: one begins by trusting someone else on questions of logical con~
sequence, the reliabilityof propositions, etc., and gradually developsto a stage where one can rely
rather on one's own judgement.
34 The grammatikoswas in fact the teacher that boys went to from the age of l O or 11: fol_lowing on
from the elementary-levelteaching of a grammatistes,whUethe orator (rhitor) represented the final
levelof this grammatical-literaryeducation. On the term grammatikos(in this and other senses)and
for further referenceson Graeco-Roman education, see above, n. 102 to A.ff Pecc.Dig. 1.5,14DB
(v:21 K.).
35 Ugoi: the sense could also be 'words' in the sense of basic education or literacy.
36 Ovosf\Upas[sc.0:1<0Uoov], an asshearinga lyre,was a proverbialexpressionfor one with no understand~
ing of music;LSJ citesa number of instances,of which the earliestis in the comicpoet Menander.
37 Magnaldi omits this 'actually' (Ov,oos,Aldine); it appears in Las o\J;<usand represents,she argues,
an iterative error.
38 Lit., 'those who have learnt letters'; as in English, the concept presumably includes some notion of
linguisticand logicalcompetence,rather than simply the mechanicalprocessoflearning to read and
write words; it also presumablyhas a connection with the concept of the grammatikos.
Translation,bookIf 289
20 what they have just heard, they experience no shame, but they think that
they alone have realized the truth, while those who have been educated
have merely wasted their time.
But it was not my hope in embarking on this argument to help those
people; indeed, the majority of them would not be capable of being helped
even if they wished to, since they are no longer at an age apt for the pro- JO
25 cess of education. One who is naturally intelligent, and has been schooled
in his early education to the point where he is, preferably, able to give an
immediate oral repetition of whatever he hears, or, failing that, at least
to write it down, will find this argument 39 a help - if, that is, he genu-
45 DB inely hungers for truth. 40 For this is entirely up to him; 41 and he should 15
first of all have been born for truth, 42 and must secondly also have been
brought up with a good education. It is utterly impossible for one who was
not born for ttuth, and who has also been brought up in bad, licentious
ways, to hunger for ttuth, either on the beSis of an internal impulse43 of
5 that kind or through the encouragement of another. I myself have never
66 K. claimed to be able to assist such a person; but, as I said, if someone is a 20
friend of ttuth, I will try to the best of my ability to display to that person
the correct way; for I have conducted the enquiry into it 44throughout my
whole life, and am convinced that the way that I shall now describe is the
only one.
Procedurefor wgical training; me of ~elf confirming
45
3. For (I said ) I recommend that one should learn thoroughly all that 46 DB
has been written by our predecessors on the method of demonstration,
and first test this method in the context of other subjects, to see if it genu-
inely does find out any of the objects under enquiry; 46 and that the nature
39
Greek logon;this of course has an abstract reference- the senseof the argwnent as here advanced-
as well as a concrete one - the actual words of this treatise.
40
Or, 'ifhe hungers for truth at all' (OAC.us,MSS followed by Magnaldi, for SchOne'sOv,c..:is).
41
On the idiom of something being 'up to' (ept)someone, see above,A.ff Pecc,Dig. I, n. 220.
42 The precisetext here is in some doubt; see textual note 3.51.
43 , See above,A.ff Pecc.Dig. I, n. 38 on this terminology.
44
Or 'sought after it'; see nn. 46 and 97 below on the usage of the verb zitein.
45 Here, as on severalother occasions,the phrase 'I said' reminds us of the originallyoral nature of the
composition.
46 Lit. 'find [out] any of the things sought'; but the verb heuriskeincan cover the senseof'discover the
truth of' as well as 'find/discover' something, just as zltoumena may be 'subjectsof enquiry' as well
as 'things sought out' - and, in the specificallymathematical sense,demonstranda.(Cf. n. 97 below.)
This dual sense, whereby the substantives in question may be translated as 'things/objects' but also
 290 Affections and Errors
of such subjects should be sufficient to confirm 47 to the finder chat he
has found it - as in the division of a given straight line into a prescribed 5
number of sections.
It is quite possible chat the utterly ignorant will not understand what on
earth is meant. I shall cry to state it more clearly for chem, as though talk-
ing to asses.48 What the argument means by 'a given straight line' is one
which is displayed on a perfectly flat surtace; and 'a prescribed number of 10
sections' refers to the decision of the person setting the problern, 49 whether
that is to divide the line drawn into five sections, or into seven, twenty or
a hundred. If, then, you divide the drawn line into however many sections
you wish (either by finding your own particular method or by using one
67 K. which has been caught you by someone else), the very fact of the matter 50
will confirm it to you, and so it will be apparent chat all the sections of the 15
line so divided are exactly equal. All the other problems of this kind will
also be securely found ouc51 by virtue of things manifestly apparent, as for
example when we are instructed to draw a circle around a given square, or,
on the same principle, to draw a square around or within a given circle,
or again to draw a drcle around a given equilateral and equiangular pen- 20
tagon. For if one ls 'able immediately to draw each of these figures by the
method he has learnt, he will be confirmed 52 as having found the object
as 'facts', and the verbsas 'enquire into', 'investigate','find out', 'discover','discoverthe truth of',
runs through this discussion. ', . · But he elsewhererecurs to the same examples- whether the cosmosis generatedor ungenerated,
47 'Thesyntaxof this construction (whichappears,in slightlyvariedforms, repeatedlyfrom now on in
the text) is again to be understood in the context of the linguisticusagereferredto in rhe previous
note. Lit., 'the.object/fact found/discovereditself bears witness to the one who has fowid/discov~
ered it'. This notion, rhat there are some truths, related to· mathematicsand geometry,which one
cannot doubt once one has found them,....that, as it were,one can immediatelyseethem t0 be true,
although they are truths of a matherria'ticalor logicalnature - is dearly one that impressedGalen
powerfully,and which he bi!!ieved,cOu!d be used as a rool to combat not only illogicalor confused
argument, but also the whole Scepticalproject.
4s The word 'asses'is uncertain here; see textual note 3.52.
49 The practice here referredto (proballein,cognate with problema- indeed the practice givesus the
etymologyof the Englishword 'problem')is that of a public test or displaywherebyone carriesout,
without prior notification, a task set (lit., 'thrown before' one) by another individual,who might
be a member of the audience.The verb translated 'displayed'earlier in the sentence (protetheisan),
which carriessinlllarconnotations of'proposing' or 'putting forward', seemsto belong to the same
context. For Galen'saccounts of his own involvement in such public displays,see esp. Lib, Prop.
138,8-10 BM (XIX.13K.) and 138,21-139,3 BM (XIX.14K); see also von Staden (1997b).
5o Or, 'the thing itself (autotopragma).
5l 1he phraseperhaps also includes the implied sense 'found to be true'; seen. 46 aboveon the verb
heuriskeinmeaning both 'find' and 'find to be true'.
52 Or 'was confirmed' (tµo:pTvpT]6n, L, followedby Magnaldi);the future tense is Marquardt'semen~
dation. The verb translated 'confirm' (here and in similar contexts below) is marturein,lit. 'bear
witness','giveevidence'.
Translation,book11 291
under enquiry 53 by the fact itself. Now, whether the cosmos 54 came into
being or is ungenerated is something which the face itself cannot confirm;
nor whether the totality of existence is limited or infinite, or what is the 25
number of the waves. No enquiry of this sort is settled on the basis of a fact
itself seeming to be found; but if you are instructed co draw an equilateral, 47 DB
68 K. equiangular dodecagon 55around or inside a circle, it will do this immedi-
ately. For it is manifestly seen, both when drawn in and drawn around the
circle, just as is a circle when drawn in or around such a polygon. So when
we find a method of demonstration, which leads us to the object under 5
enquiry and is manifestly confirmed by the fact itself, we shall have no
insignificant tests from this of the truth of this method; so that we may at
so1ne point dare to use it in matters which are not able co provide manifest
confirmation of it. 56 I would not recommend that someone immediately
venture into the most important of realms - if indeed those things which
lead to happiness arethe most important- but 57first to have been schooled IO
in subject areas where the objects themselves refute someone who falsely
believes himself to have found [the truth of] the objects under enquiry,
and conversely provide confirmation to one who genuinely has found it.
Such a method is the one employed in geometry, mathematics, arithmetic,
astronomy and architecture. (I use the single term 'architecture' to cover
53 Again, Greekhas literally'the thing sought'.
54
The term kosmosroughly equates to our term 'universe'.Note that it is not all kinds of enquiry
about the kosmosin generalthat Galen finds pointless;cf. QAM46,13 M. {IY.785K.) with n. 71.
and whether there is anything beyond it (seebelow,66,16-17 DB) - of questionson which he can
make no scientificstatement; see Prop.Plac.,eh. 2, esp. 172,31-32 BMP (56,12-14 N.).
55
Magnaldihas a slightlydifferentsuggestionfor the difficultMSS reading,which involvesinserting
the word 'correctly';she also reads 'you will do' for 'it will do' in the nexr clause.
56
There is some unclaricyas to the identity of rhe 'it' that is being confirmed.If De Boer'sreading,
qUTrj,is correct, 'truth' seems perhaps 1nore likely than 'method': the finding-out of individual
truths is here at issue,which is part of the processby which the generalmethod is established- but
cf. below,48,2 DB (V.69 K.}with n. 59. But this feminine form (referringto either 'method' or
'truth') is Diels' conjecture for L's neuter aU;O; and the latter seemsro fit better with the way the
word 'confirm'is used elsewherein this passage:'confirmthe fact' - even though the word 1rpO:yµo:
('fact') has not actually been mentioned here. Magnaldi'sreading,o:UTfJV, though she glossesit as
µS0o5ov,would not remove the ambiguity: the feminine pronoun could still stand for 'method'
or 'truth'. However,it does seem that Diels' preferencefor the dative is based on a false analogy:
the other uses of the dative with martureinin this section refer to people, not things. Marquardt's
, transpositionof the word (also readingo:UTfl)to followxpT]o-o:cr0o:t would removethe verb'sgram~
maticalobject altogether,and so againleavethe referencevague:'so that we may at some point dare
to use it in matters which are nor able to provide clear confirmation'.
57
Reading5£ here with Magnaldi for L's ys. De Boer omits; but - though 5€ does not givethe most
natural Greek - some kind of adversativeis surely necessary.A more natural alternative,requiring
further emendation,would be that some negativehas fallenout: 'I would not recommend ... with-
out firsthavingbeen schooled.. ,'. But in any case the requiredsenseseemsclear.On the knowledge
of the goal in life,and its leading to happiness,see above,42-43 DB (V,60-61 K.), and n. 17.
 292 Affections and Errors
also the design of sundials and water-clocks) of water-instruments and all
69 K. mechanical devices, including those known as 'pneumatic'. 58) All these
things, certainly, confirm the truth to those who have discovered it, as is
the case also in astronomy; there too, things manifestly apparent are the
basis of judgement, testing and confirmation - if, indeed, eclipses of the
sun and moon, and the observed phenomena of the fixed stars and the
planets, count as 'manifestly apparent'. ·
Fraudulenceand logicalinadequacyofpresent-dayphilosophicalteachers
I am well aware chat people suffer fierce pains in their souls over these ar-
guments - all those people who are already mature in years and no longer
have the opportunity to test the method of demonstration over a long
period of time in contexts where the objects are able to give manifest con-
firmation of ic.59 It is - as I said - through self-love, conceitedness, love
of esteem, love of reputation 1 self-regard or acquisitiveness that people
convince either themselves or others that they have some form of secure
knowledge. And so it is no surprise that each of them, within his own lec-
tures, convinces his-Students - some of whom are born asses, while others
70 K. are basically bright, but unschooled in the elementary studies. For it is ap-
propriate, I suppose, that these kinds of self-regarding teachers have pupils
of this kind: one·who is naturally intelligent and also previously schooled
in those studies would immediately hold rhem in contempt - just as I, too,
as a youth, looked down on many. \eachers 60 who would venture to make
declarations which conflicted with the demonstrable truths 61 of geometry,
when they themselves had not even the shadow of an understanding of the
notion of demonstration.
58 The Greek term architectonia(of which Galen'sfather was a practitioner) indeed extended into what
we would call engineering and mechanics. By 'pneumatic' Galen refers to a range of devicesusing
compressedair as a mechanical tool, most famously developed by the engineer-inventor Hero of
Alexandriain the .firstcentury CE. On pneumatic technology,as well as on the time-keepingtech-
nology of sundials and water-clocks,see the relevant sections of Humphrey, Oleson and Sherwood
(1998), Landels (2000) and Oleson (2008). Specificallyon Hero, see Argoud, Guillaumin and
Cachard (1997); Tybjerg (2003), (2005). For more detail on water-docks, seen. 107 below, with
bibliography there. For an analysisof ancient sundials in modern trigonometrical terms, as well as
a catalogue of the existing archaeologicalremains of sundials from Graeco-Roman antiquity, see
Gibbs(1976).
59 There is a similar doubt regarding 'it' as at 47,8 DB (Y.68 K) above (see n. 56), though in the
present case 'method of demonstration' is the obvious reference.But again Marquardt and De Boer
read cti'.1Ti\,
and Magnaldi ctUTl)v,for a word which is unclear in L.
60 For Galen'searly education, see above,Aff. Pecc.Dig. 28 ff. DB (Y.41ff. K.), with n. 195.
61 Lit., 'things demonstrated scientifically'(epistemonikQs
apodedeigmrnois).
Translation,book !I 293
15· If, then, you remove from the would-be enquirer after truth self-regard,
self-love, love of esteem and reputation, conceitedness, and love of money, 15
in the way in which I have described, 62 he will definitely atrive with a
previous schooling in it; 63 and after a period of not just months but years
20 will proceed to the enquiry regarding those doctrines which ate cayable
of leading to happiness and unhappiness. I hesitate to encourage 6 one
who is driven mad by affections - of the sort which I have mentioned - to
embark upon such a long path; 65 while I hate them,66 who are involved in 20
producing intrigue and slander against us. It is these methods that they
customarily use to poison the minds 67 of their own pupils, so as never to
71 K. endure to listen to such arguments as that which I have been advancing up
till now. Uneducated youths will very easily be persuaded by a teacher who 49 DB
48 DB will with a solemn expression 68 state that the easiest path to wisdom is that
laid down by all the so-called 'Cynics'. 69 For indeed, this latter group, too,
state that their own way is a short path to virtue.7° Some of them refute
this, stating that the Cynic philosophy is not a path to vittue, but a path 5
5 via virtue to happiness. Others, though, more truthfully, declare it to be
a short path to self-regard, on account of the ignorant audacity of such
62
Reading tqt fivE11rov686v, De Boer'sconjecturefor the unintelligibleMS reading. If this is correct,
this would be another back~referenceto the 'way' described in the first book, for the extirpation of
10 affectionin general. The term 686$ is 'way' or 'path', ~hich may connect with the next phrase (see
followingnote); but this whole passageof text is difficult.
63 The text is not without blemish; and the 'it' (ctVTft)is yet another feminine pronoun with slightly
unclear reference.Here, however,the method of demonstration - even though it is rather far away,
in the previoussentence - seems the obvious candidate.
64 'Ihe text continues problematic; see textual note 3.53.
65
Again, Greek hodos.
66
Galen here refers again to the teachers, as opposed to the potential pupils who are under discussion
in,the first part of the sentence. In the case of these teachers,as has been made dear, the affections/
errors are deeply engrained; and it seemsto be the affectionsthat are causallyprior: self-regard,love
of esteem, etc., that instil a false belief in one's own knowledge.1here is some relevancehere of the
distinction made earlier, cf. 44,17-20 DB (Y.63-64 K.), with n. 30, between the conscious and
unconsciouspurveyors of falsehood. Again, the precise relationshipof intellectualerror and ethical
(affective)shortcomings is interesting, and perhaps not fully explored.
67
The term translated 'poison the minds', prokatalambanein,actually means 'occupy in advance' (in
a military sense); the sense here seems dearly to be that of'getting in first' (e.g. with an attack on
Galen'scharacter),to fortify the pupils' minds against influencesthat those teachers regard as unde-
,sirable.
68
The perceivedcharacter {ethos)of the speakeris important in Graeco-Romanrhet0rical theory from
Aristotle onward; see Aristotle, Rhetoric1356a, 1378a.
69
On the history of the Cynic school of philosophy in general,see Navia (1996); and specificallyon
their development in Roman imperial times, Goulet-Caze (1990). The precisetext introducing the
Cynics here is uncertain; see textual note 3.54.
70
There seemsto be no preciseparallel extant for the various statements that Galen here attributes to
'some' and 'other' people.
 294 Affections and Errors
people.7 1 And so, just as all Cynics - all those that I have ever observed
in my life, at least - agree in avoiding a schooling in logical theory, so coo
do a number of those who claim to practise philosophy. When they are 10
out of our presence, of course, they then refuse to converse with the man
in the street (with goatherds, say, or cowherds, diggers or reapers) on the
explicit grounds rhat they do not follow_what is said because of their lack
72K. of schooling in arguments72 - as though they had ever been schooled in
the elementary studies, rather than having started immediately by listening
to some arguments of their teacher on the goal of life, on happiness and 15
unhappiness arguments which that teacher believed to be 'demonstra-
tive' - and having been convinced by chose arguments because of their
lack of schooling. For if, as I have said, the similarities between false and
true arguments are the cause of false doctrines, and it is those who are most
experienced in each subject area who will besr see through these similari-
ties, then it necessarily follows that one who suddenly rushes in to make 20
a judgement about arguments will be unable to see through and separate
the false from the true.
Manifest evidenc~ of this is provided by what are known as 'sophisms',
particular kinds ofargument which are false, but crafted in such a way as 50 DB
to have a similarity to true ones. Now, their falsehood appears immediately
evident from the fact that the conclusio.n is untrue. And while false argu-
ments in all cases contain either sor_neuntruth in one of the premisses, or
some mistake in the drawing of the conclusions from those pre.misses, in 5
73 K. sophisms these features are not at .qnce apparent and so they are difficult to
perceive for those who are unschooled· in arguments. Now, in cases ·where
an argument is agreed to be false, because the falsity of its conclusion is
manifestly apparent to all, but nonetheless the solution of the sophism is
a puzzle to the unschooled, the safe course for these people would be to
be suspicious of all argumflits, and to withhold their assent in every case, 10
until they had definitely·convinced themselves that they were able to see
through the similarity between true and false arguments. And they will
persuade people to set them sophisms as problems to be solved, encourag-
ing anyone who so wishes to assess their intellectual faculty by experience.
71Or: 'that the audacity of such people is a short path via ignoranceto self-regard'(adopting Mar-
quardt's Si' 6:µo:9a!cxs for Stet;fiv C(µo:0fi
Trjv·.,,TOl'lµcxv ... T0i\µcxv- perhaps fitting better with the
senseof the previoussentence).
n The term is the plural of logos,which of course has a wide range of possiblemeanings;but here the
senseof'argwnent', or perhapsevenmore specifically,'logic', seemsto be to the fore. Seebelow,nn.
123 and t26.
Translation,bookII 295
Is the advice of those who chink it right to school their pupils in che 15
solution of sophisms any different from chis? Surely it is in no way differ-
ent. And since this solution consists, as I have said, in stating the point of
similarity between the true argument and the false one, it is essential first
to have had some lessons in the nature of true arguments. One who is suf-
ficiently well schooled in those to be able accurately and quickly to recog-
nize their form, will rhen no longer have difficulty in discerning the false 20
ones. I have shown this by teaching youths who had a previous school-
74K. ing in lessons73 to recognize true arguments, and inviting volunteers from
among those present to set them sophisms for solution. They recognized
the illogicality in them immediately an illogicality deriving eichec from
the fact that they did not follow a syllogistical pattern, or from rhe fact that
one of their premisses was false. And so from this too it should be clearly 51 DB
apparent to these conceited seniors, who are unable to solve sophisms, that
this affection is due to an ignorance of true arguments.
Relevanceof this inadequacy to choiceof the goal in life;
whatfollowsfrom choiceof the goal
Do not these people, moreover, deserve our deepest contempt, for having
ended up with an unhappy life on the basis of a rash assent? For a false 5
belief regarding the goal is universally agreed to lead to unhappiness. Yet
some people are so unschooled in regard to the diagnosis of true and false
arguments, that sometimes, in establishing the truth of some opinion,7 4
they are ignorant that the argument they give is merely a possible one, 75 as
though the things about which they form a belief were manifestly appar-
ent, and so they ask us to follow them and believe it without demonstra- 10
tion. And frequently when an argument requires only an indication,76 they
try to establish it by logical demonstration. Some have not even learned
the difference between that which requires an indication and that which
73
The term mathbnatais in the present text translated both as 'studies' and 'lessons'.In the present
context some kind of formal, perhaps rudimentary, education involvinglogic seemsto be meant;
,a specific connotation of mathematics may also be involved. Cf. 'elementary lessons' (priita
mathemata),below,60,24 DB (V.90K.).
74 The text is slightlyuncertain; see textual note 3.55.
75
The term endechesthai, of which this is a participle,carriesthe technicallogicalsenseof something
which is possiblytrue or 'admissible'as opposed to somethingnecessarilytrue.
76
The term enddxisis again a more or less technicalterm in logic, referringto a sign or indication of
something'sbeing true, which howeverdoes not have the status of logicalproof. On Galen'suse of
this term and its cognatesand relatives,see von Staden (1997b).
 296 Affections and Errors
is reliable 77 primarily and of itself; and nonetheless attempt to make dec-
larations on matters where an accurate examination has not taken place. 78
And this is the case with many people who have already grown old in
philosophy.
Well, then - by heaven! - do you think that such people's ignorance
and conceitedness can easily be treated? 79 Someone who has had an in-
duration80 for a period of three or foui years finds that this induration is
untreatable; will it be possible to treat the souls of old men of this kind -
souls which have had the induration of ignorance and conceitedness for
thirty or forty years? Well, for the sake of argument, suppose that it is pos-
sible. You must then consider whether the treatment of such an induration
would require days, months, or years. Do not indeed be surprised why it
is that among those who claim to practise philosophy 81 there are many
with whom I do not even consider it worth conversing. For I am sure that
all laymen, as long as they have both natural intelligence and the kind of
education approved by the Greeks from the beginning, 82 are no worse than
76 K. they. The latter easily recognize what things are manifestly consequent on
certain propositions, 83 but as for those other individuals, I have often sub-
jected them ro e:dinination and found that they create dispute or claim
not to recognize all that is in conflict with their doctrines. Indeed, we have
spoken on very many occasions on the subject of 'What things are conse~
quent on each goal in life', to many of the philosophers; and the others -
all those whose intellectual faculty was sharp as a result of their having
been given the fundamentals in education would state the kinds of life
consequent on each goaL recognizing._0:ur argument [... ];84 but those, as
I have said, who had grown old in their conceitedness, would be the only
77 piston, lit. 'to be trusted'; the verb us~d for 'esc-ablish'in this passage is the cognate pistoun ('make
trustworthy'). '
78 The text here is uncertain; see textital note 3.56.
79 The term (therapeuein) is from,the medical discourse. '!here is a slight doubt over the text; see tex·
tual note 3.57.
so The terminology of skirrosis a technical one in the medical traditions, referring to some kind of
hardened swelling.Nore thar the verbal form here, tcrx!ppulTa1,'has an induration', is Kroll'splau·
sib!e conjecture for an impossible MS reading.
81 The verb 'practise philosophy' is philosophein;cf. 67,10 DB (V.101 K.) below, with n. 147, for
another possible occurrence of this verb, and its pejorative sense. But in any case the image of 'phi-
losophers' altogether seems increasinglynegative as the text proceeds.
82 If the phrase 'from the beginning' is in the correct position (rather than, perhaps, being intended
to refer t0 the stage at which one should have had this education), the sentence seems to conraln an
implicit reference to the poor educational standards of the time; cf. Lib, Prop. 134,14-135,9 BM
(XIX.9 K.) and above, General introduction, for Galen'sattitude on this.
s;; I followMagnaldi's text, which givesa complete sente11cewhereas De Boer posits a lacuna; see the
List of textual departures.
84 Some material may be missing at this point.
Translation,book JI 297
ones to state the opposite; and then, when they became the object of scorn
to the whole assembly, would turn to insulting them.
15 But you have a separate set of notes representing our frequent enquir-
ies, conducted together with many men, on the subject 'What things are
consequent on each goal in life'i 85 and chat, of course, contains many
examples of the errors people commit. The contradictions between each 15
other, 'in their actions and in their statements throughout their whole
lives, by people who are led asttay 86 by the different sects, come about
20 77 K. through false judgement, 87 and it is certainly immediately evident that
the faults within every sect all come about badly and are errors, whereas
the true sect has discovered not only the goal, but the form of life which 53 DB
is consequent on it. 88 There, coo, you may learn clearly in what way affec-
tion differs from error. One who takes it as a doctrine char human beings
should perform good works, for example, on the grounds that perform-
52 DB ing such works for the benefit of others is a true goal, 89 but then omits co
undertake such assistance through sleep, laziness, love of pleasure or some 5
such thing, has made a mistake under the influence of affection. One who
has decided only to provide pleasure or freedom from disturbance 90 to
himself, on the other hand, and for this reason refrains from coming to
5 the assistance of fellow citizens or members of his household when they
are being ill-treated, has committed an error which is due to faulty belief,
not to affection.
4. Now, the starting-point of very many errors is a false assumption 10
regarding the goal: the individual errors grow from this as from a root.
But it is also possible for someone to be correct in his belief about the
IO 78 K. goal, but blunder in some individual point, through a misunderstanding
of consequence. As I have just said, I have put together a fuller account
85
This treatise,which does not survive,is referred to at Lib. Prop.l 70,5-6 BM (XIX.46K.). The phrase
'set of notes' corresponds to hupomnemasin- on this term see General introduction, pp. 15-18
and esp. n. 40.The context here seems to imply an oral, public-debate context; and this is perhaps
the sense of'together with many men' (though it could conceivablyalso refer to the philosophical
predecessorsdrawn upon in such a work).
86
Reading Cm'ay6µt1101(Diels), which seems preferable to De Boer's O:vay6µE1101 (L). (SchOne's
cmayopfu6µE1101,adopted by Magnaldi, would mean rather 'by people who declarethemselves
. membersof different sects'.)
87
Or 'false judgements' (the plural, 1<piae1s1.pEu6Ets, suggested by Goulston and adopted by Mag-
naldi).
88
The text here is problematic; see textual note 3.58. For the apparent assertion that one sect has
discoveredrhe goal, tentatively supporred below, 53,19-20 DB CV.78K.) 'all but one ... ', see Intro-
duction, pp. 229-232.
89
'Goal' is a conjecture (SchOne's,1 TSAosOv for L's i\ 1£Al:1ov), but seems required by the context.
90 Cf. above, 43,3 DB (Y.61 K.) with n, 17.
 298 Affections and Errors
of rhe actions9 1 following from each goal in a different set of notes. Here
let me mention the most important of the errors: I consider it better to
go over these again, so as to create an easily remembered summary of the
subject matter.
Since the main part of human happiness depends on the investigation
of rhe goal, it stands to reason that all who have any esteem for them-
selves have attempted this enquiry; but all - or all bur one - have made
rash declarations; but even this one cannot be clearly identified without
making a judgement on his demonstrations - whether they genuinely are
demonstrations or merely appear like them. And so one who is closely
observing and watching out for his own errors must first bear in mind
this very point: namely, that it is absolurely 92 right to listen with extreme
care and attention to those who believe themselves to have made demon-
strations on these subjects of enquiry; then, ro attempt a judgement on
those demonstrations 193 in this process also demanding 94 what they posit
79 K. as kriteria of truth in arguments; then, again, to deliberate as to whether
these very kriteria are of the kind that they should be, and to examine
whether, again, they do not introduce as a kritirion something which itself
requires another krtferion, and then yet anotherj and thus to examine -
watching out for this kind of infinite regress - with great attention to
detaiJ,95 over a long period, together with those individuals who appear
to him the mosnruthful,96 what is the first kriterion of all, which is evi-
dent [ ... ] and to remember that, fo~ all men, one must repress an attack
which is based on the lack of a kriterion.And it was agreed that this, even
without judgement, is sufficient to indica:te the same capacity, in all forms
of demonstration; and thus from this point on, to refer all the individual
matters by reference to it - a procedure which some philosophers have
9l Lit., 'collected[or,assembled]1no~efullythe actions'. Cf. n. 85 above.
92 Or: 'it is right to listen ... to all those ... ' (Schone, followed by Magnaldi, preferring ,r&v,oov to
rrO:v,oos).
93 Or, 'for him to attempt a judgement' [without referenceto 'demonstrations') (followingMagnaldi's
aUTOv,which she reads in L).
9 4 Lit., 'here again also hearing'. The term 'hearing' (akousanta)seems here to include the sense of
'demanding an explanation'; the term palin (which occurs a further three times in this sentence,
translated as 'again') can also involvethe senses of 'going back', and of the reiteration of something;
the sense that the hearer will 'go back over' the arguments under scrutiny seems to be implied.
95 Lit. (metapollisasphaleias) of blunder', The term kriterion,somewhat
'with greatsafety/security/absence
more broadly than our 'criterion',denotes that by or through which a judgement (krisis)is reached.
96 The text here is very problematic; see textual.note 3.59; and also the detailed discussion ofDonini
(1988), which has particular referenceto the problems of this passage. His view (esp. p. 85) is that
Galen'sargument in its original form cannot have been without some direct discussion of what the
'goal' of life actually is (on which see n. 17 above), and about errors made in relation to that; and
that therefore there must be a considerable lacuna in the text as it stands.
Translation,bookII 299
7 since it is a kind of going up [anal, through those things
called analysis,9
15 which lie in between, to the first krittrion.
Training with ~elf-confirming'examples:constructionof a
sundial and a water-clock
And sirtce this is a pretty difficult task - as you will have frequently ob-
20 served in practice, from those conceited individuals who make terrible
fools of themselves and incur general mockery through their inability to
refer even the most everyday subjects of enquiry to the first kriterion - it
follows that the person who wishes to become scientific 98 should monitor 15
80K. himself, 99 schooling himself in many of the individual matters, as previ-
ously stated, which are able to provide their own confirmation to those
25 who find them out. 100 Such, fOr example, are those within mathematical
and geometrical theory, both of which are used as bases by astronomy and
54 Dll architecture.
5. So, then: let me give you an example from architecture, for the sake 20
of clarity. Imagine that a city is being founded, and that rhe prospective
inhabitants want to know, not roughly but with precision, on each and
every day, how much of the time in it has passed and how much is left
before sunset. According to the method of analysis,this problem must be 25
5 referred to the first krittrion, if one wishes to find it out in the manner
we learned, in the study 101 of gnomons;one must then go down the same 55 DB
97 Here and in what follows I have simply transliterated the terms analysis(translatable as 'solution')
and synthesis('puning together'), which have a technical usage,especiallyin relation to the solution
of mathematical or geometrical problems. So too does the term zetoumenon,'the matter sought'
10 or 'demonstrandum'. For specificdiscussion of the meanings of the terms, see esp. Pappus, 634,1-
635, 14 Hultsch. This mathematical-geometrical context seems the most relevant ro rhe present
passage;but of interest too is the definition of types of analysisin Alcinous,Didaskalikos5.4-6 with
Dillon (1993) 74-77 - not least because this is (probably: see Dillon 1993, xii-xiii) a text quite
dose to Gal.enchronologically,as well as showing how rhe terminology was used by Platonists to
characterizecertain Platenic arguments (it is not so used by Plato himself). But Alcinous applies
the term analysisto the context of metaphysicalarguments in a way which would be quite foreign
to Galen'sthought.
Both the precise sense in which Galen is using the terms here, and the relation of that to the
above passages- neither itself straightforward to interpret - are difficult questions, in need of
further research.
9
~ The word translated 'scientific' is epistimonikon(cf. the concept of 'scientific demonstration',
epistbnonikeapodeixis,on which seen. 7 above).
99 Or 'follow/understand k [se,the kritidon]' (reading aVT,:j)with Magnaldi, after Coulston). 1he
sense 'monitor himself is given by h:1vT0 (L), but this perhaps involvesan unusual use of the verb
1rapa1<0Aov6eiv (more usually 'understand' or 'follow with understanding').
100
Lit., 'bear witness to those who find them out'; seen. 52 above,
101
Pragmateiacan mean a 'subject matter' in the abstract sense, or (perhaps more often in Galen) an
actual treatise;see n. 22 above. Here the referenceseems to be to some kind of study which Galen
 300 Affections and Errors
path in the opposite direction to put the solution together, 102 again as
81 K. we learned in chat same study. When we have in this way found the path
chat is to be followed in all cases, and once we have realized chat this
kind of measurement of periods of time within the day must be carried 5
out by means of geometric lines, we must then proceed to the materi-
als which will receive the imprint 103 of these lines, <and> the gnomon.
And first we must enquire which shapes of bodies will be suitable foe the
design which we have found out; then we must find out in each case, by
analysis and synthesis,how the design should be done; then, whenever
the method of logic indicates to us chat there are manifest grounds for 10
trust in the discovery of the matters before us, we must then turn to the
practical realization of the things discovered by it, and, again, examine
how we are to produce a flar surface for rhe body to be drawn. And once
we have found this our by analysis and synthesis,and have consrrucred
some such body, we musr find our which insrruments should be used to 15
draw it; and when, once again, this has been discovered by analysisand
synthesis,we must attempt to construct chem in the form taught to us
by the method. Then, we must make a series of drawings in many forms
82 K. and give chem to people to test in practice whether the task set has been
accomplished. For when the first line is hit by the first ray of the sun, and 20
in the same manner the last by the last, and when this is apparent in the
case of all the drawn [lines of the] sundials, 104 we will then in a way have
one manifest indicator that the problem set has been found out. Another
consists in the fact that the lines drawn are all in agreement with each
other; and a third, in the confirmation by an even flow of water: for the 25
argument discovers that this, too, will be a kriterion of the correctness of
the sundials drawn.
engaged in with, or taught to, tl~e·fecipientof this book. If a specifictext is meant, it is presumably
that ofEudid (seeabove, n. 10).
102 The verb is cognate with the technical term synthesis; see n. 97 above.
!03 It is difficult to find a single English equivalent for the term katagraphe, which is translated in the
next sentence as 'design', and subsequentlyas 'drawing' (and the verbal cognate as 'draw'}.
to4 The precisetext, and sense, are doubtful. The phrase in square bracketsseemsto me required by the
sense; literally,the text as we have it would seem to mean rather 'all the sundials [Wpoi\oy(oov] of
the SWl[f\Alo:KWv ]' - unless the former term, literally'hour~teller'but regularlyused to mean 'sun~
dial', might here mean 'lines of a sWldial'.But cf. below,56,4 DB (V.82 K); 58,12 DB (Y.86 K.);
59,8 DB (V.87K.), where T}AtaKOv &ipoi\6y1ovseems dearly to be merely a more precise phrase
for 'sundial'. It is worth remarking that if my (rather conjectural) i_nterpretationis not correct, we
have at this point a rather minimal set of criteria for assessingthe sundial: correctnessof first and
last lines, and some kind of internal consistencyof design. (Marquardt deleted the whole phrase
from 'and when this ... sundials' [Kal To06' ... f\i\10:KWv, !.l.21-22]; while Diels interpreted the
phrase as referring to the agree1nentbetweendifferent sundials in addition to that of the sW1dials
with the sun.)
Translation,bookIf 301
Let me explain what I mean. Make a hole in a vessel, which may be
of any material you wish, and place it in clear water 105 at the moment
when you see the first ray of the sun. Then, when the sundial chat has 56 DB
been drawn indicates the completion of the first hour, make a mark in the
vessel at rhe point to which it has been filled by the water; then empty it
and immediately replace it in the same water. When the sundial reports
83 K, the second hour, examine the vessel; then, once you find that the water 5
in it has reached the same point that you marked at the first hour, again
quickly empty it and replace it in the same place in the water. Examine it
again, and see if the sundial indicates that che water has reached the same
point in the third hour that it did in the first and the second. Once you 10
find rhat this is the case, empty it again and replace it for the fourth hour;
and when you see that it has again come up to the same point in the vessel,
empty it and replace it directly, and carry out the same examination for
the fifth hour. Once you find chat the water has reached the same place in
this hour too, and then also in the sixth, and also in each of the subsequent 15
hours up to the twelfth, you will be convinced - unless you are entirely
lacking in understanding - chat the sundial was properly designed, since,
indeed, it has displayed the matter before us. And the matter before us
was the division of the day into twelve equal parts. This number, though,
was only chosen for convenience: it is divisible by two, three and four, as 20
84 I{. well as by six and twelve, which is not true of any other number before
it, nor of any subsequent number, until you get to twenty-four. This last
was ruled out as being too large; while the number twelve was judged to
be a good balance, and the whole amount of time in the day was therefore
divided into that number of parts. The usefulness of such a division has
been tested by actual experience; and it is now employed, by many peo- 25
pies, not least the Romans, who use a twelve-part division in the disposal
of whole estates, as well as for most of the standard everyday weights and 57 DB
measures. 106 If you request it, though, I will design a sundial for you, ac-
cording ro the method, which divides the day either into twelve or into
some other greater number. You will still find, there too, chat the matter 5
105
Obviously a large vessel is meant, which will stand in the water with its opening at the top well
' dear of the water's surface- and which will not be completelyfilled in the space of an hour.
!06 The expressionousiandiatithesthaiis used especiallyin the context of disposingof property by will.
1he Roman as - a unit both of weight and of currency - was divided into twelve smaller units;
and it seems that this form of division was indeed also used for wU!s.The subdivisionsof the as
included semis(1/2), triens (113},quadrans(l/4), sextans(116), dodrans(3/4), uncia (1112) and
even semuncia(1124);and there is evidencefor the terms heresexdodrante('heir to three-quarters')
and heresex sernuncia('heir to one~twenry-fourth');see Smith, Wayte and Marindin (1890), sub
voce heres,948 col. 1, with referencesto Cicero.
 302 AffCctions and Errors
A at its lowest in that part which measures the shortest; midway between
By--,-....'B
c c:
12 '12
9 9
6 6
3 3
c B A B c the same way, you will find that every day of the year is marked by this one
Figure 2 Schematic diagram of the markings on a water~dock (klepsudra),as described
in Errors,eh. 5 (after Marquardt 1884, p. xx)
set to us has been achieved- both from the agreement of the measurement
made by the perforated vessels, and from the fact that all the lines drawn
are consistent with _eachother; and also from the fact chat the outermost
lines in them delineate the start and end of the day.
Thus, too, reason, conducting its enquiry by the method of analysis, 10
85 K. has found out the design of the water-clock 107 - where, again, the test of
107
The description of the klipsudm which followsis beset with textual difficulties,which were ad~
dressed in depth by Marquardt senior (1870), Sauppe (1866) and Marquardt junior (1884), see
Introduaion, above, p. 235. I have made no at~~_mptto comment on these, but simply.translate
De Boer'stext as dosely as possible;the essentials;it least, of the design that Galen describesseem
dear, and accordwith the outline below.
The term k!epsudra refersto a familyof devices,which at their simplest use the time taken for a
givenamount of water to flowout of 1 vesselas a unit of measurement;this basictype wasused e.g.
in Athenianlaw#courtsto limit the.time for each speech;and a miniature versionof it is recorded
(by Marcellinus,cited by von St?den 1989, text no. 182) as having been used by the Alexandrian
doctor Herophilus to measure,thepulse. But note that this simple type can measuretime only on
the basisof the total volume of the vessel,not its subdivision(becausethe speed of outflowis not
constant).
The clock describedby Galen in what followsis one of a more sophisticatedtype;whereby a
vesselis filledduring the courseof a day, and the inflowcalibratedaccordingto the divisioninto
twelvehours. Thereare variousmechanismsfor ensuring the regularityof the inflow;and the pro~
ceduredescribedabove,of placinga perforatedvesselin water,would representa primitiveversion
of such a mechanism.But, essentially,the requirementis for a secondvesselto supplythe firstwith
water: if the second vesselhas its head of watef at a constant level,this ensuresa constant rate of
inflow.The complexitiesof the calibrationthen derive from the fact.that Roman hours were not
of fixedlength, but varied in the courseof the year. On any givenday, an 'hour' of the day will be
one-twelfthof the total petiod of daylight,thus varying from about 47 minutes in midwinter to
74 at the summer solstice(the 'first hour' is that commencingat sunrise,the 'sixth' correspondsto
midday,the 'twelfth' to sunset). A mechanismmust thereforebe found for marking those twelve
hours differentlyon each day of the year.Galen here describesthe simplestsuch method, whereby
Tramlation,bookff 303
its correctness is something manifest even to the layman. Here, the up-
permost line, that which indicates the twelfth hour of the day, is at its
highest in that part of the water-clock which measures the longest day, and
15
these two is the marker corresponding to the equinoxes. The area between
these divisions, on the lip of the water-clock, indicates to you the days
after these four. Starting from these divisions, you will find, next after the
marker which represents the longest day, that which indicates the point on
the top line which the water will reach on completion of the twelfth hour 20
on the following day. And again, rhe third along from the solstice will indi- 58DB
cate to you the third day, and the next the fourth day. And, carrying on in
line in the water-clock which I have said is the uppermost. The other lines,
meanwhile, which are lower than this highest one, you will find measure 5
out the other hours: the first one down from the 'twelfth' represents the
86K. eleventh hour- at a different point on it for each day of the year (in exactly
the same way as we just explained in the case of the uppermost line); the
next after that indicates the tenth hour, similarly, at different points along
it; the one after that, again, the ninth; then the eighth, and so on, down to 10
the lowest line, which finds out the first hour, just as it appears on the sun-
dials; and as the level of warer in the water-clock rises, the first and indeed
all following hours appear equal, right up to the twelfth; but not equal to 15
those on preceding and following days.
So, my friend 108 - you who have never experienced a desire to find out
this method: what can one say? Have you not become conscious of your
own conceitedness, you who are wholly ignorant of this type of intellectual
the differentverticallevelscorrespondingto 'hours' on each successiveday are marked along the
side of the vessel.One thus has, for each hour of the day, not a singlemark at a certain height, but
'a seriesof differentmarks- spacedhorizontallyalong the vessel- for each day; and one must know
which one to 'read' on any given day (presumablythey were labelledwith indicationsof the time
of year).Thisseriesof marks,if connectedhorizontally,will thus form a curvewith its lowestpoint
at the winter solsticeand its highestat the summersolstice;and another such curveaboveit for the
next hour, and so on.
See Figure2 for the basic design: in this simplifiedversiononly the verticallines for summer
solstice(A-A), equinoxes(B-B) and winter solstice(C-C) are shown, rather than all the further
subdivisionsfor the days between;and only the hour markersfor third, sixth, ninth and twelfth
hour. (N.B, this particularkind of \Yater-dockwill relyon the fillingprocessbeing re-startedfrom
zero at dawn on each day,and will not have any function in marking the hours of the night.)
Such kle-psudrai (with a number of variations,and further sophistications,of the mechanism)
were developedin Hellenistictimes, by Ktesibiosamong others; and by Galen'stime would have
been well known in Rome. The main ancient description is that ofVitruvius, de Arch, DC.8;for
modern discussionssee esp. Landels(1979); Lewis(2000) esp. 361-369; and see Humphrey et al
(1998) 517-522; Lsndd, (2000) 188-194; Oleson (2008) 746-754.
108
Greek Ii houtos- a fumi.liaror patronizingform of address.
 304 Affections and Errors
problem, and would never find one out 109in a year - I should probably
say, in your whole life? For it was not a single man's lifetime that found
these solutions out; tather, geometrical theory progressed gradually, begin-
ning with the enquily being made into the actual theorems 110 of the 'ele-
87K. ments' within it, to which, once they were found out, men of subsequent
generations then added that most wonderful theory, which I have said is
called that of analysis,in which they spent a great deal of time schooling
both themselves and others who were interested; and yet they still are not
able to show any contrivance such as that which I have been describing of
the sundials and water-clocks.
But those who conducted the enquiry in such areas were not rash nor
self-regarding, unlike these characters who publicly announce their en-
quiry into and discovery of wisdom; in granting themselves the truest kind
of honour, they hungered to train and lead to its goal the best capacity in
their souls. I mean, quite evidently, the rational capacity: when this is well
schooled and attains its own [state of] good condition, 111the subject is
far happier than those who are slaves to bodily pleasures. For indeed, we
do not differ in any other capacity from goats and dogs, or pigs, sheep or
donkeys. And there-ls no other study 112that can delight the soul of a man
with good natural endowments more than that of analysis- once, that
88K. is, he makes some progress in it. It is very hard work to begin with, as is
almost every true study. Yet even if it were not a source of delight, simply
by virtue of the fact that one will make use of it in relation to the most
important questions, it would still be desirable to have been trained in this
study- which, as I have said, has this special feature of the [truth] being
confirmed by rhe actual things discovered. This is not so with the findings
of philosophy. 113This is what makes it possible for people to make rash,
nonsensical assertions in philosophy without the slightest sense of shame.
109 The term 'find out' (hcurifkein),deariy here involvesthe senseof'solve'.
t!o I followMagnaldi'sai'.rr&v(her readingofL) where De Boer prints (a second) cx:VTfi in the line.
l l l 'Good condition' (euexia)is a technical term in the discourse regardingthe health of the body,
where it refers to a state which is both superior to, and more stable than, a mere 'state' of health.
For discussionof the term see Bon. Hab., esp. IY.750K. and Jhras.7, esp. 40,2-6 H. (Y.816K.).
112 theOria- a study involving essentiallyabstract propositions - esp. those of logic, mathematics,
geometry(distinct from techni,which may rely on such propositionsas a basis, but also involves
practicalapplications).
113 The statement seemsodd, as it apparently- unless a word for 'other' should be supplied - con~
trasts the 'analyticaltheory' with 'philosophy' (of which one would usually think it was a part).
Galen'susage does usuallycut 'philosophy'as a wholeoff from the logicalor scientificbranch of
it in this way; but it is notable that in this text he is particularlyconcerned to identify geometry
and geometrically~based disciplines- rather than anything which 'philosophers'would usually
engagein - as paradigmaticof researchleading to the truth. One may further note a number of
instanceshere where he seemsto use the term 'philosophers'tout court(rather than, say,'so-called
Translation,bookII 305
TI1eywill not be openly refuted by the fact itself: as will one who makes a 25
59 DB mistake in the design of a sundial or water-clock: the refutation of theo-
rems within philosophy is not manifest in the same way.
Shamelessnessand inability to engagein argument of
5
contemporary 'philosophers'
People may say whatever they wish to, once they are shameless enough
to abandon logical method and claim to be taught by 'the facts them-
selves'. 114 But if these facts had a voice, and chose to converse with these 30
people alone, their self-regard would be reasonable; since, however, they 60DB
10 do not converse, either with us or with them, it is, quite evidently, only
the reason within us that will find out the nature of the facts. Let this
S9K. reason, II 5 then, first display its ability to find it out in contexts where
the facts give manifest confirmation for it; and let it also state to us [the]
method to which every problem of the analytic kind 116is susceptible, 117as 5
15 well as showing its discernment of the similarities between true and false
arguments, in cases where it is possible to detect the fault; otherwise it will
not remain trustworthy in non-evident matters.
Everyone agrees that this is well said except for those rash, conceited
people, for whom the path to truth is neither long nor steep - as Hesiod 10
20 characterized the path to virtue 118 but swift and short; or perhaps one
should rather say, non-existent. For if the facts themselves teach all men
their own nature, then there is no need to spend time schooling oneself in
the methods of logic. So then - you most conceited of men - you would
have to agree' that this fact, too, is immediately evident to the rest of us 15
philosophers','doxosophisrs',and the other regularpejorativeterms)to indicate the classof people
he disparages;c£ nn. 124 and 126 below.
In any case,the immediatepoint here is that philosophyas opposedto mathematicsand geometry
is open to abuse, not that it is nonsense:people advancing incorrect theories or statements in
philosophy are not manifestlyre&itedby observed facts, as they are in the exampleshe has been
describing.
114
The basicsenseis clear,though there are some variant readings;see textual note 3.60.
115
Taking 6 ~vTJµivA6yos, from the previoussentence, as the subject of this one. It is perhaps also
possiblethat the subject is unstated, and the translationshould rather be 'Let one ... display',etc.
16
: There is some doubt as copreciselywhat is susceptibleto the method; see textual note 3.61.
117
'Is susceptible'translateshupqpiptei:the verb may rather mean 'come under the heading of', 'fall
within'; but can also have connotations of'succumb to', 'coHapseunder'.
118
As De Boer points out, it is a quotation of Hesiod by Plato that Galen seems to _havein mind,
rather than the original text. Hesiod's lines (W&rksand Days290-291) read 'the way (qimosJto
it is long and uphi!I [orthios],and rough at first'; Plato, referring to the passagein the Republic
(264c-d), paraphrases'a long and steep path' (the last rwowords being ananteand hodon, the same
words as used by Galen here}.
i,
,'
 306 Affections and Errors
(those, I mean, who are not yet wise in your manner of wisdom): that all
men must know the truth of all things, if indeed their nature is sufficient
90 K. to reach itself to them? Faced with this question, they backtrack, and say
chat not everyoneis able to learn from the facts. When, then, we ask who
the people are who receive this reaching, their reply is themselves alone.
What else can they say, since they have decided from the outset to preserve
their initial self-regard?
Well, we, at least, are not about to believe these people when they de-
clare just what they want. Why in the name of the gods should rhe facts
display their nature to them alone? Perhaps because they alone have never
learnt the elementary lessons? Bur this is not the case: there are many oth-
ers equally ignorant. Or is it that they have trained the logical capacity of
their soul in lessons which are able to provide their own confirmation in
practice? Not at all: they have never had the slightest contact with such a
study. They may perhaps say that they alone have natural intelligence and
direct vision of the facts - just as Lynkeus 119 had of things below the earth.
Why then, if their souls are so sharp-sighted, are they the most contempt-
ible practitioners of all in such set problems, where the finding-out itself
confirms its corriecthess to those who find them out truthfully? In this
91 K. field none of them would ever succeeded in finding out anything at all;
and indeed, when those who have found them out explain and teach their
results, the others learn, but they alone are unable to learn because of their
lack of schooling and slowness of soul. If they do follow - and it may by
chance happen that one of rhem does follow certainly they are. not able
to repeat what has been said. . , .. · 10
There could hardly be a greater blindness with regard to the recognition
of one's own errors than this, whereby men who perceive their own natu-
ral inferiority to the most ordinary people when it comes to unders.tand-
ing and remembering the things found out by mathematics, geometry,
archirecure and astronomy, somehow think that they have found out the
truths of philosophy so easily, that they dare to declare that the facts show
them, without demonstration or logical method. These people are delib-
erately flattering themselves, not engaging in a genuine enquiry into the
truth; and you may realize this from the fact that they all deliberately exalt
themselves amongst their students and slander others as mistaken.12° If!
ever manage to get these people into the same place with me, they cannot
l !9 Lynkeuswas one of the Argonaurs,and legendary for his sharp sight. See Aristophanes,Plutus
21O;and (with the specificmention of his ability to see below the earth) Apollonius,Argonautica
1.153-155.
t20 lt is interestingto note that in eh. 15 [12] of My OtvnBooksGalen describesa (lost)work of his on
slanderas containingautobiographicalmaterial,Lib. Prop.170,9 BM (XIX.46K.).
Translation,bookII 307
92!{, endure it, but begin to affect a shyness which prevents them speaking in
the presence of a large number of people. And yet some of them have
twenty, thirty, or even more daily attenders, 121 and are nor shy of speaking 62 DB
on these matters. But when I invite three or four Platonists, three or four
20 Epicureans, the same number each of Stoics and Peripatetics, as well as 5
three or four Academics or Sceptics, to be present at a gathering, 122 so that
there are in all twenty people from philosophy, and in addition to them
a similar number of persons who have schooled their logical capacity 123
in studies, but are ignorant of the arguments used in philosophy, such a 10
gathering is unendurable to them. 124
25 If it does ever happen that, compelled by persons who are not in the
thrall of some sect, 125 but do have a schooling in arguments, 126 they sub-
mit to attend such gatherings, then, while they are indulging in argumen-
61 DB tative point-scoring against the latter group, and twisting the same argu-
93 K, ments round and round, a geometer has ofren joined the company, as well 15
as some doctors, and other men of letters, 127 men who are educated in
121
Akroatas,lit. 'hearers'. Master-pupil relationships,and certainlythe institution of a 'school', are
less than dearly defined in this cultural context - as well as less than straightforwardto detect
5 from such texts as rhis; with this proviso,'students' may be a possiblealternativetranslationhere;
the term translated 'students' above, 61,20 DB (V.91 K), phoitetafr,lit, 'frequenters',presumably
refersalsoto the same body of people.
122
SullogiJi:the term presumablyrefers to the regularpublic debateswith which Galen and his rival
intellectualswere involved.
123
The term !ogikedunamismay also be translated 'mtionaicapacity';it seemshere that (followingon
from the geometrical-mathematicalexamplesi:;ivenabove),Galen is specificallyreferringhere to
logicalschooling;and the m"arhbnata that they are schooledin - though that term can mean 'les·
sons' or 'studies' in a more generalsense- would seem here to mean thar specificallylogical,and/
or mathematical;kind of exercise.Cf. below,n. 126 on 62,12 DB (Y.92K.).
124
I.e., presumably(though the grammar does not make this absolutelydear), to the formergroup of
philosophicalschool-members,These, it seems,are associatedwith the negativeview of 'philoso-
phy' that appearsabove, 59,23 DB (Y.88K), with nore; see also below,62,24 DB (V.93K.),
125
Lie.,'free [eleutheriJn]of sect': the adjectiveeleutherosmay haveconnotationsof freedomof judge-
ment, as well as, more generally,positivemoral connotations.
15 126
See above, n. 72, on the sense of logosin this context; and n. 123 above:logosis connected with
logike('rational'). A training in basic argumentative or logical techniques seems to be what is
contrasted with the membership of a philosophicalsect; as indeed, a few lines above, 62,9-IO
DB (V.92 K.), having schooled one's logicaUrruional capacityis something attributed to a group
'ignorant of che arguments used in philosophy','Philosophy' (by which presutnablyGalen means
the contemporarypractice of it - but at points in the present text his remarksseem fo condemn
philosophyas a disciplinetout court)is here apparendy constructed as something which (l) does
20 , not include logic; (2) is naturally ro be associatedwith sophistical,falseor confused argumenta-
tion. Cf. alsothe use of the term 'philosophers'(philosophoi) a fewlines below,62,24 DB (Y.93K.);
and (possibly)68,5 DB CV:103K.), with n, 153. There are a couple of oddities with the senteri.ce
as ir stands;see textual note 3.62.
127
Or 'loversof argument', 'loversof literature'.A dear insight into who theseeducated amateursare
is givenin Galen'sPrognosis (with the sameterm,philologos, at Praen.98, 12 N ., XN.629 K.), where
we meet an array of membersof the highest rank in Roman societywho also interest themselves
in philosophy,medicineand public debate (and in some casesbecomeGalen'spatrons). In a sense,
then, Galen is here aligninghimselfwith a soda! as well as an intellectualelite.
 308 Affections and Errors
studies but who do not practise a specialized skill because they have private
means, and who are not slaves to one of the philosophical sects. As per
my usual custom, on this occasion too I· thought it appropriate to make
judgement of the arguments; 128 and one of chem said that the dispute
would be best judged, if, after proceeding to the void which these people
say surrounds the cosmos, we might know clearly, within it, whether any
body placed in it naturally remains in One place, or is drawn to some other.
This statement met with universal approval, except on the part of the phi-
losophers, who would not desist from making pointless quarrels 129 with
each other and with us, 130 through their inability to distinguish possible
arguments from necessary ones. For it is possiblethat any body remains in
the same place in a void, but also that it does not do so: neither sect 131 here
has a necessarydemonstration.
Nature of logical demonstration;facts evident to reason and facts
evident to perception; 'rash assent' in the ltttter context
6. And so it seemed that the rime had come for me, too, to say something
(not that I had anything more than a small hope of puncturing their con-
94 K. ceitedness), so as not to leave it untested - though I was aware that this
attempt, too, would not be a small thing! And indeed (I said), it is agreed
that every demonstration should start from what is most manifest; but as
soon as we come to the first tranSition from them to that of things non-
evident, 132 that is not admitted by the Academics and Sceptics; we, on the
other hand, do agree this with each other, but find for ourselves something
else, in refuring those individuals' despair of knowledge. 133
For some things are manifest to intellect, and others to perception; and
sometimes the two seem to qe
in conflict. First of all, in this case, we need
128
The grammar most naturally suggests that it is Galen himself who proposes to make the judge~
ment; but perhaps the sense is rather 'rhat judgement be made',
129 The phrase 'making pointless quarrels' (as also 'indulging in argumentative point~scciring',above,
62,13 DB, V.92 K.) translates the verb phil.oneikein;on rhis term see above, Ajf Pecc.Dig. I,
n. 168.
l30 'TI1eplural 'us' almost certainly here means simply 'me' (in accordance with a standard usage).
It could be rhat Galen is associating himself with another group (the one he does not refer to as
'philosophers'), but this is perhaps less likely. But see now van der Eijk (2013).Cf. 63,5 DB (Y.94
K.) below.
!3! The term 'sect' here is the same as above (hairesis); however, here it seems to be used in its more
neutral (or original) sense, referring simply to a 'choice' between different doctrines or opinions.
132
The expression 'that of' without" an obvious reference for 'that' is problematic; cf. textual
note 3.67.
iJ 3 Tue text seems somewhat unsatisfactory; see texrual note 3.63 for other readings.
Translation,bookII 309
someone who is schooled in this very (matter], one who is able to show
that in reality they never are at odds. The next most important thing after 10
chat is to separate such things from those which are not manifestly ap-
parent.134 Some people, through rashness, assent to things which are not
20 yet manifestly apparent, as if they were in that category, and so blunder.
And why would you be surprised (I said), if this happens to rash people in
the area of what is manifest to the intellectual faculty, when you see that
some people experience this every day in the area of what it is manifest to
95 K. perception? So, for example, some people see a man approaching from a 15
25 distance, and say, 'That is Dion' as if they were secure in their knowledge
of the man's identity; and yet on closer inspection it becomes apparent
that the man is not Dion but Theon. 135 Now, if there were no difference
between the image one has of people seen from afar and chose seen from
close to, those who disagreed over people seen from afar would never either 20
refute or be refuted; but if, rather, those seen close to are manifest in one
way, and those not seen close to in another, those who do not subject to
examinarion that arising from close to are likely to blunder. 136
So, then, remember this very fact first, before moving on to the area of
30 what is manifest to the intellectual faculty: has it never happened that you, 25
63 too, have made a rash statement, such as 'Oh, look: Menippus!' - and then
realized, on· his approaching nearer, that it was Theodorus? Or have you 64 DB
throughout your life refrained from this kind of assent, which is known as
precipitation or rashness? I may confide in you 137 that no one can show me
5 ever to have made such a mistake. i'rom early youth I developed the habit in
96 K. myself of avoiding rash assent, both in matters apparent co perceprion and 5
in those apparent to reason. In making the transition to the latter- again, I
urge you here too not to assent falsely to any of them, as I see happen every
day with many of my friends. Some of them do not believe a person if he
is ·the only one to make a given statement, but if two, three or four people
say the same thing, then they no longer resist; while others will in any event IO
give their assent to one - and will rashly do so to two, three or four, without
making rhe disrincrion between the possibiliries that a number of people
134
Or: 'separate from the manifestly apparent those things which are not so' (following Goulston and
Magnaldi, inserting µ11before TO!C<CiTC< rather than before ~vccpy&s).
135
The names Dion and Theon are standardly used for philosophical examples.
136
Tue text and precise sense are difficult. I read oi o\J ns1pWµevo1Ti'\S'tK T&v Tri\t']criov y1yvoµ€v11s
(Diels), which at least gives a complete sentence (where De Boer prints an incomplete one).
137
Lit., 'I say to you alone' (i.e. to the addressee, as explained at the outset of the work). The sense of
'to you alone' is presumably that Galen wishes to avoid the charge of boastfulness (though in any
case the logicality of such a proposition seems suspect, in a work that seems clearly - at least at
some level- intended for wider circulation).
 310 Affections and Errors
may, from one single cause, all speak the trnth and that they may also,
from one single cause, all speak a falsehood. So in these cases it is better to
take one's time, as I do, even at the cost of rhe mockery of those who make
rash assents, who say that I 'lack trust'. It has indeed happened that some
of my friends, hearing from someone else that such-and-such a person had
returned from travel abroad, have actually announced his arrival to us - and
then later been refuted as liars. When I criticize such behaviour, they do not
resolve to be surer of their ground next time; far from it. They actually get
97 K. annoyed with me, saying that they are not responsible for the false informa 0
tion; they believed so~and~so's account, and the error was his alone. They
refuse to accept the blame for attaching themselves to every rash assent. If
they had framed their statement as I do habitually, and said that so-and-so
had told them such-and-such about such-and-such a person, they would
not have been guilty of telling a lie. A, things stood, their mistake in trust-
ing the giver of that information led to them displaying the mendacity, not
only of that person but simultaneously also of themselves - whereas it was
perfectly possible for them to say that they had heard from someone that
that person had arrived back from abroad, rather than themselves making
a declaration on the--matter. When, then, people do not refrain from rash
assents to facts of this order, which refute them as liars a short time later,
what must one think will happen to them in cases where the facts are non-
evident, and are·therefore more difficult to grasp? It is easier always to call
to mind one thing: to stand fast by all that is really manifestly apparenr; 138
but this is in fact extremely diflic4lt, because most people refuse to do pre-
cisely this. · . ..
V.98 K. And when I enquired into the cause of their rashness, it became ap-
parent to me that it is conceitedness 139 - if not actually acquisitiveness -
which is responsible for all such behaviour. For they observe the praise
which attaches to speed in making any discovery, either by perception or
by the intellect, and so believe that they will display their own superiority
to their fellows by the speed with which they acquire a realization. What
they actually display, however, is rather the speed with which they fall into
ignorance. Well, then (I said), let these remarks be taken as applying to all
who make rash declarations.
138 The text is dubious, and difficult to translate even with the proposed emendations;see textual note
3.64.
i 3>1 fi 6o~oO'o<pla,'conceitedness', is a conjecture (Heru1icke). It is possible t0 make sense of the sen~
tence differently,without this imertion (e.g.11µ1apct;r7laovc~!o:,Goulston:so, 'it becameapparent
to me that it is wretched acquisitivenesswhich is responsible').In the latter case the acquisitiveness
in question would presumably be desire for more praise, renown, etc.
Translation,bookII 311
Philosophers offer demonstrations on matters where they have no
knowledge, and are ignorant of evident matters; their
inferiority to architects, geometers, etc.
15
7, Let us return to those philosophers who make rash declarations regard-
ing the issue of bodies remaining still in a void or being dragged down-
wards. This architect 140 would not have made a declaration, without first
going out into the void part of rhe world and putting the matter to the
20 test of experience, and observing clearly whether any object placed in it 20
does remain in the same place, or whether it changes position. Certainly,
I know that this is the kind of starting-point he uses for demonstrations -
starting-points which are manifest and uncontroversially agreed by all.
99K. But you practitioners of philosophy make rash declarations on subjects
25 where you have no manifest realization, as if it were possible for them to
be manifestly realized - so, for example, the other day I heard a dispute 66 DB
between two philosophers: for the belief of one of them was that water was
65 DB heavier than wood, and of the other, that wood was heavier than water.
Both produced long arguments, back and forth. The chief point of the one 5
philosopher was that any kind of compressed substance was heavier, and
therefore wood heavier than water; the other's, that there is less of the void
in water, 141 And they were saying these things, producing their claims to
5 being believed on the basis of extended non-demonstrative arguments, as
if it had been impossible to decide the matter by perception, which, as you
know, is what we do. 142 The philosophers, wishing still to speak, asked him 10
in what way it could be manifestly decided which was heavier; for, they
said, it could not be done with a pair of scales, nor by means of a filled ves-
10 1-00K. sel; for it would be possible to stand the wood [on the scales], but not to
fill a vessel with it; while it would be possible to fill it with water. A, they 15
continued thus in their usual fashion, the architect laughed at them and
said: 'That's you through and through, all you conceited fellows. 143 You
believe that you know what happens beyond the cosmos - a subject which
admits of conjecture, but on which there can be no scientific knowledge.
15 When it comes to these kinds of matter, though - which are sometimes
known even by the man in the street - you are completely ignorant. And
140
It is uncertain whether Galen .isreferring ro a sped.fiearchitect or not; see textual note 3.65.
141
Though the text is corrupt, and the precisewords hnpossible to recover,the words 'having less of
the void' (EIICtTTOVSxe1v1<ev611)at least seem undisputed.
142
There is some debate over the text, in view of the apparent lack of continuity in the progressof the
discussion.See textual note 3.66.
143
The translation 'pretenders to wisdom' would perhaps give a closerfir here; c£ n. 26 above.
 312 Affections and Errors
so it is with the matter before us now, how to make a relative 1neasurement 20
of water and wood.'
And so everyone present begged the architect to tell them how the
weight of the wood could be scientifically and securely examined in re-
lation to that of the water; and he explained the matter succinctly and
clearly, in such a way that it was understood by all except the philosophers.
For their sake he was constrained to rep.eat the same account a second and 45
even a third time, ,until finally, with great difficulty, they understood.
101 K. 'Ir is quire apposite,' said he, 'what so many people say: that these men
possess nothing bur conceitedness: they are refuted as devoid of under-
standing in matters which can be known and conceired 144 in those which 67 DR
cannot.'
Taking up the argument, I added that it was understandable that this
was the case with them, since they were never prepared to undergo a train-
ing and to learn, in contexts where the facts are able to provide their own 5
self-confirmation to those who have found chem our, and similarly to re-
fute chose who have not, how to make the transition from [matters which
are] manifesrly realized to char of things non-evident. 145
'But,' I said, 'fo'give you a laugh, and so chat you realize the full extent
of their delusion, I should like to give you an account of a couple of the
subjects on which these earnest individuals 146 make rash declarations.
The first one I- mention is this especially since one of those Peripa-
tetic philosophers 147 is here now, who are convinced that this cosmos 10
is single, and that there is no v~id outside it, nor any within_it either.
Now, you see, each of thosephilosophers (here I indicated the Stoic and
102 K. the Epicurean) 148 differs from these ones in two ways. The Stoic states
that there is no void within, 149 but that it does exist outside the cosmos; 15
while the Epicurean accepts,both these, but differs from the other phi-
losophers in another respect: he does not accept that this cosmos is one,
as the Stoic (in agreement with the Peripatetics) believes rather, his
claim is that just as the void is itself infinite in extent, so there is an
144 Seepreviousnote: they 'pretend to wisdom' or deceivethemselves(or others) that they haveknow!~
edge.
l45 Seetextualnote 3.67.
146 For 'earnest individuals'the Greekhas, literally,'peoplewho puckeredtheir eyebrows'.
147 Readingq>V\ocr6qioov
('philosophers'),for which Magna!diprefersq:i1Aocrocp0Uv,oov
('peopledoing/
practising philosophy')- a subtlety which would presumably make the referenceslightly more
pejorative.
14 8 Galen here reconstructswith great vividness(with how much historicalaccuracy,of course, one
cannot say) the exactcircumstancesof a particular debate with particularindividuals.
!49 Or, 'not just that there is such a thing as the void' (oU µ6vovdvo:[Tl KsvOv,Magnaldi,closerto the
readingofL). But the text translatedhere (oUKEv6ov~Tva!n KsvOv)seemspreferable.
Translation,book II 313
infinite number of cosmoi within it. I have heard what the three of chem 20
say in defence of their own private dreams, bur I know full well chat they
have not a single demonstrative argument; their arguments are rather
1
'probable" and "possible" 150 - and sometimes not even of those kinds.
You will realize chat I am not lying if you invite each of them to produce
a demonstration on this very matter before us.' These individuals 15 1 then 68 DB
began to make the statements that we know from their books. It was
clearly apparent to those present that none of chem produced a compel-
ling argument, nor one which partook of geometrical demonstration;
their arguments were in fact composed of dialectical proofs, 152 like those
103K, used by the orators.
But the argument is about philosophers. 153 Let us return to consider 5
ourselves - those of us who do nor practise philosophy; and lee us again
ask one of the 'wise', whether it is just to proclaim themselves alone as the
people who have realized the truth, when they have been held in contempt
by all others - laymen and philosophers alike. The worst thing of all, I said,
is this, chat each of the philosophers, if he is forced our of his own flock, l54 10
is completely devoid of respect. Who, then, is more likely to have realized
the truth: the one who is able to submit to the judgement of all philoso-
phers (except for the very people who appearco be philosophers 155), and
also that of chose from all the logically based specialized skills 156 - the
150
The terms eik6sand endechomen()s refer to a lower levelof argumentativecertainty,for Galen quite
unacceptablein 'scientific'discourse(seen, 7 above).
151
Marquardt believedthat there was a lacuna beforethis word, but the text seemsto make senseas it
stands with De Boer'sreading (oUTotfor oVTos).
152
'llie term epicheirimais a technicalor schoolterm from the disciplineof rhetoricalspeech-making.
153
Or: 'about the rich'. Here (on what is perhaps one of the most significanttextual differencesbe-
tweeneditors)I depart from De Boer and Magnaldi,who retain MSS ,ri\ovO'!c,w, also defendedby
Dielsand Schone (citingthe Stoic 'paradox'(Cicero,Paradoxa6), 'that only the wiseman is rich'),
and adopt Goulston'sqil/l.o0'6<p<.vv,
with cpti\OO'O(flODµcv
for1ri\ovroDµsv('arerich'; ,ri\ov,o\Jµcvov
L) in the next sentence. The transition to discussionof the 'rich' seemsto me impossiblyabrupt
(evenif sensecould be madeofit). It seemsto me most likelythat 'philosophers'has been changed
to something else by someone who found the (admirredlyarresting) Galenic statement that he
'does not do philosophy'too difficult. But this statement has to be read in the context of the other
usagesof qi1i\6croqiosand qi1i\ocroqisiv
earlierin the text, and taken as heavilyironic.
154
Reading&v €~<.vcr8fl (Diels,closerto the readingofL, which Magnalditakesas &v €~wa8s\~)rather
than De Boer's&v E~wSin (Schi;ine'sconjecture),
155 The senseintended perhaps includes 'pretend to be philosophers'.
15
~ This rather cumbersomephrase translateslogik6ntechn6n;the fw1damentalsense presumablybe-
ing 'a techniwhich is relatedto logos'-where the translationsof logosas 'rationality'and 'argument'
are both relevant.A training in any of the technai mentioned would produce an ability ro argue
on the basisof genuine logicaldistinctions (unlike the 'philosophers').Incidentally,the translation
'mathematics'hete correspondsto arithmetiki, and 'arithmetic' to logistike:rhe central senseof the
former is that of the scienceof numbers tn a generalor abstractsense,while the latter refersoften
to the more practicalskill of'cakulating' or accowuing. (Seealso 43,17 DB (Y.62K.), 44,25 DB
(Y.64 K) and 47,13 DB (V.68 K) ,bov,.)
314 Affections and Errors

practitioners of mathematics, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, architec-

ture, law, rhetoric, scholarship and music? Or the one who receives a [pos- 15
itive] judgement, and a garland, from his own hand, but not even a single
vote from these orher judges - if, indeed) he ever submits to their scrutiny? Textual notes
So much, then, on the errors, for the present.

Book I (Affections)
3.1 (from footnote 1) 3,2-3 DB (V.1 K.). The MSS have: 'On the diagnosis and
treatment of the affections peculiar [idiOn] to each person's soul', followed by (for
the second part of the work): 'On the diagnosis and treatment of the errors pe-
culiar to each person's soul'. Marquardt prefers the title in the form given in Lib.
Prop.169,15-16 BM (XIX.45 K.): 'Two [books] on the diagnosis of the affections
and errors peculiar [idi6n]to each person', and so heads this part as 'book I', and
the following part as 'book II', of the same title. Clearly, the work is conceived
as a single one divided into two books, and is so presented in this translation;
but Galen sorp.etimes refers to his own works in slightly varying forms, and there
seems no reason to privilege the Lib. Prop.form of the title over the MSS of our
text. We have used the shortened title Affectionsand Errorsfor conVenience in
English.

3,2 (from footnote 8) 3,20 DB (V.2 K.). De Boer substitutes the past-tense
verb Bxpllv {'should have corrected') for the present tense of the MSS; and in-
serts 'what he wrote by distinguishing' (TO:ypaq,EvTa 61opi(ovTa). Certainly
the.re is something wrong with the MSS text {'correct[ed] affections from er-
rors'); another possible emendation is Hennicke's 61opi(e1v,'distinguish(ed]'. I
follow De Boer's text but with some doubt: both his emendatioris in effect take
us away from the oral or debate context to which Galen is referring: there is no
reason to change the tense of the verb (nor, perhaps, to insert a term for 'what
he wrote') unless we are focusing on Antonius' work as a literaryproduct, rather
than on the argument Antonius advances in it (a process which Galen describes
with present-tense verbs in the rest of this passage). See also Ajf. Pecc.Dig. I,
n. 31.

3,3 (from footnote 22) 5,10 DB (V.5 K.). 7'aKTlseiis De Boer's emendation for
L's KaK{(et,('abuses' or 'reproaches' - not a particularly violent verb). The emenda-
tion seems reasonable in view of the examples given later in the text; on the other
hand, extreme verbal abuse might have been seen as equally reprehensible: what is

315
316 Affectionsand Errors
crucially at issue is one's own ethical state, and whether one is in rhe grip of pathos,
i.e. 'out of control'. Magnaldi prefers (in a slightly different form) the reading ofL.
3.4 (from footnote 26) 5,14 DB (V.5 K.). Lit., 'one who eats aKvpcmpov': the
adjective from which this adverb is derived may have a number of negative senses
(including 'untrustworthy', 'impotent', 'incorrect'), none of which seems to fit
perfectly here; other possible readings are: 0::1;<paTilcrTspov,
'in a rather unrestrained
way' (Aldine); 0:KopilcrTspov, 'rather insatiably' (Hennicke; but this seems almost
exclusively a poetic word); 0:Kc:op6TEpov,'at rather inappropriate times' (Giusta,
primed by Magnaldi).
3.5 (from footnote 29) 5,21 DB (V.5 K.). Magnaldi's slightly different version of
this sentence would yield the sense: ' ... must first realize that he is unaware of how
to find out many of his own errors. I, though I am able to tell how I found them
out myself, will at present refrain ... '.
3.6 (from footnote 34) 6,15 DB (V6 K.). Marquardt, following the actual Pla-
tonic quotation, preferred the masculine active forms 6 q>t/'\&v, T6v <ptAoVvTa, 'the
lover', for the neuter TOq>1A0Vv,here and at line 9 above; but there is a Galenic par-
allel for the manuscrjpts' neuter form at Hipp.Epirl.V1217,19 WP (XVIIB.166
K.).
3.7 (from footnote 36) 6,15 DB (V6 K.). Magnaldi's text would read:' ... by far,
if, indeed [it is the case that] both (,t y, µIJn, Aldine, for ,! yixp µI\) one cannot
desist from loving himself and (inserting T', Giusta) the lover is necessarily blind
concerning the loved~one'.
3.8 (from footnote 37) 6,19 DB (Y.7 K.). In Magnaldi's reading it is the au-
thor who has spent time in internal examination (lines 18-20): ... xo:i\srr6v
T]vT6 rrpO:yµa. Kai To{vvv EyW.,s'rrl1rAeTcrTov EcrKeµµEvosxo:6'a6T6v Tflv EµT}v
0:1roq>aivoµa1yvc.0µriv... C.••a,.d.ifEcult one. And yet I, having spent a long time
on such internal examinatk~.n·,will declare my own opinion ... ').
3.9 (from footnote 48) 7, 15 DB (V8K.). hlovw was Goulston's emendation of
L's &rr16vTo:;but the verb ErrSpxoµo:1followed by the preposition Err{usually has a
hostile sense, 'attack' (physically or in a lawsuit), and could with difficulty be taken
as 'coming upon'. 'Going off to' is surely preferable; cf. the parallel adduced by
Nauck, Bon. MaL Sue. 394,11-12 H. (Vl.758 K.), 'people who are obliged to go
off to the doors of the powerful before daybreak'. A further alternative would be to
excise Errt at line 14 and so take the verb Err16vTato mean 'recounting'. This might
perhaps better explain 'that kind of flattery' (as it stands somewhat puzzling): the
'recounting' of all these important men's houses would in that case refer to a sort
Textual notes 317
of excessively statUS*conscious name-dropping, difficult to dissociate fron1 flattery,
but distinct frorn the actual visiting rnentioned next. But Cnn6vTa:is doubtless the
simpler solution.
3.10 (from footnote 57) 9,8 DB (V: 11 K.). The word translated 'utterance'
(-rrpo1eµSv0, De Boer) here is uncertain; the Aldine reads 10 rrpocr1eµEv0
(so too possibly, though it is unclear, L), from which Schone suggested omit-
ting T0; Magnaldi prints Giusra's suggestion, Err'o:IJT0 Tol!T(9 rrpocrKeiµevov
('[the second is] relevant to this very thing'). She also omits the following Ocrov
Erri T06s ('by virtue of this') here, which she believes represent an iterative
error.
3.11 (from footnote 62) 9,21 DB (Vl2 K.). The text is somewhat problematic.
For 'separated from your actions', the context seems to require something along
the lines of'freed frorn your actions by criticismof others';but though &rraN\ayels
(itself a conjecture for L's &rraN\ayfl) could have the sense of 'being freed from',
it would not naturally be understood with this particular sense. The verb can
also mean 'discharged' or 'acquitted', but this again seems not quite the sense we
require. The words '(performed] under the influence of affection', meanwhile,
represent Diels' insertion of KaTO:rr06os, which may or may not be felt to be
necessary to the sense.
3.12 (from footnote 65) 10,10 DB (V.12 K.). I depart slightly from De Boer
here: ~µq>afvoov ('displaying'), in this active form of the participle, seems to require
a direct object, and this is provided by T6 q>1i\6vs1Kov, 'competitiveness' (Hennicke,
for T6 q>1i\6vstK<.v5L; TOIq>1i\6vstKGOS De Boer). I then reinstate the second µri6E,
which De Boer deleted, and read ieiAwv (suggested by Casaubon) for 1611"tv.
3.13 (from footnote 68) 10,20 DB (V.13 K.). De Boer prints a!6ous exs1v
rroAtTtKfiS,which must mean something like 'have some part in political dignity/
ho~our'; but both the use of the verb Exs1vwith the genitive and that of the term
al6005 (more properly, 'shame') seem difficult in such a sense. Other possibilities
are: µETExs1v('partake of'), Marquardt; 6uv<lµsoosµsTSxs1v('partake of power'),
Pantazidis; TI before 1roA1TtKf\S
('have any[thing of] political shame'), Hennicke,
followed by Magnaldi; perhaps this last is preferable.
3.14 (from footnote 69) 10,22 DB (V.13 K.). This whole phrase ('and even
if... aloof in their presence') is problematic (including the unusual verb
rrapo:q>avfj,here translated 'appear'); and as it stands it is not quite clear which
subject is intended for 'would stand aloof' (presumably the truth-telling man),
nor who are the plural persons intended by 'their' (alJTc'ov).An alternative read-
ing for 61aviaTaTa1 is Hennicke's 610:crrrO:To:1 (closer to L and the Aldine): 'he
318 Affections and Errors
[sc. the truth-telling rnan] would be pulled away by them [sc. the Batterers]'.
Magnaldi suggests K&vTITtS 0:/\riOeUwv, 1ro:po:,:pavElTo:1 Tl .rpOs alrr6v,
OtaO'tC01T5:v
'but even if there were one telling the truth, he will be seen to keep silent to-
wards hitn in some respect'. Perhaps none of the suggested e1nendations is wholly
satisfo.crory.
3.15 (from footnote 81) 12,6 DB (V.15 !<;.).&yooTwv ('admirable' ot 'lovable') is
Diels' conjecture for L's &µa T'. There have been various other suggestions for the
adjective; Nauck proposed T)µ16Ewv ('demi-gods') in place of both adjective and
noun. Another possibility might be O:yo:uC:iv, which would be no more difficult
than Diels' emendation, and would give a verbal echo of the Pythagorean verses
which seem ar certain points to be in the background of the present text ( Carmen
Aureum 2: fip6:>asO:yauolJs;cf. n. 157 to the text.)
3.16 (from footnote 86) 12,23 DB (V.17 K.). I here depart from De Boer and
follow Magnaldi, inserting µeyCXAws ('to a great extent') after the first MS µeyOAoi5
('great things'). De Boer's text, following Schone in substituting µEcroi5for this
first µeyCXA015, would give: 'over either small or middling things, but only over
great ones - to a small degree'. But µEcro15('middling') would seem a strange
usage here ('great' ~nd 'small' things are more idiomatically talked of; there is
mention of 'modetate affections' at 35,9 DB (V:52 K.) below, but there the
term is µETplois),and the degree to which one gets angry is an important part
of Galen's argument, not just the occasion of the anger; furthermore the adverb
µey6:Awsseems p.~atlyto balance the following adverb µ1Kp&5('to a small degree'},
which- though De Boer prefers µ1Kp6v,here, 12,24 DB (Y.17 K.), and immedi-
ately following 13,l DB (V:17 K.) -is, Magnaldi suggesrs, the correct reading of
L in both places. The importap.t contrasts are then between 'small' an:d 'great' here,
on the one hand, and on the other between both these and 'greatest' (the· superla-
tive form) in the next sentence.
3.17 (from footnote 87) 13,1-DB (V:17 K.). I again follow Magnaldi in pref-
erence to De Boer here: she·f>rints a conjecture of Ga1lavotti's, eTT'tcrws('then,
perhaps' - essentially an effiendation of the word-division in L: el T15&is)rather
than Marquardt's fiv TtS('if someone'). This allows the following clause to be still
dependent on 'one will manage', so that the proposition regarding not hitting the
staff becomes a further ramification of one's progress in freeing oneself from anger,
rather than having a conditional relation to it (with the attendant problem of the
possessive adjective 'my' rather than 'one's' with 'hand' - but this seems a fairly
mild anacolouthon in context). The text printed by De Boer would give: 'if one
keeps to this, as I have kept to it throughout my life, since imposing it on myself
in my youth: not to s~rike, etc.' (where the verb in the conditional clause, qiu/'\O~n,
'keeps to', is in the A1dine but not in L). The latter interpretation, which seems to
present not hitting servants as the crucial condition of a certain degree of progress,
Textual notes 319
rather than a by-product of it, seems to me problernatic. A further possibility
might be the emendation EvTI, 'one thing which I have kept to .. ,'. 1his again
would provide a more natural introduction to the new topic, though without
further emendation it presents more of an anacolouthon.
3.18 (from foomore 88) 13,5 DB (V:17 K.). veOpov,'nerve', is according to Co-
bet, folklwed by De Boer, the reading ofL, though others took it as s.\Jpov- which
would refer to his father's finding that they had bruised themselves, with no part
of the body mentioned. Marquardt, following this latter reading, inserted xeipas,
'hands', for the object. v,:Opovdoes seem rather anatomically precise for the con-
text, but may be correct.
3.19 (from.foornote 91) 13,7-11 DB (V:17 K.). Marquardt believed this among
other passages to be due to a scribe who could not resist inserting his own ex-
amples or opinions as (distorting) glosses on Galen's text; so also the similar pas-
sage below on choosing the right number of blows after one's anger has subsided,
15,18-16,6 DB (V:21-22 K.). The words of the larrer passage he characterizes
(l+aefatio,!xii) as 'Ridicula ... et ram absurda, ut nemo sapiens Galena ea impu-
taturus sit.' The grounds of this strong opinion presumably lie in a squeamishness
about such recommendation of cold-blooded calculation in regard to corporal
punishment. But it is violence perpetrated with the barehands,or in the heat of
the moment with objects that lie to hand, that Galen explicitly condemns in these
chapters, not the striking of servants tout court, and it is, crucially, the infliction
of punishment while one is in the grip of anger that is deplored: Galen makes no
statement against corporal punishment in general.
3.20 (from footnote 103) 15,15 DB (V:21 K.). I follow De Boer's text, rroTE
yevEcr6a1... KO:µvs.1v, lit. 'tire of ever becoming'; but this sense is slightly prob-
lematic. 'To tire of' something would usually be expressed by KCXµveiv with the
participle, not the infinitive; as KCXµveiv can also mean 'labour to' do something,
I wonder if there is a missing negative here: 'that you should not ever labour to
becbme a decent human being because of the expenditure of time'. It is possible,
though, that one should prefer Magnaldi's &is8' 0:v6pGv1TOS O:ya60sO:noTefleaen{0
crE6' &v6p(;)1Tov O:yo:66vTIOTE yevEcr6o:l;note that in the latter both crEand the ac-
cusative case, as well as the verb, are due to SchOne, whereas Magnaldi's conjecture
of &noTeflecr6fjon the basis of L's noT' E/'\Ecr6o:t is little more than a redivision of
the words. The sense is then 'so that one may end up a good human being', and
the most significant difference from De Boer is then that this is not an example of
a direct second-personal address.
3,21 (from footnote 110) 16,6 DB (V.22 K.). Both 'freshprocessof reasoning'
(Ka1v4>floy1crµCj))
and 'the correct course' (T61To!TJTEov)
are conjectures, SchOne's
and Cobet's respectively, where L has Ka\ TCj)/1.oylcrµCj)
TO 1TUKTE0ov - which
320 Affections and Errors
Magnaldi defends, taking the whole phrase to mean 'you will find chat we can
strike with reason, too'. I doubt that this can be right as it stands, though it is
imaginable that it does represent sontething closer to rhe original sense.
3.22 (from footnote 114) 16,15 DB (V:22 K.). l depart from De Boer, who,
for &µa TI (L), prints SchOne's O:vio:T6v
TI (so, '[perpetrate] an incurable injury');
and opt rather for Goulston's 6µoi'6v Tl. Other possibilities are Sauppe's Wµ6v TI
I
('something savage'); or perhaps, similarly, &yp16v TI. In any case, the argument
does nor seem to require anything as specific as an incurableinjury; indeed, the
example in the case of his friend's behaviour, just discussed, was not incurable:
this did not lessen the ugliness of the action. Ihe main point, in any case, is that
out-of-control actions are unacceptable agaimt a human being, too.
3.23 (from footnote 120) 17,9 DB (V.24 K.). L (followed by Macquardt and
Magnaldi) reads 1TEvTE, not 1T6:VTO:: 'these five' instead of 'all these'. If that were
correct, it might shed light on Galen's understanding of the main categories of
affection; but it would not explain either why he has six (with the addition of
'envy') in that earlier list, or (as discussed inn. 40) what the important distinction is
between orgiand thumos ('anger' and 'rage'). On the latter point see Mor. 31,10 ff.
Kr. with n. 34.
3.24 (from footnote 121) 17,13 DB (V:24 K.). The sentence as itstands contains
De Boer's insertion of T0v ~ovi\6µsvov Ws ('one who would') at 17,11 DB.; if this
is wrong, the MS text might mean ~omething like: ' ... much the best course is
co consider, being as far as possible without the above affections when one gees
up ... '. That text is certainly irnper(ect; but it is possible chat the original sense was
(interestingly) something to do with· be~ng ·able to view one's life dispassionately
at the beginning of the day, before anything has 'affected' one. For the phrase
'all the tasks of the day' (KcxO'
~µipcxv,Marquardt) L has 'all the individual tasks'
(,ma µipos), which may be preferable (and which Magnaldi defends): the term
Ko:TCX µSpos is associated with the kind of dispassionate analysis into parts (with
scientific-medical connotatibns) which Galen is here proposing (and on Mar-
quardt's proposal there wollld be a perhaps clumsy repetition of 'day' later in the
sentence).
3,25 (from footnote 124) 17,26 DB (V:25 K.). Or, with Magnaldi, 'you know
chat" (o16o:s 8Tt for e10' 0Tt, Caselius; her reading is closer co L's 016' OT1);the
point would then be that Galen is repeating a lesson which by now the hearer
should know (but the form is an unusual one and the emendation perhaps not
convincing).
3.26 (from footnote 132) 18,17-18 DB (V:26 K.). I depart here from De Boer
and revert, with Magnaldi, to the reading ofL. De Boer follows Deichgraber (on
Textual notes 321
the basis of a phrase appearing in the Aldine) in writing T0 0.KOVTI 115:vfor L's TO
rra:v. The sense of the first clause would then be 'And, though it is difficult to re-
move all if one is unwilling ... '. The contrast between what one can achieve if will-
ing and if unwilling seems out of place; Galen's point is rather that coral perfection
is difficult tout court; and the contrast would chen be one (already mentioned)
between the removal of all faults and that of large ones.
3.27 (from footnote 152) 20,21 DB (V:29 K.). It is not entirely clear how to
understand the verb Eµ~o:i\i::iv,and in particular whether it should be taken tran-
sitively: 'throws' (with the object 'one' understood) 'into'; or intransitively: some-
thing like 'rushes into', 'embarks upon'. None of the usages in LSJseems to offer
a close parallel, though there are some closer to the latter sense.
3.28 (from footnote 156) 21,5 DB (Y.30 K.). TCXVTCX
('these things') is inserted by
De Boer to supply a missing object; alJT6v ('oneself') is also not secure: Magnaldi
omits the former and reads allTO:('chem', which she believes represents the crue read-
ing ofL) fOr the latter, rhus not 'remind oneself of these things' but 'recall them'; on
either reading it does not seem perfectly dear what the object refers to - presurnably
either the whole project of self-itnprovement, or the specific errors that have been
pointed out to one.
3,29 (from footnote 167) 22,13 DB (V.32 K.). Cf. Alim. Fae. 222,10-28
H. (VI.490-491 K.), describing a dough-based fried food called wnvTTtS or
Tr1yo:viT15, which is taken with honey (or fish) - and in this context characterized
it would seem, then, that TayriviT1cr1would here be a
as, in fact, a kind of 1Ti\a1<00s;
preferable reading to TO:yrivo1s.I depart from De Boer's 1<oopvKio1s (Diels' emenda-
tion) and prefer L's Ko:pu1<eia1s - foods cooked with 1<apllK1),a rich, spiced sauce
(see Dalby 2003, 293); although it is perhaps slightly odd chat there is no refecence
to this food in Alim. Fae., this surely gives the right sense; K6.)p\JK1ov
is the diminu-
tive of a word for a leather wallet or punch-bag (which is also attested in the sense
'mussel'), and its justification here seems difficult. Another possible reading might
be 'Kopa1<{vo1s- this was a kind of fish which seems to have been regarded as desir-
able, though perhaps not with the requisite connotations of luxury, see Alim. Fae.
373,19 H. (VI.729 K.) and 385,10 H. (VI.747 K.).
3,30 (from footnote 174) 24,2 DB (V:34 K.). Some editors have suspected a
lacuna: perhaps there were originally some more words filling out the 'easiest'
sense of self-knowledge; it is also not clear whether the text here concerns 'be-
illg esteemed' or 'giving esteem to oneself'. Magnaldi's solution, T1µ11&fiva1
o:UTi;')
(in place ofL's o:UT6s),is perhaps a good one: 'to be esteemed by oneself'; Diels
had similarly proposed TtµTjv 6eivo:t al.ITC:),'bestow honour upon oneself'. But
Magnaldi also suggests yCXpµTJfor µSv yCXpin che conditional clause, giving: 'if
one does not genuinely wish co be esteemed by oneself'; this, I think, would miss
322 Affections and Errors
the sense of the opposition that Galen has in mind here, between 'easiest' and
'hardest'.
3.31 (from footnote 176) 24,7 DB (V.35 K.). I follow L (in Magnaldi's reading)
and Magnaldi: 8~)\&, rather than Marquardt's 18~)\ovv,adopted by De Boer ('I
have been making ... evident'). There seems no strong reason to prefer a past tense;
Galen see1nsto be referring as much as anything to the present discourse. The
rerriainder of the sentence contains several variants: 'benefit' is SchOne's emenda-
tion, 6:vTovlv6:vo:1for O:vT160Uvo:1(which would rather double che sense of'give');
Tlv' is his emendation of Ttvss (with which the sense would rather be: 'if some
peoplethemselves know another ... '); Err1Tux&iµsv('come upon') is Pantazidis' and
Hennicke's reading for E1r16vµC:iµev ('desire'), which seems to make little sense; the
verb SiaTpipwµ<:v('let us continue'} represents Marquardt's change to subjunctive
from indicative ('we continue'); in 'common to all [the affections]' the insertion of
the word 'affections' (rraO&v) was suggested by Caselius (while Magnaldi takes it
that L's reading is actually rr6.vTeos,'by all means' /'completely', not, as it has been
taken, -rr6.vTwv).
3.32 (from footnote l 78) 24, l 2 DB (V.35 K.). De Boer here inserts~ irn)\~oTicx
('insatiability'), givJng the sense: 'Less of an affection ... is insatiability.' Without
some insertion (Le:, reading: 'this is still an affection, though less so than these')
the sentence is problematic: aLITT)('this) is singular when three affections have just
been mentioned, the reference of ToUTeov('these') is unclear. But if a word has
dropped out, 'insatiability' seems clearly the wrong candidate, as it would take the
argument in an unexpected direction and, in any case, Galen would surely not re-
gard this out-of-control desiderative pathos as less serious than the spirited ones -
and these not the most serious spirited ones - that he has just menti6ned. Other
candidates for the affection that is <Jesssti than these' have been: 11AVrr~ ('dis-
tress', Marquardt); f\ 6o~ocro,fa ('false conceit of wisdom', Helmreich - but this is
characterized in particularly negative terms later in the text); f\ q:itAo:pxia('love of
power', Goulston). Meanwhile, plennicke suggested - perhaps more plausibly-
the insertion of one of the vety items just mentioned, 'love of reputation' (f\
ipiAoSo~kx);so, the sense wgtild be: 'Of these, love of reputation is [an affection]
to a lesser extent; but it is still an affection.' Magnaldi's change of 'less' from the
adverb EAaTTovto the plural adjective form EAOTTw(so, ' ... are lesser affections'),
followed by the plural ('but still these are affections' - she takes rhe reading of L
as the plural form, -rr6:0n)is attractive, but does not solve the problem mentioned
above regarding ToUTwv(which she obelizes).
3,33 (from footnote 180) 24,16 DB (V:35 K.). Magnaldi suggests a different
reading, SE -rru.)s:
for SE 6, then omitting 8E Tru.)Slater in the sentence; the transla-
tion would thus be: 'envy is in <t,way the worst ... ' (but omitting the following
'somehow').
Textual notes 323
3.34 (from footnote 185) 25,23 DB (V.37 K.). In the first part of the sentence,
Magnaldi writes 6::eifor L's El (deleted by other editors), and then follows Gius-
ta:'s insertion of 5'; the first proposition would in that case be a double one: 'In
all cases, I said, nature has power always;and, in childhood, the ernulation of
those around one has great power.' The phrase 'emulation of those around one',
TOts av,Wcnv 6µoiwcrtv is itself Hennicke's ernendation, basically followed by De
Boer and Magnaldi; Marquardt, on the other hand, following the Aldine, reads
eis ,eons"T<:AEfevcrtv ('for the completion/perfection of life'). On De Boer's and
Magnaldi's reading, then, we have a text which clearly emphasizes the two fac-
tors, nature and nurture, in conjunction, while the Aldine/Marquardt text would
have Galen focusing on the prominence of nature in this early phase of life. In
view of Galen's views elsewhere, esp. in De Moribus, the 'nature-and-nurture'
view seems preferable, and it would seem odd for him to omit reference to early
nurture altogether and move to 'doctrines and training' (86yµaTa Kal ... &crKT)crtv)
which are a feature of later education. On the other hand, the Aldine reading
should at least be considered; if correct, it shows Galen emphasizing the fact that
nature continues to be important throughout life (even if other factors are also
involved in the later phases).
3.35 (from footnote 188) 26,7 DB (V.38 K.). Originally, the Greek seems to
have had 'by' followed by the person who asked him; but this is impossible to
recover from the text; the first part of the question, 'I-low did you', is also based
on a conjecture (SchOne's Ti 1ra6C0v).
3.36 (from footnote 193) 27,20 DB (V:40 K.). 01T(,)S
µ,v T~V q,uaiv dxov (De
Boer, after Pantazidis, for Eq>nvL, TT)vqicUcr1v
Aldine) seems to represent the likely
sense; Magnaldi's 8-rreosµEv Eq:iuvcould be translated with the same words. But
the reading of L ('I said') is at least worth considering; if accepted (though the
sentence would not then make sense without some further insertion), it would
indicate that this was one of those sentences that included a first~personal
'framing' (the whole passage belonging within the address to the distress-prone
acquaintance).
3.37 (from footnote 198) 28,21 DB (V.42 K.). The text printed by De Boer as-
sumes a lacuna here, and does not make complete sense as it stands. Marquardt de-
leted f\Ey<:tv('use language'), inserted KO:µE('me too') and emended T6v 8186:~avTa
('any teacher') to 6186:~at ('to teach'), thus giving the sense: 'It was his desire to
teach the use of geometrical demonstrations to me too.' The remainder of the
sentence also contains some textual difficulties ('agree with each other' represents
a conjecture), and thus the translation cannot be certain. Another uncertainty is
at what point exactly Galen is presenting his father's words in direct speech; Mag-
naldi's solution, opening the quotation marks here, at 'for this reason ... ' (so that
324 Affections and Errors
the 'your' refers to Galen, not to the addressee of this treatise), is perhaps plausible
(see also her further suggested changes, in the following note).
3.38 (from footnote 200) 28,23 DB (V.42 K.). Diels posited a considerable la-
cuna, which would have contained his father's injunction to frequent a number
of teachers and gain the habit of caution with regard to their different opinions;
Magnaldi's reading involves a reorganization of the sentences, as well as other
srriall changes, at this point: 'In just the same way as the ancients said [oUvEq:incrav,
and omitting the 6r:'iµT)posited by Schone] in the specialized skills mentioned
above ... that they did nor declare themselves (alrrolls for cr.:o:uT6v] ... , but rather
[µOMov] rake a long time ... in the same way I recommend that you should culti-
vate [omitting (riAooTEov before CHYKElv] those things which ... '.
3,39 (from footnote 204) 30,3 DB (V.44 K.). The text is uncertain here, and
may mean rather something like 'I see many stripped of honour by the Senate'
(following Marquardt's reading), or perhaps, 'stripped of honour by a judgement'.
(L has cruve6piou and, in an unclear form, (3ou/\fi- both of which terms can refer
to the Senate, though the latter term may also mean decision or deliberation in
general.) Magnaldi has TIVO:S ToV cruve6piou TftST1µftst'.nr6(?iou/\f)sO:qio:1pe6EvTO:S,
which would presu_ni~_bly mean: 'some members of the Senate stripped of honour
by a judgement [oi oy the Senate]'.
3.40 (from footnote 206) 30,17 DB (V.45 K.). The text is slightly troubling,
since the usual sense of the adjective E'rrlTtµosis, roughly, 'in possession of citizen
rights', rather than 'held in honour', as.the context seems to require. The adjective
Err1Tlµ1os,on the other hand, would give the sense (honourable', but_is rare, and
not typically applied to persons. ' and was defended by Diels; in Temp.,e.g. 25,11 (I.548 K.)-albeit in the different
3.41 (from footnote 207) 30,19 DB (V.45 K.). I follow De Boer, though there
must be doubt about the text in this form. 0:crKT]crov (L; 'cultivate', 'train') with
/\6yov ('argument') as its object ·Seems difficult, and what 'this end' is, is unclear
(the Greek has actually just an',accusative feminine pronoun, T0:1.JTT]V). The Aldirie
has 0:crKricriv
(so, 'to this trai6.ing' rather than 'cultivate to this [end]')- but it is then
difficult to reconstruct the verb plausibly. Magnaldi's np6s TO:lJTT]V ... 0:crKricrov
-rTjvyvWµT]v('cultivate/train [yourself] towards this opinion') may be better. One
wonders whether the original sense was, rather, something like ' ... I concentrat-
ed on this discipline ... until I was convinced ... '. Magnaldi's version continues:
'keeping in your memory at leastthe thingswhichI said (& y' eirrov, which she
believes should be restored for L's &v elrrov) and practising them ... '.
3,42 (from footnote 212) 32,2 DB (V.47 K.). I translate the MS reading, pre-
ferred by De Boer. It seems strange to talk of an odd number of shoes, unless
pairs are meant (and so the following point about clothes would be directly
Ii:xtua! notes 325
parallel); Marquardt suggested substituting n/\eiovo: ('more [than the two)') for
the numerals. The argurnent as it develops, however, does seem somewhat puz-
zling, with its emphasis on two. The point that 'one to wear and one spare' is suf-
ficient seems plausible enough in the case of shoes and clothes, and possibly also
o~her household utensils (though in certain cases that might even seem extrava-
gant); quite how it applies equally to household staff is less clear. The beginning
of the se~tence, 'How, if one has two ... ' is in any case conjectural: De Boer's Ti 6'
oU 6uoiv &µa rrap6vToov for an unintelligible MS reading; other conjectures offer
slightly different senses.
3,43 (from footnote 215) 32,20 DB (V.48 K.). 'Ibe text is uncertain. The transla-
tion represents SchOne's emendation: lµ6::T10:
T&v olKeioovfor L's iµ6:T1aoiKt:TWv,
which would apparently mean that he is sharing 'clothes of servants'. Diels' con-
jecture, followed by Magnaldi, was lµaTioovfi otKeT&v'clothes or servants'.
3.44 (from footnote 216) 32,22 DB (V.48 K.). Kawva71iaK(o) ('I spend') is
Pantazidis' and Diels' emendation, followed by De Boer, for L's Ko:Tafl.ehroo
('I leave behind'); Marquardt keeps KaTa/\Ehrw and would delete Sricraupl(oov,
(hoarding'; Magnaldi prints Gallavotti's oV Ko:Ta/\ehrw,'I do not leave behind'.
Clearly Galen is rnak.ing the point that he does not add to his existing wealth; the
point at issue is whether he is spending all that comes from his father or preserv-
ing without adding to it. The fact that the natural interpretation of the object
of KaTa/\eiTrwlKaTo:vo:/dcrKw, namely rrp6cro6ov, is 'income' (as here translated)
rather than 'inheritance', would favour De Boer and the present translation; but
some doubt must remain.
3.45 (from footnote 224) 34,9 DB (Y.51 K.). OADVTTJVAaiav ('the whole of
Asia') is SchOne's emendation for L's OA11v
TTjvoUcriav;the latter may be possible,
context of the physicalworld - Galen uses 'all oUcrio:'to mean something like 'all
physical substance', 'the whole of existence'. The reference to Asia, however>seems
to read more naturally; and it does seem reasonably clear (see note above and the
Introduction) that Asia is the context for these remarks.
3.46 (from footnote 231) 35,10 DB (V.53 K.). What is printed seems co be the
sense of the text as De Boer has it (yv&vai T' ... oVTws61.JvriTaiTI T&v 1TpoTEpwv
EtpriµEvoov),which however makes somewhat unconvincing Greek, and seems to
leave us without a main verb for the apodosis (the phrase 'provides himself' cor-
responding to a participle rather than such a main verb in the Greek). Magnaldi
suggests Ovo:1T'&v, then oi'.iTOS'
5Uvacr0o:iTI rrp6s TWVEipriµEvoov;she does not pro-
duce a grammatically complete emendation (though Ovo:1T'8:v,'would benefit', at
least gives us a main verb); but the suggested sense>along the lines of'this person
would benefit/be able to benefit from what has been said', seems plausible.
3,47 (from footnote 234) 35,20 DB (V.53 K.). 'Foundation' (KpDrrT6a) is
SchOne's emendation; Magnaldi's µflTpl is closer to L; writing Kai Tfi instead of
326 Affections and Errors
KaiToJat the beginning of the sentence (which is then not a new sentence), she
thus has the sense: 'and to - I have little hesitation in saying - the mother of
all these: acqusitiveness'. Her solution seems attractive, and follows the 'mistress'
rnetaphor rather vividly.
3.48 (from footnote 235) 36,5 DB (Y.54 K.). 'Many' is Diels' emendation (Ka\
'yet more' (ST11ri\e16vwv)Marquardt; Magnaldi suggests 'a further ten'
1T(?fVl.&v);
(6EKa[= i'] rrO'.Atv as being closer to L's T}na/\.
ETOOv),
Book II: Errors
3.49 (from footnote 5) 41,13 DB (V59 K.). The fitst six wotds, and the
eighth, of the next English sentence represent SchOne's emendation (OT1µ£v oUv
T] TE 1f1EV6T}s
Kai 11-rrpoTIETT)S EcrTt),which seems to supply the required sense;
Magnaldi's suggestion is similar, but with plural nouns. But Marquardr's reading
(preserving the MSS Ti at the start of the sentence, as well as Ti 6E in line 14, where
other editors read 0Ti 6E, but-then omitting &µo:pTTjµo:[Tos] in line 14) should be
noted, as it makes quite different sense: 'What is to be understood by "assent" is
universally agreed,; l;,ut what is to be understood by "weak assent" is not.' Mag-
naldi also suggests eia1v 6:creevets('[that they are [also] weak') for Tj 6:creevllsin line
14 (the MSS have ,is aa6mis).
3.50 (from footnote 21) 43,9-11 DB (V.61 K.). De Boet's text seems uncon-
vincing: f\ 616:TOO6:yo:SoO,followed by KTflSEVTOS (both genitives ~re SchOne's
conjectures); so: \he enquiry which, through acquisition of the good (which,
indeed, people also call the goal of life),makes us happy ... ' (Magnaldi keeps L's
TO 6:yo:06v and KTT}aEv, but without further change this yields a similar sense:
'on account·of the good· ... having been acquired'). The required sense surely is
that it is the good, and not the ~nquiry, that makes us happy; it thus seems clear
that the nominative KTT16Ev, ,at' least, is correct - &nep ... KTf16/;:v
... EpyO{eTa1,
'which, acquired, makes.,.',....'. but something is wrong with the preceding phrase
f\ 616:,and besides the On{p as it stands belongs with KO:lTEAos6voµ6:{ovcr1.
One solution would be to read something like Ti}v TOO6:ya6o0, or perhaps
6riA6voT1Tflv TOO6:ya6oU, and either take the phrase Kal TEAos6voµ6:{ova1 TOO
[3iou as an interpolation, or rephrase it to function as a parenthetical remark. So:
'the enquiry regarding the greatest matters, that is, that regarding the good, which,
once acquired ... '.
Another, which I tentatively prefer and here translate_ (and has the merit of
preserving both nominative forms as in L) is to end the sentence after TTjvT00v
µeyiaT(.,.}V{~Tna1v('enquiry into the greatest matters') and then begin a new one: f)
6Tji\ov6T1 TO6:yo:S6v,Onep 611Kai TEAosOvoµO:{ovaiTOO[3iov, KTneEve\J6aiµovas
KTA.Pot a somewhat similar use of fi 6~AoV6T1see Temp.45, 10 H. (I.580 K.).
Textual notes 327
3.51 (from footnote 42) 45,16 DB (V65 K.). The phcase 'for truth' (1tp65
O:AT)61;1av)is inserted here on the basis of its appearance in a different place in
Chartier (by Marquardt, who also proposed this form of 'good', XPT']crTnv, where~
by it qualifies 'education'); other suggestions (XpT']crT&S,Goulston, followed by
fyiagnaldi; or npOs 6:i\T)6eiavplaced later in the sentence, with the omission of
'education', na161;{0:v),would br_acketthe 'nature' and 'nurture' together: 'should
have been born, and then also brought up ... well', or 'should have been born,
and then also brought up, for truth' (the additional verb in eTTa-6et xat, 'and
must also', is De Boer's conjecture, for which one might then prefer Pantazidis'
sTTa6S Ka!).
3.52 (from footnote 48) 46,8 DB (V66 K.). ovo15,'to asses', is Kroll's emenda-
tion for the.L's Oi\015,which would be difficult to translate here. The emendation
does not seem unproblematic, though, as the usefulness of making one's language
clearer for an assis not dear. Magnaldi omits the phrase, believing it to represent
an iterative error for Ka66:1repOi\(.,.}s
- the latter word she therefore adds in the
previous sentence but one, giving the sense 'any division' for 'the division'.
3.53 (from footnote 64) 48,20 DB (V.70 K.). The wotd 'encourage' (1Tp0Tpi1mv)
is Sch6ne's insertion. Something of the kind seems required; otherwise we would
translate 'I fear the person who is driven towards such a long path by affections.'
But the verb 6Kv&('hesitate' or 'fear') is not normally thus used with an infinitive
rather than a direct object; and oicrTpoUµevov,though it has a literal meaning of
being 'goaded' or 'bitten', is regularly used in the sense of'driven mad' rather than
'driven towards something'.
3.54 (from footnote 69) 49,2 DB (V71 K.). The precise text hete is difficult to
establish. Magnaldi preserves L's EpOOvTa against Goulston's EpoCivTa,and adopts
Chartier's Ll<p'l)yriµevov
for Goulston's ll<pf]yµEvriv.Perhaps more plausibly, she
reads napanADcrtov (which she takes to be L's intention) rather than nap6: n5:a1
(S~h6ne): the sense would then be: 'extremely easy path towards virtue, in a way
similar to the so~called Cynics'. She also reports Giusta's suggestion, i\TjpoOvTa,
'who talks nonsense' for EpoOvTa,'who will say' (SchOne, along similar lines, pro-
posed q:,AuapoOvTt).
3,55 (from footnote 74) 51,7 DB (Y.74 K.). m<1Touµevo1is Hennicke's conjec-
ture (followed also by Magnaldi) for L's 1TlcrTeu6µevot(Marquardt: ntcrTelloVTES,
'trusting'); this seems to be the best guess, but it should be noted that the text is
not certain, and in its current state reads less than naturally.
3.56 (from footnote 78) 5!,14 DB (V.75 K.). L has 6'oilv, Aldine 6, yvovvTES,
at the beginning of the sentence; this has been emended to 6E O:yvooOvTES
(Goulscon, followed by Magnaldi), ot to 6' 0116'... µa66vTE5(Schone; as here);
328 Affections and Errors
Marquardt proposed the different sense: 'Some, even though they are not unaware
(6' oUKO:yvooVvTas)... '. 'lbe subject of this ignorance (or knowledge) has dif-
ferent candidates, roo: SchOne, followed by Magnaldi, preferred TO 61' Ev6el~E005
('that [sc.performed] through indication') co T61'f\5 Ev6Ei~eoos 6e6µs.vov (Chartier;
as here), and 'primarily' (,rpW,05) is SchOne's emendation for L's 1rpc'.0Tov,which
(with the addition of oo,) is preferred by Magnaldi: 'as first [or,primary]'.
3.57 (from footnote 79) 51,17 DB (V.75 K.). The text ofthissentence is agreed
by De Boer and Magnaldi; it is worth noting, though, that the terms 'ignorance
and conceitedness' appear in the accusative case (0:µ6:9E1av,
60~00-oq:iiav)
in both
the Aldine and (probably) L; one senses the possibility that the original form
of the sentence had Tl ('What' - here translated 'Well') as the subject, and read
something like 'What, then, [do you think can cure) the ignorance and conceited-
ness ... ' - though this would entail further emendations.
3.58 (from footnote 88) 52,18-53,l DB (V.77 K.). I translate De Boer's text,
but with doubts. Magnaldi reads 6:µo:pTflµ6:Tc.vv for 6:µo:pTT)µo:Ta,and punctu-
ates differently ' - and it is immediately evident that the znistakes within all sects
come about badly and are of [i.e.presumablybelong in the category of] errors-';
but (apart from .~:i:i-unconvincing use of the genitive), the problem with the
sentence seems rather to be that one expects a causaldependency of errors on
sect-related faults, whereas both editors' versions give rather an equivalence, if
not a confusion, of the two. Perhaps the required sense could be given by pre-
serving by reading. Ko:K&vTEy{yvcTo:1nOvTwv 1<0:\6:µapTT)µOTGvv O:pxTJ:\hat the
faults within all sects are the sourceof all evils and errors'.The central problem
for interpretation, however (and therefore also for any proposed em~ndation)~ is
the word translated 'faults' (1ri\nµµc71'fiµaTa):this is a rare term, of no.t very clear
sense; and without knowing whether it 'is ·-more likely to mean an inte"~lectual
fault (or perhaps a fault of arrogance), or a moral shortcoming, it is difficult to
be sure whether we should be constructing a sentence with 6:µapTT]µa-radepend-
ent on 1Ti\T)µµ1:AfiµaTa (as I hav.e· suggested) or the other way round (i.e., with
6:µo:pTT)µo:Ta the intellectual eriors, 1rA11µµ1:Afiµa-ro:
the moral ones that take place
'in all sects' as a result of them). At Aeschines, Ctes. 106, for example, the term
seems co have a sense akin to blasphemy, or at least of transgression against the
gods.
3.59 (from footnote 96) 54,6 ff. DB (\/.79 K.). The text is very uncertain here. The
lines seem not fully intelligible as they stand) arid are probably lacunose. Ma!quardt
deletes the passage from 'which is evident' (54,6) to 'demonstration (54,8); others
have attempted to reconstruct the text variously.
The problematic interpretation is not helped by the unclarity of the terms here
translated 'repress' and 'attack' (1<a-ro:i\af36vTa,
/\o:f3Tjv);
the metaphor appears to be
from competitive fighting, but it does not seem clear whether Galen is referring to
Textual notes 329
the notion that certain positions are not susceptible to judgement - are in some
sense self~confirming, i.e. that there is a point beyond which you cannot go in
looking for a krittrion - or whether the point at issue is quite other.
Diels reconstructs roughly as follows: ' ... which is evident from itself, and
ra,king [katalabonta]which as akriton labtn (i.e., presumably, 'a point not in need
of judgement'), someone must re_member the restof the demonstration.And it was
agreed by all people chat it is sufficient, even without judgement, to indicate the
same po'wer; this applies to all demonstration ... '; Schone: ' ... which, evidently,
one must take as akriton, and, having taken it, must remember chat it was agreed
by all people to be sufficient, even without judge1nent, co indicate che same [or,its
own] power, in the context of all demonstration .. .'. Magnaldi starts a new sen~
tence here after 'truthful', the sense of which would be: 'This [ToCiTo,her sugges-
tion] is the first kriterion,the one, evidently [6ni\ov6T1,following Schone], which,
caking it as Dot subject to judgement [or,not needing a krittrion; KCCTai\af36vTa
&KptTov,Magnaldi's reading ofL's original intention), one must remember; for it
was agreed by all people [following Diels in transposing 1rO:cr1v &v6pG01ro15}that it
is sufficient to indicate its own [alJToO for o:LIT'Tlv,
following Goulscon] power in
the context of all demonstration, and thus ... '.
3.60 (from footnote 114) 59,29 DB (V.88 K.). Magnaldi's )\eyovn, (for a similar
reading in L) see1ns plausible (81aT1:ivGvvTa1,'claim', was SchOne's conjecture, fol-
lowed by De Boer). She then reads &va1crxuvT&cr1v (for &va1crxlfvTw5)to supply
the verb of the-8To:vclause. So: 'when they act without shame, speaking ... '. It will
not, however, make a very significant difference ro the translation.
3.61 (from footnote 116) 60,5 DB (V.89 K.). ,rov avaAUTIK~$,rpo~)\~µa, Kroll
(where L has 1ro:vavaflu,1KWS,'completely analytically' - bur then no word cor-
responding to 'every' or 'of the analytic kind', and the Aldine n&v &vai\uT11<&5,
which would give the translation 'every problem is susceptible analytically [or, 'by
analysis']'). Kroll's text (followed by both De Boer and Magnaldi) may be correct,
and avoids rhe implication chat absolutelyeveryproblem would be susceptible to
this, method; on the other hand the expression 'problem of analysis' (rather than
'method of analysis') seems a little odd.
3.62 (from footnote 126) 62, 12 DB (V.92 K.). I take it that the whwv ('they') of
the next line does refer to this group of 'philosophers> who have been compelled
to attend. But in that case aLIT&v,agreeing with q:,1AovE?KolfvToov and Si\1TT6vTwv
Cindulging in ... twisting ... ') forms a genitive absolute, although referring to a
group previously appearing in the nominative (CXvo:yKo:crSf1vTES" ... IJ1Toµsiv1:1av,
'compelled ... submit'); and this kind of fluidity in regard to the genitive abso-
lute construction, though a feature of the contemporary literary koine, is unusual
in Galen. Then, Magnaldi prints (Giusta's suggestion) a lacuna before 'it has of-
ten happened', where the transition does seem grammatically abrupt ('If it does
330 Affections and Errors Textual notes 331
ever happen [El... 1ToT'followed by optative verb] ... a geometer has often come too, the exact sense is not clear: usually a phrase using a definite article (to) with
with indicative verb]'). The transition fro1n here to the subsequent
[rroi\i\6:K15 the noun omitted would give us some fairly clear indication as to what noun we
argument is a little odd, too: 'has often come' suggests a general statement, where~ should mentally supply to go with it; and, especially where the context is the
as we soon seen1 co be considering a single occasion. discussion of a transition, one would have expected that the thingfrom which the
qansition is made would be grammatically equivalent to the thing to which - but
3.63 (from footnote 133) 63,5-6 DB (V.94 K.). Marquardt reads ,vplcrKEJv in this case (both these cases, if De Boer's emendation is correct), there is no such
ol6µe6o, 'we think chat we find', for the rather odd 'we find for ourselves' neuter s~ngular item from which.
(e\Jp1cr1<6µe60:);Magnaldi, restoring the phrase 0Tt µi:v,which others have excised I
or emended, to a place earlier in the sentence, and conjecturing an additional
form of the verb 'agree', reads: 'we, on the other hand, agree that they have agreed
in these respects, but find for ourselves ... '. The suggestion is ingenious 1 but we are
still left with an odd sentence.

3.64 (from foornore 138) 65,7 DB (Y.97 K.). The text as it srands relies on the
emendations of Diels (reading Evo:py&sfor an unclear word in L, and insert-
ing Tois ipa1voµEvo1s)and SchOne (rra:po:µEvcwfor 1rcp1µEvctv);Magnaldi retains
1Tsp1µEvc1v and omits Eva:py&s(which she believes rather to represent an undeleted
error in L). There may well be a significant lacuna. In the next clause) the lines 'It
is easier ... precisely this' are suspect; Marquardt prefers to delete them, and other
editors have suggfs_:edother solutions.

3.65 (from footnote 140) 65,18 DB (V.98 K.). De Boer defends the MS reading
(oUTos):this would be a specific architect who was present at the original speech,
of which this is' the written versiOn .(this architect acquires further prominence
below). Some editors prefer the adverb oUToos,which would give the translation
'An architect would not have made_such a declaration ... '. In favour of this emen-
dation: architects have an emblemcitk: r_o_l~in Galen (see above, esp. the anecdote
regarding his father's attitude to educatiOil), and it may be rather that Galen is
here referring to that emblematic status in making a general point aboi:.itcorrect
epistemological procedure.

3.66 (from footnote 142) 66,9 DB (Y.99 K.). Schone suggested a lacuna at this
point, while Magnaldi would transpose the whole next sentence, from 'The philos-
1
ophefs ... ' to ••• fill it with water' to a few sentences later, after ' ... relative meas-
urement of water and wood'. Note also that there is doubt about the· subject of
'wish_ing'in the next sentence: translated here is the Aldine reading (Pouf\6µcvo1),
but L (followed by Magnaldi) has ~ouMµevov ('[they asked] him who wished')and
Diels conjectured pouf\oµEvoov[sc.T!V&v],'as [some people] wished'.

3.67 (from foornote 145) 67,4 DB (V.101 K.). The phrase 'that of things non-
evident' translates T6 T&v 6:61)i\oov,
which is De Boer's emendation, based on the
model of the identical phrase appearing at 63,3 DB. Unfortunately, in that place
 4
The Capacitiesof the Soul Depend on
the Mixtures of the Body
P. N Singer
 Introduction

The thesis of The Capacities of the Soul and recent interpretations

Two views have been common in discussions of this treatise: the interpre-
tation of the work as espousing an extreme materialism or determinism,
in apparent conflict with Galen's views elsewhere; and the assumption that
it is an extremely late work in his output - the distinctive position of che
work representing the culmination of his philosophical thought. 1
With regard to the latter view: we have already presented arguments on
the limitations of a chronological account of Galen's works, in general and
with specific reference to The Capacitiesof the Soul.2 Here let us remind
ourselves of the specific consideration that, though we have taken the work
to be, on a. balance of probabilities, the last in the present collection, there
are no independent grounds for a date near the end of Galen's life. This,
rather, has been assumed on the grounds of the text's perceived philo-
sophical position. In fact, if an apparent reference to CharacterTraitsin the
work is in fact not such a reference - or, indeed, was added later - there is

I
The view that the rreatise presents a strong statement of materialism or determinism appears most
clearly in Garcia Ballester (1969), (1971), (1972); Donini (1974), (2008), esp. 201, with note;
Moraux (1984) 778-780; and, with more detailed philosophical justification, but without the in-
sistence on a conflict with Galen's 'earlier' work, Hankinson (1993) 218-222, esp. 218, n. 99:
'[Galen's] position is compatible with the hardest determinism you care to espouse'. Rather more
nuanced, but still emphasizing its determinist tendencies, are Garcfa Ballester (1988) and Lloyd
(1988); and indeed Hankinson (2006) esp. 250-255, emphasizing the consistency of the work
with Galen's approach elsewhere and the fact that Galen is ultimately 'unable to commit himself
to a thoroughgoing materialism of mind' (255). On the 'evolutionary' account of Galen's thought
see next note. Not ali the scholars just cited in fact also subscribe to it; it remains, however, ql,lite
standard co refer to QAM as a !ace work; cf. e.g. Hankinson (2008c) 24.
2
See above, General introduction, pp. 34-41. Significant here is the analysis of Bazou (1999)
esp. xviH-xxv, who agrees with me in both of these central tenets: that it is wrong to ascribe a dear
'monist' position to Galen in QAM, and that developmental or 'evolutionary' account of his work
is unhelpful. The passage cited also gives a useful summary of scholarly views, from Chauvet in the
mid nineteenth century to Lloyd, Garcia Ballester and Moraux in the late twentieth, criticizing the
developmental account of the last two in particular.

335
336 The Capacities of the Soul
nothing in the text which is inconsistent with its having been composed
beforeall the other works in the present volume. 3
In what follows we take issue also with the former view. We shall see
how Galen wishes co present this treatise as harmonizing with his other
major work in similar areas; and how rhetorical or argumentative features
of che text account for certain of its more striking physicalist formula-
tions, which do not in fact represent ihe 'final' view of the text. In par-
ticular, we shall see how the hypotheticalnature of the argument explains
both some of the more extreme statements and some of the apparent
inconsistencies. 4
Now, how successful is Galen's harmonization, and to what extent there
is conflict across the Galenic corpus, more generally, in his views on the
soul, remain difficult questions. Some consideration of these questions has
already been given, in relation to Galen's various discussions of the souL
both in specifically psychological works and in broader medical or health-
related contexts.5 At fitst blush, the difference between the account in The
Capacitiesof the Soul and some of the other discussions seems acute. One
thinks in particular of the Galenic accounts of reproduction, embryology
and the explaniHOh of animals' physical characteristics, where the soul is
given a causative role; and of some passages throughout his oeuvre which
invoke different levels of causal explanation, rather than just the analysis
in terms of physical mixture. 6 But here our proposition is essentially three-
fold:
3 See the discussion in the General introduction,"ii.bovepp. 39-40. The apparent referenceto the
discussion in_CharacterTrai,tsis in eh. 2, 32-33 M. (IY.768 K.). And, as I suggest in the transla"
tion, the explicitreferencein eh. 1, 32,8 M. (IY.768 K.) is probably not to CharacterTraitsbut to
CustomaryPractices. If we leavethese two aside, the only dear indications as to date are the mention
of a 'recent' outbreak of plague at RoJlleand the referenceto 1heDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato,
Ihe ElementsAccording to Hippocratt!sand Galen'swork on the consistencyof Hippocrates' doctrine.
Meanwhile, referencesto the present work in other works of Galen occur at HNH 5 I, 12-13 M.
(XY.97K.); Lib. h,p. 171,2-3 BM (XIX.46K.); L,,. Aff. VIII.I91 K.; fot. form. 78,9-11 N.
(IV.674 K.). (For the impossibilityof dating the outbreak of the plague with any accuracy,see above
p. 78 n. 6.)
4 The analysispresented in some respectsbuilds on those of, in particular, Lloyd (1988) and Donini
(2008), both of whom emphasize the context~speci6cnature of the argument; see also Bazou,
(1999). Our focuson the significanceof hypotheticalargumentation, however,is new; and not only
casts doubt on rhe strong materialism/determinismview of Hankinson (but c£ the more nuanced
view of Hankinson (2006), esp. 250-255, pointing to the qualificationsto Galen'sphysicalismand
to the underlying consistencyof his approach) and Donini (seen, 1 above), but also to an extent
lessensthe problems of cpnsistencyperceived by Lloyd.
5 See above, General introduction, pp, 25-33 for an outline of some of the different accounts.
6 This is a complex area, and detailed discussion of the relevant texts and their interpretation beyond
our scope here. See Singer (1997b); also below, p. 356 and n, 57, on the related problem of the
Introduction 337
Such differences between texts arise from their different argumenta-
tive contexts and purposes, rather than from any chronological devel-
opment of thought.
2 There is a fundamental consistency in Galen's approach to the more
abstract questions regarding the soul - its definition, its fundamental
nature, its relationship to' the divine power precisely in his willing-
ness to consider different possibilities (and their attendant problems)
and his refusal to commit himself; and The Capacitiesof the Soul fits
perfectly well within this model.
3 Relatedly, on the central causal questions, the difficulties are often
within Galenic texts rather than just between them. That is, what
emerges is a consistent indeterminacy rather than a conflict between
certain determinate positions.
Galen sets out in The Capacitiesof the Soul to prove a specific proposition;
and the precise terms of this merit some initial attention. 'That the capaci-
ties (dunameis)of the soul dependon (hepesthai)the mixtures(kraseis)of the
body': that is the specific thesis? Now, it may be that, in the course of the
text, Galen is in a sense more interested in proving a more generalthesis -
roughly, that bodily factors exert a strong influence on the soul - and that,
especially in the chapters which base themselves on lengthy texts of Placo,
Aristotle and Hippocrates, there will be some vagueness in the mapping of
the specificthesis on ro those texts. Nonetheless, each of the terms italicized
1 1
above - 'capacity , depend on' and 'mixture' - is of crucial importance to
the strategy of Galen's argument.
As noted by a number of scholars, the terminology of hepesthai(as well
of its near-synonym, akolouthein)is vague; some strong notion of causation,
however, seems clearly implied. 8 I have preferred the translation 'depend on',
which seems to have similar implications - and a similar indeterminacy -
in English. The term is thus distinguished in translation from akolouthein,
direction of causation in Aristotelian analysis.I do nor, however,seek to minimize the difficulties
of reconciliation between some of Galen'sstatements; indeed, I would suggest that the informative
discussionof these questions by Donini (2008), esp. 184-185, finds the compatibility (ln particular
between TheFunctionof the Partsof the Bodyand TheCapacities of the Soul) too easily.
7
On the correctnessof this form of the tide, seebelow, QAM,n. l and textual note 4.1. On thesisas
a literary-philosophicalgenre, seeabove, p. l On, 20.
8
See esp. Lloyd (1988) 33 ff., discussing both this term and the similar akolouthein.Lloyd interest-
ingly cites parallel usages in Mixtures;while suggesting that in some contexts the relation implied
may be that of a sufficientbut not necessarycondition, he also emphasizesthe indeterminacyof the
relation in the text. I cannot agree with the even more pessimisticview of Donini (2008) 200 that
the use of the term is in theory consistent with there being no causal influence.
338 The Capacities of the Soul
'to be consequent on' i but without any confidence that a real logical distinc-
tion is in play. Both terms could in fact perfectly well be translated 'follow' .9
As for the term dunarnis (capacity), it is worth briefly considering the
significance of the choice of term here, and its position in Galenic thought
more broadly. 10 A simple definition of capacity is given early in the text:
all that it means for something to have a capacity of a certain sort (say,
'perceptive') is that that thing is capable of doing the activity in question ,
('perceiving'). 11 1hus, the number of capacities something has is identical
co the number of activities.
In the specific context of the soul, the concept of capacity is developed
more fully in TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato. Essentially, the main
categories of human activity, both mental and, in· our terms, physiologi~
cal, can be seen as dunameis of the soul: the list would include intellectual
functions of various kinds; 12 perception; and voluntary motion via the
nerves; but also, for example, the nutritive function of blood-production.
An account of the soul's dunameis, then, is really an account of what the
soul does - of the soul in its entirety. It is also the case in The Doctrinesof
Hippocratesand Plato (as in The Capacitiesof the Sou[) that there is some
fundamental c0!16.Cctionbetween the dunameis of the soul and its ousia or
substance - that is, what it is in its essence or de.finition. 13 The claim that
the soul's capacities depend on mixture, then, is really the claim that the
soul in the entirety of its function_- and not just, say, certain of its patho-
logical manifestations - depends on mixture.
'Mixture' (krasis)is itself a tec~nical term, fundamental to Galen's view
of the composition, and health, of the human body. A mixture arises from
rhe proportion of the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry, these latter being
the basic constituents of animal bodies. The ramifications of the theory are
explored in particular in M~xtures,a work which has some close simHarities
9 A brief look at some of the (vast number of) instances of the terms akoloutheinand hepesthaiin
Galen may make one tempted to conclude that they are virtual synonyms,especiallyin viewof their
use in very similar contexts (both, for example, are used for the notion of a phenofuenon following
another 'by necessity').On the other hand, akolouthia(with the contrary term mache)has, at least
sometimes, a specificusage in relation to logical agreement or conflict. Specificresearchwould be
needed to establish the significant difference,if any, between Galen'suse of the two terms.
10 We explore below some of the waysin which the argument around dunamisis handled in the text,
as well as so1neof the Aristotelianrelations of that argument.
11
See QAM33-34 M. (tv.769-770 K.). The discussionof capacitiesin NaturalCapacities, esp. 107,8-
23 H. (U.9- l O K.) is also relevant here.
12 Jouanna (2009) discussesthe consistencyof Galen's account of, specifically,the intellectualcapaci-
ties; c£ below, QAM,n. 16.
l3 See PHP 368,20-29 DL (V.i15 K.) and 338,11-14 DL (V.481 K) for the proposition that there
are three ousiaiof the soul, each with different dunameis.
Introduction 339
with The Capacitiesof the Soul.14 It is noteworthy that the proposition of
characteristics 'depending on' mixtures appears in that text, too. And in
Mixtures we are also posed the question - which is not conclusively an-
swered -whether n1ixtures do, in fact, provide a full causal explanation for
everything in the human body. 15
A parallel question arises in The Capacitiesof the Soul, in a somewhat
differeht context: 16 are there any factors apart from mixtures which are
causally relevant? Two points should be considered here: whether mixtures
are the only bodilyfactors in play; and whether there are also relevant non-
bodilyfactors. The answer to the first question seems clearly affirmative, as
far as The Capacitiesof the Soul is concerned. Galen repeatedly insists rhat
the various bodily effects on the soul evidenced by his main authorities
(especially Plato, Aristotle, Hippocrates) come about, specifically, through
mixture - in a sense subsuming their discussions under his own theoretical
framework of krasis.17
But are there non-bodily factors which could also aflect the soul? The
proposed definition of the soul as identical with the mixture of the body
would seem to rule this out; but we shall consider the limitations of rhis
claim below. Though the interpretation of the 'final' position arrived at in
The Capacitiesof the Soul has been controversial, 18 it will, I think, become
clear from the following discussion that other causal factors are consid-
ered; and that Galen seems to put forward a subtler, more interactionist
picture.
This would then make the position of the work more consistent with
Galen's views .elsewhere, in two essential respects. One is the agnosticism
14
lhe Capacitierof the Soul could, indeed, be seen as providing a bridge between the mixtures-based
f!CCountof Mixturesand the capacities-basedaccount of TheDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato:see
below,pp. 360-361, and n. 72.
15
On uses of hepesthaiin Mixturesseen. 8 above; for different causal analysesin Mixtures,with its
mention of the possibility of a 'more divine' cause, see Temp.36,20-24 H. (I.566-567 K.) and
79,20-29 H. (I.635-636 K.); and see Singer (1997b); the crucial passagesare also now discussedby
van der Eijk (2014) and Singer and van der Eijk (forthcoming). See also below, QAM,n. 2 on the
similar phraseologyin the pseudo-AristotelianPhysiognomies.
16
In Mixturesthe context (in the passagescited in the previousnote) is the explanation of the forma·
tion of the animal body as a whole, as opposed to the specificcontext of the soul in QAM
1
? See e.g. QAM 41,1-6 M. (tv.778-779 K.): the effectsof wine are through the mixture created in
the body; 69,2-5 M. (tv.810 K.): the influenceof body on soul discussedby Plata must take place
via mixture; 51 ff. M. (IV.791 ff. K.): Arist0tle'saccount of the influence of the mother's blood on
the infant's character is a discussionof mixnire. C£ QAM,n. 114 (with which also ibid.,n. 131), on
the assimilationof the Hippocratic term 'mixture' (in context, something like 'climate') to his own;
and alsoQAM 66,14-16 M. (IV.807 K) for the insistence that Hippocratic environmental effects
happen via mixtures.
18
The broad differencesin interpretation have already been summarizedin n. l above.
340 The Capacities of the Soul
on the actual substance of the soul. 19 The
other is that educational inputs
are seen as somehow outside the physical analysis of the soul. 20
Galen and materialisms: 'Ml' and 'M2'
The terms 'physicalism' and 'materialism' - to which can be added 'mon-
ism' and 'somaticism' - all refer to a pOsition on the relationship between
soul and body, and all have been used, perhaps with insufficient preci-
sion, in relation to the present text. The use of the above terms risks
obscuring the distinction between two identifiably different positions,
both of which Galen considers seriously. These are: (1) the equation of
the soul with a paccicular body, e.g. pneuma (breath) or a particular kind
of pneuma; (2) the equation of the soul with a particular mixture or bal-
ance of elements.
The former might be called 'pure materialism': it is the statement that
the soul actually is a particular kind of material object. This position,
though hinted at in the context of the mention of Stoics and ofHecaclitus,
is not seriously at issue in the present work. It is, however, put forward as a
possibility (thougnnever formally adopted) at a number of other places in
the Galenic oeuvre, in particular in The Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato
and The Function ofBreathing.21
The latter has certain key differ_encesfrom that 'pure materialism'. We
might call it 'informed materialism'. It is obviously more flexible, in terms
of its potential to provide physical explanations: a different balance of ele-
ments will correspond to each of the three different pacts of the soul, for
example. Furthermore, a balance or mixture can continue to exist while
!9 As pointed out above, General intr.od.~ction,p. 33 this agnosticism is consistent throughout Galen's
work. TI1epoint is also emphasi~edby Donini (2008). Such statements of agnosticism occur at PHP
598,25-600.6 DL (V791-793 K.): Ut.Re,p.82,13 FW (N.472 K.) and 120,17 FW (N.501 K.);
cf. Prop.P/ac,187-190 BMP (110-123 N.); seealson. 21 below.
20 Seethe discussionbelow,p. 357, esp. in relation to eh, 11 of QAM78,19-79,9 M. (IV.820~821K.).
Cf. eh. 11 of An Medica 309,4-5 B. (I.337 K.),wherea distinctionis made betweenthoseethical
characteristics(ethe)which are due to innate factors,and so inextricablylinked withbodily mixture,
and 'those good or bad characteristicsthat come about through philosophy'.
2-l Ut.Resp.130,5 ff. FW (IV.509 K.):pneumais one of two things: the substance of the soul, or its first
instrument; PHP442,l 9-444, 11 DL (Y.605-606 K} pneumais the 'first home' of the soul (if that
is incorporeal), or is itself the soul (if corporeal) - but then proceeding to reject the second alterna~
tive. Cf. also SMTXI.731 K. (distinguishing himself from the Stoics, who dtJdeclare definitely that
the soul ispneuma);Hipp.Epid.V/271,6-19 WP (XVIIB.247-248 K.): an interesting statement of
his ignorance, quite reminiscent of, and consistent with, the position of The Capacitiesof the Soul;
Caus.Symp.VII.191 K. (again with the same dilemma of substance or first instrument - and the
additional remark that even in a different kind of work it would perhaps be bold to make a declara~
tion on the substance of the soul).
Introduction 341
the individual material substances come and go; if what goes is replaced
by an equivalent amount of the same type, the balance remains identical;
if not, we still have a balance, albeit a somewhat changed one. 22 'Informed
materialism', then, is clearly philosophically subtler than the 'materialism
proper'; it is also much closer to what we could understand as an Aristo-
telian position. Aristotle in the De anima says chat the soul is substance in
the sense of eidos('form') of a body which potentially has life.23 'Form' here
clearly refers to some principle which is to account for the body's function-
ing or activity. To equate that principle with a 'balance' or 'mixture' of ele-
ments will seem, to the modern reader of the De anima, a bizarrely narrow
reading. We need eidos to be something chat can account for the body's
activities in all their variety. Still, Galen seems to believe chat 'mixture'
could be the thing chat, in Aristotelian terms, could give chat account. Ir
may also be important (though ir is nor entirely clear chat Galen himself
acknowledges this subtlety) char a 'mixture' is nor, logically, a material
object, any more than is an Aristotelian 'form'. The <form' may be the form
of a body, and the mixture may be a mixture of elements, bur while you
can (for example) touch or taste individual elements, you cannot touch or
taste their mixture, any more than you can touch or taste a form or shape
(the colloquial English usage, for example in relation to cake mixture, is
misleading here).
Ir might be helpful to refer to the former position, 'pure materialism', as
Ml, and rhe latter, 'informed materialism', as M2.
Genre, historical context, intended audience
QAM is a thesis; this immediately situates it in the rhetorical culture in
which Galen was brought up and in which he competed: such theseswere
set, especially to scudentsi as exercises with which to prove their skill in
argument. Consistent with this context, too, is the work's use of argument
from authority- the virtuoso deployment of classic texts, which is central
to the work. These and other rhetorical features seem to put QAM in the
context of the epideixi?4 or public display speech, though we have no
22
formulation that the soul is the 'ratio' or 'proportion' (logos)of the mixture (cf.
· 'Theslightly subtler
n. 77 below) seems to make this point dearer. See below pp. 362 ff. also for the similar concept of
soul as a haml()nia('balance' or 'proportion').
23
De anima 412a19-21: OvayKo:iov&pa Ti)v lf'uxllv olJa{av ETvatWs d6os <1WµaTO$ q,ua1KoO
6uv&µsi{wllv SxovTO$.
24
On the 'Second Sophistic' context of Galen's work, see above, General introduction, pp. 4 ff.;
specificaHyon the context of the epideixis,and of Galen's activity in relation to ir, see von Staden
(l 997b).
342 The Capacities of the Soul
specific knowledge of its original circumstances of composition. Finally,
the work has a more or less clear personal target - 'more or less', both be-
cause we cannot identify any specific indiViduals whom Galen has in mind
and because, while (given that limitation) at least one target is very clear,
others may be arguable. The very clear target is a certain kind of Platonist
of Galen's time who believes that (Plato thought that) the soul is not influ-
a
enced by the body when the latter is in healthy state, even if it is damaged
by it in unhealthy states.25 These 'self-styled' Platonists are mentioned in
such a way that it is cleat that Galen has a specific set of people in mind;
furthermore, the whole text is structured to have maximum impact on a
Platonist audience- beginning with a reference to the Platonic psychologi-
cal framework, having Plato as the first philosophical authority cited, in
chapter 4, and leading up to Platonic texts as the climax of its assemblage
of authority.
There are, however, other targets in view, at least to a lesser extent. For
Galen is responding to, and in some sense aiming to 'trump\ the argu-
ments chat he has heard from contemporary Aristotelians. In passing, too,
the text addresses the views of other philosophers and sects, though it is
less clear, in chO'SCtcases, whether Galen is attempting to persuade specific
individuals from those sects, or rather just engaging in the rhetorical pro-
cedure of assembling arguments from authority.
What does Seemclear is that' th_epiece has a public, <show-off context;
and is aimed at an audience of philosophers or people who claim to be
interested in philosophy, rather than belonging within the more technical
genres intended for students of medicine or anatomy (or indeed logic).
A subsidiary rhetorical aim may, indeed, be the denigration of those who
claim to be 'philosophers' in his time at Rome - reminding us of the attack
on 'philosophers' in Affections and Errors.26 There, the contempt for 'phi-
losophers', in particular f9r school philosophers, is clear and explicit; in the
present text, it is perhaps implied. The superiority of Galen's arguments to
those of the 'philosophers' in philosophy and science- including, crucially,
his superiority in the areas they should know best, what their respective
masters actually believed - is the central theme.
25 Such is, indeed, the explicit view - closelyechoing the terms of qalen's argument, though not
explicitlymentioning him - of one very well-knownPlatonist, Produs, some three centurieslater;
see n. 87 below. . persuasive - even if such a preference only represents part of the story,
26 See esp.A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 59 ff DB (87 ff. K.), with n. 113. The question of Galen'sinteraction with,
and self-definitionin relation to, the philosophicalscene of his day is discussedfurther in Singer
(2014).
Introduction 343
Analysis of argument
Rhetorical versus explicit position
The consequences of the rhetorical nature of the text for the interpretation
of its philosophical position may, I think, be summarized as follows:
1 Orie may be invited, or emotionally encouraged, towards a position
which the author has not formally advanced, let alone attempted to
prove - and which, in some cases, the author would not in fact sub-
scribe to.
2 In the context of an argument that has specific targets and opponents,
the destruction of the false argument gains centrality while the con-
struction of one's own positive position recedes; it thus becomes much
easier to be clear about what positions are objected to than about
which position, precisely, is to be adopted in their place.
3 The rhetorical procedure of mustering the support of authority on
one's own side of the argument leads potentially to the blurring of
one>sown position. It: as in the present text, the author presents him-
self (at least some of the time) as defending a common line which he
shares with Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics and Heraclitus, that is bound to
undermine the precision with which that line can be drawn.
So, even in cases where Galen is not 'formally' advocating a particular
point of view, the text functions, as it were below the surface of the argu-
ment, in such a way as, not just to denigrate opponents and assert Galen)s
argumentative. superiority, but to make certain kinds of view seem like-
ly or attractive. The argument's rhetorical strategy, which is subtler and
more difficult to analyse than its philosophical structure, places some-
thing before us as plausibly attractive, and makes us more likely to accept
something which would look like, say, position/- even if position /is not
actually adopted, and in fact, for reasons of Galenic consistency, cannot
be adopted.
More specifically, in this text a number of different views which be-
long, or seem to belong, to the family of M2, or even Ml, are paraded
before the reader, without any one of them being 'officially' adopted. In
the process an instinctive Galenic preference for an explanation in terms
of the simplest physical level (qualities or elements) becomes clear, and
when one considers Galen's physiological and indeed teleological views
in the round.
344 The Capacities of the Soul
The argument: strategic aims
TI1e argument of QAM is sinuous and difficult co summarize, at times
darting between different concepts and propositions with alarming speed.
Let us begin our analysis with a summary of what seem to be the work's
main strategic aims:
1 to give some kind of statement (hOwever strong, and however consist-
ent) of the fundamental importance for the soul of what happens to
the body, and of physical, bodily composition;
2 co justify such a statement as being consistent with a range of authori-
ties, above all that of Plato;
3 co mount a polemic against Platonists of Galen's own time;
4 to emphasize the relevance of medical knowledge in the context of the
soul, and thus to elevate the status of Galen's own specialist knowl-
edge;
5 to reconcile with the present discussion the various accounts of the
soul - and of its relation to mixture - that Galen has given at different
points in his own work.
The five aims rhUs·-summarized have received different levels of attention in
the scholarly literature. Both aims (1) and (2) may be taken as undisputed
in principle, though, as we have seen, the precisenature and coherence of
the arguments·under (1) remain a _matter of debate. Aims (2) and (3) have
previously been considered in the contexts both of Galen's argumentative
use of authority and of his relationship with his intellectual milieu;27 (4)
has been a particular focus of recent discussions; 28 while (5) seems not
previously to have attracted significant attention. 29
Aim (1), certainly, is fundamental; however, both the fluidity and the
different status of the propositions of soul-body relations throughout
the work require particular· attention. So too does the different status of
27 For Galen's use of authority in this text specifically,see Lloyd (1988), and more generally,Vegetti
(1986/I999b), (1999a) and (2002). For a different kind of analysis, see Tie!eman (1996a) and
(2003a). For Galen in relation to his philosophical milieu, in particular 'Middle Plamnism', see the
discussionin the General introduction, above pp. 18 ff.
28 The arguments of Lloyd (1988) esp. 39-42, who in this context coined the phrase 'niedical pro*
treptic or medical apologetics' (40), are particularly relevant; Donini (2008) agrees in seeing the
peculiarities of the work as related to its aim of 'public promotion 9f the image and of the work
of rhe doctor' (201). Cf., in a similar vein, Bazou (1999) esp. xxi-xxii; and also Jouanna (2009).
An earlier view,Evans (1945) saw QAM as essentiallya work of physiognomies;this is essentiallya
variant of the 'aim (4)' thesis: the work is exalting the status of, specifically,the physiognomical
art;
but it does not reallyfit with a dose reading of the text as a whole.
29 But Donini (2008) does emphasizethe fundamental continuity, rather than conrradicdon, between
QAM and Galen'sother works.
Introduction 345
the different aurhorities appealed to, and the way in which such appeals
interact with, or function as substitutes for, other kinds of argument -
in particular those from everyday experience, from medical knowledge
and from propositions taken to have been proved elsewhere. Aim (3) is,
indeed, formative of the work's argumentative structure in a profound
way; but at the same time has a complicated relationship with aim (2);
moreOver, it stands in need of some expansion: for Galen argues not only
'within' Platonism but, in the development of a curious series of 'hypo-
thetical' arguments, within Aristotelianism and even Stoicism coo. Aim
(4) emerges as a theme of considerable underlying importance, but one
which is encountered, as it were, in passing, rather than constituting an
organizing principle of the discussion. To an extent, though, the 'in-pass-
ing' way in which pieces of medical knowledge ate inrroduced doubtless
enhances their 'show-off effect. Galen is casually pointing out that he has
an in-depth knowledge of such medical categories as mania, phrenitis and
melancholia;of the phenomena of heating and cooling in the body; and of
the effects of a variety of drugs; but crucially, he is simultaneously point-
ing out that such knowledge is of exrreme relevance to any theory of the
°
soul. 3 Finally, aim (5) constitutes a subsidiary strategic aim of the work;
and, although Galen does not attempt to bring all his discussions into line
with this one (the omission of Affectionsand Errorsand Avoiding Distressis
striking) it is interesting to see which accounts do - in Galen's retrospective
or assimilatoty view - fit with what he is saying here.
The text is best analysed in two distinct parts. Chapters 1-5 and to an
extent chapter 11 (section A), contain the most dense and philosophi-
cally interesting part of Galen's argument, as well as the most difficult to
analyse. They contain the work's most direcr (and difficult) philosophi-
cal propositions. They also contain the material that locates the text most
clearly, both in relation to Galen's other work and in relation to the intel-
lectual context of this one.
Chapters·6-10 (Section B) offer something rather different: an argu-
ment structured around a whole range of carefully assembled and ordered
textual authorities, culminating with Plato in chapters 9-10. Here Galen
(in a way that has been analysed in particular by Lloyd 31) moves with great
30
Note the clear rhetorical purpose here: taking (3) and (4) together,we have the result that his medi-
cal knowledgemakes Galen - in spite of his not belongingto any school - a betterPlatonistthan the
'Platonists' of his day.
31
Lloyd (1988) esp. 16--32.There are, as we shall see, other 'authoritative' texts beside Plato; but we
are reminded of the specialstatus of Plato in the text, both by his structural prominence (the philo·
sophical quotations are 'framed' by those of Plato, beginning in eh. 4 and ending with a series of
quotations from Timaeusand Laws in chs 9-10); by the fact, as we shall notice shortly, that certain
346 ]he Capacities of the Soul
facility from one text co another, deploying each as it seems most relevant
and persuasive in che particular context under discussion at each time,
skirting around any possible differences in view between the different au-
thorities (or between chem and himself), and offering, sometimes, highly
tendentious and/or selective readings - for example the interpretation of
trophein the narrow sense of 1nourishment' rather than the broader one of
'nurture'. Here, the texts assembled support the proposition of somekind of
influenceof bodily or external factors on the soul, not - at least not without
considerable interpretive strain - the much more specific proposition that
Galen is overtly crying to prove.
It is in section (A), then, that detailed philosophical analysis is most
relevant, in relation, especially, to aims (1) and (5). Aim (3) surfaces in
rather different ways in the two sections; as. indeed, does aim (2), as the
relationship with 'authority' is specific and unusual in section (A), while it
is handled in a rather more conventional way, though the particular form
of this 'mustering of witnesses' is still interesting, in section (B).Aim (4),
again, surfaces in different contexts throughout both sections.
Detailed analysis, section A
Aims (3) and (5) provide us with a basic orientation which assists us in
understanding the roles of the cross-references to Galen's own work, and
the status of references to and quotations from Plato in the argument; and,
in particular, in understanding the way in which Galen deploys various
kinds of argument which appeal either to Platonic authority or to a proof
elsewhere in his own work. These two kinds of appeal to what is known
from elsewhere ace then deployed in conjunction with various types of
argument from experience or .observation.
2 N,ot until eh. 4, QAM 38-39 M. (IV.775-777 K,), do we get some further, medically based,
Thus in chapter 2, after .rn:ikinga cross-reference to CustomaryPractice/1
in chapter 1, Galen raises·as the 'starting-point' of the discussion the observ-
able differences in childcen. 33 It wHl be helpful to label this proposition:
Platonic views are taken as fundamental propositions or starting~pointsfor the whole argument;
and by referencesthroughout the text to 'Platonists' who fuil to understand the senseof his writings.
The role of Aristotle and Hippocrates can be seen, by contrast, rather as providing cumulative sup~
port for Galen's position, alongside the wealth of orher considerations, from medical observation
and from other sources (including poets in eh. 4). The possibility- related to the interpenetration
of Platonism and Aristotelianismdiscussedabove- that Aristotelianauthority might have been felt
to be persuasiveevenfor a Platonittshould also be considered.
32 Or, possibly, CharacterTraits;see Q(!M, textual note 4.2; and see above, introduction to Ind.,
p. 47.
"QAM32.141f. M. (IV.768K.).
Introduction 347
MDC: there are Manifest Differencesin characterin small Children,
such that they must be the resultof nature, not nurture.
MDC is supported by appeal to observable facts - which, indeed, is the
only such appeal we get in the early pact of the argument 34 (it is revisited,
too, in chapter 11, in the concluding stage of the argument, where, again,
it is the only substantial part of the argument based on observation).These
observable facts, however, are not here given any detailed exemplification
or discussion; rather, one is referred to a 'thorough' discussion elsewhere
(presumably, that of CharacterTraits).MDC is, however, then used to sup-
port the statement that 'there are innate differences in the capacities of
each of the three forms or pacts of the soul' (and therefore also in their
substances). 35
That formulation is interesting. For it is pretty clear that MDC- which
itself relies on a fuller discussion elsewhere does not itself justify or prove
a specifically tripartire conception of the soul. If we turn to MDC as it ap-
pears in the fuller discussions (both in CharacterTraitsand in Affections),
the tripartite soul is not relevant co it in any central way; the key aim
in those discussions is, rather, to support the propositions (central to a
Platonic/Aristotelian understanding, but opposed to the Stoic view) that
children are not all naturally virtuous, and that therefore differences in
'nature' and not just 1nurture' are vital in the formation of character. Its
appearance here in The Capacitiesof the Soul (with the phrase 'of the three
forms or parts of the soul' as it were smuggled in, by comparison with the
argument as it appears in those other places36) is explicable in the context
where Galen (a) is talking to other Platonists (aim 3), and therefore does
not have to reassert the anti-Stoic (differences-in-innate-qualities' point,
34
empirical observations:the effects of excessiveheating, cooling, hemlock, build-up of humours in
the brain, etc.; chs 3-4 in general contain a smattering of such observations,but still remain domi-
nated by appeals either to Platonic and other opinion or t0 matters establishedby Galen elsewhere.
35
QAM33.7-16 M. (IV.768-769K.).
36 One may, I think, go further, detecting here, unless I am mistaken, a not uncharacteristicGalenic
sleight of hand. On a superficialreading, one is apt to gain rhe impression that in talking of'innate
differences'with regard to 'each of the three forms' - and thereforealso of their substances- Galen
is referring to the differencesin substance betweenthe three parts, and may thus cakeit that he is
, claiming that he has established - what might seem plausible enough a difference in substance
between the desiderative,located as it is in the liver,the spirited, located as it is in che heart, etc. But
he is in filctnot talking of such a difference,nor has he establishedor discussedanything of the sort
in the discussionsreferred to; there he is talking merely of differencesin the souls of children, and
has here quite simply added the specificationchat the differencesapply to the 'three parts' to that
proposition. One may go further: the notion that small children actually havethree parts of their
souls, in the relevant psychologicalsense, seems inconsistent with Galen'smore specificdiscussions
of child development.
348 The Capacities of the Soul
nor, indeed, to argue for the tripartite nature of the soul; (b) is exercised to
bring his previous discussions into line with this one (aim 5); and, finally,
(c) is keen to move from any discussion of the soul in terms of behaviour
or affection, as at the beginning of chapter 2, to a discussion which is rel-
evant to physical location and/or composition (aim !). It is in the context
of this argumentative development, then, that we arrive - with remarkable
speed - at the concept (substance>.37 ·
So: Galen has not felt it necessary to argue for the tripartite soul. Mov-
ing on to chapter 2 (34-36 M., IV.771-772 K.), again we see that, at the
first point in the text where the different urges of the three different parts/
capacities/substances of the soul are discussed, the discussion proceeds by
reference to Plato's opinion: a specific proposition, that each capacity has
its own desires, but that the 'desidecative' is so called by virtue of the face
that it has so many of chem, is justified purely by reference to Platonic
authority - as, indeed, at this point, is the very notion that there are three
differing capacities. When we move to the beginning of chapter 3, the
justification - of the fact of tripartition, and of the three different bod-
ily locations - is simultaneously on the basis of Platonic authority and
of proofs given elsewhereby Galen (he is here making a general reference
to the argument of 7he Doctrines of Hippocratesand Plato); in the (fairly
crucial) passage that then follows, tbe 'facc'38 that Plato believes that the
two non-ratiorial parts of the sOu} cease to exist at death functions as a
justification for Galen to address himself only to the question of mortality
of the rational part. That he cairns the proposition as proven in relation to
the other two, and, relatedly, chat he eh.en focuses entirely on the rational,
with its seat in the brain, have fundamental consequences for the subse-
quent argument.
In the progress of chapter 3, then, a problem arises. Galen is aware of
0
Plato's view of the immortaiity- and therefore, he takes it, the non-bodily
nature- of the rational sbul. This awareness triggers a diversion, via Aristo-
tle - which is itself assisted by a Galenically typical 'assimilation' of a piece
of Aristotelian terminology to a piece of Platonic terminology. Aristotle
calls 'homogeneous' what Plato calls 'first-born'. This apparently harmless
37 The use, in this context, in closesuccession,of the terminology of 'nature', 'form', 'part', 'substance',
is quite complicated and requires more detailed attention than can Qe given in this swnmary. It is
noteworthy that Galen has here already- in the formulation quoted above- used the term 'parts'.
The explicit use of the terminology of 'parts' (mere,moria)in relation to the soul in TheDoctrinesof
Hippocrates and Platois also relevanthere; and would again merit further discussion.
38 The interpretation seems extremelycontentious in Platonic terms - and indeed apparendy contra~
dieted by a Platonic passagewhich Galen himself quotes at P}!P600,6-18 DL (Y.793-794 K.). See
QAM,n. 28; md ,l,o Lloyd(1988) 19.
Introduction 349
suggestion has an important role: Aristotle is seen as fundamentally in rhe
same camp as Plato, sharing a framework of thought, following on from
his ideas. It thus seems natural co entertain at this point an Aristotelian
definition of the soul, namely as 'form' of the body. 1he particular incer-
p'retation that Galen puts on che Aristotelian definition of soul more
explicitly, the way or ways in which he is prepared to understand 'form' -
leads to· a 'physicalist' (or, using our above terminology, M2) interpretation
of the soul. The argument runs:
1 form, in this context, must mean form of the homogeneous parts;
2 the way in which those parts are organized is (on Aristotle's own ac-
count) through mixture;
3 if, therefore, Aristotle's definition (soul= form of body) is correct, the
rationalsoul is a mixture, namely the mixture in the brain (and there-
fore mortal).
This last statement has been arrived at on the basis of a hypothesis: the
hypothesis that Aristotle is right in his fundamental definition. It is on this
hypothetical basis, then, that Galen is asserting one of the most striking
and well-known statements of QAM:
7he Rational Soul is identical with the Mixture in the brain (RSM).
We note chat this is one of several similar, but by no means identical,
propositions that Galen will assert in the course of the text.
It is striking chat the argument leading ro this conclusion bypasses the ac-
count in terms of physiological capacities(central to 7heDoctrinesofHippoc-
ratesand Plato), making a connection directly between rational soul and the
physicalcompositionof the brain, rather than a connection between the ra-
tional soul and its capacitiesor activitiescommunicated through the body. 39
Furthermore, while representing the most radically 'physicalist' statement
of soul-body relations in Galen, the argument cakes no account of a quite
different 'physicalist' definition of the soul, which is floated in 7he Doctrines
ofHippocratesand Plato without being definitely accepted, namely that soul
= pneuma or bceath. 40 What is further striking is the interpretation of Ar-
istotle. We note (in spite of the considerable difficulties of the text at this
point) the vital role of Aristotle's biology, in particular the theory of levels
of composition, and of a particular interpretation of this in relation to the
concept of eidos,in leading to the very distinctive conclusion here.
39
See Manuli (1988) esp. 197 and 213, emphasizing the 'dynamic' model of soul~motions,which
(in her view) has only a secondaryconnection with hurnoral theory. On Galen'sfailure to adopt the
Aristotelians''capacity' option, see further below,pp. 359 ff.
40
See n. 21 above.
i
"
350 The Capacities of the Soul
Perhaps most important, though, for the structure of the argument, is
the hypotheticalstatus of the argument. What does Galen here take himself
to have proved? We are tempted to say: that the rational soul is a bodily
mixture. But this is only true if we can take it that Galen simply acceptsthe
Aristotelian definition (eidos... tou somatos)introduced at 37,6 M. (IV.773
K). In fact, not only does Galen not argue for this position; he also gives
no indication that he believes it. He merely says: 'when Aristotle so defines
it, we must ask him, or his followers ... '; he is, in reality, simply presenting
the logical consequences, in his view, of accepting that Aristotelian defini-
tion. Thus, RSM has, logically speaking, a purely hypothetical status: if
you are an Aristotelian, you should subscribe to it.
We then return at 38,4 ff. M. (IV.775 ff. K) to Plato. Galen raises
scepticism, or at the very least puzzlement, about the Platonic view of a
(rational) soul leaving the body at death; and the puzzlement is couched
in medical terms: why should heating, cooling, and so on, cause this de-
parture? Galen then ventures a doctrine which he feels to be consequent
on Plato's - that not every form of body is fitted to receive the rational
soul - but adds,, chat he cannot prove this doctrine, because of his own
ignorance (familiirfrom other places in his work) 41 of the substanceof the
soul. He then proceeds to consider at 38,20-39,20 M. (IV.776-777 K),
with further puzzlement/scepticism (and further medical examples), how
a non-bodily soul can both act on: and be acted on by the body. Consid-
erations from everyday experience and poetry, too, are put before us to
reinforce the definite fact that the bodily factors do certainly influencethe
soul, 39,20-42,2 M. (IV.777-779 K):we have moved here to somewhat
different territory, speaking not specifically of the rational soul but of the
soul in various contexts. Chapter 3 ends, without definitively rejecting
Plato's non-bodily soul, with·a further hypothetical: even if Plato is right
about the non-bodily nature of the [rational - although this is here no
longer stated] soul, then, 41,15-18 M. (N.779 K):
SSM: '!heSoul is Slave to the Mixtures of the body.
To summarize: in chapters 2 and 3, the argument has largely demonstrated
the consequences of being committed to, respectively, Plato's and Aristotle's
views, rather than argued for the truth of either on independent grounds.
At the beginning of chapter 4 a reference to 'the dry' and 'the wet' is
used to motivate the discussion at 42,9 ff. M. (IV.780 ff. K.) of a famous
passage of the Timaeus in relation to Galen's own view of the role of these
4! Seen.19above.
Introduction 351
qualities in intelligence/stupidity. Here we have the first case in the rext
of Galen's tendentious reading of Plato in a physicalist direction 42 - or
here, more precisely perhaps, in a literalist direction, purporting to find
in Plato's mythical creation account of\ouls set in a great river' an under-
standing similar to his own conception of 'moisture' and its effects on the
brain. Dryness, conversely, causes intelligence - witness the extreme lack
of moi.Sture of the stars!
We move rather abruptly- via another reassertion of SSM in relation to
both the rational and, a fortiori, the 'mortal' part of the soul at 44,2-9 M.
(IV.782 K) - to another reference to the tripartite soul, and at the same
time another fusion of Plato and Aristotle. The mixture of the heart is the
spirited part; the mixture of the liver is the desiderative (which Aristotle
called nutritive or vegetative), 44,9-11 M. (IV.782 K). We thus have here
the other two parts, having defined the rational soul above. The fusion
is interesting, conjoining Aristotle's biologicallyunderstood soul functions
with Plato's moral-philosophical category; this is a standard move on
Galen's part; what is unique, however, and rather informative is the ref-
erence to Andronicus, 43 to whom at 44,12-20 M. (IV.782-783 K.) he
attributes the proposition
ANDRON!CUS: substance of soul = mixture of body, or capacity
dependenton the mixture.
Apparently more confident of his physicalist (or M2) ground at this point,
Galen objects to that extra phrase, and thus we have a reassertion of the claim
that the Rational Soul is the Mixture in the brain (RSM). 44 But what appears
at first blush as a vacillation on Galen's part between this much stronger claim
(RSM) and the less strong claim that the Soul is Slave to the Mixtures of the
body (SSM) is, again, explicable in terms of the arguments' hypothetical sta-
tus·:solongas we remain within the contextof an Aristoteliandiscussion,Galen is
saying, we can rake RSM - that is, the physicalist (M2) position - as proven.
42
For a full discussionof this seeLloyd (1988) esp, 19 ff, It is alsointerestingto note the way in which
the same passagecould be read in an almost opposite sense, as showing that an equal influence
from, and thereforeseparateidentitiesof, soul and body must be acknowledged:c£ Produs, in Ti.
3, 326,9-12 Diehl, cited at Sorabji (2004) 209-210.
4
~ On Andronicus,the major Aristoteliancommentator-editor, and on other figuresin the Aristote-
lian tradition, see further below,pp, 359-369. The referenceto Andronicus' here wasdisputed, see
Donini (1974) 139, but is now establishednot only on the basisof the readingin the Aldine edition
but also on the authority of the Arabic version. See also Gottschalk (1987) 1113 with literature
cited there.
44
Gottschalk (1987) 1113, interestingly,discussingthis passage,suggeststhat what Andronkus may
have intended was in fact 'mixture,or rathercapacitydependent on the mixture'; if that is the case,
he was in fact onlyassertingthe Optionwhich Galen rejects.
352 The Capacities of the Soul
The chapter proceeds to consider rhe view of rhe Stoics at 45,4 ff M.
(IV.784 ff. K.). This is a fascinating passage from the point of view of
Galen's other work, because, although the Stoics' equation of soul with
pneuma is obviously close to Galen's position in Ihe Doctrines of Hippoc-
rates and Plato (with its 'soul' and 'life' pneumata), 45 he never explicitly
acknowledges that closeness - in spite, indeed, of mooting the possibil~
ity that pneuma actually is the substance of the soul - expressint him- ,
self almost always hostile to Stoic thought in relation to the soul. 4 Here,
without openly declaring for or against it, he argues, as it were, within the
Stoic theory, saying that, on the basis of their own doctrines, they must
prefer the view that soul arises from a mixture of air and fire. This, we
might think, may be in some way assimilable to Galen's views of hot and
dry in relation to intelligence, and to his own pneuma-theory. Yet Galen
does not, in fact, make any such connection (between Stoic views and his
own) explicit; nor does he commit himself to the views under discussion.
Rather, proceeding as if the Stoic version of physicalism (which would be
an 'Ml') were accepted, the chapter ends with certain conclusions being
drawn from that version of physicalism about characters being determined
by physical qualiiles; and the problem - to be revisited in chapter 11 - of
whether praise and blame can be allotted to character qualities, given that
physical causation. Again, then, the status of the argument is hypothetical
(we cannot, after all, take it that Galen is here simply accepting as true the
Stoic position on the soul and its bodily composition): if you are a Stoic,
you will subscribe to another view that 'comes under substance in the same
way', namely that:
7he substanceof the soul consistsin a mixture of air and fire (45,22-24
M., f\1.784 K.; cf. 45,9;-l 1 M., IV.783 K.).
It does, indeed, seem that,Galen is committed to the proposition arrived
at by the end of the chapter (which prefigures the longer discussion of the
same topic in chapter 11), of something at least close to physical determi-
nation of character. Yet that point has, logically, not been proven. At the
same time, though, Galen employs a different rhetorical technique - this
time an ironic distancing. Turning the possible philosophical consequenc-
es of the position contemplated into a sort of joke, he says that Chrysippus
owed his wisdom to a good mixture, the 'sons of Hippocrates' owed their
stupidity to excessive heat (45,24-46,7 M., IV.784 K.).
45 On 'psychic' and 'vital'pneumtl, see PHP VII, esp. 444-446 DL (V.606-608K.}; see also n. 21
above.
46 But cf. the passage from Cau,. Symp.cited inn. 21 above.
Introduction 353
The argument of chapter 5 is particularly interesting in relation to 'the
'hypothetical' status of the arguments discussed so far. At 46,12-17 M.
(IV.785 K.) Galen reasserts the status of the argument as dependent on the
acceptance of one of the (only) two possibilities available in philosophy -
the homogeneous or non-homogeneous nature of the universe, We are
thus committed to the propOsition: the universeis homogeneous. 47
As the chapter progresses, we have an appeal to another authority, this
time Heraclitus, again without any clear statement of the ex.cent to which
Galen subscribes to his doctrine. 48 But again, some kind of hypothetical
argument is clearly in play.
Yet Galen in this chapter does seem to take himself to have proved
something·, not just hypothetically. At 46,17-23 M. (IV.785 K.) we read:
'[on the basis of an assumption, then, we) have shown that the substance
of the soul is composed according to the mixture - if, that is, one does not
make the assumption that it is non-bodily, and able to exist without the
body, as Plato does'. A reassertion, then, that we should adopt one of the
alternatives RSM or SSM. To be more precise, the latter alternative SSM
is here implied rather than stated, the actual 'Platonic' statement being:
P: Ihe soul is non-bodily and able to exist without the body.
The language is that of hypotheses or assumptions, and alternatives; yet
the 'assumption' from which Galen at 46,18-20 M. (IV.785 K.) takes this
proposition to follow - 'that our substance undergoes alteration, and that
its mixture brings about the natural body at the homogeneous level' -
seems to be presented as undeniable, on the basis of the homogeneity that
we have just been committed to. 49
At 48,3-8 M. (IV.787 K.), we again have a restatement of the two al-
ternatives, RSM (here in the slightly different form, 'the soul is a form of
a homogeneous body') and SSM, with a nod to the 'epistemonic' kind
of argument used in PHP regarding the brain as the seat of the rational
soul. This time RSM is put in the conditional clause; if RSM, then our
47
Note that this commitment is again based on propositions stated (46,16-17 M., IV:785K.) co have
been demonstrated elsewhere, this time in TheElementsAccordingto Hippocrates.
48
The text introducing Heraditus at 47,9-11 M. (IV:786K.) is highly problematic; see QAM, textual
note 4.26.
49
The fact that a number of legs seem to be missing from the argument to make the proposition
'either RSM or SSM' follow from the homogeneity of the universe may or may not affect our as~
sessment of the status of the truth-claim Galen is making here. But the precarious nature of his
intellectual moves here seems to be tacitly acknowledged by Galen himself. Afi:er all, if there really
were a logical consequence, then RSM would have been proved;rather, we are left, logically, with
the proposition: 'RSM, unless Plato is right - in which case, rather, nor-RSM.'
354 TI1e Capacities of the Soul
proposition - presumably, simply, that of the title- 'proceeds directly from
the substance of the object under discussion' - that is, it follows auto-
matically from its very definition. 50 If, on the other hand, rhe soul is non-
bodily (P),5 1 then still, at least, SSM - as Plato himself admits.
Here, then, Galen again seemsto be presenting the proposition, 'either
RSM or SSM' as proven, or at least as his own clear view; in fact, though,
unless one can count char very unclear lOgical move from the homogeneity
of the universe, he has not advanced any further arguments for chem; and
they are still presented as two hypotheses. 52 While the rhetorical presenra.-
tion implies chat a choice between RSM and SSM is unavoidable, rhe logi-
cal position behind each of these propositions is, as we have seen, rather
complicated, and it is difficult to justify a higher than hypothetical status
for either of them
Now, if we accept P rather than RSM we have proved precisely noth-
ing about the soul's dependence on the body - aside from a few empirical
observations or appeals to accepted wisdom in the course of chapters 3-4.
It thus becomes essential for Galen to show chat on the assumption of P
we do indeed get SSM. The argument to this conclusion then proceeds on
the basis of a mbiture of appeals to medical facts, some of which follow
immediately at 48-49 M. (IV.787-789 K.),53 and appeals ro authority
especially, of course, Plato's. The most powerful argument for SSM, after
all, in the eyes·of the committed Platonist - someone who subscribes to
P - will be, quite simply, to show that Plato believed it.
Detailed analysis, section B
The argument of this section is less philosophically intense than chat of
section A. The basic structure of chapters 6-10 is in a way a simple one:
texts from Aristotle, Hippbcrates and finally - climactically - Plato are
brought forward as evidellce for the coincidence of their views in this area
50 But note that the proposition of the title concerned, specifically,soul-capacity,and not just 'soul';
see the discussionabove,p. 338.
5! The preciseform of the proposition here is in fact (if I am right to followthe MSS againstGoulston's
emendation; see QAM,texrualnote 4.27) 'that the sOulis immonal, having its own specificnature'.
This can, I think, be subsumed without undue distortion under the proposition 'the soul is non-
bodily': Galen characterizesPlato's view simultaneouslyin terms of 'non-bodily' and 'ilnmorta.l'
(and in facr more often of the latter); see also QAM,textual note 4.24.
52 To be more precise,RSM and Pare here presentedas two hypotheses,with SSM followingfrom the
latter - or, to be even more precise,being admitted to be the case, even by Plato.
53 It is in this context that we get the most detailed account within this text, at 49,1-11 M. (IV.788-
789 K), of precise medical knowledgein relation to the soul, with the referenceto melancholy,
phrenitis,maniaand certain extreme forms of derangement.
Introduction 355
with Galen's. 54 The diff<:rent role of the three is important: Plato not just
'crowns' the work, but in a sense frames it: his were also the first philo-
sophical texts quoted, in chapter 4. Moreover, several remarks about 'Pla-
tonists', implying clearly that Galen is responding to a particular, contem-
porary group of such people whose views he objects to, remind us of the
prevalence of aim (3) above. To that extent, Galen is almost arguing within
Platonism: his medical experience, allied to a superior understanding of
the texts, actually makes him a better Platonist than the Platonists.
The quotation of extensive texts of Aristotle is not given any explicit
justification - any more than that of those of Plato. Here, it may seem,
we have a fairly classic rhetorical procedure: the production of a series of
different wi-tnesses, who, by their number and by the distinction of their
reputation, will support the plausibility of the speaker's view - if he can
persuade us that they are indeed in agreement with it. But there is some-
thing else going on, too. When Hippocratic texts are introduced, Galen
feels constrained to say that he does not follow Hippocrates as an authority,
however great he was, but only because he finds his 'demonstrations' true
on independent grounds. No such qualification was required in the cases
of Aristotle and Plato. That, surely, was not because Galen wanted to sug-
gest that one should accept chose people's authority uncritically - which,
certainly, would be contrary to his stated views in relation to the following
of philosophical sects - bur rather because he is addressing people who do
accept their authority. The argument is, again, in a way, within Aristote-
lianism and within Platonism; and is, I suggest, fundamentally linked to
the hypothetical ones seen above in section A: if you follow Aristotle, you
should agree with me because he supports my argument in this area; and
similarly with Placo.55
The Aristotelian texts cited in derail are Parts of Animals and His-
toria Animalium. 56 What, though, are they taken to prove, or support?
Certainly, some kind of influence of body on soul; and the texts that Galen
cites here have two main kinds of relevance: some discuss the relation of
animal characteristics to their bodily composition; and some talk of physi-
ognomies (the close relationship between outward physical characteristics
54
,The employment of texts in this section has been analysed,with very useful points of detail, by
Lloyd (1988).
55
And here the intricate mutual involvementof, and cross-fertilizationbetween, Peripateticand Aca-
demic thought at this period of 'Middle P!atonism', which has been so clearlyanalysedby Donini
(as a phenomenon in its own right and in its specificrelation to this text) is surely a relevant back-
ground; see esp. Donini (1974), (1980), (1982) and (1992).
56 It is, incidentally,the same Aristotelianbiologicaltexts,esp. PartsofAnimals,which are of particular
importance for Galen in Mixtures-, see Moraux (1985).
356 The Capacities of the Soul
and ethical character). Now, we will not get from these texts anything like
the bold statement RSM: in this part of the text Galen (necessarily) retreats
from anything as philosophically specific as that.
Furthermore, while these texts from Aristotle's biology are brought for-
ward to support the dependence of soul-characteristics on body-charac-
teristics, the direction of causation in Aristotle's biology - and indeed in
Galen's interpretation of it - is a problematic question. Aristotle, indeed,
has a theoretical position whereby the physical composition comes about
'for the sake of', or in order co suit, a particular soul. It is a position explic-
itly referenced by Galen in '!heFunction of the Partsof the Body, and there
are similar hints in Mixtures.57
We move, from the beginning of chapter 8, 57,14 M. (IV.798 K.), to
'Hippocrates', and to a number of well-known citations from the discus-
sion of the relationship of climate to character in Airs, Waters,Places.Here,
at lease, the direction of causation seems to be relatively clear, and seems
to support the rhetorical thrust of Galen's argument. We are, or course,
far from anything to do with soul-capacityin Galen's sense, let alone the
tripartitesoul. (?n the other hand, as we have seen, Galen is keen to assert
that it is, specificaUy, via mixture, in his sense of the term, that the causal
influence takes place. 58 A text from EpidemicsII follows - a crucial one for
Galen, used also elsewhere. 59
In chapter 9',an ad hominem reference at 64,19-23 M. (IV.805 K.) to
some 'self-styled Platonists' who admit that the soul can be affected by the
body in diseasebut not in hea!th6°leads into some texts from the Timaeus
57 See UP i.1,13-2,24 H. (III.2-3 K.): parts of the body are as they are becauseof the soul; also
Temp. 35,28-36,5 H. (I.565-566 ~.), explicitlyciting Aristotle's Parts of Animals for _theview
that the body's activitiesmust be .appropriateto the soul's character;and cf. Temp.79,23-28 H.
(I.635-636 K.), suggestingtha; Arisrode was himself in doubt on the precise causal account, in
particular,whether it requiresa 'more divine source' than just hot, cold, dry and wet. On the corn~
plex question of Aristotle'sviewof the relationshipof soul to bodilycomposition,and of the nature
of his causalexplanationsin this area,see esp. the essayscollectedin Gotthelf and Lennox (1987);
the discussionby Lennox (2001) in his detailedcommentaryon PartsofAnimals (as well as further
bibliographythere cited);van der Eijk (2000) and (2005) 206-237. There is a usefuldiscussionof
Galen'srelationshipwith Aristotle'sbiologicalworks by Moraux (1985). Seealso above,pp. 35-36,
120, 337; and Singer(l997b).
58 This is true in the context not only of the Hippocratic texts, but also of the precedingAristotelian
and subsequent Platonicones; seen. 17 above for Galen'sexplicitstatementsto this effect,
ssiSee QAM, n. 128, with further references:the text is of particularvalue to Galen as presentingthe
closestthing to something like the tripartite soul that Galen can find in 'Hippocrates': on Galen's
interpretation, it can be seen as affirmingthe relationshipbetween the heart/arteriesand the 'spir~
ited' soul in the Platonic-Galenicsense.
60 On evidence for such views among later philosophersin the Platonic-Aristoteliantradition, see
below,n. 87.
Introduction 357
and Laws, which Galen takes to clinch the argument in his favour; these
quotations and the discussion of them continue through chapter 10.
In chapter 11, finally, Galen at 73,3-11 M. (IV.814 K) returns to a
standard anti-Stoic polemic (not all are born virtuous); and moves from
the assertion of innate differences to the well-known passage at 73, 13-
74,21 M. (814-816 K) in which he espouses the compatibility of praise
and blame with the dependence of character on such innate features. This
strong compatibility statement is striking, and has attracted considerable
attention 61 - although Galen himself, manifesting a characteristic and
frustrating tendency to deal with a fascinating philosophical issue with
extreme brevity, devotes no more than a couple of pages to the discussion.
We gee, in-this final chapter, a statement of the relevance of mixture, and
therefore 'dietary' factors, to the soul, which - though not, perhaps, out
of line with that of certain other works, e.g. Matters of Health, Customary
Practices,even CharacterTraits- is, arguably, considerably stronger than
those in its implications. The motivation for the statement of compatibil-
ity, after all, must be the belief that the 'dependence' of soul on body has
been demonstrated in, at least, a pretty strong sense of the term hepesthai
or akolouthein.
And yet, within this same chapter 11, Galen talks of other influences,
especially that of education, which ate not obviously describable within the
causal framework of mixture. 62 Even while asserting the proposition that
the main Origin of vice is innate, Galen is acknowledging the importance
of educative influences in increasing or diminishing it; and in this context
he in fact makes an explicit distinction between mixture and education
ot habituation as causal factors, esp. at 78,19-79,4 M. (IV.820-821 K).
Furthermore, we seem to have, at 74,4-9 M. (IV.815 K.), a quite specific
description of a reciprocalprocess of influence.
In conclusion, it is not clear that it is necessary to convict Galen of vac-
illation in his own statements of the soul-body relationship in this work,
though it may be necessary to convict him of unclarity over the precise
nature of the causal relationship that he has committed himself to; and
indeed, over the precise nature of his own relationship with the texts - and
philosophical positions that he presents us in this text.
61
E.g. by Donini (1974), (1980), Lloyd {1988), Hankinson (199lc) and (1993). 1he brevity of
Galen's treatment - and, more particularly,his apparent belief rhat he has thus dismisseda topic
which had alreadyattracted a considerabledegree of sophisticateddebate - is commented on by
Donini (2008) 202.
62
See Bazou(1999) xviii-xxv,drawingattention to such limitationsto Galen's'physicalism',
358 The Capacities of the Soul
Galen has, indeed, refused to commit himself on the central question of
substance of the soul - in a way which is quite consistent with his practice
elsewhere. 63 For RSM was always only a statement of what an Aristotelian
ought to be committed to; just as SSM is a (minimal) statement of what
a Platonist must believe. Galen does not, confusingly, propose RSM (an
M2-type soul-body identity thesis) in his own mouth - leaving, intrigu-
ingly, the possibility open that he actually prefers (as he suggested in PHP)
the Stoic-style equation of rhe soul with a specific bodily substance (what
we have called an Ml position).
But RSM and SSM are presented as hypothetical views. Certainly one
gains the impression,as we have seen, that Galen is himself committed to
either the Aristotelian or Platonic position. But one also gets the impres-
sion of an author carried away by his own rhetoric. It makes little sense to
see Galen actually adopting the RSM as his final statement on the nature
of the soul, when almost no connection is made between this mixture-
based model and the capacity-based model of the soul developed in lhe
Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato (and so crucial to his physiology and
even his pathology elsewhere).
What Galen iS ictually, explicitly, committed to in this work is, rather,
the statement in the title: that the soul's capacities depend on the mixtures
of the body. That the precise nature and definition of that dependence
is not clear, or i::rnot always stated: in the same terms, is undeniable. The
rhetorical structure of the argument forcefully encourages us towards the
adoption of a position, without. that position's being strictly defined.
The sense of hepesthai(or akolouthein)- or, indeed, of the emotionally
loaded terms, 'being slave to' or 'being dominated by' (douleuein,despoz-
esthai),which are used especially in the context of Plato's view64 - must
emerge from the context in ~ach case: the context either of the texts _which
Galen cites and commenrt on, or of his own observations from medical
experience or everyday life.
By the end, we have seen, we may gain the impression that he favours
something like complete physical determination. But, as we have already
indicated, there are serious caveats to such an interpretation, 65 as also to
63 One could, indeed, see this as one of the most consistentfeaturesof Galen'sphilosophy;for specific
referencesseen. 19 above.
"' QAM 41.17 M. (fV.779K.); 44,5 M. (IV782 K.); 48.7 M. (IV.787K.). Cf. Donini (2008)200-
201, seeingthe terminologyof tWuleueinand despozesthaias much strongerthan that of hepesthaior
akolouthein.
65 Seealso Lloyd (1988) esp. 37 and 40-41 for an appropriatelynuanced account of the extent of the
determinism claim.
Introduction 359
the view chat lhe Capacities of the Soul advances a position superseding
that of Galen's other writing on the soul.66
Historical background: Platonists, Aristotelians and the later
Platonic-Aristotelian tradition, especially in relation to
mixture and the soul
lhe Capacitiesof the Soul has as part of its historical context a particu-
lar group of Platonists. Though we do not know specifically who these
are, their tendency to downplay the importance of the body may be seen
as consistent with certain trends to be observed in the 'Neoplatonism' of
a generation or more after Galen>s time (most famously represented by
Plotinus). 67 Similarly in the case of the 'Aristotelians' mentioned with some
apparent disparagement, we have a strong sense that Galen is responding
to actual Aristotelians around him; but none is addressed directly.
The only Aristotelian mentioned, in fact, is Andronicus, the first-cen-
tury BCE editor of and commentator on Aristotle. Andronicul works are
not extant; and any notion that he had a serious influence on Galen's Ar-
istotelianism would be speculative. But the particular interpretation that
Galen attributes to him is of interest both for its unique occurrence in Ga-
len's discussions of che soul and for its similarity With the views of certain
Aristotelians whose work we do have. This is the view that 'the substance
of the soul is either a mixture or a capacity dependent on the mixture',
44,14--15M. (IV.782 K.). At this point in the text, Galen states his ap-
proval of this interpretation, with the qualification that he would prefer to
omit the second possibility, 'capacity dependent on the mixture'.
The relationship of this passage with the Aristotelianism of Galen's
time, and in particular with the major Aristotelian commentator, Alex-
ander of Aphrodisias, has been much discussed in recent literature. 68 The
66
Such a view would presumablyentail the notion that Galen would, theoretically,wish to rewrite,
e.g.,Affectionsand TheDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato.The former,presumably,would then have
to givea viewof practicalethics directlylinked to bodilystates rather than to rational interventions,
or at leastexplainingthe latter in terms of the former; and the latter would havero re-definethe role
of physiologicalcapacitiesin the !ighrof the 'new' QAM-viewof mixtureas all-pervasivederermin-
, ing cause.I suggestthat, if one conducts such a thought-experiment,one willfeelthe improbability
that Galen either meaningfullycould, ot would wish to, carry out such rewriting;and that this
considerationfurther supports our view that the continuities in his thought a.restronger than the
disparities,and the peculiaritiesof individual works dependent on their particular projects rather
than on underlyingphilosophicaldifferences.
67
And, as alreadyremarked,the position Galenattributes to such 'Platonists'findsa veryexplicitecho
in the work of Produs severalcenturies later;seen. 87 below.
98
See n. 73 below.
360 The Capacities of the Soul
statement, however, is striking in itself - in Galenic terms. Why does
Galen here resist the 'capacity' view? Capacities (dunameis) are central
co his physiological account of the soul, especially in Ihe Doctrines of
Hippocratesand Plato. It is they, and not mixrnres, which feature in his
sophisticated account of how the soul functions in the body, through its
three centres: brain, heart and liver. The dunameis of the soul account for
perception and voluntary motion, and' in the case of the liver for desires
related to nutritio.n and survival, as well as arguably foe blood-pumping,
blood-production and nutrition itself (though the latter may be seen
as bodily capacities, in theory Galen sees the 'soul' and 'body' aspect of
brain, heart and liver as different ways of describing the same entity).
Thus, dunameiselsewhere provide Galen with his most powerful explana-
tory tool in, precisely, the area of the relationship of soul and body. It
is Ihe Capacitiesof the Soul that is the 'odd one out' with its insistence
on the supremely powerful explanatory role of mixture. What one seems
to need, in fact, is a way of linking these two models of explanation; 69
and one might have thought that 'capacity dependent on the mixture'
would do precisely that. Moreover, the adoption of the dunamis option
would seem to a'.VOidcertain objections to a straightforward equation of
soul with mixture: objections which, as we shall see, were surely around
in Galen's time (though he ignores them). 70
What, then, ls Galen's objection w the 'capacity dependent on the mix-
ture' interpretation? It may be that the notion of the soul's being one,
single dunamis is incorrect: ther~ are several dunameis belonging to one
ousia.71 And indeed this is the objection that Galen explicitly makes at that
point in the text. On this view, then, Galen would rather speak of an ousia
(or three ousiai)which is (or are) identical with the relevant mixture; and
it would then be this mixture·that has a variety of capacities. Now, talk of
a 'mixture, itself having a. v3.riety of 'capacities' would seem strange, and
certainly Galen does noniirectly use that language. Galen does not explore
in any detail the possible implications of the theory he here floats - either
69 Preciselysuch a link seemsin fact to be providedby the remark, at Praes,Puls.IX.305-306 K., that
Galen can now state that the (lUsiaof a dunamisis a mixture of a particular type; but that, as far as
I can tell, is a passingsuggestionrather than a posidon whose implicationsare followedthrough
elsewhere.Seealso n. 72 below.
70 On this point see below,pp. 368-369.
7l Galen'scommon usage ls ro speak of three dunameisof the soul (in brain, heart and liver respec~
tively);more precisely(cf. n. 13 above),he states that these are reallythree ousiai(the term archai,
'sources'is also used in this context in TheDoctrinesof Hippocrattsand Plato),each with a plurality
of dunameis.
Introduction 361
its logical implications, or the precise way in which it might be integrated
with the dunamis-theory of Ihe Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato.72
We are back with the context in which the ousia ==krasis notion is pre-
sented. Galen is at this point mainly concerned to prove what an Aristote-
lian ought to think. And it is in that context that he asserts that one must
say that 'the substance of the ·soul is a 1nixturejj not 'the substance of the
soul is a capacity dependent on the mixture'. In the passage where Galen
states his objection to the 'capacity dependent on the mixture' view, he is
actually stating Aristotle, objection: it is his view chat the soul is a single
substance with several capacities (though doubtless in this case his view
coincides with Galen's), and his view that substance in this context must be
an eidos(and therefore also a krasis);the whole clause putting forward the
objection is, formally speaking, a conditional clause with the fundamental
sense: 'if Aristotle is rigbt'.
Modern scholarship has discussed in some detail the precise relation-
ship between Galen and Alexander of Aphrodisias - whether they knew
each other personally, or debated together, or whether at least Galen could
have known some of Alexander,s work; to what extent if at all Alexander
is influenced by, or reacting to, Galen's work (in particular Ihe Capacities
of the Sou[) in his writings on the soul. There are, furthermore, complica-
tions surrounding '.Alexander', since of the two most relevant works for our
present discussion, only one, De anima, is definitely by Alexander, while
the other, Mantissa, is of disputed auchorship.7 3
It will suffice for our purposes to say that both Galen and the two
'.Alexander, texts mentioned give evidence of a discussion of the defini-
tion of the soul's substance that was alive in Aristotelian circles in the late
second century CE - a discussion centring on the concepts of krasis and,
sometimes, the dunamis arising from it.
72
Parallel,and to an extent overlapping,questions, regarding the complexitiesof Galen'sdtmamis~
theory and the extent to which it is reconciledwith other areasof his physicaltheory,are explored
byVegetti(1999a).
73 Rather than enter into the complexitiesof these arguments, I point the reader towardsa range of
recent discussions.First of aU, Sorabji (2004) provides the essentialstarting-point for any non-
. specialistin this field, with its invaluablecollection, in translation, of the most relevant texts on
psychologyin the Platonic-Aristoteliantradition in late antiquity.For an overviewof interpreta·
tions of Aristotle on the soul in late antiquity, see also Blwnenthal (1996). On Andronicus, see
Gottschalk (1987) esp. 1113; on Alexander,and on Galen in relation to him, see Donini (1974),
(1980), (1982) and (1987) esp. 1248-1249; Todd (1977); Accattino(1987) and (2005);Accattino
and Donini ( 1996),esp. (introduction)vi; Bergeronand Dufour (2008);Sharples(1987) esp. 1179
with notes 18-21 and 1203 with notes 79-81; Sharples (2004) and (2008); Tie!eman (1996b);
Kupreeva(2004).
362 The Capacities of the Soul
74
Let us briefly look at sorne texts which give evidence of this discussion.
Mantissa 1, 104,22-33 Bruns, trans. Sharples (2004) [the context is a
discussion which insists on the incorporealdefinition of the soul: all forms
are incorporeal]:
And soul is actuality not ... as mixture or blending (krasis)... Certainly
these come to be present in the bo4y, for it is through these that [there
exist) the organs which soul uses; but [soul] itself is some capacity and sub-
stance which,supervenes on these. The body and its blending are the cause
of the soul's coming-to-be in the first place. This is clear .from the difference
between living creatures in respect of their pares. For it is not the souls that
fashion their shapes, but rather the different souls follow on (epakolouthein)
the constitution (sustasis)of these ... difference in.soul follows on a certain
sort of blending of the body ...
Mantissa 2, 112,11-16 Bruns, trans. Sharples (2004):
(W]hen, from che body that was blended, there cornes co be fire or some-
thing of this sort as a result of the mixture, which is able to provide an
instrument fOr this intellect, which is in this mixture - for it is in every
body, and this. too is a body - , then this instrument is said to be intellect
potentially;'Sifpervening on this sort of blending of bodies as a suitable po-
tentiality for receiving the intellect that is in actuality.
Alexander, De anima 24,18-26,30 Bruns (my translation):
One must not make the assumption that those who say that the soul is an
eidoswhich arises in the case of (or, in dependence upon (epi)]such-and-
such a blending and mixture 'of the bodies that underlie it are ·saying that it
is a harmonia. For the fact that it' Cinnot exist without such a mixture and
blending does not,therefore mean that it is the same as that mixture. [1here
followsa parallelwith the 'capacities'
of drugs,which arisefrom a particuhr
mixture orproportion,bu(-drenot identicalwith it.] For the capacity and the
eidossupervening/arising upon (epigignomenon)che mixture of the bodies
according to such-apd-such a proportion is soul. - not the proportion of
the mixture, nor the composition ... It is rather in the opinion of those
who generate the soul from a particular sort of mixture and composition
of certain things that the soul might be a harmonia or a composition ac-
cording to a harmonia of certain bodies; the Stoics would be among these
(for they say that it is somehow put together from fire and air), as well as
the Epicureans ... and in Plato's opinion too the substance of the soul is
from a composition of certain things put together .in a certain proportion,
as he says in eh~ Timaeus... But according to one who Says that the soul is
not simply the constituents, but a capacity generated in the case of [or,'in
74
It should be borne in mind in what followsthat the text Mantissais not only of disputed authorship
but quite probably not all by the same author, For most recent discussionsof these questions, see
Accattino (2005); Sharples(2004) and (2008).
Introduction 363
dependence upon' (epi)]a certain kind of mixture and blending of the·pri-
1nary bodies, the krasiswill have the role of matter, but the substanceof the
soul will not be according to the harmoniaand krasis(as is their conclusion),
but according to the capacity generated epi it.
A number of interesting points emerge from these brief excerpts. One
is that krasisis being given a Strong causal role by Aristotelians, even when
it is not being given the definitional role which Galen believes they should
give it. Another is that we have evidence of a debate between the two
possibilities Galen explicitly mentions in the context of his reference to
Andronicus (or at least, something very like them): soul as a mixture or
balance and soul as a capacity supervening on that.
The reader of Alexander>s De anima is struck by similarities elsewhere in
the text too. The employment of arguments from the fundamental nature
of physical or biological composition of bodies in the natural world is cen-
tral to both; and in this context there seem close verbal echoes in terms of
the use of such terms as 'natural body', 'composite\ etc.75
It seems clear that, whatever the precise relationship of the texts, Galen 1
Alexander and the author of Mantissa are all conscious of and engaging in
a debate in this particular area that was alive in the late second century.
And, as the last passage cited from Alexander makes clear, this was a debate
not just about the correct philosophical position, but about the correct
position for an Aristotelian, as opposed' to the adherents of other sects, to
adopt consistently with his views.
Alexander in the De anima in one sense seems to support Galen's point
of view, in that he identifies a considerable consensus in favour of soul as a
harmonia or mixture; 76 it is just that he thinks that consensus wrong. It is
in fact interesting to compare Alexander's summarization of others' views
here with Galen's. A further difference in perspective is that for Alexander
this debate over the definition of the soul's substance is not relevant to the
question of the soul's immortality, as it seems to be for Galen. Alexander
is clear that the soul does not survive death; the preference for a definition
other than one in terms of balance or mixture has other motivations.
Also relevant here is the view attributed to Alexander (and to doctors)
that the soul is a 'ratio' or 'proportion' (logos)of the mixture.77 Nemesius'
75
See the argument of De anima 3,22 ff. Bruns (with its deployment of the terms phusikon soma,
suntheton)in comparison with that of chapter 4 of QAM.
76
As pointed out by Donini (1974) 155,
77
By Philoponus, in deAn. 9,23-26; 26,22-23; 33,1--6; 50,31 ff; see notes in van der Eijk (2005)
and van der Eijk (2006) 136 n. 182. The PeripateticDkaearchus is also reported to have held this
view- which can perhaps be held to belong more dearly to the 'M2' -type view discussedabove.
364 "Ihe Capacities of the Soul
characterization of Aristotle's view of the soul as a 'quality' (poiotes)of the
body, again, seems to be connected with this way of thinking, 78
We have, then, evidence of some support for the 'informed material-
ism' (M2) option within second-century CE Aristotelianism; and rather
more evidence for the view that the soul (or at least intellect) 'supervenes
upon' the mixture or balance of eleme~ts, or indeed is a 'capacity super-
vening upon' them, This last formulation in particular is strikingly close
to the one which,,as we have seen, Galen attributes to Andronicus, and
explicitly criticizes.79 The terminology of 'supervening on', meanwhile, has
been related by recent scholars to the modern philosophical view known as
'epiphenomenalism'. 80 Without entering into the complexities of a range
of subtle arguments within the Aristotelian traditioil, we may say in sum-
mary that in the modern position termed 'epiphenomenalism', but cer-
tainly not in all the Aristotelian antecedents that seem to resemble it, it is
clear that mental events are caused by physical events, without reciprocally
affecting them,
In fact, for at least some authors, this terminology of 'supervening' or
'arising upon' (epigignesthai)seems actually to provide an alternative to
the 'dependence' cir 'following' (on the part of a capacity) which Galen
attributes to Andronicus. The details are complex; but sometimes the term
seems to be employed in the context of an argument to deny too a strong
causal role to tlie mixture, This seems the case, possibly for the author of
Mantissa 2, and certainly for the much later (sixth-century) Aiistotelian
commentator, John Philoponus,81, (It is also possible, though speculative,
that at least some such discussions in the Aristotelians are in fact responses
to Galen's arguments against Aiistotelians in 'JheCapacitiesof the Soul.)
However that may be, it can be stated at least that it is the close relative,
1
or predecessor, of this 'cap~city~supervening~upon noti6n which .Galen
finds in the Aristotelians of his time, and which he rejects; or at least, he
believes that they ought 'to reject it. In doing so, Galen is involved in a
rhetorical and scholarly competition: he is defeating Aristotelians at their
own game (that is, showing that his understanding of Aristotle is superior
to theirs, though he is himself not actually an Aristotelian), not adopt-
ing the position that this refutation would leave him with if he were an
78 See Nemesius, Nat. hom. 26,10 Marani, with Sharples and van der Eijk (2008).
" QAM44,18-20 M. (IV.784 K).
so On 'epiphenomenalism' see esp. Caston (1997).
8 1 See Philoponus, Jn De anima 51-52 and esp. In Phys. 191, with Sorabji (2004) 199-201; and
extensive notes in van der Eijk (2005); Mantissa112-113 Bruns, with Sorabji (2004) 107-108.
Introduction 365
Aristotelian, and therefore being committed to explore its full philosophi-
cal implications.
One should not forget, in this context, that Galen is capable of being
sharply critical of Aiistotle, 82 It is not impossible that part of Galen's pur-
pose in 'JheCapacitiesof the Soul is actually to show the Aristotelians that
they are committed to a view (substance of soul= mixture of body) which
is an unWelcome, though unavoidable, consequence of following Aristotle.
If so, that purpose is certainly not made explicit, though it may be present
as subtext, And though such a subtext may seem to us decidedly odd, given
Galen's apparent keenness to have Aristotle 'on his side' throughout the
present text, one should be aware that such a 'double game' is by no means
uncharacter:istic of Galen. The rhetorical strategy which involves the move:
'look) even your man agrees with me) (and proceeds to prove that fact at
great length and with great scholarship) by no means excludes the move of
pointing out where 'your man' goes wrong. Or) conversely: the willingness
and ability to refute a specific authority in cases where one has superior
knowledge to his in no way detracts from the effectiveness of having that
authority behind one when one is demonstrating the range and number of
1
authorities who (more or less precisely) support one s view.
There is another aspect of Galen's relationship with Aristotle and Ar-
istotelians which merits attention. 83 This is the particular way in which
Galen quotes - or does not quote - the relevant texts of the master. Galen,
as is well kriown, is a sophisticated scholar; a major element of his activ-
ity consists in quoting, analysing and interpreting texts by his predeces-
sors - includi~g at times detailed discussions of variant readings in the
manuscripts, or of the correct way of understanding a particular word. He
is given to citing certain texts verbatim and at considerable length; and his
careful organization and discussion of a set of such texts forms, as we have
seen, a central part of the argument of 'JheCapacitiesof the Soul, When it
comes to Aiistotle, he cites in extemo texts from both History of Animals
and Partsof Animals, and is clearly very familiar with these texts, 84 I raise
82
See van der Eijk (2009), exploring the phenomenon that Galen is both fundamentally indebted to
Aristotle in major areas of his thought and openly combative towards him in certain contexts (as
well as to his followers -for, among other things, misunderstanding his views!).
83
,The argument of the following paragraphs is elaborated in more detail in Singer (2014),
4
s See Moraux (1985), a discussion which highlights both the importance of Partsof Animals in
Galen's reading of Aristotle (in particular providing him with a close parallel for his own vieWs
as expressed in TheFunctionof the Partsof the Bodyand, though with reservations, in Semen)and
its prominence as a work both referred to and quoted from in a number of places in the Galenic
oeuvre. Moraux also points out that Galen's great familiarity with this text contrasts with the com-
paratively superficial knowledge of it amongst others - especially Aristotelian commentators - in
late antiquity.
366 The Capacities of the Soul
the suggestion below, albeit speculatively, that these in extensoquotations
in The Capacitiesof the Soul ace in fact quotations from memocy.85
Galen has an in-depth knowledge, then, of the central works of Aris-
totle's biology. When it comes to Aristotle's definition of the soul, how-
ever, and to the complex argument that has attracted so much attention,
there is no such verbatim quotation from De anima. The famous De anima
definition is referred to rather than quoted (and referred to in abbreviated ,
form at chat). Th.e way chat the reference is framed seems significant, too:
'when ... Aristotle says chat the soul is form of the body, one must ask him -
or his followers - .. .'. le is tempting to say chat Galen is here engaging
more directly with the 'followers>- i.e., with contemporary Aristotelian
discussions arising from the text of De anima - than with the text of Ar-
istotle itself. It may seem speculative to suggest that the actual text of De
anima was less accessible to Galen than chose biological works, lee alone
that he did not have an in-depth familiarity with it; but one must at least
admit that he does nor rely on such in-depth knowledge in the text of The
Capacitiesof the Soul.B6
The point gains further significance when we consider that, in moving
from the De antrifadefinition to the distinctive 'eidos= krasis'proposition,
he relies on an interpretation of Aristotle's biology(basically, that there ace
two levels of biological composition according to Aristotle, and chat eidos
must correspond to one of these). The input from Aristotle's De anima
psychology is minimal; and the use of categories of biological explanation
crucial.
In any case, we have a .striking difference between two different modes
of operation - the argument based on exegesis of a substantial piece of text,
on the one hand, and the argument based on a well-known philosophical
phrase which could be (and· by Galen is) discussed in isolation from its
original context.
Let us move for a moffient from Galen's personal engagement with Ar-
istotle and Aristotelians to the way in which Galen surfaces later in the
Platonic-Aristotelian tradition. There are references, both by the foucch-
centuty Syrian bishop Nemesius of Emesa and (as we have to some extent
85
See textual note 4,29 ff. below.
SG Nor, as far as I am aware,in any other text. See n. 84 above;a great fanliliaritywith the biological
worksdoes not of courseprecludegreat familiaritywith the De anima;but I find no dear evidence
of the latter (and cf: Moraux 1984, who specificallydiscussesthe relationshipof Galen's'doctrine of
the soul' with Aristotle's,without mentioning detailedpoints of contact with the De animatext, to
which he .findsonly one explicitreference).It may not be irrelevantto comparethe caseof Plotinus,
a couple of generationslater,who appearsto have got his knowledgeof the De animamore through
Aristotelianintermediariesthan directly:see Donini (1974) 12-13.
Introduction 367
seen already) by the fifth-century Placonist Proclus and ,he sixth-century
Christian commentator on Aristotle 1 John Philoponus. 87 The last-men-
tioned in particular seems to have an interesting relationship with Galen's
discussion in 7he Capacities of the Soul. His discussion of 'capacities su-
pervening on mixtures'; his assertion of a reverse relationship 1 whereby
soul can influence the mixtures of the body; his interpretation of Aristotle
as sayirtg that 'forms supervene on mixtures' (in context a denial that the
mixtures have an effective causal role in biology); his assertion that the soul
requires a particular suitability of body to receive it 88 - all these statements
might be seen as reflecting some kind of engagement with Galen's The
Capacitiesof the Soul.89
Galen in this text gives us, as it were, a pre-echo of the debates of the
Commentators; he gives us a glimpse of how the debates which came co
be 'big issues' for them were already either alive or nascent in the second
century at Rome.
Another major area in which he does this (though with almost alarming
brevity, given the hugeness of the philosophical subject in lacer literature -
indeed, up to our own time) is his treatment of the compatibility of moral
judgements with the physical determination of character. This surfaces as
a problem issue between Aristotelians and Stoics, where the belief of the
latter in complete determinism was felt by some to undermine the notion
of moral cesponsibiliry.90 Galen hece touches vecy briefly on something
which had presumably already become a considerable topic of discussion,
87
The central assertionof TheCapacitiesof theSoul is mentioned, with an explicitreferenceto Galen,
by Nemesius,De naturahominis23,26 ff. Morani, cf:Sharplesand van der Eijk (2008) 61 ff., point-
ing out that Galen apparentlyequates the substance of the soul with mixture;and by Philoponus,
in de An, 50,32 ff., cf: van der Eijk (2006) 371 ff., who describesit as the view of'the doctors'.
Produs, explicitlytaking issue with Galen, enunciatespositions which seem very dose to that of
t~e 'self-styledPlatonists'to whom Galen objects:that body can be an obstacleto the soul'sordered
life in certain circumstances,and that 'the body may be preventiveof intelligentlife, but certainly
not causativeofit'; see in Ti. 3. 349,21-350,8 Diehl, with Sorabji(2004) 197-198; similarly,that
dependence of soul on body will obtain only in 'unnatural' conditions (in R. 249,21-23 Kroll).
See Todd (1976) and (1984); Blumenthal (1996) esp. 119. Bazou {1999) lxii-lxix has a useful
summary,including these and other passagesin later authors that seem to reflectthe arguments of
QAM.
sa For 'supervening',and for influence of soul on body, see hi de An. 332 with Sorabji (2004) 202-
203; for 'suitabilityof body' see in deAn. 141 with Sorabji(2004) 201 and van der Eijk (2006).
89
. See the discussionof Berryman(2002) on preciselythis point.
90
There is a fuirlyvast modern literature analysingancient viewsof determinism and of compatibi-
lism, especiallyin relation to the Stoics, since they are explicit advocatesof determinism (unlike
Galen, howeverstronglyhe may seem to hint at such a viewin this work). But it is again interesting,
in the present context, to note the significanceof Alexander:it is his Defiuo which is one of our
major sourcesfor discussionof the determinism/compatibilismproblem.
On tb.equestion in relation to Stoicismsee e.g. Sorabji (1980); Sharples(1986); Sedley(1993);
Brennan (2003); Bobzien(1998). For the viewsof Alexander,see the !iteramrementioned inn. 73.
 The Capacities of the Soul
368
even though most of our texts dealing directly with the problem are from
later periods.
Finally, what Galen does not engage with in this Platonic-Aristotelian
tradition is in a way as interesting as what he does. There isi for example, a
huge debate in Neoplatonism and early Christianity on the precise nature
and experience of the disembodied souL It is understandable, given Galen's
doubt as to the very possibility of a disembodied soul, that this is a debate
(however far it had progressed in his time) of which Galen gives no sign
(except to comment that only the rational soul, if anything, may survive
death - itself a contentious question in later Platonism).
The terminology and discussion of nous('intellect'), meanwhile, of great
importance in Aristotle's De anima and central to-later Aristotelians' dis-
cussions of the very issues which Galen addresses in this work, are absent
from the text, except for one occurrence (and that in a quotation from a
work of Plato). In referring to the intellectual faculty, Galen generally pre-
fers the teem dianoia;in any case he certainly lacks an explicit and detailed
discussion of nous,which in Aristotelianism is a technical term referring to
a possibly separ,;ible element of the soul. . authority for his version of M2 - a strategy which would, presumably, have
It is perhaps mote telling still that he completely fails to engage wtth
the considerable array of more or less logically based objections to the very
notion of the soul's being a body, which are amply attested for example
in the Mantiss'a~ and must have existed in some form in school Aristote-
lianism of his time. One thinks here for example of objections along the
1
lines of 'how can a body be in a body (as the soul is in the body)?';9 or
objections to the notion of a particular substance (e.g. air) being the soul
(if so, it mllst surely be that substance in a particular form, and then we
do not have true materialism). 92 Now, both these kinds of objection are,
really, objections to the position we referred to as 'MI' above. Galen does
not seriously B.oatMl iq. the present text. 93 Furthermore, he characterizes
the Platonic position aS favouring an incorporeal soul; and by implication
he seems to think that the alternative, ousia==krasis,represents a corporeal
definition. Again, while raising some philosophical objections to the very
notion of an incorporeal soul, he shows no awareness of the fact that the
The followingprovide an.dent parallelsfor Galen'sview on the justifiabilityof punishment, even
though character is (externally)caused: Epicurus, Nat. 34,27 Arrighetti; Diogenes Laertius, 'Vit.
phiL VU.1.23; Eusebius,PEVl.6,15 (244a); Man.ilius,Astron.IV.106-118.
<Jl SeeMantissa3,sections13-16. n SeeMantissa3,sections8, 11, lla,20.
<J3 As already discussed(seen. 21 above) he does so in other works, apparently with no consciousness
of this kind of logicalobjection.
Introduction 369
opposite problem (logical difficulties for the notion that the soul is a body)
had been discussed extensively within Aristotelianism.
But what is even more remarkable is that he does not address specific
objections raised to, precisely, the equation of soul and mixture (M2).
Now it is possible that some of the objections which we find to M2 in the
commentary tradition - in particular the passages from Alexander above,
against'the view of soul as a mixture - are in fact reactions to 1he Capacities
of the Soul. Yet we do not have to go as far as the commentary tradition.
The equation of soul with harmonia - which is understood as a particular
balance of bodily elements, thus as more or less identical to Galen's term
krasis- is mooted in Plato's Phaedo, where it is shot down by Socrates
himself. And the authentic Platonic arguments against the view doubtless
continued to be rehearsed by Platonists - as) certainly, they were in later
generations. Even if there were not contempora1y discussions which used
Platonic arguments against this M2, Galen cannot have been unaware of
the Platonic rejection of it - in the guise of harmonia - in the Phaedo.94
It is, of course, no accident that the Phaedois not itself used by Galen as
been bound to backfire) in the context of an audience versed in Plato.95 No
less striking is his failure to engage directly with contemporaty arguments
against such a position, since - whatever the case about Alexander - there
is no reason to imagine that these were not to be heard at his time.
Note on the Wstory and reception of the text
The present translation follows the.first modern critical edition of the text
that oflwan Muller in the Teubner ScriptaMinora;96Muller's text has bee~
followed except where stated; discussions of significant variants are sig-
nalled in the footnotes and discussed in the separate textual notes section.
However, a new critical edition of the text, about to go to press at the time
of writing, represents a significant advance on Milller's work; and we have
taken as much account of this as was possible. This is the work of Athena
Bazou, which constitutes the culmination of a major and comprehen-
sive project of research on the text. Though for practical reasons - largely
94 Note that, in the passage from Alexander'sDe anima already cited, the view of soul as harmo'nia
is attacked along with (and placed in relation to) the view of soul as mixture. The fact that Galen
makesno explicit referenceto this harmoniaviewis discussedby Todd (1977).
<JSIn spite of the AristotelianAlexander'sreadiness(see above, pp. 362-363) to attribute that view to
Platonists!
96 Mliller (1891),
370 The Capacities of the Soul
to do with the advanced state of the work on the present volume when
Bazon's edition was published we have continued to treat Miiller's as
our official cext for citation, we have been able to consult Bazou's findings
both at an earlier stage of her research and - albeit in the final stages of the
drafting of this work - at the proof stage of her published book; and we are
extremely grateful to her for making the latter available to us. 97 In several
casesher reading has been preferred ro'Miiller's,and in a number of further
cases her reading is noted as an alternative in the appendix of textual notes,
though not actually followed in the translation.
A brief summary follows of out various sources for the text, and of the
main ways in which Bazou's findings differ from Muller's, as well as of the
early modern history of the text's publication. 98
The main sources fot the text are: eight Greek MSS dating from the
fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries; the first Greek printed edition, the
Aldine of 1525; the ninth-century Arabic translation oH:fubays; 99 and the
Latin version of the famous Galenic translator Niccoli, da Reggio (writ-
ten in the fourteenth century bur first printed in 1490 in the edition of
Bonardus).
TI1e chief significance of Bazou's analysis of these sources in comparison
with Muller's is that she accords far greater importance to the Aldine edi-
tion, which she regards as our only surviving source for one important
branch of the ·manuscript traditie:n, and in fact as equivalent in value to a
separate manuscript; and that she takes account of the Arabic version of
l;lubays (which was unknown to, Muller). The latter two procedures are in
a sense connected: frequelltly the Arab.ic version, which of course predates
any of the Greek MSS, supports the reading of the Aldine, and thus - espe-
cially in cases where the Greek MSS offer a clearly inferior reading - seems
to confirm its value in reladon to the other sources. The same is tr.ue, to a
97 The situation is slightly comi,licated: the earlier stage, her (French) dissertation (1999) is in some
respects superseded by the (Greek) edition (2011), which also has a more extensive introduction;
on the other hand, the former work contains derailed line-by-line conunentary on the text which
the latter does not. A fuller version with both the commentary and the updated text is intended
for publication in Paris. I have therefore referred to both works, and while references to 'Bazou' in
the appendix of textual notes refer to her 2011 decisions, references to her detailed commentary
necessarilyrefer to the 1999 dissertation. Finally,it may be taken, in general, that Bazouhas a fuller
discussion of most points of textual variance; and the reader who is interested in pursuing these
matters will of course need to consult her work.
98 I am largely indebted for this account of MSS and early editions to the Introduction to Bazou
(2011), with its very full discussion of these matters (superseding that of Millier 1891), and its
detailed MS stemmata. The reader is referred to her Introduction (and the related Bibliography)
for that fuller account; see also Durling (1961). I am also grateful to Vivian Nutton for personal
communications in this area.
99 See Biesterfeldt (1973). On Arabic translation practice see the introduction to CharacterTraits,
pp. 110 If.
Introduction 371
lesser extent, of the Latin of NiccolO; and there is a significant numher of
cases in which the Aldine, the Arabic and the Latin versions stand together
against the Greek MSS. A distinction needs to be made here. The Arabic
is a looser version, more concerned to give the sense of the Greek sentence
· than to follow it in grammatical detail, and may include pleonastic dou-
blings of words, as well as elements of paraphrase, whereas NiccolO's is a
I remarkably close word-for-word translation. Nonetheless, the Arabic ver-
sion seems close enough a translation to be able to indicate places where
the Greek MSS have an error, and even at points to help re-establish the
correct text.
Bazou also makes use of the readings of three MSS, Paris (P), Vienna
(B) and Zeitz (Z), that were not used by Muller; and, in addition to the
Arabic version already mentioned, has consulted two further Arabic sourc-
es, namely a further MS containing the work in translation (in origin ap-
parently the same translation as that of l;lubays), and one which contains
a summary of a translation. 100
To summarize - and slightly simplify - Bazou's analysis of the stemma:
all the extant Greek MSS descend from the same source, which repre-
sents a single branch of the MS tradition (let us call it 'branch l '), The
transmission in fact splits into 'branch I' and 'branch 2' probably at some
point in the ninth century; and it is, on the other hand, from a MS in
branch 2 that the Aldine edition was made - the same MS, or a close rela-
tive of the MS, that was consulted by the Renaissance humanist Angelo
Poliziano in Bologna at the end of the fifteenth century. tOI The main
difference in Muller's understanding of the stemma was that he saw the
Aldine as derived from the same branch as all the other MSS. 102
Now, according to Bazou's stemma the Latin translation ofNiccolO does
derive from branch 1, but from a point much earlier in its development,
100
See Ba1.ou(2011) 59-60 and nn. 16-17, with bibliography there cited. The MS of this alternative
version of the translatio11is Meshed Ridatibb 5223, which has been discussed by Boudon (2000b),
(2001), (2002). On the basis of information very kindly supplied to me, in response to my specific
questions, by Hin rich Biesterfeldt,who is working on a publication of this MS, it seems to me that
it supports the testimony of the previouslypublished Arabic version, at least in the most important
cases where that either offers a significantly different reading from, or confirms a doubt about, the
Greek text.
101
As Bazou (2011) 33 ff. explains, this MS is not now extant; but Poliziano,a major classicalscholar
and teacher, transcribed a number of passagesfrom it for his own use in another MS which does
survive (Monacensis latinus 807).
102
Contributing to this view, it seems, was a straightforward error on the pare of one of Miiller's col-
laborators, who reported that the Moscow MS Q (m in Miiller) had an incomplete version of the
text - stopping at exactly the same point as the Aldine edition. This, of course, would have made a
dose relationship between the Aldine and Q as good as certain; bizarrely,however,in spite of that
nineteenth-century report, Bazou found that Q did not contain an incomplete version, see Bawu
(2011) 26-27. i.
·'
372 The Capacities of the Soul
and thus attests a stage (as Muller also saw) before the introducrion of
many of the errors we find in the extant MSS. The Arabic sources, how~
ever) represent a much earlier phase of the MS tradition, before even the
split into branches 1 and 2. At the same time, it has t0 be remembered that
the first Arabic version was itself a translation from the Syriac, and thus at
a further remove from the actual Greek text - even though the Greek text
in question was a much more reliable One than any available to us directly.
Of the extant MSS, meanwhile, it seems that the most reliable are the
Vallicellanus C:W, fourteenth century) and the Laurentianus (L, fifteenth
century), the latter however deriving directly from the former; while the
Monacensis (M, fifteenth century), the Vaticanus (V, fifteenth century)
and Mosquensis (Q, sixteenth century), as well as P, Band Z (mentioned
above) reflect an inferior stage of the transmission.
The Aldine edition of 1525 omits the last portion of the text, so ending
at IVS 17 K.; and the Aldine edition was essentially followed in the pro-
duction of the Basileensis (1538), while the bilingual (Greek and Latin)
edition of Theodore Goulston (London, 1640) was apparently based on
both these. 103
The first printed edition of that missing last portion was by Federic
Morel (or Morellus), in Paris in 1617, and was based, according t0 Bazou,
on P. The first edition of the whole text was by Rene Chartier (Charte-
rius), in the comext of his thirteen-volume Greek and Latin edition of the
works ofHippocrates and Galen (1639). Chartier relied mainly on the Ba-
sileensis (apparently, like Morel,,,onsulting P for the missing portion); .and
for his Latin translation copied that of Johann Guenther von Andernach
(or Ioannes Guinterius Andernacus) of 1528, the second Latin translation
of the text, after that of Niccolo. The version of the text printed by Carl
Gottlob Kuhn in the nineteenth century (1822) is based essentially on the
edition of Chartier, both for the Greek and for the Latin text.
After von Andernach: the sixteenth century saw a further expansion
of Latin editions of 'all' Galen's works. In this context there were Latin
translations of TheCapacities of the Soul by J. P.Crassus, first published in
Venice in 1541 and repeatedly reprinted in later Jun tine editions; that of B.
Sylvanius, published in the Junta (1541-1542) edition of J. B. Montan us
I0.7 Goulston claimed to have had accessto a 'Codex Londinensis' and a 'Codex Addphi'; but, as Nut·
ton has shown, he used those terms to refer not to MSS but to printed books, respectivelyJohn
Caius' copy of the Aldine edition and an unknown individual'scopy of either the Aldine or the Ba·
sileensis.Thus Goulston'sdepartures from the Aldine represent conjectures (howeverintelligent),
not independent MS readings.On this subject see above,Alf Pecc.Dig., Introduction, esp. nn. 84
and 85, with the literature there cited.
Introduction 373
and again used in a number of subsequent editions, at Venice and else-
where; and that of J. B. Rasarius in his own edition (Venice, 1562). (1bis
brief summary follows Durling 1961; see esp. 294.)
It is perhaps noteworthy that - although there were a number of sepa-
rate printings of The Capacitiesof the Soul before 1536, and a translation
into French (by Jean le Bon) in 1557 - the early modern highpoint of
interest in the text occurred largely in the context of the broader revival
of Galenic studies within medical and humanist education, and does not
seem to provide a parallel for the significance that Galen had specifically as
a philosopher, either in the Platonic-Aristotelian tradition oflate antiquity
(rouched on above), or in the Arabic tradition. 104 It is, however, possible,
as Vivian Nutton points out to me, to identify a number of early modern
intellectuals who were, at least, interested readers of the work: to the name
of the humanist Angelo Poliziano, already mentioned, one may add that
of Philippus Beroaldus, also in the fifteenth century; and also those of the
German Reformation theologian Martin Bucer in the sixteenth and the
Greek scholar and theologian Leo Allatius in the seventeenth. 105 More-
over, Bazou sees the work's argumentation as influential on a number of
modern philosophers and physicians of a materialist tendency. 106
104
On these points in relation to the hi~tory of Galenic psychologicaltexts in the Renaissance,see
Nutton (1988b) esp. 287-290; and on the prominence of Galen as aphibJsophical authority in the
Arabic, as opposed to the European tradition, see Nutton (2008). As Vivian Nutton also points
out to 1ne in this context, substantial portions of the text of QAM are quoted by Abu Sa'id ibn
Baktishu'a (see Klein"Franke 1979).
IOSOn Polizianosee n. 101 above; the last three all suggestedtextualemendations to QAM,Beroaldus
in his liber de terremotuet pestilentia(Bologna, 1505), the other two in marginal nores to their own
copies of the work.
106
Bazou (1999) lxviii-!xix,n1entioningin particular the figuresof Part (sixteenth century), Cabanis
and Gaub (eighteenth) and Guardia (nineteenth).

Translation
IV.767 K. The Capacities of the Soul Depend on the Mixtures of the Body' 1
Theproposition: its trnth confirmed by observation
and philosophical authority
1. That the capacities of the soul depend on the mixtures of the body' is
something that I have put to the test and researched in many ways, not
just once or twice,,.but on very many occasions, nor purely on my own
account,3 but, from the beginning, together with my teachers, and later 5
in the company of the best philosophers. I have consistently found the
argument to be.both true and useful to those who wish to improve their
own souls, for this very reason, as discussed in my treatise on Customary
768 K. 4 we bring about good mixture in the body 5 through what we
Practices:
eat and drink, and also through 'our daily practices, and from this good 10
~ The page numb~rsin the left margin referto the Kiihn (1822) edition (abb. K.), while the'page and
line numbers in the right margin refer to the Teubner text (abb. M), edited by L MUiier (1891),
which is the basisof the present tmnsla$1on(but see pp. 369-370 above).
I The verb here translated'depend on' ~shepesthai;both this and another verb for 'follow',akolouthebz,
are used by Galen in similarsens~. The present translation is preferredpartly to distinguish it from
that other term (which often has,astrictly logicalsense,so: 'is consequenton'), partly becauseGalen
is in this text clearlymaking a strong causalclaim. Exactlyhow strong - and how consistent- is that
claim, is the subject of discussion;see Introduction, pp. 337-338 and 358 and esp. Lloyd (1988),
Donini (2008). On the preciseform of the tide, see textualnote 4.1.
2 On the syntaxof the sentence beginning 'That .. .', see n. 26 below.The pseudo*Aristocelian Physi~
ognomics(mentioned by Galen below,p. 382) begins with a similarly worded sentence ("0;1 al
610:vo1atgrrov-rct1-rois crc!:iµacri. .. ), which, in fact, functions as the title of that ·work. In
that case,interestingly,the text goeson to discussa reciprocalrelationshipof causeand effect,rather
rhan emphasizingthe causaldominance of the body.
3 The Greek ep'emautou(lit. 'on the basisof myself') could, as Philip van der Eijk points out to me,
possiblyalso here imply researchcarried out on himself,i.e. char Galen is here referringto the ob~
servedeffectsof food, drink, etc. on his own mental state.
4 ReadingEa&v. See textual note 4.2.
5 Reading-rfi;io-Wµcrn.Millier omits the words ('in the body') silently,and without obviousjustifica-
tion; they are preservedin all the MSS and Bazourestoresthem.
374
Translation 375
mixture will achieve virtue for the soul - as the associates of Pythago-
ras and Plato are reported to have done, 6 as well as certain other of the
ancients.
Differing characteristics in infants demonstrate their difference in
soul capacities and therefore also soul substance
2. The starting-point of the entire argument which is about to be stated is 15
a realization of the differences in actions and affections of the soul which
are apparent in small children and from which the capacities of the soul
become quite evident. For it is apparent that some small children are ex-
32 l\l, tremely timid, while some are quite undaunted; 7 and that some are insatia- 33 M.
ble and gluttonous, while others have the opposite disposition; rhat some
are shameless, while others have a sense of shame; and that they have many
other such differences, all of which I have discussed elsewhere.8 For now, it 5
suffices to have indicated by way of example that the capacities of the three
forms and parts of the soul 9 are by nature opposite in infants; for from this
· 769 K. it will be possible to deduce that rhey do not all have the same nature of
6
Specificdietary practiceswere associatedwith Pythagorasin the tradition regardinghis teachings;so
too was the notion of the importance of daily training of the character(so that the comment here
leavesopen the textual question raised in the previous note); but Galen is here probably drawing
attention in particular to the fact that the Pythagoreansbelieveddiet important for virtue. On early
Pythagoreanism,see Burkert (1972); there was a religious,ritualistic form of Pythagoreanism,as
well as an appropriationof Pythagorasby some neo-Platonists,such as Porphyryand Iamblichus;for
the Hellenisticand later history see Cancik and Schneider( 1996), 10, s.v. 'PythagoreischeSchule',
esp. 658-659, with literature there cited. The associationof Plato with Pythagorasin this dietetical
contextperhapshelps lay the ground for Galen's'physicalist'interpretationof relevantpassagesfrom
Republicand Lawslater in this treatise. On the associationof Plato with Pythagoras,seeAff. Pecc.
Dig. 9,10 DB 01.l l K.) with n. 58; Mor.26 Kr. with n. 10; and on the use of'Pythagorean' sayings,
seeAff.Pecc.Dig. 21,9 DB (V.30K,) with n. 157.
7
Re<lding6stA.6-rct'T<X,
11vC(6S.0::Ka-rctTIAl'\K'T6Tcrra.See textualnote 4.3.
8 The referenceto discussion elsewheremay include Ajf. Pecc.Dig. 25,24-26,5 DB (V.37-38 K.),
which contains some similar material;but probablymore specificallyMor.25 Kr, and 28-30 Kr.
9
One notes here the casual,if not surreptitious,introduction of Platonictripartition, so fundamental
to the structure of Galen'sargument. And it seemsprobable, though by no means certain, from the
verbal formulation here, with the mention of 'three', that Galen takes himself to have given one
ex.amplerelevant to each of the three parts of the soul, rather than merely a number·of examples
of character-differencesin infunts. If so, the first example (timidity) would definitelyrelate to the
spiritedsoul; and the second (insatiability/gluttony)must relate to the desiderative.Thiswould leave
'senseof shame' as the provinceof the rational soul, which is rather more problematic,as shame is
in at leastsome sensesconnected alsowith the spirited. But, of course,the tripartition of the soul in
small children is problematic accordingto Galen'saccounts elsewhere,where the rational power -
and even the spirited - are not developeduntil much later. Cf. the discussionat Mor.28-30 Kr. See
textual note 4.4.
On the varying terminologyof different'forms' (eidt) and 'parts' (mere)of the soul in both Galen
and Plato, and on the significanceof this, see Introduction, p. 348 with n. 37.
376 ]he Capacities of the Soul
soul; and it is quite evident that in discussions of this type the v1ord 'na-
ture' means rhe same as the word 'subscance'; 10 for if the substance of their
soul were indistinguishable, 11 then they would perform the same actions
and undergo the same affections, given the same causes. And therefore it
is evident that children differ from each other in rhe substances of their
souls to precisely the same extent that they differ in their activities and af-
fections; and if in this respect, then also 'in their capacities.
Clarification of concept of 'capacity:·capacitiesof Platonic tripartite soul
And yet many of the philosophers are confused on rhis very point, because
they have an indistinctly conceived 12 notion of 'capacity'. For they seem
co me to imagine capacities as if they were some object inhabiting the sub-
stances, in the same way that we inhabit our houses, 13 not realizing that, of
everything chat comes about there is an effective cause, conceived accord-
ing to its relation to something; and there is an appellation, 14 specifically
and in itself, of this cause as a thing of a certain kind, but the capacity of
what comes about is in the staterelated to what comes about from it; 15 and
!O PaceMillier and Bazou (seetextual note 4.5), this proposition ('and it is quite clear ... "substance";')
represents an important transition in Galen's argument, enabling him to reason from observable
differencesin children (in a chain of argument that meshes together also the concepts of phusisand
dimamis) to differericesin substance. Diffei-encesin action and pathosdearly indicate differencesin
capacity(32, 16-17 M, IV:768 K); from these Onededuces differencesin nature (33,7-8 M, IY:~68
K.); this automarically means differencesin substance (33,9-10 M, IV:769 K.}. The trans1non
should be considered in the light of the discussionof substance of the soul later on. -
l l The term (aparal/aktos) seems to be a technical one_~P· in Stoicism.
12 Lit. 'unarticulated' (adiarthriJton). The term was employed in the philosophical language of the
period (e.g. Ardan, Epict,1.17.1; Plutarch, Mor. 378c, Alexanderof Aphrodisias,in Metaph.26.22)
and is quite often used by Galen, usually (like the similarterm adioriston)to indicate a lack of, or
insufficientlywell made, logical or teclµiicaldistinctions on the part of some individual, see Praes.
Puls,IX.278-279 K., Diff Puls.VIII:609 K. and HNH66,23 M. (XY.128K,). See the discuiisionof
Galen'sterminology in this area it1;.vall der Eijk (2005) eh. 10 and esp, 280-281 n. 7, for references.
!3 The formulation is strikingly similar to one used in AffectedPlaces,In the discussion there (which,
indeed, provides a dose parallel to that of QAM on the difficulty of defining the rational soul), it
is specificallythe rational part of the soul that is at issue,rather than capacities,'But if this part of
rhe soul is in the body that contains it in the same way as we are in a house, we would perhaps not
imagine that the archi itself was damaged at all by virtue of the place [that contains it] ... While the
philosophers differ on this point, some saying that it is contained as in a dwelling, and some as a
form [eidos],it is difficult to find out how it is damaged; that it is damaged, though, can be learned
by experience' (Loe.A.ff.VIII.126-128 K.). On this languagesee now Singer (2014).
14 Reading -rrpoai'jyopia, See textual note 4.6. .,
t5 The sentence seems convoluted, and the text may not be perfect; but the distinction seems clear
between an object considered 'in itself' and considered in relation to its effect, with the concept
'capacity' arising in the latter conrext. The concept of 'capacity' is elaborated at length in Galen's
Natural Capacities,in various physiologicalcontexts; see esp. the definitional discussionat Nat, F_ac.
107,8-23 H. (II.9-10 K.), which states that 'as long as we are ignorant of the substance of the acnve
cause,we call it dunamis',and makes the same points as the present passageregarding the relational
Translation 377
therefore we say that the substance has as many capacities as activities; !6
10 170K, for example we say that aloe has a capacity of cleansing and toning the
mouth of the stomach, 17 of agglutinating bleeding wounds, of cicatrizing 5
grazes, 18 and of drying the wetness of the eyelids - without there being
15 sbme other thing that performs each of these actions apart from the aloe it-
self. For it is the aloe that does these things; and it is because it is capable 19
of doing them that it has been said of ir rhat it has these 'capacities' - as 10
many as the actions. And so we say that the aloe is capable of cleansing and
fortifying the mouth of the stomach, of agglutinating wounds and making
ulcers heal over, of drying wet eyes, as there is no difference between the
statement that aloe 'is capable of cleansing' and the statement that it 'has
a cleansing.capacity'; and so too 1to be capable of drying' wet eyes means 15
the same as 'to have a capacity of drying eyes'.20 And in the same way,
20 when we say: 'the rational soul, seated in the brain, is capable of perceiving
through rhe organs of perception, is capable of remembering the objects of 20
perception on its own, of seeing consequence and conflict in things, 21 and
25 their analysisand synthesis',we are not indicating anything different from
34M. what we would if we were to make the summary statement: 'the rational
771K, soul has a number of capacities: perception, memory, understanding, and
each of the others'. 22 But since we do not merely state that it is capable of 25
(prostl) senseof the cause, and the numerical equivalencebetween activitiesand capacities,On the
concept of'capacity' in Galen see Gill (2010) 70, with literature there cited,
16
C£ the clarification in PHP that one should properly talk of three ousiai of the soul, each with a
range of different capacities,not (as some do - including Galen himself,when speaking more loose-
ly) of simply three capacitiesof the soul, PHP 374,9-14 DL (V.521 K.); cf. 368,20-29 DL. CV:515
K) and 338,11-14 DL. (V.481 K.), The list of dunameisthus specifiedwithin the rational appears
in somewhat different terms in different places;see e.g. PHP438,27-440,8 DL. (Y.600-601 K.):
by itself the rational has phantasia,anamnisis,mnimi, epistbni, noisis,dianoisis;in relation to the
body, perception and voluntary motion. Jouanna (2009) esp. 193 ff. identifiestwo, understanding
(sunesis)and men10ry (mnbni), which appear with son1econsistencyas the 'intellectual' capacities
(the pairing appearsvery clearly,for example,at Cons.25,18-22 M., with which the passagewhich
followshere, 34,17-22 M. (IV 770 K.), may be compared).
17
For the relevant concepts in relation to wounds, see Salazar (2000); for Galenic discussion of 'ag-
glutinating' (kollitika)and 'cicatrizing' (sunouWtika)drugs, see e.g. MMX.199-200 K,; as noted by
Bazou, the specificproperties of aloe are mentioned in similar terms at SMTXI.821-822 K..
18
Lit. 'flat wounds'.
19
The Greek cognates here are the verb dunasthaiand the noun dunamis.
20
See textual note 4.7.
21
,Or: 'between facts/propositions';what is meant is capacity to perform, specifically,the fundamental
operations of logic, Seen, 16 above on the separate capacitieswithin the rational. On the logical
operations of analysisand synthesis,seeA.ffPeet. Dig. 54 ff. DB (V.79 ff. K.), with n. 97.
22
To what extent perception could be regarded,in Platonist terms, as a function of reason is a compli~
cated question. Plato does not expressthe matter in these terms; but he does in a sense acknowledge
a role for reason in the processof perception; and arguablysome Middle Platonists take this further.
See the discussion and texts in Sorabji (2004) 15-16 and 33 ff. on the issue between Plato and
Aristotle - and between later commentators - in this area,
 378 The Capacities of the Soul
perceiving, but also, specifically, that it is capable of seeing, hearing, smell-
ing, casting and couching, we state, here again, that it has these capacities -
the capacity of sight, of hearing, of smell, of taste, of touch. Thus, too,
Plato attributed to it the capacity of desire referring to it by his custom-
ary usage in the general, not in the specific sense. 23 For he says that there
are a number of desires of this soul, as also of the spirited - and a much
greater number (and more varied) of the third, which for this very reason
he named 'desiderative' par excellence.For this is not an uncommon usage,
whereby people call the pre-eminent member of a class by the name of that
class as a whole, as when they say that such-and-such a verse is by 'the Poet',
or another by 'the Poetess' - fOr we all understand chat Homer is meant by
'the Poet' and Sappho by 'the Poetess'. (So too they use the word 'beast',
meaning in particular 'lion' - and there are other such par excellence usag-
772K. es.24)And so in the general sense of'desire', that part of soul which we have
developed the habit of calling the 'rational' is desiderative - desiderative
of truth, scientific knowledge, learning, understanding, memory and, in
sum, of all fine things; while the spirited is desiderative of freedom, victory,
domination, power, reputation and honour; and desiderative of sex and of
the enjoyment 6f'everything eaten and drunk, is that which is called by
Plato 'desiderative' par excellence.(For the 'desiderative' soul is not able to
have appetite for the fine things, nor the rational for sex, food and drink-
nor, indeed, far.victory, power, reputation or honour; and, according to
rhe same principle, the spirited is not able to have appetites for the same
things as the rational and the desiderative souls.)
ls one of the three Jorms' of soul immortal? Argument in relation to
(Aristotelian) conceptsof substance,form and levels of physical
analysis:sub~tanceof soul should be a mixture
3, Now, that there are ·three forms of the soul, and that this is Plato's
opinion, has been displayed in other writings, as too has the fact that one
is seated in the liver, one in the heart and one in the brain. 25 However,
23 Galen's remark here seems to be in somewhat compressed form, where perhaps what is meant is
rather: 'Plato does attribute to this part the capacity of desire too, though his customary usage
(ethos)is to use that term specifically(for the third part).' What seems to be meant here is the at~
uibution to each part of the soul of its own specificdesires and pleasures,Republic,580d ff.
24 See textual note 4.8.
25 The main and obvious point of reference here is PHP. (On the position of that work in Galen's
psychology,see above, General introduction, pp. 24 ff.) Note that in the text here, mcrosis sub-
sequently added to eidos,in the next part of the sentence. The fact that Plato believed that the
different principles in the soul were different parts rather than just different forms is of course vital
Translation 379
26
that of these three forms and parts of the whole soul the rational is im-
35M, mortal, Plato is obviously convinced, but I am unable either to maintain 15
earnestly against him that it is not so) or that it is.27 Let us first) then) con-
sider the forms in the heart and liver, which are agreed by both him and
5 rne to perish at death. 28 Each of the organs has its own specific substance; 20
let us not yet enquire precisely what this is, but ler us remember, regard-
ing the· common substance 29 of all bodies, that this was shown by us to be
10 composed of two principles, matter and form, 30 matter being conceptually
to Galen's physiology; see the explicit discussion of the point at PHP 368,12-13 DL (V.515 K.),
affirming that in this context differenceof eidosmust entail differenceof meros.
15 26
The syntax of this sentence neatly balances that which begins the chapter, both introduced by the
word '1hat ... ' (hott) (the very first sentence of the treatise also has a similar form, though not in
fact with hoti). This feature, in a way important to the structure of Galen'sargument (and paralleled
e.g. by the beginnings of the books of Mixtttres)has been preservedin the present translation. Some
awkwardnessresults; but the natural alternative of using a noun ('the fact', 'the proposition') wit!
inevitably introduce some concept which is not in the Greek.
27
The verb, diateincsthai,may mean 'maintain earnestly' or (with the preposition pros,as in this case)
20 'contend against'. The latter sense seems more pertinent here, although in that case Galen has
36M. slightly compressed the grammar of the sentence, as the verb in that sense can only properly apply
to the 'that-it-is-not-so' leg of the opposition. Galen repeated his agnosticismon this question on a
number of occasions; see e.g. Prop.Plac. 188,27-33 BMP (116,20-118,5 N.).
28
For this proposition, which would have been far from uncontentious as a matter of Platonic inter~
pretation, see PHP 600,6-19 DL (V.793-794 K.) - a passage which comes near to reversing the
5 sense of the present one. There, in referenceto a text from Plato's Timaeut,Galen not only concedes
that 'many of the Platonists' think the thumoeidesand the epithumetikonare immortal, but himself
floats the possibility that Plato actually used the term 'mortal' (thnita) for them, not in the literal
sense, but because of their inferiority to the rational. It is also interesting that in that passageGalen
regards the question of immortality, like that of the soul'ssubstance in general, as 'reasonably left
out by doctors and by many philosophers, since it is of no use either co medicine or to the philoso-
phy called "ethical" and "political"'.
29
Or 'composition': see textual note 4.9,
30
The passageis both crucial for the interpretation of Galen's theoretical views in the present work,
and particularly dense in its argument. (It is also not without textual problems, in particular wheth-
er the phrase 'matter and form' belongs here, or is a later addition. It is, however,supported by the
Arabic version, and can perhaps be taken as secure.) There seems to be considerable wiclarity as to
10 how the concepts introduced here relate to what is said in the remainder of the sentence, and the
followingone. It does at least appear dear that Galen in rends a contrast between form and matter -
some discussionof the concept of form seems to be assumed by the time we get to 37,6 M. (IV.773
K.) below - and, crucially, that form be understood as a kind of composition or organization of
matter (seen. 32): this understanding is required to make sense of the rhetorical question addressed
to Aristoteliansin what immediately follows.Thus, fonn (eidos)- though it can also be understood
in different senses,or at different levels- comes into play, in Galen'sview,at the levelof the mixture
, of qualities; and it is, apparently, the mixture of qualities which can (here at least) be held account·
able for the composition of organic bodies. The text here seems to imply the involvement of form
in the very qualities themselves- dryness, etc. - as opposed to unqualified or pure matter; but stich
a notion, though it would be of considerable interest in itself, does not seem to be important for
the development of Galen's argument in relation to Aristotelianism, and the vital development of
the concept of eidos"' krasi.s,Galen does not here say where he takes himself to have 'shown' the
proposition in question; it is probable that, as often in discussion of fundamental element theory,
he has in mind the treatise lhe ElementsAccordingto Hippocratcs.
 380 ]he Capacities of the Soul
without quality, but having in itself a mixture of four qualities, hotness,
coldness, dryness and wetness. From these qualities have come into being
bronze, iron, gold; flesh, sinew, gristle, f'at31 and, in short, all chose things
which are called by Plato 'first-born' and by Aristotle 'homogeneous. 32
So that when this very man, Aristotle, says that the soul is form of the
body,33 one must ask him - or his followers - whether we should under-
774 K. stand 'form' here to have been used by him in the sense of shape, as in the
organic bodies, 34 or in the sense of the other principle of natural bodies,
that which crafts a body which is homogeneous and simple in terms of our
perception of ic,35 not having organic composition. They must necessarily
answer that it is this other principle of natural bodies - since, indeed, it
is to these, frimarily, that the activities belong (this has been shown by us
elsewhere;3 and will be stated again now, if you require). Yet if all such
3! Seetextua! note4.10.
32 This precise term for '.first-born',prOtogona, is not found in the text of Plato aswe have it; the closest
parallel is priJtogenes at Politict1s
288e and 289b - not, however, in an obviously relevant context.
'Homogeneous' translates homoiomeris,lit. 'similar-paned'. The term homoiomerisis an important
one in Galen's biology,and is the basis of a large part of Aristotle'sdiscussion of parts of the body in
book II of Partsof A.nbpa/s.It there belongs within a threefold scheme of division (which is largely
adopted by Galen): simple qualities or elements, at the lowest level; then, composed from those,
the 'homogeneous' substances like blood or bone; finally,the (higher-level)organs: brain, liver, etc.
'The discussion in terms of three levelssometimes seems to be simplifed into a discussion in terms
of two (seen. 35 below). For discussion of Aristotle's explanation of the physical world in terms of
the different 'levels' ·of organization, see e.·g.Furth (1988), Freudenthal (1995), Lennox (2001),
33 On the cursory way in which Galen refers to this 'quotation' from the De anima, and more broadly
on Galen's use of Aristotelian texts and engagement with contemporary Aristotelianism, see above,
Introduction, pp. 359 ff., esp. 366._ ,. - have certainly have wanted to learn from him, if he were himself alive. But
34 The 'higher' level of organization seems to be referred to here - that of e.g. brain, heart, liver,
35 1he connection between 'homogeneous' and 'simple in terms of perception' is also made, as Bazou
points out, at Gaus.Morb. VII.2 K See textual note 4, 11.The argwnent here is condensed and dif-
ficult. Galen seems to take himself to have established, on the basis of the problematic text discussed
in n. 30 above, that on an Aristoteliay.'view there are essentially two levels of 'composition' in the
natural world (see note 32 above), arid that the term eidosmust, for an Aristotelian, refer to one
of these levels, When, then, we §peak of the soul as eidosof the body, we are defining it in terms
of one of these levels. If the precise means by which this position is arrived at are less than dear,
no less puzzling is the following procedure by whid1 the lowerlevel in this composition is chosen
as the obviously relevant one - and especially puz1Jing with the inclusion of the term 'crafting'
(demiourgousan): the 'craftsmanlike' activity in other contexts in Galen usually relates to a 'higher'
levelof composition - and indeed, often, to one (namely that involving the 'shaping' of the parts or
overall construction of the body) at which it is explicitly doubted that analysis in rerms of qualities
or elements is causally sufficient. The strategic thrust of the argument, ar least - aimed at convinc-
ing the Aristotelian that he is committed to a definition of the sou! in which the qualities and their
mixture have a fundamental causativerole - is dear.
36 Iris to the 'natural bodies' that the activities of an animal belong; this.is striking if, as appears to be
the case, 'natural bodies' are here understood at the lower or 'homogeneous levelof composition, i.e.
if the activity in some sense is a feature of that particular homogeneous composition. 'fhe proposi#
don which Galen here states as 'shown' elsewhere is certainly paralleled in other works; e.g. at Loe.
Ajf. VIll.161 K is a mention of 'the homogeneous parts, which primarily act'. The text (preserved
in Arabic) on 1he DifferentKinds of Homogeneous Part,is also relevant.
Translation 381
37 ~ bodies are composed of matter and form, and it is Aristotle's own belief
that rhe natural body comes about through the four qualities arising in
the matter, it is necessary for him 37 to posit the mixture of these qualities 20
5 as the form, so that it seems as if the substance of the soul, too, will be38
some mixture of the four - whether you wish to use the terminology of
1
qualities' - hotness, coldness; dryness and wetness - or of 'bodies' that are
hot, cold, dry and wet.
10
Problems for Plato's view of immortality: how can something non-bodily
interact with something bodily? Examples of ways in which soul is
affected by body, especially by drugs (through hot and cold)
15
We have shown that the capacities of the soul depend on its substance,
since, indeed, the activities do so. Now, if the reasoning form of the soul 38 M.
775 K. is mortal, it too will be a particular mixture, [namely] of the brain; 39 and
thus all the forms and parts of the soul will have their capacities depend-
ent on the mixture - that is, on the substance of the soul; 40 but if it is
immortal, 41 as is Plato's view, he would have done well, himself, to write 5
an explanation as to why it is separated when the brain is greatly cooled,
or excessively heated, dried or moistened - in the same way that he wrote
the other matters relevant to it. 42 For death takes place, according to Plato,
when the soul is separated from the body. But why great voiding of blood, 10
the drinking of hemlock, or a raging fever, causes this separation, I would
37
The words 'for him' translate o:UTOv,my reading for aVToO.The latter, genitive form, preferred
by Millier and Bazou, would be translated as 'of it [sc. the natural body]', to be inserted after 'form'
~n the following line; but aVT6v seems to make much more natural Greek, and to be supported
by the Arabic version. (It does not'actually appear in the Greek MS tradition, where, however, the
variety of forms of the pronoun attested seems to indicate an early confusion in the interpretation.)
In that case we have further emphasis here on the 'hypothetical' status of the present argument: it is
what one must be committed to if one isan Aristotelian.(I am indebted to Rotraud Hansberger and
Petet Adamson for the reading of the Arabic text.)
38
Lit., 'the substance of the soul will in some way (pOs)be': the adverb suggests that this is a surprising
conclusion to which one is nonetheless drawn.
39
We follow the Arabic text in starting a new paragraph here ('We have shown , .. '), which seems to
provide a much clearerprogression of thought, We also depart from Mtiller by reading fi µ&voUvTO
Aoy1{6µsvovd8os Tfls '{IVXf)S toTl 6VTJT6v, roTat 1<0:\alJTO1<p6:cns at the beginning of the present
sentence, See further textual nores 4. 12 and 4. 13,
40
Preserving a passage suspected by Miil!er; and reading TOvTilO"nV Tfl TfiS 'flVXfiSoUoi~ for
TOvTEO"TIV a&TTJoUvii Tf)S'{IVXfiS oVO"(a.See textual note 4.14.
41
There is a subtle question here as to whether Galen is still referring to the reasoning part of the soul,
or to the soul tout court-,see textual note 4.15.
42 Reading TO:VTTJV; ·seetextual note 4.16.
 382 The Capacities of the Soul
43
since he no longer is, and none of the Platonist teachers taught me any l 5
cause, on account of which the soul is compelled by those things that I
have mentioned to be separated, I dare to state 1nyself that not every form
of body is suitable to receive the rational soul. For I see this as consequent
776 K on the doctrine of Plato, but am not able to state any demonstration of it, 20
on account of the fact that I do not know what sott of thing the substance
of the soul is (if we take as our assumption that it belongs to the class of ,
non-bodily things). For as regards bodies,I see that there the mixtures are
widely different from each other, as well as being very many in number; 25
but with a non-bodily substance, able to exist in its own right, 44 and not 39 M.
being a quality or form of a body, I do not discern any difference, in spite
of having considered it many times and enquired· into it carefully - nor,
indeed, do I discern how, not beingany part of the body, it is able to ex-
tend through the whole of it. I have not been able mentally to form even 5
an impression of any of these things, though I have exerted myself over
it for a very long time; but I do realize that this is clearly and manifestly
apparent - that the emptying of blood and the drinking of hemlock cool
down the body, while severe fever excessively heats it. And I will put the 10
same question agiin: why does the soul definitively leave the body when
the latter is severely cooled or excessively heated? Afrec many enquiries I
have not discovered the answer- nor have I discovered why when there is a
777 K build-up of yellow bile in the brain we are brought into a state of derange-
ment; or when there is a build-up of black bile, into melancholy; or why 15
phlegm, and cooling things as a whole, are causative of lethargy which
then result in our suffering damage ·-to the memory and understanding;
or, indeed, why the drinking of morion brings about stupefaction - its
name, even, being related to the affection which we observe that the body 20
undergoes. 45 The drinking of wine, too, clearly relieves us of all distress
and low spirits; this is so.ffiething we experience every day; and Zeno, it
is reported, used to say chat he was affected by wine in the same way that
lupins are when soaked in water: .they become sweet.46 They say, too, that
43 It is perhapsnot too fancifulto suspecta subtle irony in the text here: in sayingof Plato oVT'... lO"nv
a'n ('he no longer is/exists')the languageseemsimplicitlyto prejudgethe questionof the immortal-
ity of the soul in aJ.1anti-Platonicdirection.
44 Again there seemssomething of a verbal echo of the pseudo-AristotelianPhysiognomies, in fact of
the second half of the first sentence, cited in n. 2 above;... Kai oUK.€IO"lV
[sc. al 8i6voto:t]o:tn'o:\
xa6' So:vTO:S 01TatlsTs otlO"O:I
TWV ,oD O"GOµcrros Kwl)crcevv.
45 \Vhat is referred to is apparently a variety of mandragora;this is a case where the correct reading
seemsclearly w be supplied by the Arabic translation, against all the Greek sources (which speak
rather of he1nlock);see textual note 4. 17.
46 Ir seemsthat what is meant is the 'sweetlupin' or lupinus,a member of the legumefamilypopular in
the ancient Mediterraneanand stUlused as a (usuallypickled)snack;most varietiesrequiresoaking
Translation 383
the 'winelike root' brings this about even more; and that this was the dtug
of the Egyptian stranger, of which the Poet says:
All at once into the wine she threw the drug, and they aH drank it - 5
Taker of sorrow and anger, removing the thought of all evils.47
778K. Well, let us leave the winelike root; for we have no need of it for the argu-
ment, when we may observe every day all the effects of wine described by
the poets:
1-:loney-sweetwine it is that weakens you - wine, which has always 10
Harmed men when they drink to the depths, beyond decent measure.
Wine undid Eurytion, the great and glorious Centaur,
Visiting Peirithous the high-spirited, lord of the Lapiths,
In his high halls; yes, with wine he undid his own wits; and then, all
Havoc he wrought in his madness, in lord Peirithous' palace.48 15
And elsewhere, he says of it:
<Miserable thing,> that has caused the wisest of men to go ranting,
To laugh like a soft-cheeked youth and set his feet dancin.f9,
And to utter a word which best would remain unspoken. 9
So, too, Theognis said: 20
Excess drinking of wine is an evil; bur if a person
Drinks of it wisely- then not an evil; a good thing. so
to remove the bitterness.This anecdote regardingZeno of Citium (founder of the Stoic school of
philosophy) is recounted also e.g. by Athenaeus, Deipn. II.55f and Diogenes La.enius,Vit. phi!.
Vll.165.
47
OdysseyN.220-22 l. (The translation, as well as those of the other passagescited throughout the
work, is my own.) 'Thedrug is put in the wine by Helen of Troy,the wife of Me.nelaus,while they
are playinghost to Telemachus,who is travellingin search of his father Odysseusafter the Trojan
War.There followin that text the statements that the power of this drug is such as t0 prevent one
from weepingeven if one has lost a mother or futher,or if a brother or son has been killed in front
of one'seyes;that Helen (herselfthe daughter of Zeus)wasgivensuch drugs by an Egyptianwoman
named Polydamna,wife of Thon; and a famous line about the good and evilpowersof drugs, and
the doctor'suse of them. Egyptwas regardedas a sourceof materialsfor drugs, as alsoof traditional
wisdom more generally;and there was a legend regarding Helen's associationwith the country.
The term here translated 'winelike'(o!vo,rlav) is uncertain as to its precisesenseand reference;the
etymologymay be oivoiroiOs{lit. 'wine-making').
48
, Odyssey XXI.293-298. 1he context is a speech of the suitor Antino6s to Odysseusin the climactic
passageof the Odyssey,the former accusingthe latter (still in disguise,and supposedlya poor guest
in the house) of drunken and inappropriate behaviourin responseto his suggestionthat he be-al-
lowedto participate in the contest to string the bow.
49
OdysseyXIV.464-466.In the context Odysseusis speaking, and using the effectsof wine to jus-
tifyhis intention to speak openly (though his story is in fact an invented one), to the swineherd
Eumaios.
5o Theognis,fr.dub. 8 Yotmg.
 384 The Capacities of the Soul
For it is certainly true that wine, if drunk in moderation, will have a very
great effect on digestion, distribution, blood~production and nutrition,
779 K. while also making our souls gender, and braver, too - which is, of course,
by means of the mixture in the body, which is itself brought about by
means of the humours. Yet it is not just, as I said, that mixture of the body
changes che activities of the soul, but it is able also to separate it from the
body. What else could one say, when orie observes that cooling and exces-
sively heating drugs immediately cause the death of the taker? And the
poisons of wild beasts are of this class, too. We observe that those who have
been bitten by the asp are killed immediately, in the same way as those
who are killed by the drinking of hemlock - since the poison of this, too,
is cooling. And so it will be necessary for those who posit that the soul has
its own specific substance to concede that the soul is slave to the mixtures
of the body, since, indeed, these have the capacity to cause its separation,
co force it into derangement, to rake away memory and understanding,
and to make it more distressed, more lacking in resolve and in spirit, as is
apparent in cases of melancholy; and to concede that one who drinks wine
in moderation has o_pposite characteristics.
Effects of wetness on soul supported by Plato's Timaeus
780 K. 4. So, are the capacities of the soul by nature such as to be modified by the
mixture relative to the hot and the cold, but to undergo nothing from that
relative to the dry and wet? Far from it: we have many evidences of this,
too, both in drugs and in everyday regime. Perhaps I should discuss these
all next- after first giving a reminder of that statement of Plato's, that as a
result of the wetness of the body the soul reaches a state of forgetfulness of
what it knew before being bound into the body. For this basically is what
he says - in these very words5 1 - in the Timaeus, in that part of the work
in which he states that tb'.egods craft the human being by placing the im-
mortal soul 'in a body replete with ebb and flow'. 52 It is quite evident that
this is an oblique reference to the wetness of the substance of infants. And
5! For the expression(hodepOs,autoisrbnasin,almost identicalto that at 57,17 M. below),Seen. 110
below.In the Platonicpassagesthat followhere, there.are caseswhere the text in the GalenicMSS
has been correctedin the lightof the text of Plato as we know it; and a few caseswhere Galen may
have in fact read a different text. For the possibilitythat Galen is quoting from memory at other
places,and for discussion·of this problem in general,see textual note 4.29.
52 Plato, Tim. 43a6-7. The context is the account of the original creation of human beings; more
specifically,these four, closelyconnected, quotations, describein rather abstractand oblique terms
the coupling, carried out by the gods, of the immortal principlewith the mortal being.
Translation 385
4IM. indeed, immediately after these words he continues: 'but they, being Set
in a great river, neither dominated nor were dominated, but by force both
were both carried about and carried themselves' 53 and again, a little later: 20
5 'for as the wave was great which bore down upon them and flowed away -
7s1K. th.e wave which provided them with nourishment - the things which each
of them underwent from what befell chem brought about an even greater
Ill tumulr': 54
And, indeed, going over the account again subsequently, he says: 'Be- 43M.
cause, rhen, of all these things that befall it at the beginning, the soul be-
comes mindless at the first, when it is set in a mortal body; when, though,
15 the stream of growth and nourishment 55 which comes upon it is less, and
the revolutions in turn acquire a calm and proceed upon their own path, 5
and are more firmly established as time goes on, then the periods of each
of the revolutions adjust themselves to the pattern of the objects chat come
upon them by nature, and address the Other and the Same correctly, and
20 cause their possessor to become intelligent.'56
42M. By the phrase 'when the stream of growth and nourishment which 10
comes upon it is less\ he evidently refers to the wetness which he had
mentioned previously as the cause of the mindlessness in the soul - dryness
bringing the soul to a state of understanding, and wetness to mindlessness. 15
If, then, wetness brings about mindlessness, and dryness understanding,
then extreme dryness brings about extreme understanding, while a dryness
5 mixed with wetness will take away from perfect understanding to precisely
782K. that extent to which it partakes of wetness. And indeed, which mortal
animal's body is of such a sort as to be without any share of wetness - like 20
the bodies of the stars? There is none which is even close to this. And so
10 too there is no body of a mortal animal which is close to57 extreme under-
standing; but all partake of wetness just as they also partake of mindless- 44M.
ness. When, then, the rational part of the soul, which has a single-form
substance, 58is changed along with the mixture of the body, what must one
15
53 54 Ibid 43b5-c1.
Ibid. 43a7-8.
55
:be term trophican mean 'nourishment' in the narrowlyphysicalsense,or also, in a broadersense,
,nurture'; seebelow,72,5-12 M., also in the context of a citation from Plato, whereGalen explicitly
discussesthe translation of the term.
56 57 See textual note 4.18.
Tim. 44a8-b9.
58
N.ote~1er:the sudden introduction of the concept 'single-form'(monoeide)- intriguing and puz-
zling in view of the open nature of the question of the rational soul'ssubstanceas discussedabove
(and below);and also, again, the subtle shift, in relation to rhe Platonic discussion,between 'sou!'
and 'rational part of soul'. (The Platonic texts jusr cited discussed'soul', not 'rational'.)
 386 ·n,e Capacities of the Soul
think that the mortal form of the soul undergoes? Is it nor evident chat it
is in every way a slave to the body?59
Suggested equivalence between mortal parts of soul
(spirited and desiderative) and mixture of relevant body
(heart and liver); view of Andronicus the Peripatetic
And it is better to ,state, not that it is 'slave to', but that the mortal [part]
of the soul actually is precisely this: the mixture of the body. (For it was
shown above that the mortal soul is a mixture of the body.) 60 And so the
mixture of the heart is the spirited form of the soul; the mixture of the
liver is what Plato calls 'desiderative', and is called 'nutritive' and 'vegeta-
tive' by Aristotle; and as for Andronicus the Peripatetic, 61 because he dared
to make a declaration on the substance of the soul altogether, as a free
man and without unclear verbal complications, 62 I approve him highly,
and accept the opinion of the man (and I find him similar in many other
783 K. areas, coo). Where, however, he says that it is either a mixture or a capac-
iry dependent on the mixture, I disapprove of the addition 63 of 'capacity'.
For if the soul has inany capacities, while itself being a substance, and this
has been correctly stated by Aristotle, also making a line distinction on the
homonymy here - for, while 'substance' is used in the sense of matter, and
of form, and of composite ofboth, 64 he declared that soul is substance in
the sense of form - then it is not possible to say65 anything other than the
mixture, as was shown a little earli.er.66
59 Or (restoring the MSS' 1r6:v11 8ovN:VEtv,as argued for by Alexanderson 1967, 121): 'Is it not clear
[thatone shouldthink that] it is slavet9 the entirebody?'
60 See textual note 4.19. '
61 On Andronicus and on other .Aristotelianviews similar to that cited here, see Introduction,
pp. 359 ff. The phrase 'by Aristotle.,. the Peripatetic', with the crucial referenceto Andronicus, is
absent from the Greek MSS but present in the A!dine and in the Arabic.
62 I follow Bazou in omitting the phrase which Muller inserted at this point: 'that it is a mixture or
capacity of the body' (which is not supported by the Arabic version either). It seemsto me that Ga·
len is, ar this point, praisingAndronicus for 'making a declaration of the soul's substance altogether
(holos)'rather than for the specificcontent of his definition - which, in any case, is given four lines
later.1he significanceis, presmnably,both that he dared to make such a declaration, and that he did
it holos,'altogether' or 'as a whole'. The sense that he is thus talking about all the sou!, rather than
just its 'mortal' parts, seems to be included.
63 The sense is almost certainly correct; but see textual note 4.20.
64 This plurality of sensesof-'substance'or 'essence'(ousiaand cognates) is elaborated at length in Aris·
cotie'sMetaphysics, esp. book Z. It is also, however,explicitlymentioned in his Deanima,412a7- l 0,
65 'To say' is conjeccural;see textual note 4.21 for an alternativereading.
66 Galen reminds us that he takes himself to have clarified that eidosin this sense can only refer to
krasis.
Translation 387
5·
Yhe Stoic view: soul is a breath; question whether people can be
praised or blamed for their element-based characters
And the Stoics' belief comes within the same class of substance. 67 For 5
their view is that soul is some kind of breath 1 as also is nature; 68 but that
that of nature is wetter and colder, and that of soul drier and hotter.
So that this breath too is some kind of matter proper to the soul, but the
form of the matter is a certain mixture which comes into being in a good 10
balance of the airy and the fiery substance. For it is not possible to state
that soul is either just air, or just fire, because it is not admissible for an
10 784 K. animal's body to become extremely cold, nor extremely hot - nor, con-
versely, dominated by either in a great excess; after all, even if one of these 15
qualities becomes a little more than the state of good balance, then the
animal becomes fevered, in the case of unbalanced excesses of fire; and is
15 cooled down and made livid, as well as suffering poor perception or com-
plete loss of perception, when there is a dominance of air. For this latter
element is cold in itself, but becomes well·mixed from the combination 20
20 with the fiery element. And so by now it has become evident to you how
the substance of the soul comes into being in accordance with a certain
mixture of air and lire in the view of the Stoics; and Chrysippus has been
made intelligent by the well-mixed combination, and the sons of Hippoc· 25
45M, rates - they who are mocked for their foolishness by the comic poets -
stupid 69 because of the unbalanced warmth. And so perhaps someone 46 M.
will say that neither should Chrysippus be praised for his intelligence
nor those individuals admonished for their foolishness; and, again, in the
context of the desiderative [part] of the soul, that those who are restrained
should not be praised, nor those who are undisciplined admonished; and 5
similarly with regard to the actions and affections of the spirited part of
the'soul, that those with resolve should not be praised, nor those without
it admonished.
67 Galen seems to want to assimilate the Stoic view to the tradition of which he approves,without
explicitlysubscribing to the former; on the 'hypothetical' nature of the argument here, see the In-
troduction. The Stoic view referred to is presumablythat which equates soul with a kind of pneuma
or breath, this in turn (in Stoic theory) being a composite of fire and air. For a summary of Stoic
, views in the relevant areas, see Long and Sedley(1987) I, esp. 280-294 and 313-323.
68 'Nature' in this sense represents a category 'below' that of soul in the Stoic sea/anaturae that
which is rdevant to plants as opposed to animals and human beings. Galen habitually refers to this
as a terminologicaldifferencebetween the Stoics and the Platonic-Aristoteliantradition, the laner
referring to chissame 'vegetative'levelas a category of soul,the former as of nature.
69 The 'sons of Hippocrates' in question were apparently some individualswho became notorious for
their stupidity in fifth-centuryAthens (seeAristophanes, Clouds1001), and nothing to do with the
revered medical authority. See textual note 4.22.
 388 The Capacities of the Soul
Recapitul,:;tion of Galen's views on physical composition
of bodies; relevance to soul and intelligence
785 K. 5. Well, we shall consider these matters a little later; 70 for now, I shall add
what remains to what I proposed at the beginning - again, adding this
much by way of comment: that it is not possible to show all things in
all works, and that, there being two sects in philosophy according to the
first division7 1 - for some believe chat the entire substance of the cosmos
is continuous, while others say that it is separated by the interweaving of
the void - we have revealed the falsity of the second sect by those refuta-
tions which we wrote in 7he Elements According to Hippocrates.72 For the
purposes of the present argument, we have tal(en it as_an assumption, both
that our substance undergoes alteration, and that its mixture brings about
the natural body at the homogeneous level;73 and have shown that the
substance of the soul is composed according to the mixture - if, that is,
one does not make the assumption that it is non-bodily 74 and able to exist
without the body, as Plato does. But to those who do make that assump-
tion, it has been sufficiently shown already that its proper activities are
prevented by the mbtture of the body; and some other demonstrations will
786K. be added, too. Now, however, ... 75 it seems to me preferable to add the
discussion of mixtures. For those who hold that the soul is a form of the
body will be able; to say that it is the good balance of the mixture, not the
dryness, which makes it more intelligent, and in this respect will disagree
with those who hold that the drier the mixture becomes the more intel-
ligent it renders the soul. <They could even allow that dryness is the cause
of intelligence, without conceding rhat"·excessivedryness is the cause of
it.>76 But, even if they were to agree, as do the followers of HeraClitus,
70 See below, 73,13-74,21 M. (IY.814-816 K.).
7l Galen is here making a broad, 'firs.t' division (but see textual note 4.23 on the precise text), not one
into 'sects' in the usual sense. Thus, he is grouping together aU who believe in the continuity (and al-
terability) of matter throughout the universe (Platonists, Aristotelians, Stoics) as against those who
believe in (unalterable) particles in a void (the Epicureans/Atomises). Cf. the discussion of'two basic
(katagenos)sects in medicine and philosophy' at Nat. Fae.120,7 ff. H. (II.27 ff. K); also 129,9-12
H. (II.39 K.). There too the fundamental distinction is between continuity (of alterable substance)
and a theory of (unalterable) particles, 120,16-21 H. (Il.27 K.); but in that discussion the central
point is the contrast between the conception of nature as intelligent or purposive (and thus involv-
ing capacities) and the view, attributed to Asdepiades, of nature as random or mechanistic.
72 Galen argues against the atomist views of Epicurus and Democritus in particular at Hipp. Elem.2,
59-69 DL (l.415-428 K.).
73 Or, 'in a homogeneous [sc.-body]'; there is no noun.
74 See textual note 4.24. 75 See textual note 4.25.
76 Both argument and text are problematic here, rendering Galen's precise position in relation to the
propositions he discusses difficult to interpret. The sentence here printed in brackets, which is sup-
plied from the Arabic version, seems surely to assist the progress of the argument: Galen is trying to
Translation 389
that dryness is the cause of intelligence 77- for indeed, this tnan even said:
'A dry ray is the wisest soul' 78 - again, thinking it right that dryness is the
cause of intelligence; [for the word 'ray' indicates this], one should reckon
this certainly a better belief, when one bears in mind that the stars, which 15
10
are both ray-formed and dry, have extreme intelligence [for if someone
denies that they have this, he will seem to be insensitive to the superiority
of the gods]. Why, then, is it not uncommon for those who reach a very
high age to lose their wits, when old age, as a time of life, has been dem-
onmated to be dry?79 We shall state rha, this is not because of the dryness 20
15
787K. but because of the coldness; for this latter quality is clearly injurious to all
the actions of the soul. But these things, even if they are beside the point,
nevertheless at least provide manifest indications of the topic of the work
now before us, so namely that the actions and affections of the soul depend 48M.
20
on the mixtures of the body. For if, on the one hand, the soul is a form of
a homogeneous body, we will have the demonstration proceeding from its
actual substance, which is the most scientifically reliable kind.8 1
25
47M. effecr some reconciliation between the advocates of 'soul "' form of body' (who may be led by this
to advocate good mixture, rather than dryness, as the cause of intelligence) and the view (which he
recommends) that dryness is the cause. 'The distinction, preserved in that Arabic sentence, is in fact
an abbreviated form of that elaborated in Temp.:people fail to distinguish between the use of such
5 terms as 'dryness' as referring to the extreme of a quality and its use in other senses. See also next
note.
77
Reading &.M~ctKo:\crvyxwpTjcrcciev.. OO<nrepol y' &µqi''Hp&.K.i\errov- Ko:\yOp ,, - . But see tex-
tual note 4.26.
78
The fragment is nor cited here in the form in which we otherwise know it, where (fr. 118, 230
KRS, the source being Stobaeus) the phrase appears as o:Uriq,uxll aoqiw,6,n Ko:\~p!a,n ('a dry
soul is wisest and best') rather than ccVyri~nPll lflvxTJcroqic.rr&.,n;but Galen seems to have known
10 it in this latter version (see MUiier 1891, xliii-xliv), which enables the linguistic connection with
'ray-formed' (CCVyo€l6€TS) below. Bazou draws attention to evidence that the change to o::Vyfimay
have been due to Panaetius and Posidonius. Though it may seem tempting to see the transmitted
t(:ft as simply wrong (and then, as Ralph Rosen suggests to me, the whole reference to stars and
their intelligence as an interpolation motivated by the need to make sense of the reading o:UyT)),it
seems likely that Galen did know the quotation in this form. Galen does apparently subscribe t0
the superior intelligence of the heavenly bodies; see UP ii.446,I 1-19 H. (IV.358-359 K.), where
it is stated that it is reasonable to suppose that 'a much better and more accurate intellect (noun)'
inhabits the heavenly bodies than any on earth.
79
Galen's most detailed discussion of this particular point (and of differences due to age more gener-
ally)1", Temp.43,10-47,2 H. (l.580-582 K), ,£ HNH79-80 M. (XY.156-157K.hnd 94--96
M. (XY.!86-190K.); San. Tn. 170,27-171,6Ko. (Vl.387-fJK.).
so .'Work' translates pragmateia,which means, concretely, 'treatise', but also includes the sense of the
'treatment' or 'subject' in a more abstract sense. There is no actual noun corresponding to 'topic',
but the neuter article here (to) seems in context to be translatable in this way; perhaps the implied
noun is ergon,'task', as it were supplied from the adjective parerga,'beside the point', immediately
preceding.
81
The distinction between different types of demonstration, with different levels of reliablilicy, is ex-
plored further in 'JheDoctrinesof Hippocrates and Plato,in passages which the present one closely re-
flects, The term 'most scientifically reliable' translates (perhaps a little too weakly) epistemonikiitaten,
 390 The Capacities of the Soul
If Plato is right that soul is immortal, still he concedes that it is
dominated by the body; other medical examples of this
If, on the other hand, we were to take as our assumption that the soul were
immortal, 82 and had its own specific nature, as Plato used to say, even so
it is agreed by this same Plato that, at the very least, it is dominated by
and enslaved to the body because of'the mindlessness of both infants
and the senile as well as83 that of those who reach a state of derangement,
madness or forgetfulness as a result of the taking of drugs, or when certain
bad humours have been engendered in the body. For, as far as concerns the
fact that loss of memory, mindlessness, loss of motion or loss of percep-
tion depend on the things which we have mentioned, one might say that
the soul is being impeded from acting with the capacities which it has by
nature; when, however, someone believes that he is seeing things which are
not seen, and hears things which no one has uttered, and utters something
788 K. shameful, blasphemous or totally incomprehensible, then this is evidence
not just of a loss of the connate capacities which the soul had, but also of
the introduction of the opposed ones. Now, this point in itself casts great
suspicion upon the"\luestion, whether the whole substance of the soul can
really be non-bodily. For how could it be brought into the nature opposed
to itself by communion with the body, if it is neither some quality of the
body, nor a form, nor an affectibn~ nor a capacity? But let us leave this
question, to avoid a side-issue becoming far greater for us than the task
which we set ourselves. That the ,soul is overpowered by the ills of the
body, though, is manifestly apparent in cases of melancholy, phrenitis and
madness. For the failure, due to a disease, to recognize oneself and those
close to one, which Thucydides states as happening to many people, 84 and
which we also observed in the Plague which occurred a few years ago, 85
derivedfrom epist&ni,'scientificknowledge':.a demonstrationso describedwill reliablylead to this
form of knowledge;and the crucialfeatureof such a demonstration is that it proceedsdirectlyfrom
the ousiaof the subjectunder consideration,the term ousiahere having the preciseAristoteliancon~
notation of 'what something is in its actual nature, or.by definition'. For detailed referencesto The
Doctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato, and for modern discussionsof Galen'sthought in this area, see
above,A.ff Pecc.Dig. II, n. 7.
82 ReadingO:e0:11(:XTOV;see textual note 4.27.
83 The connection here is perhaps a little vague,with Galen giving the i!llpression,at least, that he is
attributing specificremarkson the effectsof drugs to Plato.
34 The passagereferredto is ThucydidesII.47-54, a famousdescription of the effectsof a plague that
afflictedAthensin 430 BCE, of considerableinterest in the history of medici11e.On Galen'sengage~
ment with Thucydides,see Nutton (2009) 25-26.
85 See textual note 4.28. On this outbreak, and the difficultyof dating it with precision, cf. above,
p. 78 n. 6.
Translation 391
will seem to be similar to the phenomenon of being unable to see anything
because of rheum or a cataract, though the actual capacity of sight has not
7g9K. suffered any harm; while the phenomenon of seeing three objects instead 10
5 of one is the greatest affection which the visual capacity can suffer - and
phrenitis is in fact similar to this.
6. That Plato, too, is himself aware that rhe soul is harmed in the case
of bad humour of the body, will be made evident immediately by the fol-
10 lowing quotation: 'Where the humours of sharp and salty phlegm, or any 15
other bitter and bilious humours, wander about the body withour being
transpired to the outside, but are churned around inside, combine the va-
pour from themselves with the motion of the soul, and are mixed up with
it, they give rise, to a greater or lesser extent, to more or fewer diseases of 20
15 all kinds; and these, being carried to the three places of the soul, multiply
the forms - according ro which one they each come into contact with - of
ill temper and low spirits; of bravery and cowardice; and also of forgetting SOM.
and at the same time ignorance. ' 86
20 In this quotation Plato clearly conceded that the soul undergoes some
sort of ill87 because of the bad humour of the body - as, again, it is 5
plunged into sickness because of the condirion of the body, in the fol-
lowing quotation: 'One in whom the seed around the marrow becomes
great in quantity and glutinous, just as if a tree has become heavy with
25 fruit in an unbalanced way, gets a lor of pains in each part and also a
49 lot of pleasures, in the desires and in the births connected with such 10
things; becomes frenzied for most of his life, since he has a soul which is
rendered sick and senseless by the body because of the greatest pleasures
and distresses; and is badly judged to be deliberately bad, not sick. Bur 15
5 in truth rhe lack of discipline in relation to sex is for the most part a sick-
ness of the soul which has come about because of one type of condition,
one which is flowing and wet in the body on account of the looseness of
bones.' 88
And so in this quotation too he gave a sufficient declaration of the
proposition that the soul is sick because of the bad condirion of the
body. But the philosopher's opinion is made quite evident, equally, in 20
the words that he wrote immediately following these. For what does 51 M.
he say? 'And almost all of those things which are <regarded as> lack
86
Tim. 86e5-87a8. The context here is a specificdiscussionof diseasesand their causes,in body,and
then (herespecifically)in soul. On the text of Galen'squotations from Plato, see textual note 4.29.
87
The cermkakia means'badness',in a varietyof senses;though moral connotationsare usuallyto the
fore in the present texts, and thereforeour regulartranslationis 'vice', the specificcontext here, and
the use of the indefinite tini ('some sort of'), seem to call for a somewhatvaguertranslation.
88
Tim. 86c4-d6 (a passageshon:lybefore the one just quoted). See textual note 4.30.
 392 The Capacities of the Soul
of restraint with regard co pleasures, and as a source of reproach: <on
the grounds that the bad is committed voluntarily, are nor rightly the
source of such reproach;> for no one is willing<ly bad>, but becomes
bad because of a wicked condition of the body and uneducated nurture;
and these are things which befall anyone against his will, and are hostile
to him.' 89
791 K, So, the fact that Plato himself concedes what has been previously dem-
onstrated by me is. evident from these ve1y statements, and from many
others, some of which - like those just quoted - ate to be found in the
Timaeus,some in other books of his.
Aristotle similarly believesin soul's dependeuce on body; citations of
his view of relation of animal characteristicsto qualities of blood
7. But chat Aristotle, too, believes that the capacities of the soul are con-
sequent on the mixture of the mother's blood, from which he states that
our blood has its generation, is evident from his statements. In the second
book of Partsof Animals, for example, he writes as follows: 'Thicker, hotter
blood is more productive of strength, while thinner, colder blood is more
productive of perception and intellect. 90 And a similar difference obtains
in those amimals which have the substance analogous to blood; which is
why bees, too, and other such ani!I'!-alsare more discerning9 1 in their na-
ture than many blooded animals, and, among the blooded animals, those
which have cold, fine blood ate more discerning than the opposite sort.
Best are those which have hot, fine, pure blood; for both with regard to
792 K. courage and discernment such animals are in a good state. That is why, too,
the upper parts of the body have this difference with respect to the lower,
and also the male with respect/to the female, and the right with respect to
the left.' 92
89 Tim. 86d6-e4 (immediatelyfollowingthe previous passage).See textual note 4.31,
90 Lit., 'more perceptiveand more intellective'.
9! The termsphronimosandphronisishave a semi·technkal sense in Aristotle'sethics (seeAff.Pecc.Dig.
I, n. 20). In the present context the terms are devoid of ethical connotations, but still presumably
refer to a form of inte!lige11ce
with practical applications. The terms 'discerning' and 'discernment'
have been adopted throughout the present volwne, for the sake of consistencyand to make clear
the use by Galen of specificterms from his quoted sources. In the case of the present passage,this
choke of term followsLennox (2001). This translation can be applied quite well to both the bio·
logicaland the ethical contexts - though dearly there is a different sense in which a bee is discern·
ing and in which a human being is discerning (see the usage in the Platonic passagequoted below,
64,18-65,15 M.).
2
9 Aristotle, PA648a2-14.
Translation 393
And so it is quite evident, from this passage too, that Aristotle's view is 5
that the capacities of the soul are dependent on the nature 93 of the body;
and he wrote in affirmation of the same belief, equally, later in the same
5 work: 'Some blood has in it what are known as ('fibres", some does not.
That of gazelle and deer is an example of the latter type, which indeed is IO
why this kind of blood does not solidify; for what is watery in the blood
is colder, which is also why it does not solidify, while what is earthy does
solidify, when the wet is vaporized [in the solidifications]; and the fibres
10 ate of earth. And it happens that some animals have a subtler intellectual
faculty than those of this sort, not because of the coldness of the blood but 15
rather because of the fineness and the fact that it is pure; for what is earthy
has neither of these qualities. For those with a finer and purer wetness have
a more readily stimulated faculty of perception; and it is fOr this reason
that some of the non-blooded animals have souls more intelligent than 20
793 K. some of the blooded ones, as was stated also earlier - bees, for example,
and the race of ants 1 and any such others. 53 M.
15 'Excessively moist animals, meanwhile, are more timid; for fear cools
things down. 94 Animals with this kind of mixture in their heans, therefore,
are naturally suited 95 to this affection. For water is solidified by the cold; 5
20 which is why, also, the other non-blooded animals are more timid than
the blooded (to put it simply); and become motionless when afraid, and
produce excretions, and in some cases change their colour. Those, however,
with a very large number of thick fibres are more earthy in their nature 1O
and spirited in character and excitable because of their spirit; for spirit is
25 productive of heat. Solid bodies when heated cause greater heat than wet
52 ones, and fibres are something solid and earthy, so that they become like
embers in the blood and produce boiling in cases of rage.96 This is why 15
bulls and boars are spirited and excitable: their blood is more fibrous; and
that of bulls solidifies more quickly than all others. When these fibres are
'JB Nore the shift from 'mixture' to 'nature' here - a tacit acknowledgementthat the passagejust quoted
from Aristotledoes not, in fact, refer specificallyto mixrure,
94
An interesting remark, giving causativepower to the soul·state (fear)rather than - as is apparently
the tenor of the passageasa whole, and of course as Galen wishes to rake it - making such states
dependent on bodily composition. See also 53,11 M. below: 'spirit is productive of heat'. But c£
, also next note.
95
Lit., 'have the way prepared in advance' (1rpooo601ro!nTo:t): again perhaps (see previous note) an
in~erestit1gsuggestion of a more complex causal nexus than that of affectionssimply depending on
mixture; and there may be a suggestion that the physical conditions for a soul pathosexist without
those physical conditions entailing the presence of the pathos. C£ the discussion of the difficult
interpretation of this same verb, in relation to soul· and body~phenomena,in a passagein the Aris·
tote!ian Problems(954b10-21}, in Sharples (2006) 179-180; and see also textual note 4.32,
96 1humos,also translated 'spirit'; see above,Aff. Pecc.Dig, I, n. 40.
 394 The Capacities of the Soul
794 K. removed, however, the blood does nor solidify. le is just as if one were co
extract the earthy part from mud: the water would not solidify. So iris coo
with blood: for the fibres are [made] of earth; if they are not removed, it 20
solidifies, just as wet earth does under the influence of cold. For when the
hoe is forced out by che cold, the wet is vaporized along wich it, as was
stated before, and it solidifies when dried, not by the hot but by rhe cold;
in bodies it is wet because of the heat in :inimals.' 97
After this preamble, Aristotle proceeds to add the following: 'The na-
ture of the blood is the cause of many things in animals both in relation
to character and in relation to perception, reasonably enough: for it is the
matter of the whole body; for nourishment is matter, and blood is the ul-
timate nourishment. And so it makes a great difference whether it is hot,
cold, fine, thick, pure or cloudy.' 98
Aristotle'sphysiognomical views more generally
There are other statements, too, in his works on animals, and in the books
795 K. on Problems;99 but it seemed to me superfluous to transcribe them all.
For it is sufficienc"f6r'me to give an indication of the opinion of Aristotle,
regarding the mixtures of the body and the capacities of the soul; I will,
however, add also his remarks in the first book of the History of Animals,
some of which telate directly to· m.ixture, others by way of physiogno-
mica! signs. For this man's view is that the shaping of the whole body
becomes proper to the characters ,~nd capacities of the soul in each class
of animals. 100 So, to begin with, the birth of blooded animals is from
the mother's blood, and the soul's characters are consequent on the mix-
cure of this, as was declared in the quotations transcribed abovei too; and
the shaping of the organic p~tts becomes proper to the characters of the
97 Aristotle, PA 650bl4-65 lal2, See textual note 4.32.
98 PA 65 lal2-17. Seetextual note 4.33.
9 9 The Problemsis not now regarded as a genuine work of Aristotle, bur rather as a collection which
includes material from the school. It is curious that, both in this case and that of the Physiognomon~
ics(see n. 109 below)- the other non-genuine 'Aristotelian'work Galen mentions in this text - he
writes as though he regards the work as genuine, but refrains from quoting from it. Whether this
omission is for the reason stated (to avoid unnecessarylength); because Galen himself regarded
these works as in some way inferior; or, perhaps, thirdly, because the text was less readilyavailable
to him, is an interesting, though doubtless unanswerable,question.
ioo This Aristotelian view is echoed elsewherein Galen, esp. at the beginning of TheFunctionof the
Partsof theBody,for Galen'sview of how 'soul' characteristicsare transmitted to the embryo, see his
Semenand TheShapingof theEmbryo.It is interesting,within the structure of the argument (and in
view of the variant form in which the work is sometimes cited; see textualnote 4. 1), to note Galen's
introduction of the term ethosat this point alongside dunamfr.
Translation 395
101
soul [according to Aristotle himself]; and in accordance with this very 5
point, besides, there are by nature many <indicators> which relate to both
the characters of the soul and the mixture of the body. And some of these
physiognomical characteristics give indication of the mixture directly,
54 M, without any intermediary; so it is with colour and hair, and also with voic- 10
796K. es and activities of the parts. And so let us now listen to what Aristotle
wrote tn the first book of History of Animals: 'The part of the face below
5 the forehead, <between the eyes>, is the meti!pon.Those who have a big
met6pon are rather slow, while those with a small one are quick to move; 15
and those with a broad one are excitable; <those with a rounded one are
irascible.>' 102
10 This is one quotation; another, not much further on, goes as follows:
'Below the met6pon are the eyebrows; straight eyebrows are a sign of a soft
character, those which curve towards the nose are a sign of harsh character; 20
those which curve towards the temples, the sign of a mocker and under-
stater; <drawn-down eyebrows are a sign of envy>.' 103
And again, shortly afterwards: 'At the point where upper and lower 56 M.
15 eyelid meet are two incisions, one toward the nose 1 the other toward the
temples; if these are long, it is a sign of bad character; and if, like the red
part of the eye, 104 they are fleshy on the side of the nostril, it is a sign of
wickedness.' 105
20 And afrer this, again: 'The white of the eyes is more or less the same in 5
797K. everyone, but the so-called "black" [iris] varies. For in some it is black, in
some very blue, in some grey; <and in certain people it is green, which is>
the sign of the best <character>.' 106
55 M, And immediately after this he writes as follows: 'Eyes may be big, small, 10
or <medium-sized; the> medium-sized ones are the best. Then 1 they may
be protrudingi or sunken, or between the two; of these, the sunken ones
are the most sharp-sighted in all animals, while the ones between the two
are a sign of the best character. Then, they may be inclined to blink, or 15
inclined to starei or between the two; <[the sign of] the best character
are the ones between the two;> of the others, the latter are shameless, the
former inconstant.' 107
And again, a little later on, in the discussion of ears, he wrote as follows 57 M.
on the subject of their size: 'They are large, small, moderate-sized, highly
101 102
See textual note 4.34. Aristotle, HA 49Ibl 1-14. See textual note 4..35.
103
HA 49Ibl4-l8. See textual note 4.36.
104According to LSJ the term (Knlvss)refersto the carunculalacrima!is.
105
HA 49lb22-26. See textual note 4.37. 106 HA 491b35-492a4. See textual note 4.38.
107
HA 492a7-l2. See textual note 4.39.
 396 The Capacities of the Soul
prominent, not prominent at all, or moderately prominent. The moder-
ate ones are a sign of the best character, the large and prominent ones of
stupidity and talkativeness.' 108
This is what Aristotle wrote in the first book of rhe History of Animals;
and he makes a not inconsiderable number of references in another work
798 K. of physiognomical studies. 109 I would juxtapose some quotations from
that work here too, if it were not that Twould then get a reputation for
longwindedness, ru; well as wasting time to no purpose, when we have
available to us the witness of the man who discovered this study first of all
doctors and philosophers - the divine Hippocrates.
Hippocrates relateshuman character- and intelligence-
to climate (i. e. 'mixture')
8. Indeed, he himself writes, in the work where he gives his teaching on
airs, places and waters, first about chose cities which he describes as turned
towards the north; and these are pretty well his exact words: 110 'The char-
acters are wilder rather than gentler.' 1 ll And after this, again, concerning
those turned towirds the east: 'The people are dear-voiced and better with
regard to anger and intelligence than those toward the north.'ll 2 Then,
discoursing further on the same theme, he continues: 'I state that the dif-
ference between -Asia and Europe, in the natures, both of everything that
grows out of the earth, and of the people, is a very great one. For all grow
much finer and bigger in Asia. For the land is gentler and the characters of
the people kinder and better-tempered, And the cause of this is the mix-
ture of the seasons.' 113
799 K. He states mixture 114 to be the cause, not just of the other things which
he has discussed, but also of the character traits. His view is that different
1oaHA 492a34-492b3.
109 Galenpresumablymeansthe Physiognomonics, a work which wasattributed to Aristotlebut which
modern scholarshipregardsas a pseudonymouswork (probablyof the third century,though of the
Peripateticschool;the text is in FOrster1893). Seenn. 2, 44 and 99 above.
110 One wonders whether this (somewhat self-contradictory) phrase - hiJdipiis autois onomasi(lit.,
'somewhatas follows,in these very words') - here indicatesquotation from memory on Galen's
part. (Seetextualnote 4.29 on the possibilitythat Galen is quoting from memoryelsewhere.)On
the form in whichGalen refers to the title of this work - which we know as Airs, W'aters,
Places-
see Bazou (1999) 134. Note that the Hippocratic discussion, as indii:ated by Galen's terminology,
'turned towards', is here concerned with the orientation of different cities, that is, which types of
winds particularly affect them.
Ill A& 194,10 J. (ll.20-22 L.). "'A;, 197,4-5 J. (Il.24 L.).
113 Ae,, 219,15-220,6 )- (ll.52 L.).
114 Note here how Galen tacitly assumes the identity of krasisin this Hippocratic context, where it
has a specific application to the seasons, with krasisin the specific, highly theoretically loaded,
Translation 397
mixtures of the seasons differ from each other in respect of hotness and
5 coldness, dryness and wetness: I set down together a very large number of lO
quotations to this effect in the work in which I display [the fact] that he
maintains the same belief regarding the elements in Nature of Man and in
all his other works. But in the words following the present quotation, too, 15
his teaching is the same, as he-writes as follows concerning the well-mixed
10 land, which, he states, makes people's character traits well-mixed too: 'For
it has been neither excessively burnt by the hot, nor dried out by drought
or lack of water, nor cooked by the cold.' 115
And so, he goes on: 'Bravery, hardiness, vigour and the spirited could 59 M. 20
never take root in such a nature - whether in the indigenous or in the for-
eign people - but necessarily pleasure must dominate.'II 6
And, conversely, he writes a little further on in the same work: '.Asfor 5
lack of spirit and bravery in human beings, the fact that Asiatic men are
15 800 K. less warlike than Europeans and gentler in their character traits is caused
mainly by the seasons, which do not have great changes either towards hot
or towards cold, but are fairly constanr.' 117
However, he adds a bit further on: 'You will find also some individual 10
20 differences between Asiatic people, some being better and some worse; and
the changes in the seasons are responsible for these too, as I have stated
above.' 118
58 Later on, when the discussion turns to the inhabitants of Europe, 15
he writes: 'Wildness, implacabiliry and the spirited arise in this kind of
5 nature.' 119
In another passage, further on, he again writes: 'The inhabitants of 60 M.
mountainous, high, rough, well-watered land, where the changes in the
seasons are great, are, understandably in those places, tall in stature, well-
developed for hardiness and bravery; and such natures have in them to a 5
considerable degree the wild and the bestial. But the inhabitants of valleys,
of areas which are grassy and stifling - people who have more hot than
cold winds, and use hot waters - these will have grown neither tall nor 10
upright, but stout, fleshy and black-haired. They will be black rather than
white; and less phlegmatic than bilious, and bravery and hardiness will not
sense, which it has in his own works; and thus implies that Hippocraces shares that theoretical
framework.
n 5 Aer. 221,1-3 J. (11.54L.}. See textual note4.40.
116 Aer. 222,1-5 J. (II.56 L.). See textual note4.41.
ii Aer. 227,11-228,2 J. (II.62 L.). 118 Air. 230,1-4 J. (II.64-66 L.).
7
'" Ak 243,3-4). (11.84 L.).
 398 The Capacities of the Soul
be a consistent feature of their souls by nature, but may be produced in
them by the extra influence of regulation.' 120
By 'regulation' here he evidently means the regular 121 upbringing in
each country, which we also refer to as nurture, education and local habit-
uation; and to this, indeed, I will return a little further on in the argument.
For now, 1 want to add a few more quotations yet. 'The inhabitants of
high, I flat, windy, and well-watered land will be tall in stature, and similar
to each other, and ,they will be less brave, and gentler, in their tempers.' 122
And indeed, he adds the next points about place, writing as follows: 123
'1l1e inhabitants of narrow, waterless, bare places, which are not well-
mixed in terms of the changes in the season, will understandably in this
land be in their features hard, vigorous, and fair rather than dark; in their
802K. character traits and tempers self-willed and stubborn.' 124
Well, to avoid having too many quotations from Hippocrates, consider
what he says next: 'You will find, for the most part, that the features of hu-
man beings, and their habits, are consequent on the nature of the land.' 125
And, of course, he has often stated in this work that the difference be-
tween the lands themselves is in terms of the hot, cold, wet and dry. It is
because of this, ih~·refore, that he then says: 'Where the earth is rich, soft
and well-endowed with water, and this water is very changeable, so that it
is hot in the summer and cold in the winter, and well positioned in rela~
tion to the seasons, here people will_be fleshy, deficient in their joints, wet,
not hardy and, I for the most part, bad in their souls. There is laziness in
them, and sleepiness; and with regard to specialized skills they are thick,
not fine or sharp.' 126
Here again he very clearly made evident that not just character· traits,
but also dullness of the intellectual faculty- and also understanding - de-
pend on the mixtures. And similar to this is what he writes - these are the
803 K. very words - in the quotadon following closely after: 'Where the land is
bare, lacking in water, and rough, and is beaten down by the winter and
roasted by the sun, there you will find that they are hard, lean, with good
joints, vigorous, hairy; that - as regards their character traits - there is a
keen industriousness, along with wakefulness, in this kind of nature, and
120 Aer.244,11-246,4 J. (II.86-88L.), with very small variations from the Hippocratic text.
l2l Nomimos,'regular' in the sense of established or accepted by rule or custom (nomos).
122 Aer.247,1-4 J. (Il.90 L.).
123 There seems no reason to suspect this connecting sentence, as Mi.i.llerdid; I follow Bazou and
Alexanderson (1967) 121 in restoring it.
124 Aer.247,7-248,3 J. (II.90 L.). 125 Aer.248,8-10 J. (II.90 L.),
'" Ai,c 248,10-249,7 J. (IL90-92 L).
Translation 399
that they are self-willed and stubborn in their tempers, and more inclined
to wildness than gentleness; and, in specialized skills, that they are rather 15
15 sharp and intelligent, and also better at war.' 127
In this passage, again, he clearly states not only that character traits are
consequent on mixtures of the country, but also that some are sharper at
20 specialized skills, and some are less intelligent, in other words that some 20
~H.t are mdre intelligent and some duller and thick in their intellectual faculty.
I do not, therefore, still need to refer to all the physiognomical indicators 63M.
5 written down in the second and sixth books of the Epidemics;it will suffice
to place here, for the sake of example, this saying of his: 'The one in whom
the vein in the elbow pulses is manic and sharp-spirited; the one in whom 5
it is quiet is sluggish.' 128
The argument in this quotation is as follows: human beings in whom
10 804K. the artery in the elbow produces a very vigorous motion are manic. For
the ancients referred to arteries too as veins, as has been shown frequently; 10
and they did not yet use the term 'pulse' for all arterial motion, but only
for that perceptible one in human beings which is definitely vigorous.
15 Hippocrates was actually the initiator of the usage which came to prevail
•.. point using t h e term '!'"all
lacer,!29 at a certain pu se ror arten'al. monon, o f 15
whatever kind; but in this passage - where he is still using the word in its
old sense - he means that vigorous motion of the artery is evidence for a
person's being manic and sharp-spirited, since it is because of the quantity
of heat in the heart that the arteries pulse in that way; for the quantity
of heat makes them manic and sharp-spirited, while coldness of mixture 64M. 20
makes them lethargic, heavy and slow to move.
9. Hippocrates, then, displays throughout his entire discussion 130 of
the mixture of waters and seasons that the soul's capacities (not only those 5
in the spirited and desiderative parts of it, but also those in the rational)
depend on the mixtures of the body; and he is the witness most worthy
of trust - if, that is, one were to appeal to witnesses for the truth of their
127
A&. 249,7-250,7 J. (ll.92 L).
128
Epid.II.5.16 0/.130,18-20 L.). The passage comes, interestingly, from a series of remarks at the
end of book II of the Epidemics, which are headed 'physlognomical' in the Hippocratic text. On
Galen's use of this specific passage, see next note. On 'sharp-spirited' c£ n. 168 below.
129
Galen is endowed both with a high level of scholarly sensitivity, including to the differences in
usage due to the period at which Hippocratic works were written, and with an ability to use
Hippocratic texts - and indeed this very historical sensitivity - selectively to make Hippocrates
appear to support his own views. On his argumentative procedme in relation to the particular text
cited here, see above, Introduction, p. 356 and Singer (1996); see also n. 131 below.
!31) Or 'writing'; see textual note 4.42.
 400 The Capacities of the Soul
doctrines, as is the habit of some people. 131 For my part, I do not trust the
man as a witness, as most people do; rather, I see that his demonstrations
are secure, and for this reason, then, I too praise Hippocrates. For who
does not observe that the bodies and the souls of people in the northern re-
gions have a quite opposite disposition to those of people near to the fiery
zone? 132 Or who does not know that those between the two - those who
inhabit the well-mixed country- are better in their bodies, in the character
traits of their souls 1 their intelligence and discernment, than those people?
Citations to refute the view that Plato thought the soul was
only affected by the body in cases of illness
And yet, because of certain self-styled Platonists who hold that the soul, 20
though impeded by the body in sickness, performs its specific activities
when the latter is healthy, and is neither assisted nor harmed by it, 133 I shall 65 M.
set down here certain quotations from Plato, in which he declares that, in
relation to their discernment, people are assisted and harmed by the mix-
ture of places, even when the body is not sick. In a passage early in the Ti- 5
806 K. maeus, for example;-he wrote: 'the goddess, after she had first arranged you
according to this overall arrangement and order, chose the place for you to
be born in, <having a view to> the good mixture of the seasons, <because
this> would bring forth the most discerning of men' 134 and also followed 10
this with: 'Being both warlike and wise, the goddess chose the place most
apt to bring forth for her outstanding men, and settled this place first.'
!3l 1he sentence could be seen as neatly encapsulating the most characteristicfearuresof Galen's use
of authority, esp. in relation to Hipppcrates, in that: (l) he refers to Hippocrates' discussion in
Airs, Waten,Placesas a discussionofinixture', as though Hippocrates' use of the term can tinprob~
lematically be associatedwith qalen's theoretical concept (on the arguments for this, see above,
pp. 338-339); (2) he tacitly attributes to Hippocrates the Platonic concepts of spirited, desidera~
tive and rational, thus creating a synthesiswhereby the Galenic, the Hippocratic and the Platonic
are seen as part of the same intellectual framework;(3) he appeals co the argument of an authority
while denying that ic is important co him as authority. Note in this context also the slightly odd
form of the conditional, which seems to assen Hippocrates' authority definitely,while distancing
Galen from the practiceof using authority: 'Hippocrates is [indicative]the witness ... if one wereto
appealto [optative].. .'. On Galen'sattitude to authority, see now Rosen (2013).
in The phrase for 'fiery zone' (more lit., 'baked belt/zone') seemsto have been used in referenceto the
tropical regions; cf. Sttabo, Geogr,I.2.24 and 1.4.6. · Plato, Laws747dl-5. See textual note 4.44.
l33 For evidenceof this view in the later Platonic tradition, see above, Introduction, pp. 366-367 with
n. 87.
134 Plato, Tim. 24c5-9. The context is the recounting by Cridas of a story he had heard long ago,
regarding the speech made by an aged Egyptian priest to the semi~legendaryAthenian law-giver
Solon; the 'you' of the speech refers to the Athenians, and the goddess is Athena. See textual note
4.43.
Translation 401
10 It is evident, then, from these statements alone, that he attaches great
importance to place - that is co geographical habitation - in relation to
the character traits of the soul, to understanding and to discernment. In 15
the fifth book of the Laws, however, he wrote as follows: 'This fact, too,
15 Megillos and Kleinias, should not escape our attention, on the subject of
places: <that some differ from others> with regard to the engendering of 20
better and worse individuals.' l35
Here, again, he manifestly states that places engender better and worse 66 M.
individuals. And again, in what follows, continuing the point: 'Indeed,
some of them are weird and shameless because of all kinds of breaths and
roastings, others because of waters; others because of the actual nourish-
ment from the earth: this has the power not just to impart better and worse 5
things to the bodies, bur, no less, to produce all the same kinds of effect
in the souls.' 136
807K. In this passage he clearly states that 'breaths' (that is, winds) and
'roastings' (that is, the hear from the sun) have power in relation to the 10
capacities of the soul - in case they 137 do not think that individuals can
in any way become better and worse in their souls because of the breaths,
and the hotness and coldness of the ambient air, and the nature of the
waters and nourishment; and that these factors themselves do not pro-
duce good and bad effects in the soul by the means of the mixtures. For 15
even this would be a consequence of the understanding and education
of the men. We at least, however, know that every foodstuff is brought
down first to the stomach, where it undergoes a preliminary 'working', 20
and after this, is taken via the veins leading to that organ from the liver,
and produces the humours in the body, from which are nourished all
rhe other parts, and along with them the brain, heart and liver; and
in the process of being nourished they become hotter than themselves,
or colder, or wetter, being assimilated to the capacity of the dominant 67 M.
humours. So, then, let those who are unhappy with the notion that
nourishment has the power to make some more self-controlled, some
more undisciplined, some more restrained, some more unrestrained, as 5
well as brave, timid, gentle, kind, quarrelsome and argumentative - let
them now have some self-control, 138 and come to me to learn what they
135
136
Ibid.747d5-e2. The passage followsdirectly on the previous one, with the omission only of the
phrase 'and one must legislate [in a way which is] not opposed to these'.
137
The 'they' here continues the attack on the 'self~sty!edPlat0nists', referred to also by 'the men' in
the next sentence.
138
There is a double sense here of stJphronein;
though it has been translated '[be] self-conuol[led]' in
both casesto point up the connection, the more obvious meaning in the second case is 'come to
 402 The Capacities of the Soul
should eat and drink. They will derive the greatest benefit with regard to
the philosophy related to their characrers; 139 and in addition to this they
will make progress in the capacities of their rational souls, too, becoming
more intelligent, with regard to virtue, and having better memories. In
addition to nourishment and drink, I shall also teach them about winds,
mixtures of the ambient air, and even about which countries are to be
chosen and which avoided.
10. I will remind them again, even if they do not wish it, that Plato
himself - after whom they name themselves - wrote about these matters,
not once, nor twice, but on numerous occasions. In the same way, there-
fore, it will be sufficient for me to add three 140 quotations in the present
discussion, rwo of them, on the drinking of wine, from the second book of
the Laws, <the third, on nourishment>, from the Timaeus. The quotation
809 K. from the second book of the Laws, then, is as follows: 'Surely we should
legislate, first, that up to the age of eighteen, children should not touch
wine at all; for we should teach that one muse not drive fire upon fire, into
both body and soul, before the individual embarks upon labours; for we
must be careful of the frenzied condition of the young. After this point,
that one should drii:tk wine in moderation, up to the age of thirty, but a
young man should refrain from drunkenness and excess in wine-drinking
altogether. On reaching the age of forty, one should, when lying at feasts,
not just invoke the other gods but, indeed, call upon Dionysus too, for the
sacrament and recreation of old meil. For it is in this capacity that he gave
us the gift of wine, as a drug helpful in the harshness of old age, so that
there would be a forgetting of sorrow and low spirits, and so that the soul's
character would be softened from its hard state - becoming more malle-
able, just as does iron when placed in a fire.' 141
On the basis of this quotation, I would call upon the noble Platonists to
remember, not just what is.said in it about the drinking of wine, but also
810 K. what is said about differences at [different] ages. For he states that that 142
of youth is frenzied, and that of old men harsh, low-spirited and hard -
and this, of course, is not because of the number of years, but because of
one's senses'. Galen is (if the text is correct) making a sort of joke here: one needs to
some extent to realize the fact that bodily factors affect one's ability to sophronein.
139 The translation 'related to characters' here seems to capture the relevant sense of the adjective
lthikqs (derivedfrom ethos);but it is, of course,the sameword which givesus our 'ethical',and is
sometimesso translated,('Ethicalphilosophy'would be an alternativehere.) On the term seeMor.,
Introduction, pp. 119 ff.
140 ReadingTpE'i'S J)T]crsis.
See textual note 4.45. 141 Plato, Laws666a3-c2.
142 Omitting, with Bazou, the unnecessaryinterpolation <f>Vcrtv (Al.dine,followed by Millier); the
referenceof 'that' (;Tjv) is still to 'age' (as the Arabic version also confirms).
Translation 403
the mixture of the body that exists at each age. For in youth it is hot and 5
10 has much blood, while in old age it has little blood and is cold; and for chat
reason, while wine-drinking is beneficial to old men, restoring the coldness
due to age to a good balance of heat, it is extremely negative for those who 10
are growingi for it excessively heats a nature which is already boiling and
15 moving vigorously and inflames it to unbalanced and vigorous motions. 143
But Plato in the second book of the Laws did not confine himself to the
above statements on the drinking of wine, but made many more besides, 15
which are useful to anyone who wants to read them. I shall cite just one
20 more of his remarks, which comes at the end of the whole discussion on
wine-drinking, at the point where he has singled out the regulation of the
Carthaginians for approval. And the quotation is as follows: 'But even
more than the Cretan and Lakedaimonian practice, I would support the 20
811K. Carthaginian regulation that nobody on tour of duty should ever drink it,
68 M. but rather restrict himself to water-drinking for this entire time; and, with- 70M.
in the city, that no slave, male or female, should drink it, nor magistrates
5 for the duration of the year in which they are serving; nor should helms-
men nor active jurors drink wine at all, nor anyone who is intending to 5
participate in a Council of any importance at all; nor should it be drunk at
all after day-break, unless for reason of bodily training or sicknesses - nor
at night, by any man or woman intending to make a child. And there are
many other circumstances which one might mention, too, in which wine 10
should not be drunk by those with correct regulation and intellecr.' 144
Now, Plato has made these statements in reference not to bodies which
are sick, but to those which are enjoying perfect health - if, that is, my
most noble Platonists, it is your belief that those who fight wars, govern,
judge cases and steer ships are healthy individuals. I would ask you, then, 15
to answer this question. Does not wine, when drunk, command the soul,
like some tyrant, to abandon its previous accuracy _in intellectual activity
and the previously correct performance of its actions; and is it not for that
••.,, ••M K. reason that Plato tells us to guard against it as an enemy? For if once it 20
reaches the inside of the body, it prevents the helmsman from handling the 71M.
rudder of the ship as he should and the soldiers from behaving with self-
sophronein
to control within their ranks; it causes jurors to blunder when they should
be just, and all the officials to err in their rulings, and give commands 5
which are utterly harmful. For he holds that wine fills the whole body, and
especially the head, with hot vapours, and thus becomes the cause of too
unbalanced a motion in the desiderative and the spirited part of the soul, 10
143 144
Reading ~Kµcdvs1. See textual note 4.46. Plato, Laws674a5-b9.
 404 The Capacities of the Soul
and too rash a decision in the rational. Now, if this is the case, it is apparent
that it is through the medium of mixture that these activities of the soul are
damaged when we drink wine (and by the same medium that, conversely,
the benefit accrues). But on this point, if you wish, I shall instruct you on
another occasion, namely the full extent of the harm and benefit which
wine in its nature produces, through heating. For the moment, I will put
down that statement from the Timaeus in which Plato begins by saying:
'Thus all of us who become bad do so because of two wholly involuntary
factors, for which one should blame the begetter rather than the begot-
813 K. ten 145 and the nurturer rather than the nurtured' 146 and then goes on:
'One must try, in whatever way one can, by nurture, practices and studies,
to avoid vice and to choose its opposite.' 147
For just as 'practices and studies' are destructive of vice and productive
of virtue, so too is 'nurture'. And while the term 'nurture' is sometimes
used by him 14 8 not just in reference to food, but also to the whole [daily]
regime of children, it is not possible to claim that 'nurture' is being used
in that latter sense in this passage.149 For this statement - 'one must try, in
whatever way one can, by nurture, practices and studies, to avoid vice and
to choose its opposite, - is meant here as an exhortation not to children
but to adults. By 'practices', then, he means both gymnastic and musical
activity; and by 'studies', geometrical and mathematical ones. But it is
not possible to understand 'nurture' [trophe]here in any other sense than
that deriving from foods, gruels and drinks - one of which, indeed, is
814 K. wine, about which Plato discours.ed at length in the second book of the
Laws. Anyone who wishes to learn about all the capacities of nourish-
ment [tropheLeven without that source, may read three books of ours on
the subject, l50 and a fourth to add to them, on Good and Bad Humour,
which is particularly needed in the present context. For bad humour is
injurious to the activities of the soul, while good humour preserves them
unharmed. · put to death the incurably wicked, quite reasonably, on three grounds: 157
l45 The verb (<pvT~Vw) has a central meaning 'plant', 'sow seed', 'produce'; in the human/animal
world, though translatedhere 'beget' for stylistk/Hnguistlcreasons,it may refer to the role of both
male and femaleparents.
146 Plato, Tim. 87b3-6. The context again is the discussionof diseasesof body and soul.
!47 Ibid 87b6-9 (the words immediatelyfollowing).
14 8 ReadingU,r' aV,oV. See textual note 4.47.
l4'> On Galen'sinterpretationof the word trophehere (which in the presenttext has been translatedas
both 'nurture' and 'nourishment' in differentcontexts),and more broadlyon Galen'sselectiveand
tendentious reading of the Platonic texts he cites, see Lloyd (1988},
l50 Galen's TheCapacities of Foodstuffi.
Translation 405
Relation of argument to ethics:problem of praise and blame
attaching to qualities due to mixture
l5 11. This argument, then, is nor destructive of the fine things arising from
philosophy, but is an argument useful for guidance and for teaching of 5
a point within those things of which the philosophers are ignorant. 151
For those of them who hold that all human beings are receptive to virtue
(which is equivalent to saying that no one is born naturally bad), 152 and
20 those who hold that none chooses justice 153 for its own sake, both have 10
a partial view of human nature. For not everyone is naturally hostile to
72'M. justice, nor is everyone naturally a friend to it - and in each case they have
become as .they are through the mixtures of their bodies. How, then, they
say, may someone rightly be praised or blamed, hated or loved, when that
5 815K. person has become wicked or good not by his own agency but by virtue 15
of the mixture which he obviously derives from other causes? Our reply
is that this is something that is a property of all of us: to embrace, accept
10 and love the good, and to reject, hate and avoid the bad, without first
investigating whether it is originated or not (nor whether something else 20
has made it so or whether it has brought it about like that itself). 154 So, 74M.
to be sure, we destroy scorpions, poisonous spiders and vipers, which have
15 become as they are not by their own agency but by that of nature. (Plato
refers ro the first and greatest god as 'unoriginated'; but nonetheless calls 5
him 'good'; and we all naturally love him, although he is as he is from eter-
nity, and did not become so by his own agency; for he did not 'become' at
20 all, 155 being, for all time, unoriginated and everlasting.)156 And so it is rea-
sonable that we hate those men who are wicked, without stopping to con-
sider the cause which makes them so; and, conversely, we accept and love 10
those who are good, whether they have become so from their nature, or
from education and teaching, or from choice and training. And indeed, we
15
to prevent them harming us while they live; to provoke in those similar
to them the fear of punishment for their wrongdoings; and, thirdly, that
151
O:yvoouµtlvoutv cxVTois
ReadingTIVOS <V1T6>
T00v<p1Ao0"6<pwv.
Seetextual note 4.48.
152
The phrasein parenthesesis omitted by Mil.ller.See textual note 4.49.
153
On dikaiosuneand dikaiossee above,Aff. Pete.Dig. I, n. 189.
154
The phrasein parenthesesis omitted by Millier.See textual note 450.
155
The same Greek word (y!yvoµcx1)is used for 'be born' and 'become', renderingconsistenttransla~
tion here impossible.
156
The sentencein parenthesesis omitted by Mil.ller.See textualnote 4.51.
157
The term is aitilli, 'reasons' or 'causes';as weUas a logicaland scientificsense, the term also has
(older)connotations of justificationand responsibility.
 406 The Capacities of the Soul
death is actually preferable for these people themselves, whose souls are
so ruined that the vice they have is incurable, 158 so that they cannot be
educated even by the Muses themselves, let alone improved by Socrates or
Pythagoras.
Untenable Stoic view of natural virtuousness of all" and
shortcomings of modern philosophers generally
It amazes me in thls context that the Stoics believe all human beings to be
adapted for the acquisition of virtue, but diverted from it by those around 75 M.
rhem. Leaving aside all the other considerations that destroy this argument
of theirs, I will just ask this one question, regarding the first human beings,
who had no one else before them: from where, or from which individuals, 5
did this 'diverting' take place in their case? They will not be able to reply
to this; and similarly, on observation of extremely wicked small children
in our own rime, they will be quite unable to say who taught them their
817 K. wickedness - especially when there are many who are brought up along-
side each other, in the same form of nurture, by the same parents, teachers 10
or tutors, who are'cbmpletely opposite in their natures. There can be no
greater difference, indeed, between a generous child and an envious one,
between one with compassion and one who enjoys others' pain; between
the timid and the brave, the very stupid and the very intelligent, the lover
of truth and the lover of falsehood .. Certainly, it is apparent that children
differ from each other in respect _ofthe oppositions mentioned, even if
they are brought up by the same parents, teachers and tutors. One should
be on one's guard against such statements from the philosophers of the
present day; or perhaps rather one should say, not 'philosophers', but 'those
who profess the practice of philosophy'. If, indeed, they were genuinely
practising philosophy, they themselves would be on their guard, above all
things, to make sure they' made the starting-points of their demonstra-
tions from things manifestly apparent. This, it seems, is what the ancients
did, more than anyone; and it seems that they acquired the reputation
for wisdom amongst people, not by writing treatises, nor by displaying
a study of dialectic or of the natural world, but <by taldng their starting-
818 K. point> from the actual <things manifestly apparent in their study of the>
virtues; and by cultivating the discipline of these virtues in their deeds,
not in their words. 159 And so these philosophers, observing that from the
iss The phrase 'that the vice they have is incurable' is omitted by Muller.See textual note 4.52.
l59 See textual note 4.53.
Translation 407
very beginning children, even when they receive the best education and
20 have no example of vice, still n1ake errors, 160 - for it is rare indeed to 10
observe a child without fault - some of them declare that, since there is
none such, all human beings are by nature bad, others, having seen one or
rwo very rare cases state thar not all but the great majoriry are bad. For if 15
someone - so1neone who is not one of those competitive rascals - wishes
to observe the matter with free judgement, as did rhe ancient philosophers,
he will find that there are extremely few children born with a good nature 20
for virtue, and will cease to hold that we are all born good, but diverted
from it by our parents, tutors and teachers. 161 Children, after all, do not 77 M.
encounter any other influences. And the claim that some make, that we are
!i19K. diverted by pleasure and pain, the one dragging us towards it, the other,
with its unpleasant quality, pushing us away, is also very foolish. For if we 5
have all been appropriated 162 to pleasure, which is not, in fact, a good,
but - as Plato said - 'a very great incitement co what is bad', I63 then we
are all by nature bad; but if we are not all [so appropriated], but only some
of us, then these alone are in fact the naturally faulty ones. For indeed, if
we have no other capacity in us chat has been appropriated to virtue rather 10
than pleasure, or one which is stronger than that which leads us by nature
to pleasute, we would, then, all be bad, since the greater capacity that we
have would also be weaker, while the faulty one would be stronger; 164 but 15
if our greater one is stronger, who then persuaded the first human beings
to be conquered by the weaker one?
Distinctive position of Posidonius against Stoic orthodoxy:
vice does not have purely external source
And so these very positions of the Stoics were criticized even by the most
scientific of all [of them], Posidonius, who is not praised by the other 20
Stoics on the very points where he is most worth}' of praise. For those
160
See textual note 4.54. 161 See textual note 4.55.
162
The verb(likeiousthai(herein the form ~K<:!~µeea) correspondsto a concept (oikei6sis)particularly
associatedwith Stoic thought - a conceptwith which Galen'susagehere perhapshas a rarhervague
relationship.In Stoicism,oikeiOsisrefersto a processofhwnan and animal developmentor sociali-
zation, wherebyone comes to feel a senseof kinship (becomes'appropriated' to) an increasingly
wide community.For the main texts relevantto this conceptwithin Stoicism,see Long and Sedley
57 A--H. I adopt Long and Sedley'stranslationof the term: though the noun 'appropriation'and
the verb 'appropriate'are awkwardand potentiallyInisleadingin English,it is difficultto find any
better solution; and this one at least captures the essentialconnection with the adjectiveoikeios
('appropriate'- also translated as 'own', 'proper'). Galen'susage in the present context seems not
very differentfrom the senseof 'habituation'. (SeealsoMor. I, n. 29.)
63 164 See textual note 4.56.
' The quotation is from Tim. 69d.
 408 The Capacities of the Soul
other Stoics were convinced that they must betray their fatherland rather
than their doctrines; Posidonius, on the other hand, was convinced that
820 K. he should betray the Stoic sect rather than the truth. In his work on affec-
tions, therefore, as well as his discussions of distinctions between virtues,
his view is totally opposed ro that of Chrysippus; and he makes many
criticisms of what Chrysippus wrote in his logical enquiries regarding the
affections of the soul, and still more 'of what he wrote in his work on
distinctions between virtues. 165 It is not, then, Posidonius' belief: either,
that vice enters us from outside, without there being any specific root for
it in our souls, from which it rakes its first impulse, and then sprouts and
grows; his view, rather, is quite the opposite. There is, indeed, a seed of vice
within our selves; and we all require, not so much to avoid the wicked, as
ro pursue those who will cleanse us and prevent the growth of this vice. For
it is not, as the Stoics say, that vice as a whole enters our souls from outside;
rather, the part within - in the case of wicked people - is the greater one,
and what enters from outside is much smaller than this.
Distinction ,.bf!.t:ween
phenomena due to mixture and pheonomena
due to education,·reciprocalrelations between soul qualities
and mixture,•summary
It is from this·latter source, in fact, that faulry habits arise in the non- 20
821 K. rational part of the soul, and false beliefs in the rational, as also, when we
get our education from men who are decent human beings, -true beliefs
and good habits; while it is on the mi)ftures that depend, in the rational, 79
different degrees of shrewdness and foolishness <and, in the non-rational
part of the soul, well-balanced or ill-balanced motions, also in different
degrees>. 166 And the mixtur~s themselves are consequent on the o.riginal
formation and on well-humoured daily regimes, and these things mutually
increase each orher. 167 So, ro be sure, people who become sharp-spirited 5
l65For the evidenceon Chrysippus' literary output, see Dufour (2004).
l6GIt is notewonhy that Galen has here clearly distinguished a causal process due to mixture from
one due to education and habituation. The phrase in brackets has been supplied from the Arabic
(solving the problem which Miiller perceived, positing a lacuna earlier in the sentence); a Greek
version corresponding to this Arabic phrase has been reconstructed by Theiler, cited by Bazou:see
List of textual departures,
167Reading Kal avvau~6:.ve1(see textual note 4.57). The precise referetJ.ceof 'these things' (TaiJTa)
does not seem entirely dear here; it does seem dear. though, that Galen is here, interestingly,dis~
cussing processesof 'soul-body' influence which are apparently reciprocalin nature. Though the
argument is unusual in the context of the present work, it is closelyparalleled by a number of in·
teresting passagesin the great work on regimen,Mattersof Health,outlining the principles of early
training and bodily regime. See esp. San, Tu. 19,24-20, 18 Ko. (VI.40-42 K.), where there is an
Translation 409
because of the hot mixture then fire up their innate heat by their sharpness
78 M:, of spirit; and those who are well-balanced in their mixtures, having well-
balanced motions of the soul, are assisted towards good hurnour. l68 And so
our argument accords with things manifestly apparent; explains the causes 10
5 of the effects that we undergo on taking wine and particular drugs, of those
that we undergo through good and bad daily regime, and also how we are
beneficed and harmed by practices and studies; and provides the cause of
the natural differences among children. But those who hold that the soul 15
10 is not benefited and harmed by the mixture of the body have no account
to give of the differences among children, and have no cause to provide
of any of the benefits which we derive from daily regime, nor, indeed, of 20
822K. the distinctions in character traits - which obviously vary between spirited
15 and lacking in spirit, intelligent and unintelligent. Amongst the Scythians
there was born one philosopher, while there were many at Athens; con-
versely, in Abdera rhere have been many unintelligent individuals, and at
Athens very few.169
extended description of how mixtures may affectsoul-characteristics,and how then the motions of
the soul (which the doctor should try to regulate, including with forms of musicalentertainment)
have a reciprocaleffect on bodily mixture. In this context see also next note.
168
Reading ellxvµ{avfor eU6vµ!av- a particularly striking case where the Arabic and Latin versions
seem to preserve the correct reading, with a significant differenceof meaning: Galen is here de-
scribing a reciprocalprocessof interaction, a fact which the reading eU6vµiavwould obscure. See
further textual note 4.58. N.b. the term 'sharpness of spirit' (oxuthumia)could also be translated
'quicknessof temper' (cf. also p. 399 above).On this term, and its place within Galen'saccount of
anger, see now von Staden (2011) esp. 74-75,
169The 'one philosopher' of Scyt:hiais Anacharsis,a semi~legendaryrather than a historicalfigure,who
came to exemplifythe 'wise barbarian', transcending his origin by coming to Athens (supposedly
at the time of Solon, early sixth century BCE) and participating in Greek culture and philosophy.
He also appears, in another rhetorical context, in Galen'sPrQtrepticur 94,22-95,5 B. (I.13-14 K.)
The few intelligent individuals from Abdera (a city in the northern Greek region of Thrace) may
include its most famous intellectual native, Democritus; on the other hand, the remark may rather
representa sidewaysswipe at that philosopher,whose atomic theory was anathema to Galen, There
may also be an oblique referenceto the tradition that Hippocrates visited the area and benefited its
inhabitants. As well as being stock rhetorical tropes, however,the referencesto Scythia and Thrace
should be understood in the specific context of Galen's Hippocratical!ybased views of different
ethnic characteristics:Sc..ythiansare discussed at length in the Hippocratic text which predomi-
nates in the above discussion,Airs, U:Wten, Places(Atr. 230 ff. J.,II.66 ff. L.).

Textual notes
4.1 (from footnote 1) 32 M. (tide) (IV.767 K.). '!be title is given differently in
the Aldine edition: 'That the character(trait)s (i\6~) of the soul. . .'; and indeed
this title, supported also by a reference elsewhere in Galen, HNH 51,12-13 M.
(XV.97 K.), has given rise to the standard Latin form of the title, Quod animi mo-
res corporistemperamentasequantur.That the MSS 5uv6µets ('capacities') is correct
is clearly confirmed not only by the structure of the argument as it proceeds but
also by the consensus of the MSS and by Galen's other references to the work, see
Miiller (1891) xxxiii; Bazou (1999) vi-ix and Jouanna (2009). It remains, how-
ever, standard practice amongst scholars (paceJouanna) to refer to the work in
brief form by that incorrect title: 'Quod animi mores'or' QAM'.
4.2 (from footnote 4) 32,8 M. (IV.767 K.). I follow Muller and the Greek MSS
(i6wv), not Bazou, supported by the Arabic and Latin (~6wv, also read by Goul-
ston). That difference of a single lette! in the Greek makes the difference between
'CustomaryPractices' or 'CharacterTraits:Neither text (in the form. that we have
it) provides a dear parallel for the 'precise proposition stated here. It is ~rue that
we have CharacterTraitsin a very incomplete form; true, too, that the Arabic and
Latin translations often. preserve the correct reading when the Greek MSS are in
error. But the specific context of daily regime here seems to find a closer match
in the subject matter of Custo:niary Practices.That text has material relevant to
the effect of food. drink and .daily practices on the mixture of the body, as well as
material on the productiori of virtue of the soul through daily practices. It does
not, however, present eukrasiaas the medium by which the daily practices will
improve the soul; rather, the exercises of the soul are separate and specific to the
capacities of the soul that one wishes to improve. See Cons.,eh. 4, esp. 25-29 M.
It seems that what Galen may be doing (perhaps rather craftily) is adducing a text
which seemsto provide precisely the support that he wants, but which on a close
reading is of little relevance to the influence of body on soul.
The point at issue is (unfortunately) of broader significance: if'Character Traits'
were correct, that woµld be the only explicitevidence that the present work post-
dates it (see General introduction, pp. 39-40 with n. 92).
4.3 (from footnote 7) 32,18-33,l M. (IV.768 K.). I depart from Miiller here,
who prints 8eii\6TaTa Kai KCXTa1Ti\flKTlKWTaTa (MSS 11for Kal). Unless Eva:vT{ws
StaKeiµeva (\he opposite disposition') in the next line could be taken as referring to
410
Textual notes 411
all the characteristics just rnentioned, (at least) one of three things seems required:
(1) the supposition of a lacuna (Mi.iller: so, Galen was going to add the opposite
of 8. K. K.); (2) the emendation of KCXTa1Ti\1)KTtKWTaTa to something with the
sense 'extremely easily frightened', e.g. C<KaTa1Ti\flKTlKl0TaTa (Co bet 1882, 184):
s.o,we get a pair of opposites of the sort we expect; (3) the insertion of an adversa-
tive between the two adjectives (TtvO.SE, Aldine, followed by Bazou: so, the text
as it stands is in fact a pair of opf'osites). The adjective KCXTo:1Ti\flKTtK6S
seerns only
attested' in the sense 'frightening', not 'frightened', which makes Mi.iller's solution
impossible; we thus need an opposition (T1va SE); however, 'frightening' does
not correspond to a state of soul, and thus can hardly be taken as an opposite of
'extremely timid'. Bazou points out that the adjective C<KaT6:1Tfi.1)KTOS (but not
C<Kcrra1Ti\1)KTiK6s) is attested in Galen in the sense 'brave' or 'undaunted'; the fact
that it is not actually attested in the superlative does not seem to me an insuper-
able obstacle, and I would suggest that the correct reading is 8Eti\6Tcrra, T!VOSE
&KaTo:1TAl)KT6TaTa. The translation given, however, would not take us far frorn
the sense wanted by Bazou.
4.4 (from footnote 9) 33,3 M. (IV.768 K.). Muller (1891) xxxvi argues for a
lacuna after alcrxuvTnp6 (' ... shan1e'), precisely on the basis that Galen has not,
in the text as it stands, made reference to the rational part of the soul, but only to
the two others. See the parallel passages cited there; but contra Bazou; and QAM
67,4-7 M. (IV.808 K.) certainly does not seem to distinguish the parts clearl:y. The
text as it stands may, in fact, further support the notion that Galen is 'smuggling
in' the notion of tripartition.
4.5 (from footnote 10) 33,9-10 M. (IV.769 K.). The proposition is bracketed
by both Millier and Bazou, who suspect it as a scribe's explanatory interpolation.
There seem no strong grounds for this; and indeed the parallel passage which
Millier cites, rpllcr1v8' 8Tav el1Tw,TT}v8A11voUcr{o:vTEKal KpO:crtv i\Eyw, Temp.
104,1-2 H. (I.675 K.) can be taken as evidence for this equation in Galen, rather
than for the fact that such a statement is a gloss.
4.6 (from footnote 14) 33,24 M. (IV.769 K.). I follow Bazou in preferring
rrpocr~yop(a (Aldine, apparently supported by the Latin nuncupatioand the Ara-
bic) to the MSS KaTnyop{a (which would include more··specificAristotelian con-
notations of a 'category' of philosophical analysis).
4.7 (from footnote 20) 34,14-16 M. (IY.770 K.). Muller omits this lasr phrase
Cand so too ... "eyes"'), on the - to me, as to Bazou - unconvincing grounds that
if Galen had wished to adduce this example, he would have adduced all the others
he has mentioned too.
4.8 (from footnote 24) 35,15-16 M. (IV.771 K.). The sentence in parentheses
was suspected by Mi.iller; but there seems no clear evidence against it, and it is in
the Arabic version. I follow Bazou in restoring it.
4.9 (from footnote 29) 36,21 M. (IV.773 K.). The word oucr(as is absent in
most of the MSS; it seems, however, to be supported by the Arabic - paceBazou,
who takes the Arabic as supporting the Aldine's crucrT6crews('composition'). The
412 The Capacities of rhe Soul
decision between these rwo readings is difficult: is Galen delaying talk of subH
stance altogether(the term is not used again until the next page, 37,21 M., and
there of the 'substance of the soul'), or does he in face intend that the discussion
of cornposition of physical bodies is itself a discussion of their substance?The
decision is not assisted by the uncertainty as to the precise proposition of rhe
following sentence.
4.10 (fromfootnote31) 37,3 M. (IV.773 K.). The Arabic version adds also 'bone'.
4.ll (from footnote 35) 37,11-12 M. (N.774 K.). I here follow Bazou'spunc-
tuation rather than Muller's (which would yield the less plausible 'homogeneous
and simple, not having perceptible organic composition').
4.12 (from footnote 39) 37,24-26 M. (IV.774 K.). ·n,e words from 'We have
shown' to 'rhe activities do so' - in rhe form in which they appear in the Greek
MSS - were suspected by Miiller as a scribal interpolation. Bur the Arabic version
seems to preserve the correct solution, with 'we have shown' as the main verb of
a new sentence, indeed a new paragraph, not part of a subordinate clause at the
end of the previous one, as in the Greek (which runs ' ... and to show chat the
capacities of the soul depend on its substance, since, indeed, the activities do so',
with the new paragraph then starting: 'Now, if the reasoning, .. '), Our version
also provides a Ir!.Ofenatural transition to the next part of the argument, as to
whether the ratiotlal-is mortal. The structure of the argument is now: 'we have
shown [at least] the truth of this proposition; now, whether the farther proposi-
tion is true ... '.
4.13 (from foo.tnote 39) 37,26-38,l M. (IV.774-775 K.). I follow Ba-
zou (EcrTt Ov11T6v,EcrTO:tKai aUT6), omitting the Aldine's Kai yCXp (re-
tained by Miiller), keeping Mlillq's icm (for the MSS' unintelligible ii -
and now also supported by the Arabic ve_rs_ion), and punctuating with a comma
after OvT}T6v,. rather than after EcrTt,and no colon after Ecncn. Miiller's text recon-
structs the condition differently: (if the reasoning (sc. part] is a form of the soul,
it will be mortal; for indeed, it too ... '. On Bazou's reading, the order of'if-clause'
and conclusion may at first blu(h seem wrong; but it is, perhaps, rather a:differ-
ent way of expressing the information: there are two possibilities, mortality of
the soul and immortality, and what is outlined here is the case in the event of the
former possibility. Milller's reading has the disadvantages of (1) an atypical usage
of TO Aoy1(6µevov (without noun) to mean 'the reasoning [part}'; (2) a forced
way of reconstructing the 'if'-dause: it is much more natural to see this condi-
tional as balanced by that which follows in the second half of the sentence, so: 'if
it is mortal .. , ; if it is immortal ... '. None of the emendations, incidentally, solve
what seems the greatest awkwardness in the Greek: the n_eedto supply 'namely'
before 'of the brain' (there is nothing else that is being disCussed as the mixture of
the brain, so 'it too' reads oddly). A third possibility, suggested to me by Philip
van der Eijk, would be to omit the conjectural EcrTt;so: 'if the reasoning form of
the soul will be mortal, it too [sc. will be] .. .'; this gives much the same sense as
Bazou, with, perhaps, the advantage that the two conditionals match each other
Textual notes 413
more closely, each (rather unusually) having &O'TOI
in the protasis (but see note
4.15 below).
More hangs on the differences in reading than one might at first think: Milller's
reconstruction has Galen drawing a dear conclusion of mortality from the consid-
e:acions just advanced; on the reading adopted here (or that suggested by van der
Eijk) mortality is one option, with certain particular ramifications. I suggest that
the latter firs better with the 'hjpothetical' nature of Galen's argument in these
chapters', as discussed in the Introduction above. See also next note.
4.14 (from footnote 40) 38,2-4 M. (IV.775 K.). I here follow Bazou. Muller
suspected the whole phrase 'and thus ... substance of the soul' as a scholarly expan-
sion. But the point is being emphasized that if this view is conceded regarding the
reasoning part, then all soul's capacities, and not just those related to the 'mortal'
parts, wiH be dependent on bodily mixture; in fact, Miiller's view (1891) xxxvii,
that the words 'disturb the conceptual order' (ordinem sententiarum turbantia) is
perhaps only true on his reconstruction of the previous pan of the sentence. The
suspected phrase, moreover, is supported by the Arabic version.
There is a further variation, within this same phrase: Mi.iller printed TOVTEO'TIV
aUTT)o\Jv T1TfiS y.,uxfis o\Jcricc;this, though dubious Greek, would presumably
mean 'for this [sc. the mixture) is the substance of the soul itself'. Bazou's text
(omitting aUT'flollv MSS or To1aVTTJAldine and reading Tft ... oUcrl<;i:) seems at
least better attested in its dative form - i.e., [dependent] upon the - and is again
supported by the Arabic. Another solution might be to keep aVTT),but in the da-
tive: aVTflTfi Tfis y.,uxfisoUcri<;i:,
' (dependent] upon the substance itself of the soul'.
4.15 (from footnote 41) 38,4 M. (IY.775 K.). The MSS have the future, lit. 'if it
will be [sc. If it is to be] immortal'; Bazou prefers the present (EaTt), comparing
the Arabic version. But more substantial is the question whether to read 006:vaTov
(with Millier and Bazou) or 006:vcrros with the MSS; the former is an emendation
which seems reqllired for consistency: we are talking about 'the reasoning [part or
fonn] of the soul', which is neuter, whereas 006:vaTOSwould be the form in agree-
ment with 'JIUX~,'soul' (as a whole). If, however, Galen has slipped into talking
abo~t 'the soul' rather than 'the rational part', this is interesting, because it would
constitute a tacit acknowledgement (as indeed supported in what immediately fol-
lows, 38,9-10 M.) that it is the status of the whole soul which is at issue between
him and Plato, and that the latter regards the soul (as a whole) as immortal.
Bazou, then, while arguing for the neuter form here, feels the need for the ad-
dition of cxLITTl 'this' [feminine], i.e. 'the soul', to gloss the following 'it' - precisely
on the grounds that it is, as Galen/Plato goes on to say, the soul as a whole that is
separated at death, not just the rational part. The addition seems to me unneces-
sa'ry.Presumably one might argue- on Galen's interpretation of the Platonic view-
that the mortal part simply perishes at death, while only the rational 'is sepa-
rated'. But in any case a tension will remain between the Platonic talk of the soul
surviving death and the Platonic theory (on Galen's official view) that, at most, the
rational part of it can survive death; and the unclarity as to whether 'the rational'
or 'the soul' is the subject in these cases seems to me significant.
414 The Capacities of the Soul
4.16 (from footnote 42) 38,8 M. (IV.775 K.). I follow Bazou in reading ,wh~v;
the MSS have TaCiTa, Ta1.JT71v or TaVT6v, the last preferred by Mi.iller. But 'it'
in rhe sense of 'the soul' is supported by the Arabic version and also the Latin
(ipsam), and seems dearly preferable. Miiller's neuter pronoun ('the same') would
presumably refer back grammatically to i\oytS6µevov 1:T6os, and would thus theo-
retically support the view that Galen is here still definitely talking about the ra-
tional part of rhe soul; but the solution seems forced, especially since the phrase
i<aT<X TaLIT6vwould more naturally be taken to mean 'in the same place' (i.e.,
referring to a text)'.
4.17 (from footnote 45) 39,18 M. (IV.777 K.). The transmitted Greek text is
doubly problematic, in that (1) it relies on a non-apparent linguistic link between
the words KWVElov(hemlock) and µwpia (folly or stupefaction); (2) the effect
of hemlock is not elsewhere attested in these terms, but rather as simply causing
death through its cooling properties. Both problems are solved by reading µWptov
for KWveiov.The Arabic version has mUryitn,clearly the transliteration of a Greek
word. The term µWpios refers to the male or white variety of mandragora at Dio-
scorides, Mat, Med. IV.75.2, where it is stated to produce a state of insensibility
(U1roKapoOvTat) in shepherds; further mentioned are anaesthetic effects, dumb-
ness and (in the case of another kind of µWptos) long periods of insensibility or
stupefaction (the te!m is CnroµwpoCiv, cognate with µwp{a); and similar effects
are described by'Pllny, Nat. Hist. XXV.148. Furthermore, ibid. XXl.177 ff. gives
morion(in what appears co be a nominative neuter form) as a synonym of hali-
cacabos,apparently a variety of deadly nightshade; and there the effects described
include delirium. and shamanistic ranting. µwpia is not often used in a precise
medical sense in Galen, but more often iri its vulgar sense of 'stupidity'; it is,
however, defined, at Symp.DijJ 225, 15 G. (Vll.60 K.) as a 'deficient motion of
the incellective activity'; c£ Loe.A.ff ,VIII.164 K.: µWpwcns is a loss of intelligence
(cr\Jvecrts).Such usage accords with the insensibility or loss of consciciusness im-
plied in the above passages. The further detail, already suggested, that there was a
neuter version of the word, µWptov (though not attested in LSJ) assists the reading
here: one can read µWpiov for )<Wvetovwithout having to change the gender of
the participle 1ro6Ev.We thll;S'have a clear linguistic echo between the twO terms,
µwp{o: and µOOpiov,and the correct medical effect, meeting problems (1) and (2)
above. The face that the te'rm is an uncommon one would contribute to the likeli-
hood of a substitution of K<ilvetovby a scribe ignorant of the former term (the
error consists, further, in a direct copy of the phrase K<ilvetov,roeE·v from 38, l l
M. above).
Cober (1881) 448 suggested that what was meant by the following phrase was
that K<ilvetovµWpov, 'foolish hemlock', was what was described as having those ef-
fects - i.e., presumably, some substance other than hemlock that went under that
nickname. But I find no support for this in pharmacological texts. And the con-
nection between KWVeiovand a supposedly ancient usage of the verb Kwv&v,'to
spin', to describe that drug's dizzying effects~seems to be due to a twelfth-century
lexicographical source (the Erymologicum Magnum,cited by Bazou, who does not
Textuct!notes 415
mention the Arabic reading) and not to be supported by any ancient evidence .. In
any case this would hardly solve our textual problem, since we would surely then
expect an explicitmention of the supposedly related term KwvO:v,rather than an
assumption that the reader knows it already.
4;18 (from footnote 57) 43,21-44,l M. (IV.782 K.). Following the MSS reading
(and Bazou) without the deletion of EyyUs EcrTi- which, pace Miiller, seems to
1
me unproblematic. The restoration of the phrase is argued for by Alexanderson
(1967) 120-121, who would also restore MSS ,fvos for Muller's""'" two lines
earlier (43,19 M.); and omits (as does Bazou) Muller's conjectural U1r6:pxe1v('co
be', 43,20 M.). On Alex.anderson's view we have a repeated rhetorical question:
'Which hun1an animal's body is of this sort? Which [human animal's body] is
devoid of wetness ... ?'
4.19 (from footnote 60) 44,8-9 M. (IV.782 K.). The sentence in parentheses
is omitted by Miiller - on the face of it plausibly, since it seetns to assume too
much, and indeed to state as proven a proposition currently under discussion. But
it is in the Arabic version. The status of this sentence should be considered in the
broader context of Galen's shifting argumentative position in this work, and of the
shift between discussion of 'mortal' and 'rational' parts; our decision about this
sentence may depend upon the view we arrive at in those areas.
4.20 (from footnote 63) 44,19-20 M. (N.783 K.). This reading, µsµq,oµm Tfi
1rpocr8foE1,(that of Land W, and supported by the Arabic) seems surely right;
one should, however, at least be aware of the alternative reading of M, V and m,
which gives a quite different sense: cr\Jµq)'riµiTft 1rpoa1pEcre1,'I agree with his
opinion.'
4.21 (from footnote 65) 45,2 M. (IV.783 K.). I follow Muller and Bazou here,
with the inclusion of the word 71,ym ('say'), not in the MSS (but again apparently
consistent with the sense of the Arabic). But one should be aware of the alternative
suggested by Alexanderson (1967) 121, closing the parenthesis after 'JIVXT\V rather
than after Uirapxetv, and thus rendering the conjectural i\Eyetv unnecessary. The
sense would thus be: ' ... he declared soul as substance in the sense of form - then
it is not possible for it to beanything other than mixture .. , '. If this were correct, it
would again subtly affect the nature of the truth-claim Galen is making.
4.22 (from footnote 69) 45,26 M. (IV.784 K.). Millier conjectures vw6€lS('swin-
ish'), apparently on the basis of a possible trace in L, Wand m: the word would
have dropped out at just after 'sons' (vieis) because of its similarity. The rather
unusual word is supported by some references, e.g. in Athenaeus, which do pair
it with 'sons of Hippocrates'; on the other hand it seems slightly odd in that posi-
tion. It may be more likely, as the Arabic version suggests, that some more usual
term for 'unintelligent' (Goulston conjectured &cr\JveTot,balancing the cruveT6s
applied t0 Chtysippus) has dropped out, probably at rhe end of the sentence. The
present translation will work well enough on either view.
416 TI1e Capacities of the Soul
4.23 (from footnote 71) 46,12-13 M. (IV:785 K.). Miiller regards the phrase
'according to the first division' as an (adn1ittedly not unintelligent) interpolation;
but it is supported by all the sources) including Latin and Arabic. The term Toµ'!)
in such a sense is odd, and there has perhaps been some corruption; but the sense
seems correct.
4.24 (from footnore 74) 46,22 M. (IV.785 K.). The Latin translation has im-
mortalem ('immortal') instead of 'non-bodily'. 'Non-bodily', as also at 38,22.25
M. (IV.776 K.), above, seems to fit the sense better; but c£ 48,5 M. (IY.787 K.),
below, with note 4.27.
4.25 (from footnote 75) 47,2-3 M. (IV.785-786 K.). The phrase Ka\ TOUTou
&crTlTOOTp6irou ElpriµEvou,bracketed by Milller as a scribal gloss,and difficult
to make syntactic sense of, is omitted in the translation; however, the whole pas~
sage beginning with this sentence seems not unproblematic in the structure of
its thought, with the abrupt transition, in the next sentence, (1) back to 'those
who hold that the soul is a form of the body' and (2) to a discussion (with rather
unclear reference) between advocates of 'dryness' and good balance as causative
of intelligence; and it is possible that there are deeper textual difficulties. See also
next note.
4.26 (from footnote 77) 47,9-18 M. (IV.786 K.). It is difficulr to make perfect
sense of the Greek," and the best solution may be provided by the Arabic ver-
sion. The best sense to be made of the Greek sources seems to me as follows. I
depart from Miiller's text, which reads oU ('not') for et ('if') at the beginning and
cruyxwp~croµ,v.('we will agree', L) for cruyxwp~cra!Ev(other MSS; and both
the Latin and Arabic also have a third:.personal verb); but follow him in inserting
&0"1Tep('as do' - also supported by the Latin version's sicut) before 'the followers of
Heraclitus'. Muller's sense would be: '.Will we not actually agree that dryness is the
cause of intelligence, as do the followers ·of Heraclitus? For he, too, said ... ' (and
then starting a new sentence at 'Why, then ... '). The change to a negative seems
unjustified; and 'they' makes natural sense as picking up the subject of the previ-
ous sentence (we are still talking.about those who think that the soul is eidosof the
body). Bazou also preserves EJ;but agrees with Milller on the first-personal verb,
so: 'Even ifwe agree .. !. ().Vellmann read a negative, but kept the third-personal
verb: oLIK&vcruyxwpTjcroaev.)
If. however, we compare what we have in the Greek with the previous sentence,
preserved only in the Arabic (see n. 76), the words Cf..M' et Kai cruyxCvp'T)cra1ev
alT(av eTvai cruvEcrewslook as if they belong in that otherwise missing sentence,
while the sentence introducing Heraclitus has no such phrase in the Arabic ver-
sion, which simply makes a fresh start with 'Now, the followers ofHeraclitus ... '.
This way of beginning the sentence would incidentally also be consistent with
the particle µT\v,which modern editors have had to excise. In other words, there
seems to be a lacuna in the Greek after that problematic first phrase> which in fact
belongs to a separate sentence.
Textual notes 417
Acc.ording to the Arabic version, the whole problematic passage reads: 'They
[could} even allow that dryness is the cause of intelligence, without conceding that
excessivedryness is the cause of it. Now, the followers of Heraclitus (he himself also
claimed that a wise soul is a dry ray) interpret this sentence to mean that dryness
~s the cause of extrerne intelligence, on the grounds that the word "raf' indicates
this. One must consider this view better than the former one, when we observe as
grounds for it the fact that the sun and stars, which are shining-dry, have extreme
intellig'ence.'
The decisions on the two phrases within this passage which Miiller regards as
further scribal interpolations - and which are printed in square brackets here - are
separate ones. Certainly the sentence is fairly long and rambling even without
them (at least on Bazou's or my reconstruction of the Greek - but again, it is less
so in the Arabic) but they are supported by the Arabic and seem to make perfect
sense within Galen's argument.
4.27 (from footnote 82) 48,5 M. (IV.787 K.). I have reverted to the MSS
Cf..96:vaTov'immortal' (also supported by the Arabic), rather than Goulston's
emendation O:crCOµcxTov ('non-bodily'), adopted by Miiller and Bazou. One may
feel that Galen should prefer the term 'non-bodily' in such contexts (see note 4.24
above), but surely textual authority here inust take precedence over a theoreti-
cal Galenic consistency. In fact, throughout the present text, Galen characterizes
Plato's view of tl1esoul in terms of its being immortal: 36,12-15 M. (IV:772-773
K.), 38,4-5 M. (IV.775 K.), 42,13-15 M. (IV:780 K.), or separated from the
body at death: 38,9-10 M. (IV.775 K.), more often than in terms of its being
non-bodily: 38,21-23 M. (IV.776 K.), 46,22 M. (IV.785 K.).
4.28 (from footnote 85) 49,6 M. (IV.788 K.). I follow Bawu in reverting to the
MSS yevoµEvn against Milller's emendation yev6µevov; in his version the parti-
ciple would refer to the observed phenomenon, rather than the plague, as having
happened several years ago. The MSS version seems to give more natural Greek
(though it seems perhaps that some words have fallen out; and the Arabic ver-
sion adds the information - consistent with Galen's remarks elsewhere, e.g. Hipp.
Epid.v753,18-19 WP (XVIIA.885 K.)- thatrhe plague was not only recent but
long-lasting).
4,29 (from footnote 86) 49,14-50,2 M. (IV.789 K.). A question arises, with
these substantial quotations, as to the explanation of the differences between the
Platonic text as it appears in the MSS of this work, and the text of Plato as we
know it independently. There are quite a large number of such, usually very rninor,
variations. There are three obvious possibilities (which are not mutually exclusive):
(1) little errors have crept into the MS tradition of the present text of Galen; (2)
Galen was using a somewhat different edition of Plato from the accepted modern
one; (3) Galen is quoting from memory, and making small errors in the process.
418 The Capacities of the Soul
Where the variation is rninor and the variant version srill makes reasonably good
sense - and, arguably, in some cases where the variation is significant - options (2)
or (3), or some combination of thern, may seem more likely than option (1).
Both the education of Galen's tin1e and his 'epideictic' activiry, on which see
esp. von Staden (1997b), conduced to the verbatitn learning of large bodies of
text, especiallywhere the specific text might be one he would use repeatedly-in ex-
tempore debate. In such a context, presumably, a work might be 'published' with
quotations which had nor been checked against che actual text of the author in
question -which wa.sitself, in any case, not clearly or uncontentiously established.
In the case of (2) or (3), then, at least some of the 'errors' in citation of Plato
are really part of Galen's text, and should be preserved. We may note too that the
Arabic version can shed further light on the question. I make some comments
based on my reading of (the German translation of) th.e Arabic version passirrti
but, in view of the subtlety of some of the differences, this is an area where further
research by an Arabist 1nay be fruitful.
Miiller in general, but not always, emends in favour of the accepted text of
Plato; Bazou in principle follows Galen's 'wrong' reading when this is supported
by all the MSS and the Aldine. My policy has been to follow MiUler; but- in view
of the possibilities outlined above - to record the noticeable differences in these
notes. The same considerations apply to the extenSive Aristotelian quotations fur-
ther on in the text._ ,-
For the present passage, the main such examples are: 49,14 M. (IV.789 K):
1hrou ('where' Plato), oTCXV ('when' MSS); 49,17 M. (IY.789 K.): eiM6µevo1
('churned around' Plato), 171K6µevo1('dragged' MSS); 49,18 M. (IV.789 K):
~opi\ ('motion' · Plato), 61a6foE1 cr~66pa ('disposition, very much' MSS);
49,22-50,l M. (IV.789 K): 1TOtKiAAEl µev E16T)... 1TC<VTo6am'x, 1TotKlMEl51
0pcxcruTT)TOS ... 711i0TJs
... 6ucrµcx0eicxs('multiply the forms ... of low. spirits ... of
forgetting ... ignorance' Plato), irotKlAcxy_(lp µEv yCXp£Tvat £l811... 1TcxVT08airO:s
1roM6:KtSBEOpcxcrUT1lTOS ... AT)6cxs
... 8u0'0uµ(as oicxs ('for there are many forms
of ill temper,· and all kinds of cases of low spirits, and frequently cases of brav-
ery ... cases of forgetfulness and at the same time of low spirits [sic],of such a
kind .. .' MSS). Note that the last variant in particular - with its repetition of
the term 6ucr6uµ(as, which indeed would be very difficult to believe was read by
Galen - would detract from-.iny sense that the three parts of the soul are involved,
as (the correct reading) 8uaµo:6elcxs seems needed to imply the involvement of
the rational.
4.30 (from footnore 88) 50,6-18 M. (IY.790 K). Main differences between
MSS and Plato's text: 50,7 M. (IV.789-790 K): OT':) ('One in whom Plato),
omitted in the MSS; 50,7 M. (IV.790 K): y71otw6es ('glutinous' MSS, here fol-
lowed by Muller), pucrw5es ('flowing' Plato, also apparently supported by the
Arabic); 50, 12-13 M. (IY.790 K): 71u,rcxsvocroucrcxv('diseased ... distresses' Pla-
to), i\U1ras Kai. v6aouS ('distresses and diseases', and omission of 'diseased and'
before 'insensible', MSS); 50,14 M. (IV.790 K): KCXKWS ('badly' Plato), omitted in
MSS and apparently in the Arabic too; 50,15-16 M. (IV.790 K): Ke<TaTo 1To71u
Textual notes 419
µEpos ('for the most part' Plato), KcxlTO 1T0Auµep&5('and the many-parted(ness)
[?]' MSS; the Arabic is perhaps closer to the latter); 50,16-18 M. (IV.790 K.):
6crTWv... PuW8ri ... v6aos ... yEyove ('a disease which ... bones', Plato), Ws
TT]v... PoW811... voOcrov... yEyovEvo:t ('[But in truth ... the lack of discipline
ar_idmany-parted(ness) is because of one type of condition, one due to looseness,]
so that the flowing [?] and moist disease of the soul has come about', MSS.) (The
Arabic rext also has no mention Of bones.)
4,31 (from footnote 89) 51,1-6 M. (IV.790 K.). The main differences between
Plato and the MSS hete are: 51,2 M. (IV.790 K.): e<Kpcxcricx
('lack of restraint'
MSS, here followed by Miiller), 0:KpOTEicx (different word with same translation,
Plato); omission of all the bracketed words in the MSS (the latter apparently a
simple scribal omission, as the text makes no sense and the missing words are in
the Arabic). ·
4.32 (from footnote 97) 52,8-54,5 M. (IV.792-794 K). Main differences be-
tween the Galenic MSS and our text of Aristotle: 52,9 M. (IY.792 K.) and 52,10
M. (IY.792 K): the word 'blood' (txIµcx)is omitted in the MSS at its first two
mentions in the passage; 52,9-10 M. (IV.792 K): 6opK<'x6wv('deer' MSS, printed
by Muller) is rather ,rpoKwv, 'roe deer', in Aristotle; 52,13 M. (JV.792 K.): the
bracketed words 'in the solidifications' are absent from Aristotle but present in
the MSS, while the reverse is true of the following 'and the fibres are [made] of
earth' (which should doubtless be restored, as they are attested in the Arabic and
the Latin).
The statement '.Animals ... naturally suited to this affection.' at 53,3-4 M.
(IY.793 K) appears in the MSS differently from Bekker's rext of Aristotle (the
version here translated) in ways which may represent a significant philosophical
difference. Instead of 1rpow801ToinTo:1 oVv ... T4°)ir00et.,. Toto:UT11vthe MSS
have: 1rpoo8oir9ieTTo:1Toivuv ... TO:1r6:611... ToiaOTcx(note incidentally the dif-
ference in particle: Toivuv is a particle characteristically used by Galen to indicate
that 'this, now, is my opinion'). Though it is difficult to make clear sense of the
text in precisely this version, and some further changes would be needed, it is at
least possible that Galen had the text in something like this form, i.e. with TO
1T06n as the subject. One could then read the verb either (1) as middle: 'such
affections produce a natural suitability [lit., make for themselves a pathway in ad-
vance]' (but then with an uncertain relationship with 'mixture'); or (2) as passive:
'such affections have the way prepared for them, having [i.e. when they have] the
[sc. this] mixture in the heart'. On reading (1), certainly, and perhaps on reading
(2), the causal situation would be different from that implied by the received text
o( Aristotle. (On the other hand such a variant reading does not here seem to be
supported by either the Latin or the Arabic version.)
53,5 M. (IV.793 K): &vmµcx('bloodless' Aristotle followed by Muller), evcx1µcx
('blooded' codd.acc. to Millier, just Aldine acc. to Bazou), so that on the latter
reading the distinction would be within blooded animals (but again the Latin and
Arabic support the standard text). At 53,5 M. (IV.793 K) note also the variant,
420 The Capacities of the Soul
in some MSS, 1+1vxp0Ci TIOIT)TIK6v ('productive of cold') for l{JUXP01TT)KT6v ('so-
lidified by the cold'); 53,11 M. (IV.793 K.): 1ro1nT1K6v('productive' Aristotle),
rrape<TlKOS('able to cause/provide' MSS, adopted by Bazou). Though the differ-
ence in meaning here may be a subtle one, this last is interesting in that it is a case
where Galen may well have had the variant reading the term is one from the
philosophical language of his time, being evidenced e.g. in Alexander of Aphro-
disias. For this sentence, noteworthy too is the Latin: calorisenim estJuror effictus.
This would reverse the causal relationship back again: is NiccolO translating what
he (Galenically) expected to find, or the trace of another tendentious reading
along the same lines as TO -rr6.6riTO TOtaGTa above? But, as Vivian Nurton plau-
sibly points out to me, NiccolO may well have actually written ejfectivus- which
would take us back to an accurate translation of rrotT]TlK6v.53,14 M. (IV.793
K.): Ouµots ('cases of rage', Aristotle, but also Aldine, Latin and Arabic), xuµots
Chumours' MSS, in this case surely just an error- though an interesting one given
the occurrence of, in effect, the reverse error at 79,8 M. (IV.821 K.), discussed at
4.58 below).
4.33 (from footnote 98) 54,6-11 M. (IV.794 K.). Textual differences: 54,6
M. (IV.794 K.): a1µtxT05('blood' Aristotle, but also Aldine, Latin and Arabic),
rrwµaros ('body' MSS); 54,7 M. (IV.794 K.): ~005 ('character Aristotle, but also
Aldine, Latin and Arabic), e16os ('form' MSS). These both seem to be merely
manuscript errors.
4.34 (from footnote 101) 55,4-5 M. (IV.795 K.). Muller brackets this phrase as
spurious.
4,35 (from footnote 102) 55,13-16. M. (IV.796 K.). The phrase 'between the
eyes' is omitted by the MSS, though not by the Latin or the Arabic. The final,
bracketed phrase, which does occtir in the Aristotelian text (but cf. Dittmeyer
1907, preferring the reading ElrrithKof,'Of good character', to OuµtKo{,and com-
menting that EVKoi\ot,'good-tempered', is also possible!), does not appear in the
Greek MSS or editions but is in the Arabicj I have here departed from Millier and
Bazou in including it.
4.36 (from footnote 103) 55)7-21 M. (IV.796 K.). The final, bracketed phrase
is transposed to this place' by Mi.iller on the basis of its correct positiOn in the
received text of Aristotle; in the MSS it appears immediately after the next quota-
tion, introduced by the words 'and immediately after this, [he says] again:'.
4.37 (from footnote 105) 56,3 M. (IV.796 K.). The MSS add an extra phrase, ab-
sent from Aristotle, after 'sign of bad character': oTsSE ~PO:XEiS, T}Oous~6ATiovos,
'but when they are short, (it is a sign] of a better character'. This is apparently not
supported by the Arabic either.
4.38 (from footnote 106) 56,6-10 M. (IV.796-797 K.). The wotds in brackets
have been added by Muller on the basis of Aristotle, but seem not to be supported
anywhere in the MS tradition; it is thus possible that Galen did have a different
Textual notes 42!
text, according to which grey (xaporr6v) and not green (alyc.v1T6v)was the sign
of best character: this seems co be supported by the Arabic version, which also
mentions only the three colour terms.
4.39 (from footnote 107) 56,11-17 M. (IV.797 K.). The MSS transmit a number
of fairly clear errors, e.g. rrpoTIETEIS('rash') for ClTEVEi'S('inclined to stare'),
OvatµW81:1sfor Ovo:i8ETS, and other minor mistakes of spelling or omissions. The
bracketed phrase '[the sign of] the best character ... the two' is absent from the
Greek sources but attested by both the Latin and Arabic (and Aristotle).
4,40 (from footnote 115) 58, 18-19 M. (IV.799 K.). The word )llnv ('excessively')
is supplied from the Hippocratic text (but now also supported by the Arabic),
where the MSS and the Latin version have rather 'he/I say(s) that' (AEyn, i\Sywv,
dico). Note too that the reading 1r8TTETO:l ('cooked') is in the Aldine and appar-
ently (in mangled fotm) in some of the MSS, and is adopted by both Mullet and
Bazou. But the Hippocratic text reads l3el310:crµEvri, 'had violence done to it'; and,
as Bazou points out, the Arabic version can plausibly be taken to translate the
Greek 1rt8i;;ETa1 ('oppressed') - which is itself closer to the Hippocratic original.
It seems quite likely, then, that Galen read either ~1:!310:crµSvri
or rrtSi;;ETathere.
4.41 (from footnote 116) 59,l M. (IV.799 K.). The Hippocratic text reads TO
Eµrrovov, 'industriousness' for T6 eUTovov, 'vigour'. Cf. Jouanna (1996) 222 n. 1
for further discussion of textual questions in the Hippocratic text.
4.42 (from footnote 130) 64,4 M. (IV.804 K.). I translate Muller's conjectute
i\6yep; the word is absent in the MSS; Bazou prefers cruyyp6µµo:Tt ('work' or
'writing') on. the basis of the Aldine, Latin and Arabic.
4.43 (from footnote 134) 65,5-9 M. (IV.806 K.). The phrases in brackets are in
the Platonic text and also in the Latin and Arabic versions, but have been omitted
in the Greek MSS (which also have yEvvO:v,'to engender' for olcrot, 'would bring
forth').
4.44 (from footnote 135) 65,17-20 M. (IV.806 K.). The phtase in brackets is
abs,m from the MSS, the Aldine, and the Latin (though apparently something
similar is supplied in the Arabic).
4.45 (from footnote 140) 67,21 M. (IV.809 K.). I depart from Millier, who wrote
PficrEtSTtv6:s('certain statements') on the basis ofNiccolO's aliquaeseries(the Greek
MSS omit the phrase altogether); and follow, rather, with Bazou, the authority of
the Arabic version. The following bracketed phrase is again absent in the MSS, and
supplied from the Latin and (in particular the word 'third') the Arabic.
4.46 (from footnote 143) 69,12 M. (IV.810 K.). I depart from Muller and adopt
SchOne's emendation (to which Vivian Nutton drew my attention) EKµo:ivEt('iri-
fl.ames'), which supplies the necessary transitive verb in place of EK~o:ivet('goes
out'), The rest of the sentence, with the repetitious cr<poSp&s... cr<po6p6:sstill
seems not unproblematic.
422 The Capacities of the Soul
4.47 (from footnote 148) 72,5 M. (IV.813 K.). 1he translation follows Bazou
in inserting Lrrr'alJToD, on the basis of the Latin and Arabic. The MSS have lnr'
o:IJTWV, 'by them', which is obviously wrong; MUiler simply deletes; in any case
the sense is dear.
4.48 (from footnote 151) 73,6 M. (IV.814 K.). The translation follows rhe MSS
and Bazou against the emendations of Nauck/Miiller; but also keeps rhe MSS Ev
alJToTs,where Bazou accepts Nauck/Miiller's Ev{ois.Miiller's text would give: ' ...
for teaching, although certainly some philosophers are, up co a point, in ignorance
of it [sc. this argum·ent]'. Though the Greek of the MSS is not perfect as it srand,s,
its seems to me likely to be nearer the sense than Miiller's version, where both
'up to a point' (with the insertion of µExpt before Ttv6s) and 'some' (Ev{ots)seem
foreign to Galen's argument, here probably aimed at school philosophers in gen-
eral (in a similar way to the argument of Errors).It is also possible that a word for
'many' has fallen out, as suggested by the Arabic version); further, EvaVTois rather
than E.viotsseems likely to be right: it is a particular item within the fine things of
philosophy, already mentioned, that Galen's argument picks out, and others miss;
the Arabic version seems to support such a sense too.
4.49 (from footnote 152) 73,7-8 M. (IV.814 K.). 1he phrase appears in corrupt
form in the MSS and the Latin, but rhrough a simple emendation, (j)UcretKaK6v
for cpucrt1<6v
(supported also by the Arabic), yields the present sense; Muller's exci-
sion seems unjustified.
4.50 (from footnote 154) 73,20-74,1 M. (IV.815 K.). "!hough this phrase
presents some problems, and is omitted in the Latin cext, it seems co complement
the sense, and needs only small changes from the MSS version to make possible
Greek. I follow here Bazou, who accepts SchOne's oVT'et Tt for o\J1<€Ttat 73,20
M. (IV.815 K.) and (amid many variants) chooses txVTO... txVTO,making the final
part of the clause reflexive. I suspect that ·a further o\JT' et, or perhaps fj, would
chen seetn to make a better connection than just oLITein the next line, 7 4, 1 M.
(IV.815 K.).
Note also that the rather urtusual adjective yevriT6v (translated 'originat-
ed') here gives a pre-echo of the Platonic reference immediately following, on
which see next note - th9ti.gh there is some uncertainty between the readings
yevriT6v/O.yEvnTov and yevv11T6v/CJ..yE.vv11Tov, both in the Galenic passage and
in the relevant Platonic ones. In either case, though, the term seems to sup-
port the inclusion of the clause in question (as well as of the disputed Platonic
quotation; see next note); for the distinction Galen wishes to imply by this
term ('originated' vs. 'eternal'), and in fac_cthe points raised, including chose
within the bracketed clause, are specifically developed by the quotation from
Plato which follows.
4.51 (from footnote 156) 74,4-8 M. (IV.815 K.). This sentence is present,
with no significant problems, in the MSS, the Latin and, most significantly, che
Arabic: if, as Miiller argues, it was an interpolation, it was a very early one. Inter-
estingly, Bazou argued against inclusion strongly in 1999 but prints the sentence
Textual notes 423
as authentic in her 2011 text. A counter-argument would be that the text seems
committed to theological propositions in an un-Galenic way; but the status
of these propositions as being largely in Plato's mouth justifies this. The point
seems needed for che balance of Galen's argument; otherwise, he only deals with
~he 'blame' side of the discussion. And (see previous note) the otherwise unusual
term yevnT6v, just used by Galen - or even che term yevvnT6v, used in this
particular sense - seems to point towards this Platonic reference. (The Platonic
reference, admittedly, does not seem to be a precise one; but we might compare
Plato, Timaeus 52al-5 and Phaedrus 245dl-3 for somewhat similar uses of the
terrns.) Further, the distinction made by Plato in the Timaeus between a 'first'
or 'highest' god and lower or inferior ones was of particular significance within
the 'Middle Platonism' that is in some sense the background to this work; see
General introduction, pp. 18-21. The notion of'love of God' is not prominent
in Galen; the present text, however, finds a parallel in CharacterTraits (I.33,
with n. 41).
4.52 (from footnore 158) 74,19 M. (IV.816 K.). Muller found the phrase ws
CJ..viaTovExe1vTT]v1<a1<tavpleonastic after Ov16TGvS rrovripo\Js ('incurably wick-
ed') above; surely it is rather specifying that this very incurability (which we know
to be the case) is in fact one of the reasons chat justifies their execution. The phrase
is in the Arabic version as well as the Greek MSS.
4.53 (from footnote 159) 76,6 M. (IV.818 K.). The phrases in pointed parenthe-
ses in this sentence are absent from the MSS, but were conjectured by Miiller on
the basis of the Latin (which is also supported by the Arabic); and the sentence
seems to work better with their inclusion. If they were excised, an even more
direct correspondence becwee·n philosophical intellect and practical virtue would
perhaps be suggested.
4.54 (from footnote 160) 76,9-11 M. (IV.818 K.). Muller has here excised a
phrase which seems, at least, to represent an erroneous repetition of material:
'some of them declare that all human beings are bad by nature, some char nearly
all are so' (though the phrase appears in the Arabic version coo).
4.55 (from footnote 161) 76,21-22 M. (IV.818 K.). Millier has excised rhe prob-
lematic E.~err1Ttµl0vTwv(for which there are also other conjectures) before 'our
parents'.
4.56 (from footnote 164) 77,14 M. (IV.819 K.). The Greek MSS text is se-
verely problematic) grammatically, though the general sense is fairly clear. I
follow Bazou, who reconstructs the Greek text in a way that approximates
closely co the sense given in the Arabic version, and which is surely closer than
Miiller to the correct text. See the List of textual departures from Milller's text
for full details.
4.57 (from foornote 167) 79,4 M. (IV.821 K.). I here follow the MSS and Bazou;
the reading (Kcxlcruvau~Ovet) does not seem particularly problematic, but was
emended by Mi.iller to 'so that they mutually increase' (Wcr-Te
crvvcxu~Ovetv).
 424 1he Capacities of the Soul
4.58 (from footnote 168) 79,8 M. (IV.821 K.). Following Bazou, I depart from
the Greek MSS and Milller: the word e\JSvµkxv ('a good state of spirit') was surely
written here in place of ellxuµia ('good humour') by a scribe who failed to un-
derstand che very reciprocal process which Galen is outlining (see QAM, n. 167 List of textual departuresftom the edition used
above): it is not a one-way influence of body on soul that is being described but,
precisely, a virtuous circle whereby an initially good bodily state has a subsequent
effect via the soul'smotions- on the bodily state. The emendation is justified
by the Latin (euchumia) as well as the Arabic. I am graceful to Athena Bazou for
drawing my attenti9n, in a verbal discussion, to the importance of this passage.

AVOIDING DISTRESS (IND.)

BJP Nutton
2,1 6::i\vrr71crias 6:i\u-rrlas
2,6 µEv µ,v <yixp>
2,10 XPllµo:T6:TE xpi\µmi< y, or xpi\µarn
2,16 Ko:ip10: Kai 1Tdio:
3,1-2 <j>0:!8p6v TE cpo:18p6vT' <OvTa>
3,15 Ko:l de!.
3,16 1ro:i\a1&vTO:cruyypO:µµaTo: 1Tai\o:1&vcruyypO:µµaTo:
4,8-9 &Mos 8E Kai mos 1r0Mol 8E Kai &Mo1
5,6 6auµacrtl0TEpov 6auµo:crt6JTaTOV
5,9 <•••> "OTE
5,11 KOTo: <crK>eu6:cra1 kXTpECi0'0:1
,.. 5,20 µEcrwv Ko1v&vor Ev µE<Yep
i···: 6,5 &vTiypo:<pa O\JT6ypo:<po:
f,:: 6,15 Ti 8E Ti 8eT
v
:.,c 6,16 cos &s
E::;
! 6,19 KAElT (oµax>ov Ki\VTOU
F"'

8,4 AncneuoµEvwv 1TtcrTeu.oµEvwv

10,10 'AptcnoµEvetfJ'Ap1cno<p&ve1 6:i3u80K6µ0:vTI6:i3upT6:KTJV
11,13 cruµ1rpoT1µri6EvToS OVµlTpo (o->T16eVTOS
12,24 o:IJ61scruv6elriv<pcxpµ6:Kwv &v TIS cruv6elri
13,14-15 ToTs6epµoTEpo1sT&v KaT' Tais 6epµoTEpa1sT&v Kerr'
aVTOvETcxfpwv alJTOvET0:1p&v
14,3 olos ETotµos
15,7 i\u1Teicr60:1 i\uneicr6a1 <T0>
16,9 KO:TT)yopacr<XVTWV KO:T(oi\)tywpl)cravTo:
16,22 TEXVnS Tvxns
18,7 Tl. KAo:cr6fivat €1T1KAo:cr6fjvo:t
21,12 &:i\uTIT}crio:s &Au1rio:s '
21,15 l
[ TWV <J>lAOO'O<J>WV T&v cr6q>wv i,
'
425
426 List of textual departures List of textual departures 427
BJP Nutton DB Singer
22,l ErrayyEA(A>eo-BatTOO T0
Err6:yecr0o:t 44,19 Ko:l Ell) &v aV Kai TOLITwv ElTJ&v aU
Kai TOVTc.uv
23,3-4 Eµol q:io:crtUrrOpxe1vo\ croq:ioi Ev101 qio:crtU1t6pxav TOiS 47,9 1rpoyEyuµv6:oBa1 npoyeyvµv6cr6at OE
croq>ois 52,2 olJTot µEv <yOp... > Kai oUTol µEv y6:p yvwpf,oucr1
24,11 &fl.u1T7'lcriav &fl.u.rfo:v yvwpi(oucr1 f)98iws, oTOTiS (T') p96kvs, Ocra Ttcriv
26,1 6::yo:cr6els Opyto-Sels 52,17 Ovay6µEvot Crrro:y6µEVOI
26,4 O:Aurrricrio:s &Avnio:s 59,3 (TlTTJf>EVT(,.)V
O:IJTfl (f1T1)6EvTwvo:VT&v
63,22 to1cr1 TIEtpwµEvwv TT)v EK oi oU 1TEtpWµ1:vo1Tf\S EK
THE DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT OF THE ToCi 1ri\ricriov y1yvoµEVflV T&v irA11crlovy1yvoµEvris
AFFECTIONS AND ERRORS PECULIAR TO 68,10 &v eswSen &v eswoSfi
EACH PERSON'S SOUL (AFF. PECC. DIG.)
DB Singer THE CAPACITIES OF THE SOUL DEPEND ON THE
E~o8t6:cro:VTi<Te>6::rrOvTwv [ ... ] MIXTURES OF THE BODY (QAM)
5,15
,ro:SWv Eiro:vopSWcrews6€6µeva· M. Singer
<et>Ko:l µ{f <~>6vy' EMnrEs
<T6 µT']>&rroq:ivyeivo:UT6:,6t6Tt 32,10 epyas6µeea Epyo:(6µE0o:T0 crC0µ0:T1
µtKp6:: 32,18 6e1/\6TOTCXKai 8e1A6To:To:,
TtvCXOE
6,5 OMoTpiwv O::i\71.oTpiwv
KaK&v µecrTTlv KO:T01Tfl.T1KT!Kl0TO:.TO: 0:KO:T0:1TAf]KT6TO:TO:

7,15 E1r16ilTO: Cnr16vTo: 33,9-10 [EUOT)AOV

... otloia5] sec!. rest.
9,4 €Sous ~eou5 33,24 KO:TT]yop{o: .rpocrnyopio:
10,10-11 µTj6ETOt Eµq:io:ivwv µn6E TO qnA6VEIKOV
q:i1i\6ve1Kw5 34,14-16 [ouTw ... s~POVTlKT)V) sec!. rest.
[µTJO€]KOTO~ix?IAetv e0eA'1V eµ~aivwv µT]O< 35,15-16 [o(hw ... 6voµix{ouo1vJ sec!. rest.
E6EAoov
Ko:To:~6:i\71.etv 37,11-12 0.1rA0Vv,Ws 1rp6s o:i'.cr6ricr1v &1rf\00v Ws 1rp6s
12,23-13,l µT)T'E1TlµEcro1s.•• µ~T' S'rriµey6:Ao1s o\JK €xov a!cr6ricriv, oLIKSxov
µ1Kp6v••• µtKp6v µey6:Aws••• µu,:;p&s.•• 37,20 aUToiJ alJT6V
µtKp&S 37,24-26 [Tfi 6, Tnl ljlUXnl New paragraph begins,
13,l -fivTIS eiT''icrws 01Jcr{9... 8etKvllvat KT/\] followingArabic text (and
16,15 O:vioT6VTI 6µoi6v Tt perhaps reading 18,lsaµ,v
18,17-18 -r0 (0:KOVT!) 'fr5:v T6 Tre'x:V for 6e1Kvllva1).
22,13 KwpvK{OtS / . KapuKeiats 38,1-2 ScrTt,OvriT6v EcrTcH'<Kai yOp> EcrTt.Ov11T6v,
€crTat Kai
0:KpaToOs EyKpcrroVs KO:io:UT6 atJT6
23,5
24,7 !61\AOUV 6n1'&
38,2-4 J secl.
[ Kai -rr6:v0'... otJcr{o: rest.

24,12 <iicml.noTla> [ ] ... 38,3-4 TOVTEUT!V cxUTTl

lflVXfiSo\Jcria
oUv T) TfjS TOUTEo-rtvTfj TfiS q.,uxns
otJcri~
30,7 <810:TO> µ118Ev&xpi 6s0po µn6kv &xp, 8,0po µeya
38,8 To:LIT6v TO:LITTjV
µEya rrerrovSEvo:161<:XTEi\ous -rre-rroirtKEvo:t
8taTeA&v
&i\urros O:i\U-rrws 39,18 1<l0ve1ov µWpiov
43,9-10 fi 8tCXTOO&yo:SoO, {T)TT)O'lV.
SiJTTJO'tV, ~ OT)AOVOTl TO 43,21-44,J [eyyv5 EO'Ti]sec!. rest.
0Trep·sTj Kai TEAosOvoµOSoucrt O:yo:06v,0-rrep 611Kai TEAos 44,14-15 n
<Kp&crtv 6Uvo:µ1veTvat TOO om.
TOO i,tov, KTfl6EvTOS•.• Ovoµ6:SoucrtTOO j3fou, crWµo:-ros>coni.
epyc<{ETOI. KTl)0€v... EpyOSeTat; 46,12-13 [ KOTCX
Tflv rrpl0TT)VToµTlv] rest.
secl.
428 List of textual departures

M. Singer
47,9 Sentence inserted on basis
of Arabic text. List of titles and abbreviationsof Galen'sworks
47,9-11 OM' oU Kai ~rip6TT)TO: OM' El Kai ~11p6Tf1TO:
avyxwpllcroµev ... 'HpC<KAE1Tov;cruyxwpiicroµev ...
Kal yCXp
... 'Hp6KAEITOV - KO:i
yap ... -
48,5 &~G0µo:rov 6:86VO:TOV

55,15-16 EK<YTO:T!KOi. EKcrTo:T1Koi,ois SE

1reptq,epEs,6uµ1KoL
61,3-4 [Kai cruv6:1TTWV..• yp6:qie1]secL rest. This appendix lists all extant treatises of Galen (including some dubia et spuria),
67,21 <PT}cre1s Ttvc<s> TpeTsf)T)ae1.s with brief reference to relevant editions and translations where available. It gives
67,23 C(!VI~ 8s T) TpiTTISE an idea of the breadth of Galen's works and their potential interest to a twenry-
69,2 <cp1Jcr1v> om. first-century (mainly anglophone) audience. It also gives an idea of the status of
EKj3a{vEt EKµo:lvn Galenic editing and of what a complete'Galen in English' would involve in terrns
69,12
of size.
72,5 [l.nr' o:UT&v]secl. Lnr' o:0To0
The information is based on the bibliographical surveys by Fichtner (1990) (with
73,5-6 <KaiTot y'> O:yvooUµevos Ttvos OyvoouµEvou Ev updates in later editions and supplements published in the Societyfor AncientMedicine
<µ~xp1>Ttv6s Evicts o:UTols<lrrr6> Newsletter,also accessible through the CMG website at http://cmg.bbaw.de/online-
73,7-8 ''c5;ep ...qivcr11<6v]secl. Orrep•••q,Ucre11<0:1<6v publications/hippokrates-und-galenbibliographie-fichmer), by Kolleschand Nickel
73,20-74,l [ oVKETt ETepov oUT' et Tt ETepov (1994), and by Hankinson (2008a) 405-411. Editions prior to Kuhn ate cited
aVTi;) ... oUTe..• alJT{9 a:lJTi;)••• oUTE••• o:UT6 only for the works translated in the present volume.
. TOtOOTOV] secl. TOt00TOV Editions and translations have been listed in chronological order so as to give an
overview of the interest attracted by individual texts in modern times. Full refer-
74,4-8 [ &yiv~TOV "' at81os] secl. rest.
ences are given in the Bibliography. Abbreviations for editors' names are given if
74,19 Tiiv
[ Ws &viaTOVEx1:1v. rest. used in introductions and footnotes. Abbreviations for editions and translations
KaK!av] secl. are used as follows: [Edn] = edition; [DJ = Dutch translation; [El = English trans-
77,9-14 Ko:fT01 y, el µEv... 0KetooµEvnv Eirel Toivuv et lation; [FJ = French translation; [GJ = German translation; [It] = Italian transla-
µ5:Mov Tj8ovfis.<icrxupoTEpcx µEv•.. 0Ke1euµEvnv O:peTii tion; [LJ = Latin translation; [S] = Spanish translation. Editions and translations
1T<'.v$eO'Tat) fi8ovTJTfiS µO'.MovT)Sovfis,T) Ttva are of and from Greek if not stated otherwise.
6:peTf\S,fjT~.S'i<peiTTwvTfjS krxupoTEpav TfiS 1Tp6s
-rrp6s TT}v-·
1)5ovT}v&y0Vcr11s Tf}vT}6ovflvO:yollcrris Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations
T}µ&s€0"T18uv<lµEv)SK&v 1)µ6::sqn'..rcret,
oUTws &v M De Anatomicis Anatomical Simon (1906) [Edn A.cabic,G
oLIT(J.)$
elT)µev&.1ro:VTES
KO:Koi e'iriµev &1TO:VTESKO:Kol--rT]v Administrationibus Procedures books IX.6-XV];Singer (1956)
TT}vµEv KpeiTTOVa8Uvaµtv µEv KpE(TTova 6\Jvaµtv (11.215-731K) [E books 1-IX.5]; Duckworth,
&crSevecrTEpav
... Kai&crBevsCrTEpav
•.• Lyonsand Towers(1962) [E
79,2 TjTTOV SET6
TjTTOV, Kcrr& from A.cabicbooks IX.5-XV];
&Aoyov KtvT}creis Garofaloand Vegetti(1978) [It
crllµµeTpot t) &µeTpot, Kai books 1-IX.5];Garofalo (1986)
tvTaUea KO:TO T6 µ5:7vo.6v [Edn books I-IV]; Garofalo
(1991) [It]; Garofalo(2000)
Te Kai T)TTOV
(Edn booksV-IX.5]; Lopez
79,4 &crTe cruvau~C:Xvetv Kai cruvo:u~6:ve1 Salva(2002) [S books 1-IX.5]
79,8 EV8uµk:(V e:Uxvµiav

429
 430 List of Galensworks List of Galensworks 431
Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations
Adv.Jul. Ad versus}uLianum AgainstJulian W. = Wenkebach (1951) [Edn]; Bon. flab. De Bono Habitu GoodCondition Helmreich (1901) [Edn];
(X:Vll!A.246- Tecusan (2004) [El (IV.750-756 K.) Bertini Malgarini (1992) [It];
299 K.) Singer (1997a) [E]
Adv. Lye. AdversusLycum Against Lycus Wenkebach (1951) [Edn] Bon.Mai. Sue. De BanisMaLisque GOodHunwur H.= Helmceich(1923) [Edn];
(X:Vll!A.196- Sucis (VI.749-815 and Bad Iernci Bio (1987) [Edn, I]
245 K.) K.) Humour
Adv. Tjp. Sa AdversusE'osqui de Against Those CAM De ConstitutioneArtis The Composition Fortuna (1997) [Edn, I];
Iypis Scripserunt Who Have Medicae(I.224-304 ofthe Art of Boulogneand Delattre (2003)
(Vll.475-512 K.) Written on K.) Medicine [Edn, FI
DiseaseTypes [Cath. Med. Quos, Quibus Whom to Purge,
Aff. Peet.Dig. De PropriorumAnimi TheDiagn.osis Aldine (1525) [Edn]; Purg.} Catharticis with Which
C'uiuslibetAffectuum and Treatment A.ndernach(1528) [L]; Medicamentiset CleansingDrugs,
Dignotioneet of the Affections Basileensis(1538) [Edn]; Quando Purgare and When
Curatione;De Animi and Errors Caselius (1592) [Edn, L]; Oporteat
CuiuslibetPeccatorum Peculiarto Each Juma(1565) [L] (LofAjfby (XI.343-356 K.)
Dignotioneet Person's Soul B. Donatus and Err. by J.E Caus.Morb. De CausisMorborum C'ausesof Grant (2000) [E); Johnston
Curatione ('Affectionsand Crassus); Chartier (1639) [Edn, (Vll.!--41 K.) Diseases (2006) [EJ
(Y.1-103 K.) Errors) L]; Marquardt (1884) [Edn];
Caus.Puls. De CausisPulsuum Causesof Pulses
van der Elst (1914) [F]; DB=
De Boer (1937) [Edn]; Harkins (IX.1-204 K.)
(1963) [E]; Menghi and Vegerri Caus.Resp. De Causis C'ausesof Furley and Wilkie (1984)
(1984) [It]; Barras,Bitchier Respirationis(IV.465- Breathing [Edn,E]
1:·: and Morand (1995) [F); Singer 469 K.)
[.,
(1997a) [E]; Magnaldi (1999) Caus.Symp. De Symptomatum Causesof Garofalo and Vegetti ( 1978)
[Edn]; Godderis (2008) [DJ Causis(Vll.85-272 Symptoms [It]; Johnston (2006) [El
Alim. Fae. De Alimentorum 7he Capacitiesof H.= Helmreich (1923) [Edn]; K.)
Facultatibus(Vl.453- Foodstuffi Beintker and Kahlenberg cc De CausisContentivis Containing Kalbfleisch(1904) [Edn Larin];
748 K.) (1939-1954) [GJ; Gcanc (not surviving in Causes Lyons (1969) [Edn Arabic,
f'< (2000) [E]; Powell(2003) [E] G,eek) E]; Kollesch,Nickel and
[An. Ut.} An Animal Sit Quod WhetherWhat ls Wagner (1914) [Edn]; Colucci Strohmaier (1969) [Edn Latin]
in UteroGeritur in the Womb is (1971) [It] Comp.Med. De Compositione 7he Composition
.... l
i·--. (XIX.158-181 K.)- an Animal Gen. Medicamentorumper of Drugs
1,·,
Ant. De Antidotis (Xf\/.1- Antidotes Winkler (1980) [G] Genera(Xlll.362- Accordingto
209 K.) 1058 K.) Kind
ArsMed. Ars Medica (1.305- TheArt of Lafont and Ruiz Moreno Comp.Med. De Compositione 7he Composition
412 K.) Medicine (1947) [SJ; Malaro (1972) Loe. Medicamentotum of Drugs
[It]; Garofalo and Vegetd secundumLocos Accordingto
(1978) [le]; Singer (1997a) [E]; (X]l.378-1007; Places
Boudon (2000b) [Edn, FJ Xlll.I-361 K.)
Art, Sang. An in Arteriis Sanguis WhetherBlaod Albrecht (1911) [Edn]; Furley Cons. De Consuetudinibus Customary Daremberg (1854-1856) [FJ;
Contineatur(IV.703- is Naturally and Wilkie (1984) [Edn E]; (not in Ki.ihn) Practices M. = Mullee (1891) [Edn]; SP
736 K.) C"'ontained in the Goss and Goss Chodkowski = Schmutte and Pfaff (1941)
Arteries (1985) [El [Edn Arabic, G]; Klein~Franke
De Atra Bile (Y.I 04- Black Bile (1979) [Edn Arabic]
At. Bi!. DB= De Boer (1937) [Edn];
148 K.) Barras,Birchlerand Morand
(1998) [F]; Grant (2000) [El
432 List of Galen, works List of Galen, works 433
Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations Abbreviation Latin title Englishtitle Editions and translations
CP De Causis Antecedent Bacdong(1937) [Edn Latin Hipp.Ae'r. In Hippocratisde Cornmentary Wasserstein (1982) [Edn
Procatarcticis(not Causes with Greek translation]; aereaquis locis on Hippocrates' Heb,·ew,EJ
surviving in Greek) Hankinson (1998) [Edn Latin, commentarii (nor Ylir.,·,\Wtiters,
E] surviving in Greek) Places
Cris. De Crisibus(IX.550- Crises A. = Alexanderson(1967) [Hipp.Alim.] In HippocratisDe Commentary
768 K.) [Edn,GJ Alimento (X\1.224- on Hippocrates'
Cur.Rat. Ven. De Curandi Ratione Treatmentby Brain (1986) [E] 417K.) 'Nutrition'
Sect. per W.naeSectionem Bloodletting Hipp.Aph. Jn Hippocratis Commentary
(Xl.250-316 K.) Aphorismos on Hippocrates'
[Def Med.J Defi'nitiones
Medicae Medical Lafont and Ruiz Moreno (XVI!B.345-887; 'Aphorisms'
(XIX.346-462 K.) Definitions (1947) [SJ XVIIIA.1-195 K.)
Dem. De Demonstratione Demonstration Muller (1895) [Edn fr,gmenrs] Hipp. Art. In Hippocratis (Ommentary Aballe (1972) [It]
(not in Kiihn) De Articulis on Hippocrates'
(XVll!A.300-767 K.) 'joints'
Di. Dec. De Diebus Decretoriis CriticalDays Cooper (2011) [Edn Arabic,E]
(IX.769-941 K.) Hipp. Com. De Comate Secundum Coma according Mewaldt (1915) [Edn]
Hippocratem to Hippocrates
Di. Hipp. De Diaeta Hippocratis Hippocrates' L. = Lyons(1969) [Edn Arabic, (V!!.643-665 K.)
Morb.Ac. in MorbisAcutis (not 'Regimenin E]
surviving in Greek) Acute Diseases Hipp. Elem. De E!ementisex Jhe Elements Helmreich (1878) [Edn]; DL
Diff Feb. DeFebrium Jhe Different
Hippocrate(1.413- Accordingto = De Lacy(1996) [Edn, EJ;
508 K.) Hippocrates Tassinari(1997) [Ir]
Differentiis(Vll.273- Kinds of Fever
405 K.) Hipp. Epid.I In Hippoc-ratis Commentary WP = Wenkebachand Pfaff
Epidemiarum Librum on Hippocrates' (1934) [Edn]
Diff Puk De Differentiis 1heDifferent Tovarand Ruiz Moreno (1948)
I (XVIIA.1-302K.) 'EpidemicsI'
Pulsuum(VIl!.493- Kindsof Puhe [S]
765 K.) Hipp. Epid.JI In Hippocratis Commentary WP -=Wenkebachand Pfaff
Epidemiarum on Hippocrates' (1934) [G fromArabic]
Diff Resp. De Dijficultate Difficultyin Minor (1911) [Edn]
Librum II 'EpidemicsJI'
Respirationfr . .Breathing (XVIIA.303-479K.)
(VIJ.753-960 K.)
Hipp. Epid. In Hippocratis C'ommentary Wenkebach(1936) [Edn]
Dig. Insomn, De Dignotioneex Diagnosisby Demuth (1972) [Edn]; 111 Epidemiarum Librum on Hippocrates'
Insomnis Dreams Guidoriz,i (1973) [Edn, I];
III 'EpidemicsIII'
(VJ.832-835 K.) Oberhelman (1983) [E]
(XVIIA.480-792 K.)
Dig. Puh. De Dignoscendibt!S Diagnosisby the
Pulsibus Pulse
Hipp. Epid. VJ In Hippocratis Commentary WP =Wenkebachand PfuJf
Epidemiarum on Hippocrates' (1956) [Edn of books I-VJ
(VI!I.766-961 K.)
Librum W 'EpidemicsW' with G from Arabicof books
Pase. De Fasciis Bandages Schubring (1963) [Edn, GJ (XVIIA.793-1009; VJ-V!ll]
(XVIIIA.768-827K.) XVlIB.1-344 K.)
Poet.Form. DeFoetuum 7heShapingof Singer (1997a) [E]; N. =Nickel Hipp. Fract. In Hippocratis Commentary Andreoni (1972) [It]
Formatione(IV.652- the Embryo (2001) [Edn, G] De Fracturis on Hippocrates'
702 K.) (XVIIIB.318-628 K.) 'Fractures'
Gal. Pase. .E'xGaleni From Galen's [Hipp.Hum.} In HippocratisDe Commentary
Commentariis Notes on Humoribus on Hippocrates'
De Fasciis Bandages (XVl.1-488 K.) 'Humours'
(XVIIIA.828-838)
Hipp. Off In HippocratisDe Commentary Lyons(1963) [Edn Arabic,E]
G/.oss. Glossarium(XIX.62- Glossaryof Med. OfficinaMedici on Hippocrates'
157) Hippocratic (XVIIIB.629-925 K.) 'Surgery'
Terms
434 List of Galensworks List of Galensworks 435
Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations Abbreviation Latin title Englishtitle Editions and translations

Hipp. Prog. In Hippocratis Commentary H.= Heeg (1915) [Edn] Ind. De Indolentia (not in Avoiding Distress Boudon-Millot (2007b) (Edn,
Prognosticum on }lippocrates' Klihn) F]; BJP= Boudon~Milloc,
(XVIIIB.1-317 K.) 'Prognostic' Jouanna and Pietrobdli (2010)
Hipp. Prorrh. In HippocratisDe Commentary D.= Diels (1915) (Edn] [Edn, F]; Korzia and Sotiroudis
Praedictionibus(XVI. on Hippocrates' (2010) (Edn]; Rothschild
489-840 K.) 'Prorrh(!tics' and Thompson (2011) [El:
Garofalo and Larni (2012)
Hipp. Sept. In HippocratisDe Commentary Bergstrasser (1914) [Edn
[Edn, It]; Vegetti(2013) [Edn,
Septimanis(not on Hippocrates' Arabic, G]
It]
surviving in Greek) 'Sevenmonths'
children Inst. Log. Institutio Logica(not Introduction to Mynas (1844) [Edn]:
in Ki.ihn) Logic Kalbfleisch(1896) [Edn]:
Hipp. Viet. In HippocratisDe Commentary Mewaldt (1914) [Edn]
Kieffer(1964) [E]: Garofalo
Salubri VtctusRatione on Hippocrates'
and Vegetti(1978) (It]
(XV.174-223 K.) 'Regimenfor
Health'[= Inst. Od. De lnstrumento 1he Organof Wright (1924) (EJ; Kollesch
Commentary Odoratus(11.857-886 Smell (1964) [Edn, G]
on Hippocrates' K.)
'Natureof Man: [Int.} lntroductioseu Introduction e = Petit (2009) [Edn, F]
book!!!] Medicus (XIV.674-
[Hipp. Viet. De VictusRatione Regimenin Westenberger(1914) [Edn] 797 K.)
Morb.Ac.] in MorbisAcutis ex Acute Diseases Lib. Prop. De LibrisPropriis My Own Books MUilet(1891) (Edn]: Garofalo
HiJ,'pdiratisSententia accordingto (XIX.8--48K.) and Vegetti (1978) (It]:
(XIX.182-221 K.) Hippocrates Singer (1997a) [EJ;Martinez
{Hist. Phil.} HistoriaPhilosopha Historyof Diels (1870) [G]: Diels (1879) Manzano (2002) (S]; BM =
(XIX.222-345 K.) Philosophy [Edn] Boudon-Millot (2007a) [Edn,
F]: Vegetti (2013) (Edn, It]
HNH In Hippocratisde Cvrrzmentary M. = Mewaldt (1914) [Edn]
Natura Hominis on Hippocrates' Loe.Aff De LocisAjfectis TheAffected Da,embetg (1854--1856) (F]:
(XY.1-223 K.) - ',Natureof Man' (V]Il.1--452 K.) Places Siegel(1976) (E]; Durling
and Kudlien (1992) [Edn of
HRCIS De Hirundinibus, Leeches,.
etc.
Latin version};AndresAparicio
Revulsione,
(1997) (S]
Cucurbitul'a,Jncisione
et Scarificatione Marc. De Marcore(VII.666- Withering Theohatides (1971) [El
(X].317-322 K.) 704 K.)
[Hum.] De Humoribus, Humours Schmidt (1964) [Edn]: Grant Meil. Exp. De ExperientiaMedica Medical Walzer (1944) [Edn Arabic, E]:
(X]X.485--496K.) (2000) (E] (not in Ki.ihn,only Experience Walzet and Frede (1985) [E
fragmentssurviving from Greek and Arabic]
HVA In Hippocratisde Commentary H.= Helmreich (1914) [Edn]
in Greek)
Acutorum Morborum on Hippocrates'
Victu (XV.418-919 'Regimenin Med. Nom. De Nominibus Medicis MedicalNames MS = Meyerhof and Schacht
K.) Acute Diseases' (not surviving in (1931) [Edn Arabic, G]
Greek)
lnaeq. lnt. De lnaequali 7he Uneven Grant (2000) (E]: Garcia Novo
lntemperie(VII.733- Bad-Mixture (20!0) [Edn, E] [Mel} De Melancholia Melancholy
752 K.) (XlX.699-720 K.) accordingto
Galen,Rufos,
etc.
MM De MethodoMedendi 7he 7herapeutic Hankinson (1991) [E books
(X.I-1021 K.) Method 1-11];Johnston and Horsley
(2011) (Edn, E]
436 List of Galensworks List of Galensworks 437
Abbreviation Latin title Englishtitle Editions and translations Abbreviation Latin title Englishtitle Editions and translations
MMG Ad Glauconemde The 1herapeutic Daremberg (1854-1856) (F]; Opt. Med. De Optimo Medico Recognizingthe !. = lskandar (1988) [Edn
MethoMMedendi Method, to Dickson (1998) (E] Cogn. G'ognoscenda
(not BestPhysician Arabic,El
(Xl.1-146 K) Glaucon surviving in Greek)
Mor. De Moribus (not CharacterTraits Kr. = Kraus (1939) (Edn Opt. Sect. De Optima Secta 7he Best Sect Daremberg(1854-1856) [FJ
surviving in Greek) Arnbic];Martock (1972) [E (Ll 06-223 K)
from Arabic epitome]; Bada\vl O,d. Lib, De OrdineLibrorum TheOrderof My Miiller (1891) (Edn]; Singer
(1981) (Edn Arnbic] Prop. Propriorum(XIX.49- Own Books (l 997a) [E]; Martinez
Mo,b. Diff DeMorborum 7heDifferent Johnston (2006) [E] 61 K) Manzano (2002) (S]; BM =
Differentiis(VI.836- Kindsof Disease Boudon-Millor(2007a) (Edn,
880K) F]; Vegerti(2013) [Edn, It]
Morb.Te,np. DeMorborum 7he Opportune Wille (1960) [Edn, G] Oss, De Ossibusad Tirones Bones.for Singe.·(1952) [E]; Moore
Temporibns(VI!.406- Moments in (Il.732-778 K) Beginners (1969) [Edn, E]; Goss and
439 K.) Diseases Goss Chodkowski(1984) [E];
Mot. Muse. De Motu Musculorum 7heMotion of Daremberg (1854-1856) (F]; Debru and Garofalo (2005)
(IVJ67-464 K) Muscl.es Goss (1968) (E] [Edn, F]
Muse. Diss. De Musculorum 7he Dissection Goss (1963) (E]; Debru and Part.Art. De PartibusArtis 7he Partsof the Schone (1911) [Edn Larin];
Dissectione of Muscles[for Garofalo (2005) [Edn, F] Med. Medicativae(not Art ojMedicine Kol!esch, Nickel and
(XV!llB.926-1026 Beginners} surviving in Greek) Strohmaier (1969) (Edn Latin];
K) Lyons(1969) [EclnArabic, E]
Nat. Fae. De\Naturalibus Natural Daremberg (1854-1856) Part. Hom, De Partium The Different Stroh,naier (1970) [Edn
Facultatibus Capacities [F]; H.= Helmreich (1893) Diff Homoeomerium Kinds of Arabic,G]
(Il.1-214 K) [Edn]; Brock (1916) [Edn, Differentia (not Homogeneous
E]; Beintker and Kahlenberg surviving in Greek) Part
(1939-1954) [G]; Garofalo and Parv.Pil. De ParvaePilae TheExercisewithMa,·quardt(1884) (Edn];
Vcgctti (1978) [It]; Morrarino Exercitio(Y.899- the SmallBail Schaefer(1908) [Edn] Schutze
(1996) [It]; ZaragozaGras 910 K.) (1936) [G]; Wenkebach (1938)
(2003) [S] [Edn, G]; Singer (1997a) [El
Nerv. Diss. DeNervorum TheAnatomy of Goss ( 1966) [E]; Debro and FHP pe PlacitisHippocratis TheDoctrinesof Muller (1874) [Edn]; DL = De
Dissectione(II.831- the Nerves Garofalo (2008) [Edn, F] et Platonis(Y.181- Hippocratesand Lacy (1978-1984) (Edn, E]
856 K) 805 K.) Plato
Opt. Corp. De Optima Corporis 7he Best Helmreich (1901) [Edn]; Plat. Tim. In PlatonisTimaeum Commentaryon Schroder (1934) (Edn of Greek
Const. Nastri Constitution·e Constitutionof Penellaand Hall (1973) [E]; (not in Ki.ihn, only Plato's'Timaeus' and Arabic fragments]; KW=
(N.737-749). Our Bodies Bertini Malgarini (1992) [It]; fragments surviving Krausand Walzer(1951) [Edn
Singer (1997a) [E] in Greek) of Arabic and Latin fragments];
Opt. Doct. De Optima Doctrina 7he BestMethod Marquardt (1884) [Edn]; B.= Larrain (1992) [Edn]
(l.40-52 K.) of Teaching Barigazzi(1991) [Edn, I] Plen. De Pl.enitudine Fulness Otte (2001) [Edn, G]
Opt. Med. Quad Optimus The Best Daremberg(1854--1856) (VI!.513-583 K.)
Medicus Sit Quoque Doctor is alsoa [F]; Millier (1891) [Edn]; /Pond. Mens.} De Ponderibuset Weightsand Hultsch (1864) [Edn]
Philosophus Philosopher Wenkebach (1933) [Edn]; Mensuris(XlX. 748- Measures
(l.53-63 K.) Bachmann (1966) [Edn Arabic, 781 K.)
G]; Brain (1977) [E]; Garofalo Praen. De Praenotionead Prognosis N. = Nurron (1979) [Edn, E]
and Vegetti (1978) [It]; Epigenem(XN.599-
Singer (l 997a) [E]; Martinez 673 K.)
Manzano (2002) [S]; BM = [Praes.] De Praesagitione [Prognosis} Fortuna (1988) [Edn]
Boudon-Millot (2007a)
(XJX.497-511 K)
[Edn, F]
438 List of Galensworks List of Galensworks 439
Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations

Praes.Puls. De Praesagitioneex Prognosisby the QAM QuodAnimi The Capacitiesof Bona<dus(1490) [L by

Pukibus (IX.20 5- Pulse Mores COrporis the SoulDepend Nicolaus Regius]; Surianus
430 K.) Temperarnenta on the Mixtures (1502 by Nicolaus Regius)[L];
De Praesagitione\i>ra Irue and Expert Sequuntur (IV.767- of the Body Rusticus Placentinus (1515)
[Praes.Ver.
et Experta (XIX.512- Prognosis 822 K.) [L by Nicolaus RegiusJ;Aldina
Exp.]
518 K.) (1525) [Edn]; Andernach
(1528) [L]; Basileensis(1538)
[Prog.D<C.j Prognosticade PrognosisBased
[Edn]; Junta (1541) [L by
Decubitu ex on the Hour
B. Sylvanius];Riccusand
Mathematica Scientia when a Patient
Trincavellius(1541-1545) [L
(XIX.529-573 K.) goesto Bed based
by J.P. Crassus];Le Bon (1557)
on the Scienceof
[F]; Rasarius(1562) [L]; Junta
Astrology
(1565) [L by J. P.Crassus,
Pro/.aps. De humero iis Dislocatiom revised byA. Gadaldinus];
modisproiapsoquos not Seen by Morel (1617) [Edn, L];
Hippocratesnon vidit Hippocrates Charriec (1638) [Edn, L];
(XV!l!A.346-422 K.) Goulsron (1640) [Edn, L];
Prop.Plac. De PropriisP!acitis My Own N. = Nutton (1999) [Edn Dacemberg(1854-1856) [F];
(a fragment appears Doctrines Latin, E]; BMP = Boudon~ Millier (1891) [Edn]; Hauke
as Sub. Nat. Fae., Millot and Pietrobelli (2005) (1937) [G]; Garda Ballesrer
IY.757,-766K.) [Edn, F]; Vegerri(2013) [Edn, (1972) [SJ; Biesmfeldr (1973)
It] [Edn Arabic, G]; Garofalo and
Protr. Protrepticus(I.1- Exhortationto Daremberg (1854-1856) Vegetri(1978) [It]; Menghi
39 K.) Study the Arts [F]; Marquardt (1884) and Vegetri(1984) [It]; Barras,
[Edn]; Walsh (1930) [E]; Birchler and Morand (1995)
Galli Calderini (1986) [Edn, [F]; Singer (l997a) [E]; Bazou
I]; Barigazzi(1991) [Edn, (1999) [Edn]; ZaragozaGras
!]; Singer (1997a) [E]; B.= (2003) [S]; Bazou (2011) [Edn]
Boudon (2000b) [Edn, F]; Qua!. lncorp. Quod Qualitates Qualitiesare Westenberger(1907) [Edn];
Martinez Manzano (2002) [S] IncorporeaeSint Non~Bodio/ Giusta (1976) [Edn, I]
De Ptisana (VI.81&- BarleyGruel Hartlich (1923) [Edn]; Grant (X]X.463-484 K.)
Ptis.
831 K.) (2000) [E] Rem. Parab. De Remediis ReadilyAvailable
PueroEpileptico Advice to an Temkin (1934) [E]; Keil (1959) Parabilibus(XN.311- Remedies
Puer.Epil.
Consilium (XI,.357- EpilepticBoy [Edn] 581 K.)
378 K.) [Ren.Alf] De Renum Affectibus Affectionsof the
De Pulsibusad Tirones ThePulsefor Tovar and Ruiz Moreno (1948) (XJX.643-698 K.) Kidneys
Pub.
(Vlll.453-492 K.) Beginners [S];Trifogli(1958) [It]; Singer San. Tu. De Sanitate Tuenda Matters of Ko.= Koch (1923) [Edn];
(l997a) [E] (Vl.1--452 K.) Health Beintker and Kahlenberg
[Pu&.Ant.} D,PuMbusad Ihe Pulse,to Lutz (1940) [GJ (1939-1954) [GJ; Green
Antonium (XIX.629- Antonius (1951) [EJ
642 K.) Sem. De Semine (IV.512- Semen De Lacy (1992) [Edn, EJ
Purg.Med. De Purgantium 1he Capaci-tyof Ehlert (1960) [Edn] 651 K.)
Fae. Medicamentorum CleansingDrugs Sept. Part. De SeptimestriPartu 7he Seven- Walzer(1935) [Edn Arabic, G]
Facu!tate(XI.323- (not surviving in Month
342 K.) Greek) Pregnancy
 .
~· .

I
1
'1
440 List of Galen\ works List of Galensworks 441
Abbreviation
SI
Latin title
De Sectisad Eos
Englishtitle
Sects}Or
Editions and translations
Dacemberg(1854-1856) [FJ;
II Abbreviation
Ihras.
Latin title
Thrasybulussive
Englishtitle
ThrasybuLus
Editions and translations

H.= Helmrekh (1893) [Edn];

Qui lntroducuntur Beginners Helmreich (1893) [Edn]; I Utrum Medicinae Singer (1997a) [E]
(I.64-105 K) Garofalo and Vegetti (1978)
[It]; Walzerand Frede (1985) ! Sit an Gymnasticae
Hygfrne(v:806-898

Sim. Morb. Quomodo

SimulantesMorbum
Deprehendendi
How to Detect
Malingerers
[E]; Martinez Manzano (2002)
[S]
Lafont and Ruiz Moreno
(1947) [S]; Deichgraberand
Kudlien (1960) [Edn]
I
ll
Tot,Morb.
Temp.
K)
De TotiusMorbi
Temporibus(VII.440-
462K)
The Opportune
Momentsin
Diseasesas a
Whole
Wille (1960) [Edn, GJ

SMT
(XIX.1-7 K.)
De Simplicium
Medicamentorum
[Temperamentisac}
Facultatibus(XI.379-
The Capacities
[and Mixtures}
of Simple Drugs
I
!
!
Trem.Palp. De Tremore,
Palpitatione,
Convulsioneet Rigore
M!.584-642 K.)
Tremo,;Spasm, Sider and McVaugh(1979) [EJ
Convulsionand
Shivering

Tum. P1:Nat. De TumoribusPraeter Unnatural Richter (1913) [G]; Reedy

892; XII. 1-377 K.) 'I Naturam (VIL705- Lumps (1968) [Edn, E]; Lyrton and
r,
Soph. De Sophismatibus Linguistic Gabler (1902) [Edn]; Edlow 732 K.) Resuhr (1978) [E]
penesDictionem (XIV.
582-598 K.)
Sophisms (1977) [E]; Ebbesen (1981)
[E]; Schiaparelli(2002) i' lyp. De lypis (Vll.463-
474 K.)
Typesof Disease
[Edn, I]
t UP De UsuPartium 7heFunction of Daremberg (1854-1856) [F];
Sub. Nat. f'ac. De Substantia 7he Substance ! (lll.1-939; lv'.1- the Partsof the H.= Helmreich (1907-09)
Fcicult'atum
Naturalium
of the Natural
Capacities It- 366 K.) Body [Edn]; May (1968) [E]; Savage-
Smith (1969) [Edn Arabic, E
(Iv'.757-766) ' of book XVI]; Garofalo and
Subf Emp. SµbfiguratioEmpirica Outline of Deichgraber (1965) [E]; Walzer 'l Vegerri(1978) [Ir]; Daremberg
(not surviving in Empiricism and Frede (1985) [E from i'.
and Pichot ( 1994) [F]
Greek) Latin] l {Ur.} De Urinis (XIx.574- Urines "Thieme(1937) [GJ
{Sue.} De Succedaneis
(XIX.721-747 K.)
De Sympto_matum
,Pharmacological
Substitutions
Distinctionsin Johnsron (2006) [E]; G. =
fI [Ur. Comp.]
601 K.)
De Urinis
Compendium
Summary on
Urines
Symp. Diff.
Differentiis(VII.42- Symptoms Gundert (2009) [Edn, GJ g (XIX.602-608 K.)

Syn. Puls.
84 K.)
Synopsisde Pulsi~US Synopsison the Gossen (1907) [Edn]; Scarano
t, [Ur. Comp.
Gal]
De Urinisex
Hippocrate,Galena
Urinesaccording
to Hippocrates,

Temp.
(IX.431-549 J()
De Tempera/nentis
(l.509-694 K.)
Pulse
Mixtures
(1990) [lr]
H.= Helmreich (1904) [Edn];
Singer (1997a) [EJ;Tassinari
II Us.Puls.
(XIX.609-628 K.)
De UsuPulsuum
(v:149-180 K.)
Gal.en
TheFunction of
the Pulse
Furleyand Wilkie (1984) [Edn,
E]
\}
(1997) [It] t Ut. Diss. De Uteri Dissectione TheAnatomy of Goss (1962) [E]; Nickel (1971)
[Ther.Pamph.] De Iheriacaad Theriac,to •.y (11.887-908 K.) the Uterus [Edn,GJ
!l/

7her.Pis.
Pamphilianum
(XN.295-310 K.)
De 1heriacaad
Pamphilianus

Theriac,to Piso Coturri (1959) (It from Larin);

r~~
Ut. Rep. De Utilitate
Respirationis(IY.470-
511 K.)
TheFunction of
Breathing
Noll (1915) [Edn]; FW =
Furleyand Wilkie (1984) [Edn,
EJ
Pisonem(XJV210- Richter-Bernburg(1969) [G [Ven.] De Venereis(V,911- SexualActivity
294 K.) from Arabic] 914 K.)
442 List of Galens works
Abbreviation Latin title English title Editions and translations

Ven.Art. Diss. De Venarum 7heAnatomy

of Veinsand
Goss (1961) [El; Debru and
Garofalo (2008) [Edn, Fl
Bibliography
Arteriarumque
Dissectione(II.779- Arteries
830 K.)
[Ven. Sect.} De VenaeSectione Bhodletting
(l(]X.519-528 K.)
W,n.Sect. Er. De VenaeSectione Bloodletting, Brain (1986) [El
adversusErasistratum against
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astronomy astronomia &o-Tpovoµ{a.
bad kakos KaK6s
balance, good summetria cruµµETpio:
beauty kallos K6i\i\os
beauty, loving of philokalos q,1MKa1'05

475
476 English-Greek glossary English-Greek glossary 477
English Transliterated Greek Greek English Transliterated Greek Greek
become, come into being gignesthai yiyvecrOo:1 convert, designed to protreptikos 1Tp0TpE1TTlK6$
begrudge phthonein ipeove'iv correct verb epanorthoun Erravop6oVv
belief doxa 66(a correction epanorthrJsis E"rro:v6p06.)cr\$
believe oiesthai o'iecr6a1 craft verb dimiourgein 8riµ1oupyE1v
pisteuein 1T!O'T€LIEIV cultivate [a practice] askein 0:crKeiv
blood haima aiµo: decision boule ~OVA~
bodily, non- asrJmatos &crWµaToS demonstrate apodeiknunai Cnro8e1Kv\Jva1
body soma crCJµo: demonstration apodeixis &rr66e1~1s
book bib/ion ~t~?.iov depend on hepesthai 1hrecr6at
brain enkephalos iyKlq,a?.os derangement paraphrosune 1rapa<ppocrllvri
bravery andreia O:v8peia desideracive [soul] epithumitikos Err10vµT)TlK6S
breath pneuma -rrve\Jµo: desire noun. epithumia ETrtOuµia
calm adj. anekplektos 6:vEKTrAT)KTOS diagnose diagignllskein 61ay1yvl0crKEtv
capacity dunamis 6Uvaµ1s diagnosis diagnosis 616yvwcr1s
cause (effective) (poiiitikii)aitia (TrOlTjTlKii)
O:!T{O: difference diaphora 61acpop0'.
aition o:'iTlOV discerning phronimos cpp6v1µos
chance tuche TVxn discernment phronisis ~p6vncns
character (trait) it hos /i6os discipline (process of) kolasis K6Aoa1s
choose prohaireisthai rrpoa1peicr6co discipline verb kolazein KoAO'.Se1v
class [i.e. categoryr genos yEvos discover heuriskein ELlpfCYKElV
clear phaneros cpavep6s disease nosema v6011µa
saphes craq,~s display verb epideiknunai Err16e1Kv1Jva1
cold psuchros '!)VXPOS disposition diathesis 6168ecns
coldness psuchrotes '!luxpoTns distress noun lupii AlJTrTJ
competitiveness philoneikia cp1Aoveuda distress verb lupein Au1reiv
composition sunthesis a1Jv6ECY1S distress, avoiding alupia &i\u-rria
conceitedness doxosophia 6o(o<>oq,ia distressed, become lupeisthai Au1reicr6cn
condition hexis E\tS disturbance, freedom from aochlesia O:oxAT)crio
condition, bad kachexia KO:XE~ia doctor iatros taTp6s
condition, good euexia eve((a doctrine dogma 66yµa
confirm [the truth of a · marturein µo:pTupeiv dry xiros (npos
proposition] dryness xerotis (np6Tns
conflict [logical] mache µaxn earth gii Yfi
conflict, (be in) [logical] machesthai µOxea601 educate paideuein 1ra16e1Je1v
confusion aporia &rropia education paideia lTO:i6Eia
conjecture verb eikazein elK6Se1v paideusis 1To!6eucr1s
consequence akolouthia 0KoAou6ia element stoicheion CYT01xetov
consequent, be akolouthein CXKoAou6eiv enquire zetein STJTEiV
consider episkeptesthai ETrtcrKE1TTEcr601 enquiry zetesis (~Tncr•s
logizesthai ?.oyi(eoilat enraged, be thumousthai 6uµo0cr6at
nomizein voµi(e1v envy noun phthonos q,66vos
control noun ephedreia Eqie6peio err hamartanein &µapTOve1.v
478 English-Greek glossary English-Greek glossary 479
English Transliterated Greek Greek English Transliterated Greek Greek
error hamartema 6:µC(pTT)µO: human (being) anthrOpos 0::v6pv:i1TOS
error, free of anamartetos 0vaµ6:pTT)TOS human being, decent kalos kagathos x.a/\.OsK&ya66s
esreern noun time TtµT) hun1our chumos xuµ6s
evident (quite) eudelos eu5n1'os immoderate ametros &µeTpos
exarnination episkepsis {rricrKEl.j1lS immortal athanatos &66VOTOS
examine episkeptesthai E1r1crKE1TTecr6a1 impulse· horme 6pµfJ
experience noun empeiria EµTretpkx incurable aniatos 0:viO:TOS
peira 1Tetpa indicate di!kJun 8rifl.oiiv
experience verb paschein 1TOcrxe1v endeiknunai Ev8e1Kv\Jva1
peirasthai 1Tetp6:cr6at
insatiability aplestia 0:1r/\.ricrTla
fable muthos µU6os
lnstrutnent organon Opyavov
fear noun phobos q,6Pos intellect noisis v6ncr1s
find out heuriskein e\JpicrKEIV
nous voUs
fire pur TIUp
intellectual faculty dianoia 816vo1a
first-born [bodily parts] prOtogonos 1TpwT6yovos
K61'a( intelligence sunesis crllvecr1s
flatterer kolax
0:Kofl.ov6eiv xunesis ~Uv1:cr1s
follow [in logicalsense] akolouthein
intelligent sunetos cruveT6S
form eidos i:T8os
q,i1'os xunetos ~UVET6S
friend philos
xpeio:
investigate skeptesthai crKETrTtcrOco
function chreia
ypaµµu<6s skopein O'K01TETV
geometrical grammikos
yewµeTpla investigation skepsis crKEy.,1s
geometry geOmetria
goal (of life) teWs TE!l.os irascible orgilos 6py!1'os
theos 6e6s irrational alogistos 0:/\.6ytcrTOS
god
god, becoming like homoiOsistheOi 6µo!":ms 6e<';> judge verb krinein x.pive1v
good agathos O:ya66s judgement gnome yvwµn
grieve anian O:v10:v krisis x.picrts
guess verb eikazein 1:IK6,1:iv just dikaios 8ix.o:1os
habit ethos ,eos justice dikaiosune 8tKatocrllvri
habit, develop a ethizein E6i,i;iv know gignOskein y1yv6:lcrx.e1v
happiness eudaimonia 1:\J8a1µovfa eidenai Ei8Evo:1
harm noun bfabe PMPn epistasthai ETricrTo:crBat
harmful b!aberos p;\apep6s knowledge gnOsis yv&cns
hate verb misein µtcri:tv epistbni imcrTfJµn
health hugeia Uyeta lessons mathbnata µo:6T)µo:Ta
hugieia Uyi1:1a liver hepar ~1TO:p
heart kardia Kap5!a love verb eran €p0v
heat thermasia e,pµacria philein <J>lAEIV
homogeneous [bodily parts] homoiomeris 6µ01oµepfJs lust erOs €pws
honour noun timi TlµT) luxuriousness lichneia fl.tXVEio:
honour, loving of philotimos qnfl.6Ttµos mad (be) rnainesthai µaivecr6at
hot thennos 6epµ6s madness mania µa via
hotness thermotis e,pµ6Tns
 .

~
480 English-Greek glossary
lI English-Greek glossary 481
English Transliterated Greek Greek English Transliterated Greek Greek
man anir Ovfip rash propetes lTpOTrETT)S
manifest enargis EvapyTls rational logikos i\oy1K65
mathematics arithmitiki CXptSµT]TiKfi rational [soul] Wgistikos f\.oytcrT1
K6s
matter [in philosophical huli uil~ rational, non- alogos &i\oyos
sense] realize gignrJskein y1yvG0crKElV
memory mnimi µv~µ~ ennoein Evvoeiv
method methodos µi6ofos reason noun logos i16yos
mistake, make mistakes sphallesthai crcpOMeo--6a1 reason, devoid of alogos &Aoyos
mixture krasis KpO:cris reasoning-faculty logismos /\.oytcrµ6s
moderate metrios µiTPlOS to logizomenon TO i\oy1S6µevov
summetros crUµµeTpos recognize gignrJskein y1yvOOcrKe1v
moderation metron µilTpov gnOrizein yvwpiSe1v
money, lover of philochrimatos ~tiloxpnµa-ros refute elenchein E/1.Eyxnv
mortal thnetos 0VT]T6S regime (daily) diaita 6ia1Ta
naturally, by nature phusei <plJO'EI relation, in relational terms (kata to)pros ti (KaTO TO) rrp6s TI
nature phusis cpUcr1s reputation doxa 56~a
noble gennaios yevvaios reputation, love of philodoxia ~1Ao8o~ia
nourishment trophi! Tpo~i restrain katechein KaTEXEiV
nurture trophif TpO~~ restrained enkrates eyKpaT~S
nutritive threptikos 0pETIT!K6S restrained, not akrates 6:KpaTT)S
opinion gnome yvwµ~ restraint, lack of akrasia 6:Kpacria
organic [Le. oforgans] organikos 6pyav11<6s akrateia 6:Kp6:TEIO:
pain ponos ir6vos scholar grammatikos ypaµµo:T11<6s
pain, be in a/gein 6:Ayeiv school verb gu,mnazein yuµv6:{EIV
part meros µEpos scientific epistemonikos Eir10-Triµov11<6s
moribn µ6ptov sect (philosophical) hairesis o:YpEO'IS
perceive aisthanesthiti alcr66:veo-Oo:1 seem dokein 60KEiV
perception aisthesis alcrOrio-1s self-control sophrosune crw<ppocrlfvri
perfect teleios TEi\e1os self-controlled sophron o-W<ppwv
philosopher philosophos <p1A6cro<pOS self-controlled (be) sophronein crw<ppOVEiV
philosophy philosophia <ptAocro<pia selfcregard alawneia O'.i\a(;oveia
phlegm phlegma ~iliyµa self-restraint enkrateia EyKp0Teta
pleasure hi done fioov~ self-sufficiency autarkeia etlJT6:pKEIO
power arche cxpx~ shame, have sense of aideisthai at6eicr0co
dunamis 6Vvaµ1s shame, having sense of at'dimOn a!8T)µwv
power, love of philarchia ~,ilapxla aischuntilos alo-xvvTriA6s
practise me!etan µEAET6:V shameful at'schros cdcrxp6s
principle archi cxpx~ shameless anaischuntos 6:vaiO')(VVTOS
purpose chreia xpe(a shape mo,phi! µop~~
quality [in physical sense] poiotis 1ro16TT)S sickness nosema v6crnµa
quarrel, love of philoneikia qnAovsu<lo: nosos v6o-os
quarrelsome philoneikos cp1i\6vstKOS skill, specialized techni TExvn
rage thumos 6uµ6s
 ·~ '",, /':,.
:-· "'."-/ .ik"

I
482 English-Greekglossary
I
Transliterated Greek Greek
II
English
slave
slave, be
soul
doulos
douleuein
psuche
800i\05
5ovAEVEtV
'f'VX~
II English-Arabicglossary
spirit [of soul] thumos 9vµ6s
9vµon8~s
I
spirited [soul] thumoeides I
statement
study
kgos
mathima
Myos
µ&Briµa l
pragmateia rrpayµaTEkx l
substance
teacher
theOria
ousia
didaskaks
theorema
0Ec.vpfo:
oUcr[a
6166:crKaAos
a,wpriµa
I'I This glossary contains a selection of frequent relevant terms and is intended to
theorem help identify the Arabic original of a particular translation. Occurrences in the
I
theory theOria eewpia j text can be traced back through the Arabic word index.
voµi{Etv
think nomizein
askein 0:crKEiV
i
train
training askesis &crKT)Ol$ I English TransliteratedArabic Arabic
pragmateia 1TpayµaTsio: I abhorrent makruh ,,;,...
treatise
treatment therapeia 6epcms{a I abstemiousness 'ijfa l::.o.c.

I J-9"
treatment, concer11~d with therapeutikos 6epcnTEUTIK65 accustom 'awwada
truth alitheia &i\T)6e1a acquire kasaba ~
aTcrxos .l acquired muktasab
ugliness aischos ~
ugly
unbalanced
understand
aischros
ametros
noein
o:icrxp6s:
0:µETPOS
voeiv
!I act verb
action
activity
fa'ala
ji'l
ji'l
J,.i
J,.i
J,.i

understanding
undisciplined
sunienai
sunesis
akolastos
cruvtivat
crUvecris
0:t<6i\a<YTOS
II affection
afraid, be
'amal
'arat/
bafa
J.o.c
d,y,
,...H;;..
v
1rcxp6:cpUcr1 I
unnatural paraphusin
unschooled agumnastos O:yUµvcxcrTOS I' agreement
aim noun
ittifaq
qaid
JlA11
.,..,,.
vegetative phutikos cpuTtt<6s r
'}_ aim verb qaiada .,..,,.
vice · kakia KaKicx
' anger g,'adab ~

!
virtue arete OpeTT)
l}8(.,)p anhnal l;ayawdn 01~
water
well-balanced
hudor
summetros crUµµeTpos annoyance l;arad ,.,..
well-mixed eukratos eVKpOTOS l apprehend adraka <!!.;Ji
wet hugros uyp6s I appropriate
approval
muwdjiq
t(lfwib
..;.;1_,.
wetness hugrotis uypOTrJS ~~
wisdom sophia crocpia arrangement tadbir .J:!-:1.l.'.i
wise sophos <ro~6s art find'a ~L:......,,
word logos Myos assent noun taidiq ~~
astronomy 'ilm al-nujUm r~ 1rk
astute tfahin 0,4i.:i
authority sultan .:,LJ,,L,

483
484 English-Arabic glossary
•l English-Arabic glossary 485

English Transliterated Arabic Arabic English Transliterated Arabic Arabic

avoid haraba min ~ '-:'.Y' craft mihna
bad farr .,...,
, " decay verb fasada .,.....
"""'
balance noun i'tidal Jl-'icl r decision 'azima ~~
beast
beautiful
bahima
gamil
bahimi
~
J.,.,. lI deliberation
delicate
demon.Stration
tat.abbut
latif
burhdn
~
~
bestial ~ l,)lA...>:'
blarne noun
blame verb
efamm
lama
f'j
t'i
I' desirable
desire noun
margub
fahwa
y_,i:.y,
b-*'1
blood dam tJ
I differ ibtalafa JJ:;..I
body badan 0~ ! difference ibtililf .J)l.:;.;.I
gasara
boldness
brave
brutishness
Sugit
bahimiya
;;_)-·-·~
t 4-J.
~
!
I
disagreeme~t
discipline verb
bililf
ibtililf
qama'a
.J)l,;..
.J)l:;.;.I

t-"'
capacity [of soul] quwwa iji ! discovery istinbiir .b~I
cautious
censure noun
muta&arriz
lawm
.)~
t_,J I discrirnination
distress
tamylz
gamm
~
;.;,.
character trait
characteristic
bulq
bulq
JG.
JG. I divide noun
educate
ibtililf
addaba
.J)l.:;.;.I
y:ii

child
fdn
bd{fa
1abiy
ut.J:.
~L;.
.,,,.,,,
I
!
education

element
adab
tddib
':-'Ji
":':...
i'G

choice ibtiyiir.
muwiifaqa
t..:;;.I
"ill!_,-,
-
Ii, endurance
envy
u~ur
galad
fJasad
~
'4

-
compatibility
'""""""
composition tarkib . - .,.
~-· 1: error gala1 .lJi,.
conceitedness 'ujb
ta{awwara _,:,,.,.:;
!
I
essence
batd
gawhar
'Lb
.,...,,,.
conceive
conception tafawwur _,:,,.,.:; i tfiit ..:.,I.)

condition f?a/ Jb
I esteem noun kardma 'i..lfi
galaba y.li.
I evil, do asita ~ L....1

l
conquer
consider na2;ara Ji.' exarnination tafiii ~
consideration rawiya exarnine trl!affefJa ~
I
4.:!-S..>
constitution mizag tl:,.O existence wugud J-'7',J

sickly misqam t l.k.

experience noun tagriba ~~
"I extravagance ;ayf ~
contradictoriness
contrary
muniiqatfa
efidd
~llo
CW,
I falsity, seealsoopinion burl Jk,
control [of soul] verb efabata _b;..;
! fault 'ayb
co-operate
corruption
ittafaqa
fasiul
J1:'..'I
JL..i I fear verb
feeling
faza'a
fJass
"""'
t:,;
=
courage
cowardice
nagda
gubn
;;~
~
tr

J
fine
folly
f;asan
burq =
J~
...
J.
.i·f
"i
 y
•' v
·..!>:"::-/'.,;

486 English-Arabic glossary

l English-Arabic glossary 487
English Transliterated Arabic Arabic English Transliterated Arabic Arabic
foolish abraq J?i knowledge ma'rifa Ofa
generate walada -"J 'ilm ~
geometry handasa L.i.:..A law ndmits ,.y,,J),"L:.

goal gdya 4.:1.c leader ra'is ~iJ

good bayr _,,.;.. like verb ahabba ~i
gayyid .,,,.. long verb taqa JI:;
govern sdsa '-"'[...., love verb al;abba ~i
greed Sarah ,_,,j. madness gunun ~
grief buzn WY:.. mathematics 'ilm al-l;isitb "L...JI ~
habit 'dda iiJk memory hife. J;.h
happen 'aratf.a U"'J'- might 'izz jc
harm verb tj,arra :;.,.. moderation i'tiditl JI.Gel
hate abgaefa ~1 natural disposition bat/a <.G.
health 1i/;ha ~ nature tabi'a ¥.
honour noun kardma 'Loi_,$ noblility Jara/ ...J_rZ
hunger [of soul] verb fawq J.,._t numbers, science of 'ilm al-'adad JJ>ll ~
hurt verb
ignorance
itefd
gahl
{Sjj

Jr..
obedience ;da
inqiyitd
"'lb
J4,iil
illness maracj '-""-"' ready husnal-inqiyitd J~il~
imagination wahm t""> obedient, readily salisal-inqiyitd Jl,;,l'il ~
imagine wahama ~, odiousness samaga ~L.......
tawahhama t",;:, opinion ~ann ,.',!;
tabayyala J;;.:; correct sawdb '-:'I_,.....,,.
inappropriate mubdlif .;JG..« mistaken ba,a' 1-h;.
inclination may! J.,.o opposite bild.f r..J)l;..
incompatible mubalif .;JG..« opposition tandzu' t:,i.;:;
infant lift Jil, overcome galaba ~
injustice gawr -""" pain acfan 15ji
intellect 'aql Jic part guz' ~ ,)':"

investigate fah"la ~ perfect tdmm fw

bahara ~ perfection kamdl JW:
na2:ara )al pleasure larjcja oll
irascibility gai; .!¥ politics siyiisa 'L.t;.,,
irascible person gaefbdn -~
<.). praise verb madaha C:"'
judge verb rdd <.Si.; precise knowledge ibtibitr J. L.:;.;.I
judgement rdy 15i.; predatory animal sabu' ~
firm 'azimat al-rdy e;l)I «>;:,C prevent, kaffe __is;
justice 'ad! J.,. mana'a !:"
know 'arafa '-'.>'- produce verb walada -"J
'alima ~ property/feature b011a ~L;.
 English-Arabicglossary
T
I
488 English-Arabicglossary 489
English Transliterated Arabic Arabic English Transliterated Arabic Arabic
proportion
rash
qadr
mutahawwir
'agitl
o-"
-'*' ! spirited
vegetative
gaefabiya
nabatiya
~
~
J-. speak na;aqa JbO
rashness

rational
'agala
tahawwur
ndfiq
wugitd
'4<
.,_,...
, '

J.bw
l
!
state
steadfastness
steadiriess
!;al
ga!ad
waqdr
JI.,.

'""'"
.)jJ
reality -i"'=".J steady mutatabbit ~ :':i O

recollection t]ikr §.J mutbat ~

reform verb a;!a&a c.L..l strength quwwa ;;j,,i
regimen tadbir ..)::'!~ strong qawi CS->'
regulation taqdir ..>:.ai stubborn 'asiral-inqiydd sl,l; >'I r"'
restrain mana'a (:"' substance gawhar ,.._,.,.
restraint film F" teaching ta'lim F
retention Nfe J.h think :?;anna c,la
revulsion in;iriif ._jl~f fakara fa
rule riydsa 4-.u,~~J tafakkara ;s.t
tara"us V"'J; thought jikr fa
science 'ilm r1c training riydtj.a WL:.>
scrutinize n~ara Ji.' treatment 'ilag (;:~
scrutiny naz;ar Ji.' truth l;aqq ~
seek
self
ta!aba
nafi
qdt
~
'-""'
..::,lj
!
I
[
ugliness
ugly
understanding
qubf;
qabib
fahm
(;,'

,...
&
sense f;assi4a 'i.,.,.L..,. vice/viciousness radila

l!
~j.)
sense perception f;iss <.)"'> raddct IJ.>
b<O

serve badama t"°' vileness narjd!a ;t.Hli

'abada ,);< virtue far/ila u,...;
shame (sense of) &aya' 'l;a- I will iriida ;iJf.;!
w t
shamelessness qiba w~sdom bikma u:..
sharp
skill
biidd
bicjq
Ji.,.
Jl::.. l
solid (of characrer) Yd.fin l
soul nafi
~J

'-""' r
animal
bestial
f;ayawtiniya
bahimiya
~~
~
1'
cogitative mufakkira ,_,$i.. l
desiderative
fikriya
Jahwdniya
'\,fa
~J~ l
rational nu;qiya
ndtiqa
~
ill,w l
t'

It
I
I
J;

l

Greekword index
Comprehensive word indexes are available in the modern editions of the Greek texts trans!at~d in this
volume (though in the case of Capacitiesof the Soul, only in the recent edition ofBazou, not m that of
MtiUer).1be present index contains a selection of terms with their translations, referenced ?Ypage and
line numbers of the edition used, and is intended to be of help in finding both the rranslanon and the
ocCtLrrencesof technical or otherwise interesting terminology. For certain ve1ycommonly used terms
(e.g. agathos,anthriipos,psuche),where no problem of translation arises, only a fewpassages are given
by way of example; for terms of particular importance to the argument of the texts, most or all occur~
rences have been listed. Compound verbs are listed under the main verbal form and adverbs under the
corresponding adjective.
6:ya86s good Ind. 18,19;i0,13; 21,6 QAM
40,22 (Hesiod); 73, 14; 74,5~1l; ;0 etyaeO:
(matters of) good Ajf Pecc.Dig. 42,11-19;
44,13 (with note); ;0 etya66v the good Ind.
20,1.4Aff P,"· Dig. 42,21; 43,9 QAM73,17;
what someone enjoysAlf Pecc.Dig. 24,14
· O:SvµsTv
(with nore)
Ct)'Evn,os(c£ 6:yEvvn,os) unoriginared QAM.
74,4.8 (with note)
O:yllvvri,os(cf. 6:ySvn,os) ungenerared Alf Pecc.
Dig. 46,23
etyvoelvbe ignorant (of) QAM73,5 Alf Pecc.
Dig. 51,8; 62,8; 66,19; (do something)
unknowingly Ajf Pecc.Dig. 44,19; fa.U(ure)to
recogniz.eQAM 49,4 ,,
&yvo1a ignorance Aff Peec. Dig. 5 J,2; 65, 13
&yvWslacking in understanding Alf Pecc.Dig.
56,16
&yvoo0'1'0S (matter) which cannot be known
Alf Pecc.Dig. 67,1
&ypws wild [of character] Ajf Pecc.Dig. 16,16;
19,19 QAM57,18 (Hipp.); 59,16 (Hipp.);
60,5 (Hipp.); 62,14 (Hipp.)
&ypu1Tvoswakeful QAM62,I3 (Hipp.)
6:yuµvaO'la, -O'Tlalack of schooling Alf Pecc.
fog. 49,17; 61,7
&y\Jµvaa;os unschooledAff Pecc.Dig. 37,13;
44,23.27; 48,7; 49, 13; 50,6.8; 51,6
&yx(vo1ashrewdness QAM79,1
&6ni\osnon~evidenrAjf Pecc.Dig. 43,4.23;
60,7; 65,4; 67,4
&61av6111os
&61KaTv
CTspW6ns
incomprehensible QAM 48, 18
harm QAM74,15.17
airy (substance) QAM 45,10
l<npafr QAM 45,11.23; 66, 11
&eO:va,osimmortal QAM36, 14; 38,4; 42,14
be dispiritedA!f Pecc.Dig. 37,18
0:0uµla lack of spirit QAM59,5 (Hipp.)
&evµos lacking in spirit QAM 41,21; 79,21
al61:icr8a1have (a sense of) shame, be ashamed
Aff Pecc.Dig. 18,22-24; 26,15; show
remperanceAff. Pecc.Dig. 15,19
a!O'r\µoovhaving a sense of shame Aff. Pecc.Dig.
26,19
alµa blood QAM 38,10; 39,8; 51.13-23
(Arist.); 52,9 (Arist.).15; 53,14-20 (Arisr.);
54,6-9 (A,ist.)
a\µ0:1oocr1s blood~production QAM 41,2
a\peTvchoose Ind. 20, 10 Ajf Pecc.Dig. 7, 19;
22,23 (Pythagoras) QAM72,2.12 (Plato);
73,9
d(pEO'lS sectAff Pecc.Dig. 29,l.14; 43,21;
62,11; 62, 17,28 (with note) QAM46,12.15;
78,2
o:tcre6:v~crea1 be aware of Ind. 22, 16; be/
beco1neconscious'of/that Ind. 5,12.13 Aff.
Pecc.Dig. 10,3.9; 11,17; 15,12; 22,7.8; 36,3;
37, 18; 58,18; feelInd. 18,22; perceive QAM
34,18.25
a\cr6ncr1sperception Aff. Pecc.Dig. 63,8.14;
64,5; 65,11; 66,8 QAM 34,24; 37,11; 52,18
(Arist.); 54,7 (Arist.)
490
Greekword index
o:icr8TJTfip1ov pl. organs of perception QAM
34,19
a\0'6T"jnK6S productive of perception Q.Alvf
51,18 (Arist.)
a!O'en,6s (object) of perception QAM 34,20;
perceptible QAM 63, 11
o:TOxosuglinessAff. Pecc.Dig. 18,5; 24,19;
35,22
o:lcrxp6sugly, shameful A.ff Pecc.Dig. 15,13;
24,17; 19,15; 28,2; 35,15.17 QAM 48,17
alcrxpovpy(o: perversion A.ff Pecc.Dig. 20,23
(with note)
alcrxvvTf)/\6s,-Tf)p6swith a sense of shame Ajf.
Pecc.Dig. 26,23 QAM 33,3
ahia causeAlf. Pecc.Dig. 8,16; 30, 18; 33,3.5;
49,18; 64,12.13; 65,9 QAM33,13; 38,15;
43,13; 47,10.'13; 54,6 (Arise.);58,7;
79,10.15.19; grounds Ajf Pecc.Dig. 28,22
QAM74,15 (wirh note); responsible QAM
I 59,13; a.1To111T1Kf\
33,22.23
effectivecause QAM
ainov cause Ind. 22, 19 QAM 58,6 (Hipp.);
71,9; 73.16; 74,10
o:lT105responsibleAjf Pecc.Dig. 64,20
6:K1161lsadv. unconcernedly Ind. 15,2
I
I
&Ktvnaio:loss of motion QAM 48,13
6.K1vT)1il)1v
(Arist.)
become motionless QAM 53,7
I CTKoi\aO'!o: lackof discipline QAM 50,15 (Plato)
&KoAacr;a(vHvbehave without discipline Aff.
Pecc.Dig. 4,6_
I 6:K6AaITTos
CTKoAovSsTv
undisciplined Ajf Pecc.Dig. 20,5
(with note); 22,17 QAM 46,5; 67,4
be consequent on Ajf Pecc.
D;g. 52,2.13; 53,1QAM38,18; 51,14 (,f.
E1teo60:1); 55, l; 61, 11; 79,4 follow [in logical
sense] Ind. 20,19
0:Koi\ov6(aconsequence Aff. Pecc.Dig. 53, 12.13
QAM34,20
CTK6i\ov6os consequent, consequence of Ajf
Pecc.Dig. 53,13 QAM38,l8; 62,18; 66,17
l
\!
0:KoVcrws involuntary QAM71,19 (Plato)
&Kpaaio:,&KpCns1alack of restraint QAM 51,2
(Plato)
l CTKpan)sunrestrained Aff. Pecc.Dig. 23,5 QAM
j 67,6
}, 6:Kpt!3T}sprecise Ind. 20,7; 21,19
&Kp11'0S lacking a kritirion Alf Pecc.Dig. 54,6
CTKPocrn')s attender ("'student) A.ff Peet.Dig.
61,23 (with note)
&Ao:(ova!o: self-regardAjf Pecc.Dig. 44, 13 (with
note); 48,.3.14; 49,6; 60,21
O:i\o:(Wv self-regardingAff.Pecc.Dig. 48,8
6:i\ysTvbe pained, in pain Ind. 19,21; 20,2
&i\ynµa severetrouble Ind. 24,6
491
&i\yos pain QAM77,3
6:i\fiSetatruth Alf. Pecc.Dig. 29,19; 45, 15-20:
47,6; 48,14; 51.7; 53,26; 60,9
QAM35,18; 64,10; 78,2
&i\nST\stnie Ind. 5,7; 17,2; 18, 14 ,1ff. Pecc.Dig.
60,6 QAM 32,6; truthful Aff Pecc.Dig. 43,6;
54,4
&Mot0Va8a1undergo alteration QAM 46, 18
O:i\6y1a1osirrational Aff Pecc.Dig. 16,5.25;
19,15
&i\oyos non-rational A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 4,4; 6,26;
16,16; 19,2.5; 20,7.11 QAM78,20
6:i\u1Tiaavoiding distress Ind 2, 1 (with note):
21,12; 24,11; 26,4
W\v1To5free from/without distress, not
distressed Ind. 3,5; 15,8; 22,6 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
29,9; 30,7, 34,6-24; 35,2.8
W\v;os untreatable Ajf Pecc.Dig. 51, 18
6:µ00Ho:ignorance Aff Pecc.Dig. 51, 16.19
6:µo:6fisignorantAjf. Pecc.Dig. 4,7; 49,7;
58,18
6:µapTCXvc1v commit errorsA.Jf Pecc.Dig.
3,15.17; 4,6-23; 6,3.11; 8, 17.19; 9,20; 10,7;
11, 11; 15,18.20; 16,4.12; 17,20.24; 18,6.23;
21,20; 37,20; 44,17; 52,14; 53,8 QAM76,9;
(make a) mistake Ind. 6,10
6:µ0p,nµa error Ajf Pecc.Dig. J,21; 4.I-6;
5,8-23; 6,13-25; 9,18; 11,12; 18,16; 21,4;
23,18-22; 37,3.23; 41,6-14; 42,1-14; 44,20;
52,14.18; 53,2-15; 61.11; 64,20; 68,18
O:µo:pTlaerror Ajf Pete.Dig. 53,22
&µ~Ms dull QAM62,21
CXµf?ii\V,ns
6:µs!i\1K1os
dullness QAM 62,5
implacable QAM 59,16 (Hipp.)
0:µeAr\snegligentAjf Pecc.Dig. 26, 17
&µsµ1t'1'0S without fault QAM 76,12
O:µs;pos im1noderate,without moderation Ind.
25,9Aff.' Pecc.Dig. 7,6; unbalanced QAM
45,17; 46,l; 69,12; 71,8
6:µvT]µoov with a poor memory A.ff Pecc.Dig.
26,16
6:µqn!36:M!:creal doubt Ajf Peet.Dig. 42,8
&µqn!3oi\iaambiguity Aff Pecc.Dig. 41,9
&µqiw[?i11TETv dispute Alf. Pecc.Dig. 66, 1
(6:v6:yKT\) EfOvO:yK'f}SnecessarilyAjf Peec. Dig.
7,20; 42,17 QAM37,12
6:v&6oa1sdistribution [within the body]
QAM41,l
&vo:16-f\sshameless QAM 66,3 (Plato)
&vo:1µ05 non-blooded QAM53,5 (Arist.)
&va1a811olalossof perception QAM 48, 13
6:vaicr8n1os(suffering)loss of perception QAM
45,18
&va1crxvtrrlashameless behaviour A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 37,1
492 Greek word index
O:valoxuvTosshamelessAff Pecc.Dig. 26,15.23
QAM33,2
solveAff Pecc.Dig. 42,6
&vW\Veiv
analysis[logical]Ajf Pecc.Dig.
&vC<Aucns
54,10 (with note); 55,8.15 QAM34,2l
6vai\uT!K65of analysisAlf Pecc.Dig. 54,25;
57,10; 59,5.18; of the analytickind A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 60,4
6:vaµ6:pTT)TOSfree of error Alf. Pecc.Dig. 4, 18;
8,10; 9,8.9 (with note); 43,3
(O:v6:µvf)cl"\S)
sts 6:v6:µvT)f1!V
as an aide~mtmoire
Ind. 115
&vav6psln lack of bravery QAM 59,5 (Hipp.)
0::vav6posnot brave QAM 61,2 (Hipp.)
6:vavTli\eKTOSuncontroversialAlf Pecc.Dig.
65,22
6:v6ps(a courage Ind. 18,ISAff. Pecc.Dig.29,6
QAM51,25
O:v6peios braveAff.Pecc.Dig. 29,9 QAM58,20
(Hipp.); 60,4.13 (Hipp.)
6vEK1tAT)KTOS unshaken Aff Pecc.Dig. 29,15
6.vs~iKaKOS patient A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 26,4
&ve1Tcxv6p600TOS irremediableA.ff Pecc.Dig.
11,18 (with note)
0:vfipindividual Ind. 6,4; man Ind. 1l,15; 17,10
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 11,16; H{7; 21,15; 27,10
QAM70,9
&vepwiros human (being) Ind. 21,7 A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 4,17; 8,14-22; 9,6.9; 15,15; 16,15-23;
17,3.4; 19,16;20,l; 53,3; 59.5 (Hipp.);
61,12 (Hipp.); 63,6 (Hipp.) QAM42,14;
person A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 7,16; 12,ll;pl people
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 8,14; 10,17; 18,20; 26,22; _
29,11; 33,18; 61,23 QAM35,10; 57,20
(Hipp.)
6:v!o:sorrowQAM68,13 (Plato)
O:v15:vgrieve Ind. 10,24; 22,10 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
25,15.19; 28,6; hurt A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 3l,8;pass.
be grieved Ind. 3,1; 5,6; 13,7; 15,4-2Z; suffer
grief A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 33,l; 34,3. 14; 3i5,l.5
O:v10:p6s painful Ind. 23, 13 , CCTfoAo:VEtvindulge A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 21, 19
0:v!cnos incurable A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 11,18 (with
note); 16,15; 20,18.21; 25,11; 35,9 QAM
74,14
&v6nTosdevoid of understanding A.ff.Peec.Dig.
66,27
&vo10: n1ind!essnessQAM 43,13-15; 44,l;
48,9.13
0:vovsmindless QAM43,1 (Plato)
6:vT{ypo:qiov(c£ o:VT6ypo:41ov) copy [of literary
work] Ind. 6,5 (with note); 8,16.19; 9,5
6:VT!6o,osantidote Ind. 3,17
&v,1Aoy1K65 disputatious, a disputatious sort
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 9,3
6:opyno-ia freedom from anger A.ff Pecc.Dig.
21,11
6:6pyf]TOSfree from anger Ajf Pecc.Dig. 12,20;
17,J.23; 18,5; 27,22
O:oxAncrkx freedom from disturbance A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 43,1 (with note); 53,6; remaining
undisturbed Ind. 21,5
freedom from affections A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
6-rr6:6e10:
· 9,12 (with note)
WC<6fisfree from affections Ind. 21,18
&rrC<l6evToS uneducatedAff. Pecc,Dig. 48,24
QAM51,4 (Plato)
inhumanAff. Pecc.Dig. 35,26;
&rr6:v6p1:,:rrros
36,6
CITTAfJpwTosimpossible to satiate Ajf. Pecc.Dig.
33,7; unattainable Ind. 25,13
Anrr,la insatiability Ind. 15,19 Ajf. Pecc.
CCTf
Dig. 30,18; 31,1-13; 33,6 (with note);
34,5-24
insatiable Ind. 25,5 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
furAT)crTOS
21,13.16; 33,7; 34,11; 35,24 QAM
33,1
demonstrate A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 43,19
CCTfofa=.1KvVva1
QAM47,19; 51,7; make demonstrations on
Ajf Pecc.Dig. 53,24; TO ~1TlO'TT}µov11<&$
6:no6e6E1yµtvo:the demonstrable truths A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 48,12 (with note)
<mo6H1<T11<6s demonstrative A.ff Pecc.Dig.
49,16
&rr66E1~1sdemonstration A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 28,21;
43,4; 48,13; 51,10.11; 53,21; 54,8; 61,17;
62,27; 63,2; 65,21; 67,24 QAM38,19;47,I;
75,23; 6:. f3~f3o:[q
secure demonstration
QAM64, 11; 6:. ypC<µµ11<T\ geometrical
demonstration A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 68,3; 6:.
ilntcTT}µovtKllscientific demonstration Ajf
Pecc.Dig. 42,2-16 (with note)
repository Ind. 4,11.19; 7,18; store
6:no0111<11
Ind. 4,25; warehouse Ind. 2,15 (with note)
CITT01oswithout quality QAM 36,23
&rr6Ao:vc1s enjoyment A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 19,23
QAM36,2
o:1T0Ao:vrr11K6S (f31os)(life of) indulgence Ajf
Pecc.Dig, 32.9
&rropdceo:1be puzzled A.ff Pecc.Dig. 50,8
6:,rop!o:confusion A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 44,3.6; despair
ofknowledgeAff. Pecc.Dig. 63,6; ~v &rropii;x
elvo:1be bereft of Ind, 5,10
6:py{o:lazinessA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 53,4
6:peTfivirtue, Viitue Ind. 19,5; 25,10 A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 23,10-14; 29,7. 12; 36,21; 41,16; 43,1;
49,3.4; 60,10 QAM 32,11; 33,22; 67,11;
72,4; 73,7; 74,23; 76,6.18; 77,1J; 78,4.7
r
.i
marhematics Aff Pecc.Dig.
Clp1tlµri,11<iJ
Greek word index
28,20.25; 44,25; 47, 13: 61, 14
mathematical Ajj.'Pecc.Dig.
O'.p1tlpnTt1<6s
43,17; 54,18 QAM72, 14; practitioner of
marhematicsAff Pecc.Dig. 68,14
O:p.16µ6snumber A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 56, 19; 57,5;
61,4
&pµ~vovinstrument [surgical]Ind. 3,8 (with
note); 5,14; 10,16; pl. paraphernalia Ind. 4,23
0:pX€1V (have) power QAM 35,22; med. take the
starting point [in/of a study]QAM76,5
6:pxll beginning, start, starting point Ind.
9,9; 15,6; 16,19; 24,12A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 3,7;
6,23; 15,16;31,I; 37,17; 53,9; 65,21 QAM
32.4.14; 43,l (Plato);46,9; 76,7; 75,23;
76,7; power QAM 36,6; principle QAM
36,22; 37.9.U
architecture Ind. 19,5 A.ff.
6:px11s1<Tov!C<
Pecc.Dig. 28,20; 44,25; 47,14 (with note);
54,18.20;61,14
&pxnE1<,wvarchitect Ind. 19,9 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
65,18; 66,15-26; practitioner of architecture
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 68,14
6:rraipfisunclear A.ff Pecc.Dig. 3,12 QAM 44,16
0:01<eivcultivate [a discipline, a practice] Aff.
Pecc.Dig. 9,13.14 (with note); 13,4; 19,ll;
21,l I; 22,15; 29,5.11; 30,19 QAM76,6;
train, undergo training, be in training Ind.
18,15; 19,6; 22,I4A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 12,11;
23,1-21; 34,15.16; 43,8; 59,12.21;60,26;
67,4
O:c1<nc1s (processof) training Ind. 2,4; 23,4A.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 11,15 (with note); 12,10; 15,16;
25,20.24; 23,9; 32,17; 34,25; 37,11.17 QAM
74,13
6:cTpovoµio:astronomy A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 28,20;
'! 44,25; 47,13.18; 54,18; 61,14
&rr,pov6µos practitioner of astronomy Aff Pecc.
1 Dig. 68,14
&rrUvsTOS unintelligent QAM62,20; 79,23
I
6:rrWµmosnon-bodily QAM 38,22.25; 46,22;
48,5.22
O'.Ttµ&(stv dishonour A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 30,8; show a
lack of esteem Ajf Pecc.Dig. 29,20
I &nµlo: humiliation A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 30,2 (with
I' note)
&ToAµoslacking in resolve QAM41,20; 46,7
ITToir(aillogicalityA.ff Pecc.Dig. 50,23
o:U0&6nsself-willed QAM 61,8 (Hipp.); 62,14
(Hipp.)
o:VcrTnp6sharsh (character) QAM69,2
(Plato}
o:VcTT)p6TTJSharshness (of character) QAM
68,12 (Plato)
493
self-sufficiencyA.ff Pecc.Dig. 33,21;
m'.n6:p1<s1a
34,20-25
aUT6ypo:41ov(cf. O:vTiypcc41ov) autograph copy
[oflitera1y work] Ind. 6,5 (with note)
6:ippo6(rriasex, sexual activity,sexual matters
Ind. 24,14Aff. Pecc.Dig. 20,22; 22,14; 35,27
QAM35,23; 50,15 (Plato)
&'{lpwvsenselessA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 16,24 (with
note) QAM50,l3 (Plato)
f3arrccv{(Etv(cf. TrETpo:)
(put something to the)
test Aff. Ptxc.Dig. 43,24; 47,19; 48,l; 56,24;
65,19 QAM32.3
f36cro:vo)test A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 47,6; 57,11
secure [knowledgeetc.] A.If Pecc.Dig.
f3ff30:1os
42,8; 46,16; 48,5; 63,17; 66,22 QAM 64,12
library Ind. 5,17; 7,3.15; 8,2; 9,2
!31!3A100l11<n
f'tf3Alovbook Ind. 3,15; 4,7.24; 5,14.15; 6,9.17;
7,2.7; 8,2; 9.13.17; 10,22; 16,11;20,16; 26,2
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 3,6.10; 4,15; 5,21; 6,16; 32, 16
QAM 51,1 l; 57,14; 72,21; work Ind. 6,20;
passageInd. 6, 17
!3Ao:f3ep6s harmful A.ff Pecc.Dig. 20, 12
f3i\6f3riharm A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 5,12; 10,1 (with
note); damage QAM39,17
f3ov/\fidecisionA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 46, I O QAM
71,10
infant Q./1.M
f3pil41os 33,7; 42,16; 48,8
yo:i\fivricalm A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 23, 10 QAM 43,5
(Plato)
yo:o-Tf)pstomad1 QAM66,19
yo:crrp1µ0:py{C< greedAff. Pecc.Dig. 19,16;
20,23
yao-Tpiµapyos greedyA.ff.Peec. Dig. 22, 12
ytveois birthAff. Pecc.Dig. 11,26 QAM54,24;
formation QAM79,3;generation QAM
51,13
yevnT6s originated QAM73,20 (with note)
yevvo:iosnoble, nobility Ind. 16,15 Aff. Pecc.
D;g. 12,1 QAM68,!8; 70,13
yilvos dassA.IJ Pecc.Dig. 31,18.23 QAM35,l l;
38,22; 41,11; 45,4; 54,23; rnce QAM53,1
(Arist.)
ySpwv old man Alf Pecc.Dig. 51,19 QAM
69,J.8
yeW6risearthy QAM52,l l.l 7; 53,9-19 (Arist.)
yewµ,hpris geometer, practitioner of geometry
Alf Pecc.Dig. 15,14; 68,14; land-surveyor
Ind. 19,10
ycwµsTpio:geometry Alf. Pecc,Dig. 28, 19.24;
44,25; 47,13; 48,12; 61,14 QAM72.14
yswµsTpt1<6s(O'.vfip) geometer Aff. Pecc.Dig.
42,3.10; 62,14

494 Greekword index
yfj earth QAM 52,13 (Arist.); 53,20 (Arist.);
58,2 (Hipp.); 61,16 (Hipp.); 66,4 (Hipp.)
yiyvEoBcxtcome into being A.ff Pecc.Dig. 46,23
QAM37.5; 45,10.23
y1yvWo-K~tv assess(ment)Aff Pecc.Dig. 10, 13;
50,13; know, haveknowledgeof Ind. 10,4;
13,4; 20,8 Aff. Pecc.Dig. 5,2; 22, 14; 24,15;
27,21; 34.9.10.14;44, 18; 60,16; 66,17.19
QAM38,10; 39,6; learnAlf Pecc.Dig. 22,5
QAM72,19; realizeA.ff Pecc.Dig. 6,11;
7.7-16; 8,14; 11,10; 28,6; 37,6; 45,7; 55,3;
61,19; 63,26; 65,24; 67,3.6; 68,7.11 QAM
33,21; 39,7; recognizeA.ff Pecc.Dig. 5,7;
23,22; 35,10; 50,19; see throughAff.Pecc.
Dig.50,11
yi\aqivp6s subcle(ofime!ligence) QAM 52,14
(Arist.)
yvOOµl) attitude Ind. 13,22; judgement A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 16,2; 37,4 QAM76,17; opinion
Alf. P,". Dig.6,19; 7,4 QAM50,21; 54,15;
temper QAM6t,3 (Hipp.); Ka1C( yvWµnv
deliberatelyAJJ:Pecc.Dig. 61,19
yvli:lµov1K6Srelated to gnomonsAff Pecc.Dig.
54,26
yvWµv.}VgnomonAjf Pecc.,Dig.55,6
yvwpl(eiv recognizeAff. Pecc.Dig. 6,3;
50,21.23; 52,2.4.9
yvl0p1aµo:indicator A.ff Pecc.Dig. 23,l; 55,22
QAM55,6 (with note); 63,2
yv&ia1sknowledge Ind. 11,16; 18,1; 20,7;
21,19 Aff. Pecc.Dig. 5,23; 7,24; realization
Alf. P,"· Dig.65,13.24 QAM32,15;
recognition Aff. Pecc.Dig. 37,22; 42,l l;
61,12; y. tvo:pylls dear knowledge A.ff.Pei:c.
Dig.65,23
yvwaT6s which can be known A.ff Pecc.Dig.
66,27
yp6:µµo:archive Ind. 4, 18 (with note); (piece of)
writingAff. Pecc.Dig. 6,2; 41,5 (witJY'note);
work A.ff Pecc.Dig. 4,9; ol Tb: yp&µµo:-ro:
µeµo:6nK6TSS literate persons Alf Pecc.Dig.
45,5 (with note)
ypaµµo:nK6S scholar, practitioner of scholarship
Aff. Pecc.Dig. 15,14 (with note); 68,15;
grammarianInd. 4,6; 6,5; 9,19 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
44,27 (with note)
ypo:µµ11(geometric) lineAff. Pecc.Dig. 55,4-20;
57,8-19; 58,3-11
ypo::µµtK6S geo1netricalAff.Pecc.Dig. 28,21;
68,3 (seeo:TI'66s1~1~)
ypo::q>T}(q>apµ6:Kou) recipe (of drug) Ind. 11,9-
21; 12,12; prescription (of drug) Ind.
13,2
yuµv6:(Hv school Ind. 18,5A.ff Pecc.Dig. 5,22
(with note); 28,19; 37, 15; 43,6-19; 45,11;
-.:1 ,
49,13, 50,14.18; 54, 16; 59.5.13; 60, 13;
I 8taq>0~lpElv
62,7.12; 63,9
yuµvaoia schooling A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 49,10
yuµvaaT<KT\gymnastic QAM72,13
8E!Kvlfvaishow Ind. 16,15Aff. Pecc.Dig. 50,20;
61,16; 63,9; 64,3 QAM 37,14.25; 45.3;
46,11.20, 47, 1, 63.9
fu1A6s- rimidAff. Pecc Dig. 27,2 QAM32,18;
53,2 (fuist.); 67,6, 75,13
Ofji'los,8fj/\ov 0,1, 8nA6voT1certainly A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 28,23; evident(ly)Aff Pecc.Dig. 5,10;
8,6; 20,6; 34,21; 44,17 QAM 33,13; 43,l l;
44,5; 45,21; 51,8.15; 60,15; 65,16; of course
Aff Pecc.Dig. 15,5; 42,10; 52,14,61,13
5nAoOvindicate Aff Pecc.Dig. 3, 11; 57, 16.18;
58, 1.9 QAM 34,22; make evident Ajf. Pecc.
Dig.8,3.5; 17,16.19; 24,7; 25,4 QAM49,14;
62,4; show lnd2,4
6T]µlovpyeivcraft QAM 37, 10
610:yiyvl00K€lV decide [a philosophical 1natter]
Aff Pecc.Dig. 66,8. l l; diagnose, perform a
diagnosis Aff. Pecc.Dig. 3, 15; 23,20; discern
Aff Pecc.Dig. 50,20; see through Aff Pecc.
Dig. 44,7.11; 49,20.21
616.yvwaisdiagnosisA.ff. Pecc.Dig. 3, 10 (with
note); 20,26; 23, 17.19; 24,10; 41,4; 51,6
810:y(>)yllupbringing A.ffPecc.Dig. 27, 11 QAM
60,16 (Hipp.)
816:6ea1sdisposition Ind. 19,13 QAM textual
note 4.29
61a1peivdivide [geometrically]A.ff Pecc.Dig.
57,l.4; separate [physically] QAM 46,14
8{arra (daily) regimeAff. Pecc.Dig. 7,23 QAM
42,7; 72,7; 79,3.12.18; lifestyle Ind. 13,12;
regimen Ind. 10,3.6
81atTO.a60:1 follow a (daily)regime A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 22,6 (with note); 32,12
6ta1<cia6a1have a disposition QAM33,2; 64,15
810:KooµEiv arrange QAM 65,6 (Plato)
610:K6oµrio1s arrangement QAM 65,6 (Plato)
8taKplvsw distinguish A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 62,24;
separateAff. Pecc.Dig, 49,21
81ai\syeaea1 converseA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 15,3;
49,l l; 51,23; 59,30; 60,2; discussAff. Pecc.
Dig. 4,2; talk Ind. 24,7 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 8,2
81CU\eKT1K6S related to dialectic QAM76,3
816:votaideas Ind. 7,5; intellectual faculty A.ff
h". Dig. 50,13; 52,7; 63,13.24 QAM52,14
(Arist.); 62,5.22
616:1rAaa1s shaping QAM54,22; 55,4
81aaKE1r,eaea1contemplate A.ff.Pecc.Dig,
10,2; 20,12.20; 25,5
81cn10ea6a1be affected QAM 40,1
6ta,p1[?,filecture A.ff Pecc.Dig. 48,6
Greek word index
destroy [objects] Ind. 5,2.8; 7,16;
8,6; 22,20; ruin [sou!] QAM74,18
81aq:iop6:differenceA.ff Pecc.Dig. 27,5; 28,4
QAM 32, 15; 33,4; 39.3; 51, 19; 52,2; 54,10
(Arist.); 69,1: 79, 14.17; distinction Aff Pecc.
Dig.5.7 QAM78,4.7; 79,20;
· way (of being different) Aff Pecc.Dig. 67,12
61aq>(>)vla confl.ictAff Pecc.Dig. 28,22
81600-Ka/.do: teachingAff Pecc.Dig. 44,27 QAM
74,12
8186:0-Ko:A.os teacher Ind. 25,l6Ajf Pecc.Dig.
26,19; 48,8-24; 49,16 QAM32,4; 38,14;
75,10.16; 76,22
51Ko:1os just A.ff Pecc.Dig. 26,6.8 (with note);
27,23; 28,14, 29,9, 68.6 QAM71,4
61Ka100Uvri justice Ind. 19,1 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 29,5
QAM73,9.fl
61opi(s1vmakea distinction A.ff Pecc.Dig. 4,3;
64, 11 QAM44,22
810p1aµ6sdefinition Ind. 21,12
66yµa docuine [including that of a philosophical
school]AffPecc.Dig. 18,7 (with note);
25,20.23; 28,18; 34,21-26; 48,18; 49, 18;
52,4; 53,3 QAM38, 19; 64,9; 77,21;
consideration Ind 2,4 (with note)
6oKeivdecideAff. Pecc.Dig. 14,5; 8oKeT+ dative
it is someone's beliefA.ff Pecc.Dig.
66,2 QAM37,17;70,13; 78,8; seem Ind. 5,6
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 3,11.13.17; 4,2.16; 6,1.26;
17,11; 20,8; 26,4; 27,17.18; 29,
20; 30,6.7; 41,15; 43,15; 46,26; 62,
29; 63,8 QAM33,20; 47,3.18; 49,8;
54,14
80K1µ6:(1:w scrutinizeAff. Pecc.Dig.68,17
86~0:beliefA.ff Pecc.Dig. 4,4; 6,25; 17,18;
41,17; 42,12.15,20; 44,22; 51,5; 53.7.11
QAM 45,5; 47,14; 52,7; 58,12; 78,21.22;
reputation Ind. 20, 16; 25,7 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
29,18; 36,l QAM36,6; 57,10
80~6:(swbelieveA.ff Pecc,Dig. 44,15; form a
beliefAff Pecc.Dig. 7, 1; 51,9; imagine (Eur.)
Ind. 17,8; 23,l l; reputation QAM35,22
6o~oooq>laconceitedness A.ff Pecc.Dig. 44, 13
(with note); 48,3.15; 51, 16.19; 52,10; 58,18;
62,30; 65,10; 66,27
80~60-oq>os conceited A.ff Pecc.Dig. 51, l .12;
60,8.14; 66,16; 67,l
8ovAsUstvbe slave to/be enslaved [of soul to the
'body] QAM 41,17; 44,5.6; 48,7
8Uvo:µ1scapacityA.ff Pecc.Dig, 54,8; capacity
[of food] QAM72,20; capacity [of humour]
QAM 67,l; capacity [of soul] Aff Pecc.Dig.
4,4; 19,1-22; 20,6-21; 41,13; 59,12.16;
60,26; 62,8 QAM32,2.17; 33,6-21; 34,1-
23; 35,l; 37.25; 38,3; 42,5; 44,14.19.20;
48,15-25; 51,14; 52,5; 54,17.22; 64,6;
495
66,10; 67.l l; 77,10-14; power [non-
technical] Ind. 22,23; 25,8; 8. O'.KouanKll
capacity of hearing QAM35,2; 8. &n-itKTj
capacity of touch QAM 35,3; 6. ysuaTtKll
capacity of taste QAM 35,2; 8. ihn6uµn,1Kl1
capacity of desire QAM 35,4; 8. Aoy1K1l
logical capacityAjf. Pecc.Dig.60,26; 62,8
(with note); 6. (nrnKll capacity of sight
QAM 35,2; visual capacity QAM 49,9.10; 8.
Ooq>pT]TtKT} capacity of smell QAM 35.2
8vaa(a0n,os- (suffering)poor perception QAM
45,18
8va6vµ[a depre.1sionInd. 4,8; low spirits QAM
50,l (Plato); 68,14 (Plato)
8\Jaeuµos low-spirited QAM 69,3 (Plato)
8vaKoA!aill temper QAM 49,22 (Plato)
EyKflq>o:Aos brain QAM 34,17; 36, 12; 38,2.7;
39,13; 66,22
€yKp6:,Etarestraint Aff. Pecc.Dig. 22, 18; 23,4-
12 (with note)
~yKpcn-T}s restrained Ind. 24, 14Aff Pecc.Dig.
22,5.6; 23,5 (with note) QAM 46,4; 67,5
ijQeaµa food, foodstuff Ind. 10,3; 24,13 QAM
66,18
E61(stvdevelop a habit Alf Pecc.Dig. 18,6; 21,9;
29, 19; 64,4 QAM35,2l; used to Ind. 22,8
te1aµ6s habit QAM78,20.23
eeos customary practice QAM 32,8; habit A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 8,14; 11,13; 22,21; 23,6; 27,8
QAM64,9; usageQAM63,13
st8Evo:1know Ind. 4,1; 16,21; 18,20; 19,13;
21,7 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 9,20; 30,16; 33,5; 43,13;
63,17; 65,22; 67,21; 68,l QAM64,16; 66,18
sl6os feature (physical) Q.AM61,7.12(Hipp.);
form [in philosophical sense] QAM 33,5
(with note); 36,9-17; 23; 37,6-26; 38,2.17;
39,l; 44,5-23; 45,1.10; 47.5; 48,3.24; fo,m
[of logical arguments] A.ff Pecc.Dig. 50,19;
form [of mecha:nicaldevices]Aff. Pecc.Dig,
55,17; stature QA.M60,3(Hipp.); 61,2
(Hipp.); subspeciesAff. Pecc.Dig. 24, 16;
Km' d6os specificallyQAM 34,26
eiKCC(e1v conjecture, guessA.ff Pecc.Dig. 3,10.13
(with note); 66,17
e!K6SlikelyA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 4,16; 7,1; 68,11 (with
note)
roasting QAM66,3.8 (Plato)
e\?o.ricr1s
llK6oa1sedition, publication Ind. 6, 11; 8,20;
16,13
EK1<61tTe1v (-rr6:0os)excise [an affection]A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 7,7; 20,17
fK1t1'(.)0"lS
sts &-rre1povinfinite regressA.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 54,3

496 Greekword index
eKaTaTtK6sexcitable QAM 53, I 0.15 (Arist.);
55, 15 (Arisr.)
OvlyxsivcriticizeA.ff Pecc.Dig. 8, 13; refute
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 47, 11; 49,4; 59,26; 63,20.21;
64,17; 65,3; 67,1.5
e'lleyxosrefutation Alf Pea. Dig. 59,27 QAM
46,16
EAHTv pity Ind. 15,13
Ei\ellµc.vv someonewith compassionQAM75,13
EN:veepiafreedomA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 35,16 QAM
35,21
i\MU8eposfree A.ff Pecc.Dig. 35,15
i\µµavfisfrenzied [characterof youths] QAM
68,5; 69,1 (Phto)
Si.nra8f\sconnected with affection Aff Pecc.Dig.
44.18 (with nore)
!\µ;rHp{a experience Ind. 16,21
eµ1To6i~ecr6aibe impeded QAM64,21
e'µqipv:iv intelligent QAM 43,9 (Plato)
ifµqivToSinnate QAM79,6
e'vcnµosblooded QAM 51,22 (Arise.);52,20
(Arist.); 53,6 (Arist.};54,24
i\vavTic:ua1s opposition QAM75,l7
Sv&pys1amanifestAjf. Pecc.Dig. 63,21
fvapyr)s (seealsoqialvsaea0 manifest Aff. Pecc.
D;g,24,18; 25,24; 47,2'-8; 48,2; 49,22; 50,7;
52,2; 55.10,23; 59,27; 60,4; 63,2-25; 65,7-
24; 66,10; 67,3 QAM39,7; 47,23; 57,11;
65,20
Ev6eiKvUvat indicate, give/provide indication(s)
Alf P,c,, D;g 54,8; 55.10; 56,8 QAM33,6;
48,l; 54,15; 55,9; show Ind. 14,7
EV6€1~1$ indication A.ff.Pecc,Dig. 51,10.12
tv€pysia action QAM33,l2; activity Aff. Pecc,·
D;g,43,1 QAM33,15; 34,2; 37,14,26; 41.7;
46,25; 55,10; 64,22; 71,12; 73.1
Svi:pyE\vbe actively engaged Ind. 21,7; perform
(an action/activity) QAM33,12; 64,22; act
QAM48,15
Svvosrv(seealsoqio:vTao-!a)bearin mind A.ff
'
P,,c, Dig. 3.14; 5,18; 53,23 QA&f47,15;
realizeA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 20,19.20
Evvo1anotion QAM33,18
tvoi.lvmed.lpass.be continuous QAM 46,13
(with note)
E~aTµ!Ss1v
l~sT6:S1:1v
vaporize QAM 52,12 (Arise.)
carry out an examination A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 56,13
t~~TO:O"lS examination A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 10,13;
28,18; 29,15
S9lysraeo:1explain QAM79,)0; make a study
of Ind. 9,16
g~,scondition Ind. 22,18.21 Aff. Pecc.Dig.
27,18 QAM50,6,16 (Plato),19; 51,4 (Plato);
68,5 (Plato)
(t~oxfi) Kerr' S~oxfivpar excellenceQAM
35.9,16; 36,2
hro:vopeo\Jvcorrect Ind. 3, 15 (books) Aff Pecc.
Dig. 9,22
hro:v6p6wo-t)correction Ind. 6,8 (of literary
work) Aff Pecc.Dig. 3,11 (with note); 5,16;
23. 18; 36,5
(~,ri) S,r'~KElVtfi, {rri cro(, Sqi' fiµTvup to him,
•up to you, up to us A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 33,21;
34,23; 45,14
hrccreo:1depend/be dependent (up)on QAM title
(with note); 32,l; 37,25; 38,3; 44,19; 48,2.14;
52,5; 62,6; 64,4; 79,l; followInd. 24,8 [sc.
understand] A.ff Pecc.Dig.20, l
hri~aats basis [of a theory] A.ff Pecc.Dig. 54,
18
hri6~1yµo:display Ind. 16,16
trr16a1Kvt'.rva1 display Ind. 24,2. l OAff. Pecc.Dig.
19,11; 45,21; 56,17; 60,3,24; 65,12,14 QAM
36,10; 58,11; 64,3; 76,4
E1rt6fKT11<65 receptive QAM73,7
STn6uµeTv desire, experience a desire to Ajf Pecc.
Dig. 19,23; 30,5; 33,12; 35,24; 58,17; want
Ind, 14,16; 16.5
t1r16uµT)T11<6s desiderativeA.ff.Pecc.Dig.
19,14,17; 20,6,21 QAM35,3-16; 36,3,8;
44, 11; 46,4; 64,6; 71,9
!nt6uµfo: desire Ind. 13,3; 14,18; 25,1-13 A.ff
P,c,,Dig, 7,3; 17.10; 33.7,29; 34,13 QAM
35,6,17; 50,10,12 (Phto)
i1riKAOcr60:1 be moved to pity Ind. 18,7 (with
note)
hnxp!vew judgeAff. Pecc.Dig. 47,19; settle [an
enquiry] Aff Pecc.Dig. 46,27
Snti\T)o-µoo-Uvri
S1r1i\T}aµuw
t1r1µEi\E1a
forgetfulness QAM 48,10
forgetful A.ff Pecc.Dig. 26,16
care A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 27,9.12; 30,12
hnvocrv discern QAM39,2; intend QAM70,8
(Plato)
(hrivo1a) xcrr' !1rlvo1avconceptually QAM
36,24
E1r1cr1<ETTTE0"60:1 consider A.ff Pecc.Dig. 22,5;
31,14 QAM36,16; 39,2; 46,9; examine,
conduct an examination A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 6, 17;
43,3; 54,1.5; 55.12; 56.5,7
examinationA.f! Pecc.Dig. 18,2;
S1r!crKE',jJJ)
51,14
Srrio-To:0-60:1 be wise QAM40,22 (Hesiod);
know, have knowledge Ind. 2,16; 25,lOAjf
Pecc.Dig. 48,4; 54,21 QAM 42, 11
e1r10-TfiµT) (scientific) knowledge Ind. 20,3; 21,3
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 42,2 (with note) QAM35,18
t1r,crTf\µov1K6S scientific Ind. 20, 10 Aff.-
Pecc.Dig. 54,15; 66,18.21 QAM77,18;
scientificallyreliable QAM48,4
"'f.
I Greekword index
il1rnr)6euµa practice QAM72,l-l I .12 (Plato);
79,13; way (of life)A.ff Pecc.Dig. 45, 17; 49.3
Srrhtµos who enjoys honour A.ff Pecc.Dig. 30,17
(with note)
€1rhpt1TTO)rascal QAM76,16
S1r1xa1pE1<a1<os who enjoys others' pain QAM
75.13
Snixeipriµo:dialectical proofAjj-.'Pecc.Dig. 68,3
(with note)
@:rr61rTT)SsupervisorAff Pecc.Dig. 35,1 l; 36,
16
Sp&vbe in loveA.ff Pecc.Dig. 20,15 (with note)
EpyaO'Tt1<6,; able to work QAM 62, 12 (Hipp.)
Epyov action, deedA/f Pecc.Dig. 19,18; 20,9;
28,2; 34,25 QAM32,16; 34,10; 46,6; 47,22;
48,2; 76,6; function A.ff Pecc.Dig. 33,22;
product A/!Pecc.Dig. 34, 11; task QAM
49,1 thing QAM34,7;pl. worksAff. Pecc.
Dig. 32,16; 610'.TOOvEpyoovin practice Ind.
24,2A/f Pecc.Dig. 41,8; e'py4Jin pracdce,
practical A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 54,12; 55,11.18;
60,27
SpEuv0:11 research QAM 32,4
tp10'T11<6$ quarrelsome QAM67 ,7
i ipws lust A.ff Pecc.Dig. 19,16 (with note);
I 20.21
lpo»T&vask, face with a question A.ff Peec. Dig.
60,18,19 QAM37,7
I
i'
eV6a1µovlahappinessA.f! Pecc.Dig. 47,10;
48,17; 49,4,15; 53,18
eU6alµoovhappy A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 43,10
eV6riAosquite evidenc{ly)A.ff Pecc.Dig. 14,24;
33,15; 37,13; 43,21; 59,13; 60,2 QAM 33,9;
I 42,15; 52,4
EVe~ia(state of) good condition A.If.Peec. Dig.
11,21; 12,3.7; 59,15 (with note); welfare [of
body or soul] Ind. 22,22
I
i
eUx!VT)TOS
(Arist.)
eVxpo:crio:
readily stimulated QAM 52, 17
good mixture QAM 32, I O;65,8
!I (Plato)
eV1<pc:rros well~mixedQAM 45,21.25; 58, 16.17;
61,6 (Hipp,); 64,17
lI eUi\oyos reasonable QAM54,8 (Arist.);
understandable A.If.Pecc.Dig. 67,2
e\J6pyT)TOS well-tempered [of character] QAM
58,5 (Hipp.)
e\J1reiesiainclination to obey, obedience A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 19,11~25 (with note)
eVni\o:o-TOS malleable [of character]
QAM68,16
ellpsO'tSdiscoveryAlf. Pecc.Dig. 42,1; 43,13;
61,4,5
e1Jp!o-Ks1v acquire [knowledge] Ind. I I.16;
discover Aff.' Pecc.Dig. 47,17; 52, 19; 55,8-
497
16,26; 57, 10; 59. 10,22; 60,2,3; 61.15;
65.11; 67,5,6 QAM 39,12; 57, l l; find Ind.
4,4; 5,20; 7,10; 21.3Aff Pecc.Dig. 46,4-26
(with note); 47,4.11.12; 55.3.9; 56,5-14;
57,18; 58,2,5; 59,Ll3; 63.5 QAM51,l l;
44,17; 59,10 (Hipp,); 61,10 (Hipp,); 62,17
(Hipp.); 76,19; find out A.ff Pecc.Dig.
46,3.16; 54. 17.26; 55. 13,23; 58,1 Ll 7, 19;
61,6.15; invent [surgical instruments]
Ind. 3,11 (,rpoO'eupio-Ketv);mention [in
writings] Ind. 10,8
eVTeATls frugal. simple Ind. 13,12; 24,13
elJToi\µosperson with resolve QAM 46,6
EllTovosvigorous QAM 59,1 (Hipp.); 62,11
(Hipp,)
eUq:ipoaUvri source of delight Alf Pecc.Dig.
59.20
with good natural endowments A.ff Pecc.
elJq:iur)s
Dig. 11,13; 59,17
eUxuµio:good humour QAM72,22; 73,2; 79,8
(with note)
eUxuµos based on good humour QAM79,3
Sqie6pelacontrol A.ff Pecc.Dig.3.6.9 (with note)
l)Tv boil [of character] A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 16,4 (with
note) QAM69,l0
<So-1sboiling {ofcharacter] QAM 53,14 (Arist.)
Snnrv conduct/engage in/make an enquiry
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 45,22 (with note); 57.10;
59,3.9.10; 61,18; enquire (into) A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 6,3; 43,4; 46,3 (with note).23; 47,5.11;
48.14,17; 53,24; 54,14; 55,7; 65,
9 QAM 36,20; 39.2.12; ,nquhy QAM
78.5
STJTT)µO:,
S<'i)ov
enquiry A.ff Pecc.Dig. 43,9;
(TjTT)O"lS
46,26; 53, 18
animal Ind. 10,16 A.ff Pecc.Dig.
16,16.18; 19,4; 27,16 QAM 43,19;
44,l; 45,13, 16; 51,16 (Adst,),21; 54.7
(Arist.).12.18 (Arist.).23; 56,14 (Arist.); 57,6
(Arist.)
fiysi0'60:1hold (a view) Ind. 20,4; 21,12 QAM
64,20; 71,6; 73,6; 76,20; regard as Ind. 20,17
fJ6011fipleasure Ind. l9,20Aff. Pecc.Dig. 19,15;
42,21; 53,6; 59,15 QAM50,10 (Pl.io); 51,2
(Plato); 59.3 (Hipp,); 77,3, 12
T)6tx6srelated to characters QAM 67 ,9 (with
note)
Tjeoscharacter QAM53,10; 54,7 (Arlst.).22;
55,2-7,19 (Adst,); 56,9.14,16 (Adst,); 57.4
(A,ist,),18 (Hipp,); 58,5 (Hipp,),17; 59.7
(Hipp.); 68, 15; character trait AffPecc.Dig.
9,4; 19,8; 27,5 QAM58,8; 61,8 (Hipp,);
62,4,13 (Hipp,), 17; 64,18; 65,15; 79,20

498 Greek word index
f)µepos gentle QAM 41,3; 57, 18 (Hipp.); 58,4
(H;pp.); 59,6 (H;pp.); 61,3 (H;pp.); 62, 15
(H;pp.); 67,6
T]rro:pliver QAM 36, 1l.17; 44,10; 66,20.22
fpnos kind QjlM 585 (Hipp.)
06:vo:ToSdeath QAM 36,19; 38,9
60:ppdv be confident Ind. 4,10-20
0o:pcrai\Eosbrave QAM 41,4; 67,6; 75,14
0spcmE!o treatment Ajf Pecc.Dig.3,2; 24,10;
37,22; 41,5; 51,22
6epcrrreVsivtreat A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 51, 17
6apcmsv111<6s concerned with treatment A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 4,9
6epµo:lve1v,t'.r1rsp6spµo.lvc1v
(excessively)heat
QAM38,6; 39.9.l l; 41,10; 53,l l;
69,11;
0apµo:crio: heat QAM 63,18.20; 69,9; 79,7
6!\pµl)warmth QAM 46, 1
e,pµ61 ho, QAM37,23; 42,3; 45,8.14; 51,18
(Arisr.).24
6epµ6111shotness QAM 37,1.22; 54,4 (Arise.);
58,9; 66,9.11
SaWp11µatheorem A.ff Pecc.Dig. 42,6; 43,17;
59,3.27; scudy QAM57,8
6au:ipio:study Ajf Ped:.Dig. 59,17 (with note);
61,1 QAM57,12; 76,4.5; 6. O.vcti\unKT)
'analytical' theory/scienceA.ff Peet.Dig.
59,5. 18; e. &p16µT]Tl1<Tl arithmetical theory is fibre QAM 52,8.13; 53,9-20 (Arise.)
A.ff Peec.Dig. 54,18; e. ypo:µµ11<1l geomerrical l<Y6TrA~vpos
theory Aff Peet. Dig. 54,18; 59,2; e. Aoy,1<11
logical theory A.ff Peec.Dig. 43,6 (with note}; lo-oyOOvios
49,10
61lye1vsharpen [the soul] Aff. Peet,Dig. 44,25
6Tlpbeast QAM35,15
6rip10:1<1lcheriacInd. 4,2 (with note}
6rip!ovwild beastAlf. Peet.Dig. 16,21-24; 19,2
QAM41,12
611p1W8T]S bestial [of characrer] QAM 60,5
(Hipp.) . Peec.Dig. 7,20; 23,10; 36,21; 41.16 QAM
evri,6s mortal QAM38,l; 43,3 (Plaro).19;
44,1-7
6penTlK6Snutritive QfiM44, l l
6pEq11s nutrition QAM41,2
6uµ1K6S spirited QAM79,20
6uµoEi8Tlsspirited QftM35,7.23; 36,7; 44,lO;
46,6; 71,10; TO 6uµo~1Sl!sspirit of rageAlf.
Peec.Dig. 15,4 (with note); the spirited Alf.
Pecc.Dig. 19,1.13 QAM59,l.17 (Hipp.);
64,6
6vµ6s rageAff. Peet.Dig. 4,_7;7,2 (with note);
12,16; 14,22; 15.9.24; 16,6.18.25; 17,8.10;
19,16; 20,25; 23,l QAM 53,14 (Arist.);spirit
Alf. Peet.Dig. 16,4; 20,10 QAM53,10.ll
(Arise.)
6uµo0060:1be in the grip of/fly into rage Ajf
Pecc.Dig. 14,10; 16,7; becoine enraged Alf
Peec.Dig. 12,23 (with note); 20,8; 23,2;
26,2.13
6uµW6risspirited QAM 53,10.15 (Arise.)
io:<YiScureAff Pecc.Dig. 24,16; 37,19
to:Tp11<6s medical Ind. 3,9; on medicine [sc.
medical writings] Ind. 11,6
kCTp6sdoct0r Ind. 6,6.21; 9,23; 11,20; 12,9.11
Aff. P,"· fog. 15,13; 44,3; 62,15 QAM 57, 11
i61oyvWµv:iv stubborn QAM 61,9 (Hipp.);
62, 14 (H;pp.)
1010speculiar (to) Ind. 4,22 AJfPecc.Dig. 3,
3 (tide); (one's)own, {one's)own particular
Ind. 14,19; 20,l Aff Pecc.Dig. 3,6; 5,19.23;
6,6.11.13.17; 18,22; 46,13; 48,
5; 53,22; 61, 11; own privateAff Pecc.
Dig. 67,21; (own) specific QAM36,19;
41,16; 48,6; 64,22; 78,9; i8(c,xin privateAlf
Pecc.Dig. 8,2; specificallyQAM 33,
24; \5iv:isin its specificsenseAff J>ecc.
Dig. 41,11; 44,20; specificallyQAM33,
24
i61W,11s
68,8
layman Aff Pecc.Dig. 51,24; 57,l l;
lv008risfibrous QAM53,16 (Arist.}
16spoison QAM 41,12.15
equilateralAff Pecc.Dig.46,20;
47,l
equiangularAlf Pecc.Dig.46,20; 47, l
Ko:6apeVetv purge onself [of affections]Alf Pecc,
Dig. 21,12
Ko:0o:p6s pure [in physicalsense] QAM 52,16
(Arist.)
KO:K(o: fault [in argument] Alf Pecc.Dig. 60,7;
ill QAM50,2 (with note); vice Ind. 25,11 Aff.
72,2.12 (Pfaco);72,3; 74,19; 76,9; 78,8-17
K0:1<060:1µov!o: unhappinessA.ff Pecc.Dig.
48,18; 49,15; 51,5
K0:1<ol10eto: bad character QAM 56,2 (Arist,)
Ko:1<6s bad Ind 18,3 Alf Pecc.Dig. 20, 13;
25,14; QAM50,14; 51,3 (Placo);62,l;
66,13; 71,19 (Plato); 76,14; 77,7.13; TO
1<0:1<6v crime [committed by Com.modus]
Ind. 18,3; evil QAM 40,6 (Hom.); 40,21.22
(Theognis)A.ff Pecc.Dig. 24, 13; 44,18
(with note); the bad QAM73,19; TO::Ko:K6:
(matters of) bad A.ff Pecc.Dig. 42,11~19;
44,13 (with note); evils QAM 40,6 (Hom.);
ills (of the body) QAM 49,2; misfortune Ind.
17,7 (Eur.); 23,10 (Eur.)
"r
I KO:KOXVJ.da
Greek word index
bad humour Alf. Pecc.Dig. 31, 1 l
QAM 49,13; 50,14; 72,22.23
K0Mo,;-beauty Aff. Peet. Dig. 18,5
1<0:Ao1<&yo:6!0: becoming/being a decent human
being Alf Pecc.Dig. 24,8
fine, beautifulAff Peec.Dig. 15,21; 23,9;
1<o:/\6s
·28,2; goodAff Peec.Dig. 30,14; 32,16; K.
1<&yo:e6s decent humin being Ind. 20, 13
(with note)Jl,ff.'Pecc.Dig. 5,18 (with note);
10,4.23; 16,23; 17,15.19; 18,7; 21,2; 24,5;
35,21; 37,21 QAM78,22; ,O::1<0:A6: the fine
qualities/thingsAff. Pecc.Dig. 28,2; 36,15
QAM 35,20; 36.4
KCXµcrros trouble Ind. 8,6
Kap6la heart QAM 36,12.17; 44,9; 53,4
(Aristotle);63,18; 66,22
1<0:p,~pio: enduciinceInd. 24,10
KO:Taypo:q,11 design [of mechanical devices]A.ff
I Pecc.Dig. 47,14; 55,8 (with note); drawing
I
Ajf Pecc.Dig, 55,18; imprint A.ff Pecc.Dig.
55,6 (with note)
1<0:,06riAos quite evident A.if.Pecc.Dig. 5,15
I QAM32,17; 50,21
KO:T6:AT]l{IISkata!epsir Alf Pecc.Dig. 41,9 (with
I note)
KO:TO:crKsuTj
5,16
procedure Ind. 9, 19; recoveryInd.
t KO:XE~{o:bad condition Aff Peec. Dig. l l, 19
(with note)
voiding QAM 38,l l; 39,8
1<Evc.vcr1s
KsipCU\Tjhead QAM7l,8
K1vs\vdisturb Ind. 5,9; move [distress]·
Ind. 2,12
motion [in/of the soul] QAM 69,13;
1<!vricr1s
71,8; 79,8
KA6:v move to pity Ind. 18,7
1<Ae1+1V6po:water-clockAlf Pecc.Dig, 47,15;
57,10-19 (with note); 58,2.13;
59,8.25
Kotv6sadv.in a general senseA.ff.Pecc.Dig.
4l.12
1<owoovio: contact [of soul and body] QAM
48,23
Kotvv:ivt1<6s generous QAM75,12
1<0A6:~ew (processof) disciplineA.ffPeet,Dig.
7,23; 19,21.24 (with note); 20,4.6; punish
Ind. 22,3 QAM74,16
1<0Ao:1<e\Jc1vflatter, indulge in flatteryAff. Pecc.
Dig. 7,12; 61,18
disciplineAlf Pecc.Dig. 19,22 (with
1<6Ao:O'IS
note); punishmentAjf. Pecc.Dig. 16,l
KOpoovls- coronisInd. 6,14 (with note)
1<60-µoscosmosAff Peet. Dig. 46,23 (with
noce);62,20; 66,16; 67,10-19 QAM 46,13
(with note)
Kp6:a1s,Kpfjcr1smixture QAM32,i; 37,1-21;
499
38,1-23; 41,5-18; 42,4; 44.4.19; 45,3-
23; 46,21.24; 47.3-8; 48,2; 5 l.12; 53.4;
54,16.19; 55,1.7; 58.6 (H;pp.).8; 62,5-18;
64,1-5; 65,2; 66, 15; 67,14; 69.5; 71,12;
73,12.15; 78,23; 79,2-16
Kpo:,elvdominate QAM 35,21
KplvELV decideAlf Peec.Dig. 53.5; judge Alf.
Pecc.Dig. 7,9.10.13; 44,22; 53.25; 56,22;
61, 19; make (pass.receive)judgement Aff
Pece.Dig. 53,20; 62,18; 68,16
judgement Alf Pecc.Dig, 4,24; 41,l l;
1<pl<YtS
49,20; 52,17; 54,7; K. oUKOp6fJwrong
judgementAjf. Pecc.Dig.41,11; K 1{1Eu6Tls
falsejudgement A.ff Pecc.Dig. 52,17
1<pnf)p1ov kriterionAlf Pecc.Dig. 53,26; 54,2-
25 (with nore); 55,26
Kpin)s judge(menr)Alf Pecc.Dig. 68, 12
KTi}µo:<o:possessionsInd. 4,13.20; 13,5;
16,4
KVl<Aos circleAfj-.'Pecc.Dig.46, 18.19.27; 47,
3
Ao:yvElo: lasciviousnessAff. Pecc.Dig. 21, 12
AE~islanguageInd. 7,4
AETrT6s fine [of character] QAM61,3 (Hipp.)
Aen,6s fine [in physicalsense] QAM 52, 18
(Arise.)
AsnT6TT]~ fineness (of blood] QAM52,16
(Arist.)
,.~eapyospi. letha,gy QAM39,16
Ar)Sriforgetting, (state of) forgetfulness
QAM 42, 1O;68,4; loss of memory QAM
48,13
ATJµrirheum QAM 49,8
Af'iµµccpremiseAff Pecc.Dig. 50,4.24
A1xvslo: luxuriousnessA.ff Pecc.Dig. 19,17;
20,22 (with note); 21,11.17; 35,27
A1xvs\Js1v become luxuriousAff. Pecc.
Dig. 26,13
Aixvosgluttonous QAM 33, I; (1nan)of
luxurious appetites Aff. Peec. Dig. 22, 13
Aoyl{~o-60:1 consider(ation)Ind. 14,9 Alf Pecc.
Dig. 16,26; infer A.ff Pecc.Dig. 4,17; T6
Aoyt{Oµevovfacultyof reason, reasoning
Alf Pecc.Dig, 16,17 QAM37,26 (with
note)
Aoy11<6s logicalA.ff Pecc.Dig, 60,26; 62,8;
68,13 QAM78.5; AoytKf},TJrational capacity
[of the soul) AJfPecc.Dig. 59,13
Aoylcrµ6sprocessof reasoningA.ff Pecc.
Dig. 16,5 (with note); reasonAff Pecc.
Dig. 17,14; reasoning-facultyA.ff Peee.
Dig. 19,5.25; 37,13; w.iy of thinking Ind.
20,14

500 Greek word index
i\oy10,1K6Srational [part or capacity of soul]
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 20,6; 37,10; 41,12 QAM
35,21; 36.4-14; 38,18; 44,2; 64,7; 67, l l;
71,10; 78,21; 79,l; arithmetical A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 43, 17; practitioner of arithmeticAlf
Pecc.Dig. 68,14; Aoy1a,1K1larithmeticAff.
Pecc.Dig.44,25; 47, 13
i\6yos account Ajf. Pecc.Dig. 6,24; 9,5; 66,25;
argument Ind. 2,4 (with note); 18,15; 19,3
QAM32,6.!5; 40,8; 46,18; 60,19 (Hipp.);
63,6; 72,3; 75,2; 79.,9Aff. Pecc.Dig 4,1;
6,13; 7,9; 9.6; 15,2; 23,14.16; 26,14; 30.19;
41,9; 43,21; 44,8-27 (with note); 45, 1.8.14;
47,22; 48,23; 49, 13.16.18.20; 50. 1-51,l l;
52,9; 53,26; 55,25; 60,6; 62,9-18 (with
note); 66,3; 67,3; discussion A.If Pecc.Dig.
3.17; 4.13 QAM33.l0; 47.3; 57,1; 59,15;
64,4 (with note); 67,21; 69,17; passage
QAM62,17; 65,5; 66,7; principle QAM
36,6; reason Alf. Pecc.Dig. 4,5; 57, 10;
60,2; 64,5; response Ind. 26, l; statement
Aff Pea:. Dig. 6,7; 64,24 QAM 42,9; srory
Ind. 13,11; wordAff. Pecc.Dig. 15,4; 16.3;
35,15; 41,8 QAM76,6; A. OvayKo:los
necessaryargument Aff. Pecc.Dig. 62,25;
A. O'.vayKa<1TtK65 ccimpeUingargument
Aff. Pecc.Dig. 68,2; A. &rro6etKTIK6S
demonstrative argumencAff.Pecc.Dig. 66,7;
67,21; A. e!KWS probable argument Alf
Pecc.Dig. 67,22; A. il:v6i:x6µi:vos possible
argumenrAff. Pecc.Dig. 51,8; 62,25; O'.vTjp
O:~tosA6yov admirable man Aff. Pecc.Dig.
14,1; O~lOSA6yov of any importance QAM
70,6 (Plato); KaTC!T0v aUTOvA6yov Ort
the same principle A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 27,1; 44,8
A01µ6splague Ind. 2,7 (with note); 12,16
AUe1v solve [sophisms]Aff. Pecc.Dig. 51,2; treat
{in1nedicalsense]Aff. Pecc.Dig. 51,20
Auµa!veo6atbe injurious ro QAM 47,22; 73,1
Au,reivcausedistress [or sintllar] Ind: 6,21;
8,11; 11,7.9; 22,2.16; 23,1 A.ff:'Pecc.Dig.
29,17; 30,9; med.pass.be/beComedistressed
Ind. 2.5; 15,7.15; 16,15; 18,13; 19,21; 20,2·
22; 21,15.17; 25,6.11 Alf Pecc.Dig. 24,14;
26,!2; 28,6; 29,19.2!; 30,11; 33,2; 34,4;
sufferdistressAlf. Pecc.Dig. 32,12
AUTrTJ distressInd. 4.8Aff. Pecc.Dig. 7,3; 17,9;
24,14.15; 25,14; 30,18; 33,3.5 QAM39,20;
50,12 (Plato)
AunTJp65distressedInd. 13,6 QAM 41,20
AUolSsolution Alf. Pecc.D/g. 50,8.15.17
AWf3TJ defect Aff. Pecc.Dig. 11,18
µ06TjµapLlearning QAM35,18; lessonA.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 36,9; 50,21 (with note); 60,26;
~
Ir
pl srudiesAff.Pecc.Dig. 44,24; 48,7.9;
49,!4; 62,8. 16 QAM72, l--13 (PI.co);79, 13;
µa0fiµo:To:Ka"A6:: higher arts A.ff Pecc.Dig.
28,23; ,rp&na µa6i)µaTa elementary lessons
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 49,14; 60,24
µo:0TjT~S pupil A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 28, 11-16; 50,14
µaivea0a1 be mad Ind. 16,8 A.ff Pecc.Dig.
16,l l QAM 40,15 (Hom.)
-µaK<lpiosblessedA.ff Pecc.Dig. 34.4; 43,11
µaKpoAoyia!ongwindednessQAM 57,9
(µ&Mov) KCCTC! TO µ&Mov Ket\TjTTov
according to the varying degrees QAM79,2
µav(o:madnessInd. 16,9 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 16,5-15
QAM 48,10; 49,3
µo:v1K6s manic QAM 63.4.8.17.19 (Hipp.)
µo:pTvpetvconfirm, givefprovideconfirmation
A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 46,4-24; 47,5-19; 48,2; 54,16;
55.25; 59.22; 60,4.27; 67,5
µOpTVS witness QAM 64,8. l O
µOxaa60:1be in conflict [in logic]A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
48,! l; 63,8
µ6:xriconflict [logical]QAM 34,21
µeya"Ao'4Juxia magnanimity Ind. 16,16.17
µE0ridrunkenness QAM 68,7
µ4006051nethodA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 46,12.21; 47,12;
55,17; 57,3; 58,17; 60,4; µ. Ovo:AvT1Kfi
method of analysisAff.'Pecc.Dig. 54,25;
analyticalmethod A.ff Pecc.Dig. 57,10; µ.
&rro6E1KTtXfi method of demonstrationA.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 43,7.13.17; 44,23; 46,1; 47,4;
48, I; µ. Aoy1Kfi logicalmethod, method of
logicAff. Pecc.Dig. 55,9; 59,28; 60,13; 61,17
µnp6:K1ov(early)youth A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 5,1;
l l,23; 12,l l; 13,2; 48, !0.24;.50,20; 64.4
QAM69,2.6;
µ~Aayxoilia melancholy QAM39,15; 41,21;
49,2
µoAfT&v practiseAff. Pecc.Dig. 30,20
µtµqisa00:1criticize,make criticism QAM77,l7;
78.6
µilpospart A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 56,23; 57, 1.13 QAM
33,6 (with note); 35,20; 36,13; 38,3; 71.9;
78,21; period A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 55,4; point [of a
vesselfilledwith water]Aff. Pecc.Dig. 56,2.6;
57,19; 58.7.9; poim [bodily)QAM55,22
(Arise.);section (of a line] Aff. Pecc.Dig.
46.5-15; KaTO:µEpos individualAff.Pecc.
Dig. 53,!0.!2; 54,9.16
µETo:f,oAfi change QAM 60,2 (Hipp.); 61,5
(Hipp.)
µeTo:yp6:qiew transcribe Ind. 7,10
µETpTjO"lS measurementA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 55,4
µtTp1osmoderate Ind. 22,15; 25,7 Alf Pecc.
Dig. 5, 12; 35,9
µihpov moderationAlf Pecc.Dig. 7.5
l
Greekword index
µnx6.vriµo:mechanicaldeviceAff. Pecc.Dig.
47,15
µiµvfi<YKEIVremember QAM 34,19
µi~1scombination QAAf 45,25
µv-fiµTj
memory QAM34,24; 35,19; 39,16;
41,19
µvriµov1K65 having/with a good meinory Aff.
Pecc.Dig. 26,15 QAM67,12
µovonS~s single-fonn QAM 44,3
µ6p1ovpart [general]Ind. 20,5; part [of body]
Ind. 25,20 QAM51,l6 (Arist.);52,l (Arise.);
I 55,3.11.12 (Arist.);66,22
µopft!fishape QAM37,8
µouatKfin1usicalactivity QAM72,l3
! µov<YtK6s
68,15
practitioner of music A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
µox6rip6sfaultyA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 53.7 QAM
77,8.14; 78,20; wretched Ind. 25,4
µwpia folly QAM 39,17 (with note); foolishness
I
QAM45,26; 46,3; 79,2
µWp1ovor µWpiosmOrion[a type of
mandragora] QAM39,18 (with note)
µwpo"Aoy(astupidity QAM 57,5 (Arist.)
µwp6s stupid QAM75, 14
I Vl:6TT]Syouth Ind. 19,3
i veOpovsinew QAM 37,3
voE'ivconceive QAM33,22; (have)intellectual
activity QAM70,17.18; plan Ind. 9,9;
I understand (dearly) Aff Pecc.Dig. 3, 13;
I
46,7; 61,13; 66,24.25 QAM37,8; 72,
15
vosp6s productive of intellect QAM 51,18
(Arist.)
v6T)<YtSintellectA.ff Pecc.Dig. 63,7; 65,11
voµl{e1vconsiderInd. 20,15 Aff. Pecc.
Dig. 30,4; 53,15; imagineAff.Pecc.Dig. 8,21;
43,23; reckon QAM 47,14; suppose Ind.
19,10; think.Ind. 23,4Aff. Pecc.Dig. 4,20;
17,9; 24, 19; 45,6; 6!,16; 65,4 QAM44,4;
66,10
v6µos regulation QAM 60, 14.15 (Hipp.);
69,18; 69,21 {Plato);70,10 (Plato)
VO<YE'ivbe sick, have a sicknessAff. Pecc.Dig.
8.4; 17,7; 31,23.25 QAM50,!2.!4 (Plato);
50,19; 65,4; 70,12
VO<YT)"AE!amedical careAlf Pecc.Dig. 32,20
v6<YTjµa diseaseInd. 10,4 (Hipp.) QAM 49,4.19
· (Plato); sickness[of the soul] Aff. Pecc.Dig.
17,8
v6zyossicknessQAM 50,5; 50.17 (Plate); 64,21;
70,8 (Plato); v. AoiµOOSflS the Plague [of
Athens) QAM 49,6
voVsintellect QAM70, 10 (Plato)
vv.)6p6slethargic QAM 64, l (Hipp.)
l
501
("p6s d'Y QAM37,24;42.5; 47,12
(Heraditus)-20; 61,14
~rip6TTJSdryness QAM37,l.23; 43,13.16;
47,6-20; 58,9
~Uvoa15seeallvEa1s
~UVET6s seeO"VV€T6S
o\'ea6a1believeInd. 17,l; 21.11 A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
47,11; 53.24; 66,17; 67,17 Q,W 51,15;
74,23; imagine Ind. 21,13
o!xETos(one's)ownAJJ:Pecc.Dig. 6,6; 32,20;
59,14; 68,lO;pL membersof(own)
householdAff Pecc.Dig. 53,7; proper (to)
45,9; 46,25; 54,22; 55,4
oh<eto0a00:1
note).10
be appropriated QAM77,5 '(with
o!Kovoµ!athrift A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 36,19
olvos wine QAM39,21; 40,5-14 (Hom.).21
(Theogn.);42,2; 67,22; 68,2.13 (Plato);
69,8.15; 70,5 (Plato);71,7-16; 72,17; 79,ll
oivoqi\vylo:drunkennessA.ff:Pecc.Dig. 19,17;
20,23; 21,12
6µo5o~i:tvbe in agreementwith Aff. Pecc.Dig.
67,18
6µ01oµopf1s homogeneous[type of bodily part]
QAM 37,4. l I (with note); 46,20; 48,3
6µot6TTjS similarityA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 43,22.24;
44,2-9; 49,17. 19; 50,1.11.17; 60,6
6µofr.v<Y!SemulationAff.Pecc.Dig, 25,23; 6.
6e(9 approximationto god.A.ff.Pecc,Dig,
9,11 (with note)
6µwvuµia homonymy QAM 44,22
O~vauµ(asharpnessof spirit QAM79,6 (with
note)
O~U6vµossharp-spiritedQAA163,5.17.19
(Hipp.); 79,5
O~Ussharp [of character/soul]Aff. Pecc.Dig.
52.7 QAM62,3.15 (Hipp.).19
6pyo:v1K6S: organic [i.e. of organs] QAM
37,9. 12; 55,3
6pyavov tool Ind. 10,l7i insrrumentAff.Pecc.
Dig. 55,15
OpyfiangerAff. Pecc.Dig. 7,2; 12,19; 17,9
QAM57,20 (Hipp.);pl temp,~ QAM61,8
(Hipp.); 62,14 (Hipp.); VTr'6pyfjsin the grip
of angerA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 13,l l
Opyl(ea6al become/getangry,be in a state of
angerA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 5,9; 12,23; 13,1; 15,23;
16,!0; 17,3; 18,5; 20,8; 26,5
6py0,,osirascibleA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 14,2; 27,23.
Optyco6at hungerAff. Pecc.Dig. 45,14.18;
59,ll
Ope~1s appetite QAM 36,4.7
6pµT)impulseA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 6,26 (with note);
45.19

502 Greek word index
ollc;lo:property [in physical sense] A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
32, 13; substance [of soul) QAM 33,10·19;
34,2; 37,21.25, 38,4-25, 41,16, 44,3-45,22,
46,20; 48,4.22; substance [in physical sense]
Aff. h". Dig.66.5 QAM 36,19.21; 42, 16;
46,14.19
affection QAM 33,15; what someone
1r0.671µ0:
undergoes QAM 42,22 (Plaw)
1r00os affection A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 3,36.21; 4,l-9;
5,9-13, 6,26, 7,2.5, 8,3-20; 10,9; 11,12,
12,21; 13,15; 15,9, 17,1-14; 18,10; 19,18;
20,10-24; 24,11-15, 25,6-12, 30,22; 34, 17;
35,9, 36,6.20, 37,8-22; 41,4, 48,18; 53,2
QAM 32,16, 33,13; 39,19; 46,5, 48,2.25;
49,1 l; 53,3 (Aristotle); 78,6; what someone
suffersAff.Pecc.Dig. 13,15; what befalls
something QAM43,l (Plato); ii§:.0;ra6&v
Otltside the grip of affection A.ff Pecc.Dig.
21,3; Ko:TO:1r0€105under the influence of
affectionAff. Pecc.Dig. 8,8.20; 9,15.21;
53,5
iro.180:yi:vyolvschool Ajf Pecc.Dig. 15,4.5
1rat8ay0.)y65 tutor A.ff Pecc.Dig. 10,16; 11,7;
21,21; 35,10 QAM75,I0.17; 76,22
rro:18slo:education Ind. 24,13 Aff. Pecc.Dig.
27,7; 28,9; 35,1; 45,12.16; 52,2 QAM60,17
(Hipp.); 66,17; 74,12; upbringing Ind. 19,12
no:16e\Jeiveducate Ind. 16,19.21; 18,20; 19,12
Aff. Pee,.Dig. 27,17; 45,7; 52,I; 62,16 QAM
74,20; 76,8; 78,22; be a teacher Ind. 16,21; ·
no:t6e\Jecr60:1-rfiv npW-rriv no:16e!o:vhave
the fundamentals of education A.ff.Pecc.pig.
52,7
no:!6eucr15process of education A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
19,20 (with note}; 45,10
no:l61ov, -rro:ischild A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 27,11.22;
28,7 QAM 32, 16; 33, 14; 68, I; 72,6; 75,6.16,
76,8.19; 77,1; 79,15; ~K,rc(156s from
childhood Ind. 19,5 ' nEph,ooµa excretion QAM53,7
ancient A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 1?>
1rCY\o:16s 14; o\
ancient authors/writers Ind. 3, 16;
rro::?10:tol
7,12; the ancients A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 17,8; 19,21;
20,5 QAM32,12; 63,9; 76,1
no:po:ypcapT]marker [in text] Ind. 6,13 (with
note)
1rapct6etyµo:example QAM 33,5,63,3;
76,9
1rapo:!vGcr1s precept A.ff Pecc.Dig. 21,9
no:palnos causative QAM39,16
no:po:Koi\ou6elvbe awareA.ff.Peec. Dig. 8,20;
l l,10; follow [words or arguments] A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 44,28; 49,12; 61,9; monitor (himself)
Alf Pecc.Dig. 54,15 (with note}; take care
Alf. Pecc.Dig. 18,10
no:po:crKevT)
(qio:pµ6:Kwv)
collection (of recipes)
Ind. 12,18
no:paqipov€1vbe in derangement QAM
41,19
derangement QAM 39, 14;
no:po:qipocrllvT]
48,10
no:paqivi\o:KT)surveillanceA.ff. Pecc.Dig. 3,10
(with note)
napo:qiui\6:crccivwatch closelyA.ff Pecc.Dig.
9,16; take careAff. Pecc.Dig. 21,22
(nappl")cr(o:)µs,O no:ppriaio:s quite freely Aff
Pecc.Dig. 25,3
nO:o-xe1vbe damaged Ind. 4,12; affection
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 51,3; be in the grip of an
affection A.ff Pecc.Dig. 8,5 (with note);
25,13; be injured A.ff Pecc.Dig. 13,16;
be subject to an impression A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 4,20 (with note); experience A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 63,15 QAM79,l I; suffer Ind.
17,8 (Eur.).!l; 23,!l (Eur.) QAM49,9,
undergo A.ff Pecc.Dig. 30,7 QAM 33,
12, 39,19; 42,6; 44,4; 79,Il
naxlJs thick (of character] QAM 62,3
(Hipp.).21
TI€lpo:experience Ind. 25,IGAff. Pecc.Dig. 4,21;
7,13; 50,13; 56,24; ,fj .neipc;c[30:0'av(~nv
put to the test of experience A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
65,19; 1Ts.Tpo:v i\o:[3slvtest A.ff Pecc.Dig.
46,3
nsip&aecn (find by) experience Ind. 18,13
QAM 39,22; subject co examination A.ff Peec.
Dig. 52,4; 63,22
nffi,etv cook Q1M58, 19 (Hipp.); digest A.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 31,4~11
digestion QAM 41, 1
1Til\}'IS
,rep1cpyio:idleness A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 21,12 (with
note)
1repicrTacr15bad turn Ind.14,1; 22,10; 23,14;
eventuality Ind. 22,8. l O
nnyv\Jvo:1solidify [of blood or water] QAM
52,10.12; 53.5-20, 54.3 (A,isr,)
n160:v6splausible A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 10,12
ntµei\T]fat QAM37,3
1Tta1eVe1v believeA.ff.Pecc.Dig, 60,22; 64,9.20;
trust Ind. 25,14.15 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 64,25
QAM 64, 10; oU n1c-rcllciv withhold own
belief A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 64,9
1T!a11strust A.ff Pecc.Dig. 55,10
Til0'16sreliableAff. Pecc.Dig. 51,13;
trustworthy Ajf Pecc.Dig. 60,7
n/\ctvri going astray A.ff Pecc.Dig. 44,2.6
iri\covs~lo:acquisitivenessA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 33,6.7
(with note); 35,20; 65,10
nllnµµ~llnµo:faultAff. Pecc.Dig. 52,19
~
I
I Greekword index
·rrvEUµabreath QAM 455.9; 66,2.7.11 (Plato);
wind QAM 60.7 (Hipp.)
nve1Jµa11K6S pneumaticAff. Pecc.Dig. 47,16
I (with nore)
(see also ahla) productive QAM
1TOt!)'T!K6S
I 51,17(Arist.);53,ll (Arist.)
1T016T!JSquality [in physical sense] QAJvl36,24;
37,18.20; 39,1; 48,24
I (noAUs)Ws~n\ TO -rroi\Vfor the most parr
QAM61,l l (Hipp.); 62,l (Hipp.); more or
less QAM 56,6 (Arisr.)
I noi\Ucppwvwise QAM 40, 17 (Hom.)
novT]p(a wickednessA.ff Pecc.Dig. 25,8 QAM
56,4 (Arise.);75,7
1
I
novT]p6s wicked QAM73,l4; 74,9.14; 75,7;
78,13.18
! n6vos labour QAM 68,4; pain Ind. 21,21; 24,9
Ajf Pecc.Dig. 25,14
npO:yµa event Ind. 16,21; fact A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
46,24.26; 47,6, 59,26-61,17, 67,4 QAM
34,21; matter Ind. 20,9 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 43,4;
46,14; 51,14; 65,19; 66,9 QAM76,18;
object A.ff Pecc.Dig. 48,1 QAM33,l8;pL
practicalities Ind. 9,21; subject Aff Pecc.Dig.
46,2.4; taskAJJ:Pecc.Dig. 54,12; thing Ind.
5,9; 15,11 (= accomplishment) QAM33,23;
;C( µEyicr;a npctyµo:10: the most important
of realms Aff. Pecc.Dig. 47,8; the ultimate
truths Alf. Pecc.Dig. 43, 13
npayµa,e!a study Aff Pecc.Dig. 44,1; 55,1
(with note).2; treatise Ind. 7,8; 10,12; 12,22;
16,13; (literary) work Ind. 8,13.19; 9,14
Q!JM32,8; 48,1 (with note); 54,13; 58,l l;
I
l
78,3; writing Ind, 9,2; 11', !TrtO"'TT]µOv!Kl)
books on science Ind. 7,7
np6:~L5act Alf Pecc.Dig. 36, 18; action Aff Pecc,
Dig. 53,13; KMa\ npct~sts good worksAff.
Pecc.Dig. 30,14
npO:os kind Aff Pecc.Dig. 26,5; 28,15 QAM
67,7
I
np6:11c1vperfonn activities QAM70,18.19
1Tpec[3VTTJS older man A.ff Pecc.Dig. 25,2;
person of the older generation A.ff Pecc.Dig.
21, l; senior A.ff Pecc.Dig. 51,2
I -rrpocopelc;60:1 decide Alf Pecc.Dig.
9,16; 60,21; make a choice A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 10,4; 18,3
1Tpoo:ipacrLs choice QAM74,13; opinion QAM
· 44, 17; KCITO: npoatpeotv by choice A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 9,3
1Tpo[36:IIN:w set a problem Afl Pecc.Dig. 46, 11
(wirh note)
np6[3:i\riµa(set) problem A.ff Pecc.Dig.
46,16; 54,24; 58,19; 60,5; 61,4 QAM54,13
(Arist.)
503
npoyvµvc<~eivschool first, previouslyA.ff Pecc.
Dig. 47,10; 48,16; 50,21
1rp60T]i\osimmediately evident A.ff Pecc.Dig.
50,2; 52,17,60,14
np60vµos eager Aff. Pecc.Dig. 26,18
npo0vµ0Va60:1exert onself [ovet something]
QAhf39,6
1rpoKmaAap[3ctvc1v poison the minds [of
pupils]A.ff Pecc.Dig. 48,21 (with note)
npo1<plveivshow discernment [of something]
Ajf Pecc.Dig. 60,5
1Tpoµsi\c;5:vgive preliminary practiceAff Pecc.
Dig. 5,15
Trpovmzlvbe in charge of Ind. 20,l 1 (with
note); med. have oversight over A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 11,26 (with note); wke care over A.ff
Pecc.Dig. I 1.24; 15,6.11 (with note)
Trpone,T)srash A.ff Pecc.Dig. 43,14; 44,12;
60,9; 63,14.25; 64,10; 65,4-24, 67,8 QAM
71,10
np6n-rw0'15 precipitation Alf Pecc.Dig. 64,2
(1tp65)16 np6s TI relation to something QAM
33,23
1Tpocr60K€lv expect Ind. 18,7.9
TIPOO'livo:iaccept Q.AM73,18; 74,11
Trp0Tp~1Te1v urgeAff. Pecc.Dig. 3,14 (with
note)
TrpoTp~·rrnK6S designed to convert A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 23,14
1Tp6cpo:a1spretext A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 26,1
np6xcipos (-ov ExHv)adv,apparent Alf Pecc,
Dig. 50,5; availableA.ff Pecc,Dig. 44,26;
(have) to hand Alf Pee.:,Dig. 17,18; 18,4;
34,24; keep present to one's mind A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 34,20
1Tpw16yovosfirst-born (type of bodily part)
QAM37,4 (with note)
nuv66:1.1ea60:1askAff. Pecc.Dig. 4,14; enquire of
Ind. 25,17; hear Ind. 5,8Alf Pecc.Dig. 15,19;
64,15; learn Ind. 2,16; 4,6; 5,3
nVp fire QAM45;12.23; ·68,3.15 (Plato)
1Tvp€16sfever QAM 38,l l; 39,9
Trvpio:pl embers QAM53,13 (Arist.)
nvpKa'ict fire(= blaze) Ind. 3,5; 4,7; 7,17; 9,8;
12,21; TI. ft µcyO:Arithe Great Fire Ind. 2,14
1Tvp006risfiery (substance) QAM 45,11.21
be lazy A.ff.Pecc.Dig, 26,21
P<;i:6vµ€iv
P*6vµo5 lazyA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 26,17.20 QAM
62,I (Hipp.)
l)T)Twporator Ind. 6,6; 9,19 A.ff Pecc.Dig.
15,13; 44,25, 68,4
cr6:p~flesh QAM37,3
ao:qiT)vsiaclarity A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 54,20

504 Greek word index
00:qrfisdear(ly) Aff. Pecc.Dig. 3,8.13; 46,7;
51,1; 53.1; 62,21; 65,20; 66,23; 68,2 QAM
39.7.21; 50.3; 62.4.17; 66,7
O"eµv6s(man) of dignity Aff. Pecc.l)ig. 21,15
creµv6-rnsdignity [oflife] Aff Pecc.
Dig. 15,13
sign QAM 54,20; 55,19; (Arist.);
crriµe-Tov
56,3.15(Arist.); 57.4(Arist.)
cnTiovfood A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 21.14; 31,2.7
investigationAJf. Pecc,Dig. 31,l; 53,17
crKEl}'lS
oMnp6s hard [offeantres or characters] QAM
61,7 (Plato); 68,15; ·69,3 (Plato)
crK01rsTv,crKthrTecrl:k:n
investigate, (conduct)
investigatlonAff. Pete.Dig. 6,18; 10,5; 30,20;
33,13
crK01r6s aim Alf Pecc.Dig. 3,17; goal Ind. 25,14
crKu8poo1r6s sullen Alf Peet.Dig.25,26
crµ1Kpoi\oyiameanness Alf Pecc.Dig. 35,18;
36.18
croqiiawisdomAjf. Pecc.Dig. 9,11; 49,l; 59, 10;
60,15
cr6qHcrµo:sophismAff. Pecc.Dig. 49,22; 50,5~22;
51.2
croqi6swise Ind. 17,4 (Eur.); 17,10. ll; 21,18;
23,4; 23,7 (Eur.)A.If Pecc,Dig. 5,3; 9,5-9;
11,22 (with note); 60;-15;68,8 QA.M47,12
(Heraditus); 76,2 (wisdom)
o-rrA6yxvovorgan QA.M36,19
o-rrou6flendeavour Ind. 20,14
cr,apE6Ssolid QAM 53,1 L 13 (Arist.)
cr,01xetovelement A.If Peec. Dig. 42,3 QAM .
46,17; 58,13
a,01xe16:l611s-related to elementsA.If Pecc.Dig.
59.2
cr,6µo:xosmouth of the stomach QAM34,4.11
crVyypaµµo:copy of writing [of ancient
authors] Ind. 3,16; treatise QAM76,3;
[literary]work QAM 42,13; 52,7; 57,7;
' (Hipp.)
58, 14; 61,15 (Hipp.) (c£ Q,4M64,4 note)
(crvyyp6qiv.));C( auyyaypo:µµEvo:,documents
Ind. 3,7
ovyKCCT6eeo1s assentAlf. Pecc.big. 64,2; cr.
secure assentA.ff Pete.Dig, 42,8; cr.
f3Ef30:lo:
weak assentA.ff Pecc.Dig. 41,14;
C:Ccr611vfls
42,13; cr. 1Tpo1TsTI!s rash assentA.ff Pecc.
D;g. 41,13-16; 42,13.17; 51,4; 64,4.22; 65,4;
cr. y;su6T]sfalseassentA.ff.Pete.Dig. 41,13;
42,12.17
crvyKo:To:,!6soi1o:L assent, give own assent to
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 42,1.14; 50,9; 63,12; 64,7-15;
u. 1Tp01Ta,&s make rash assentsA.ff.Pecc.
Dig, 64,15; o. y;sv6&s·assent falselyA.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 6,7
crvAAoy!(scr60:1 deduce QAM33,8
auMoy1cr,11<6s syllogisticalA.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 50,24
·~·
crVAAoyos discussionAff. Peet.Dig. 61,.3
(with note)
uvAAv1Tstcr60:1 commiseratewith Ind.
14,4-6
crvµµs,p!o:good balance QAM 45, 10; 47,5;
69.9
uVµµs,pos (what is) moderate, moderation
Alf Pecc.Dig. 22,2; 31,2-5; 34,1 QAM41, 1;
well-balanced,a good balanceA.ff Pecc.Dig,
56,22; 79,7 QAM 45,16; neg.unbalanced
QAM 50,8 (Plato);welt-fashioned[writings]
Ind. 11,3 (with note)
crvµ-rri!po:crµaconclusionA.ff Pete.
Dig.50,3.4.8
uUµ-rr,uiµasympcomA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 31,8
crvµ,popCC disaster Ind. 17.5(Eur.); 23,8 (Eur.)
crUµq:iv,osconnate QjJ.M48,19
cruµipv.)vsTv agreeA.ff Pecc.Dig. 28,25
uuvo:µ,p6,epovcomposite [of matter and soul]
QAM45,l
crvv~6p1ov gathering [ofschool-members]A.ff
Pecc.Dig.62,10.13; SenateAff Pecc.Dig.30,2
crUvecris (also ~Vvecris)intelligence QAM
46,2; 47,10.13.16; 57,20; 64,18 (Hipp.);
understanding QAM 34,24; 35,19; 39,16;
4Ll9; 43,14-21; 62,6; 65,15; 66,17
crvvs,6s (also Suve,6s) intelligentA.ff Pecc.Dig.
43,6; 45,11; 48,9; 51,24 QAM 45,24; 47,6.9;
52,20 (Axisc.);62,16 (Hipp.).21; 67,11;
75,14; 79,21; cr. y{yv~cr6athave natural
intelligenceA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 61,1
crvvT]6Ho: familiarityA.ff Pete.Dig. 22,24
(Pythagoras);habituation QAM60,17
crVv6ecr1s composition [in body] QAM37,12;
synthesis [logic]A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 55.9-16 QAM
34,22; cr. q:io:pµO:Kuiv
Ind. 12,23
composition of drugs
crUvee,oscompound Ind. 3,7
crvv1tvo:1 understand A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 53,12
crvv1crT6vo:1 be composed QAM 37,16; 46,21
0Vvoy;1ssummary A.ff Pecc,Dig. 53,16; cr.
KEqiCU'lo:1W611s chapter summary Ind. 11.S
crUv,o:~tS order QAM 65,6 (Plato)
crvv,16€va1compose QAM 36,22
crqiO:MecrOo:1 blunder A.ff Pecc,Dig. 43, 18.20;
63,12.23 QAM71,5; mistake, be mistaken,
make mistakesAff Pecc.Dig. 4,17-25; 44,4;
61,20; 64.3
<rif>O:i\µablunder A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 44.19
crx.Ecrissrate QAM 34, l
crxflµo:pattern A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 50,24 (of a
syllogism)QAM 43,7 (Plato); shape A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 55.7.18
crxoi\6~e1v have leisure Ind. 20,15; A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 28,12; 42,1
1I
I Greek word index
uxoi\fi leisure Ind. 20,15 (with note); time (to
observe)A.ff Pecc.Dig. 30,22
crWµa,Opyov11<6v organic body QAM 37,9
<J&µa,q:ivcr11<6v natural body QAM
37.10.13.19; 46,19
ouiµacr1<labodily training QAM70,7 (Plato)
I
uWµITTt1<65 bodily Ind. 21,21
cruiqipoveTv (be) self.controlledA.ff.Peet.Dig.
16,12; behavewith self-control QAM71,3;
have selfcontrol QAM 67,2 (with note)
cruiqipovl(ewrecalla person to his sensesA.ff
Pecc.Dig. 16,2 (with note)
I
cruiq>pocrUvri self-control Ind. 19,1 A.ff Pecc.Dig.
22,9.16.18; 23.3.12; 29.6
cr&iqipuiv self-controlledA.ff Pecc.Dig. 15,24
l (with note); 23.5; 29,9 QAM 67,4
,ap6,,e1v pms. be troubled Alf. Pecc.Dig. 5,12
(with nore)
;eKµT]ptovevidenceAjf. Pecc.Dig. 49,22 QAM
I
42,7; 48,18
,EAEtoSperfectAlf. Pecc.Dig. 11,16; 12,7; T.
CCvT]padultAjf. Pecc.Dig. 27,21
,eAeluicr1s completion A.ff Pecc.Dig. 27, 14
I ,tli\os goal (oflife) A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 43,10; 49,15;
l
I
51.5; 52,5.14; 53.1-17; 59.12
•ilxvrispecializedskill A.ff Pecc.Dig. 5,6 (with
note); 28,24; 62,16; 68, 13 QAM 62,3.15, 19
(Hipp.)
j ,exvhris skilled person A.ff Pecc.Dig. 5,8
,1µ0:vesteemAff. Pecc.Dig. 18,4; 22,5;
24,2; 29,19; 34,6-15; 53,18; honour QAM
35,23
I ,tµT]esteem Ind. 25,7 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 17,2;
29,18; 36,1; honour4ff. Pecc.Dig. 30,3;
44,15 QAM 36,6; ,iµt'iv 1'tµO:vgrant an
honour Ajf. Pecc.Dig. 59,11
,µf1µa division [geo1netdcal]A.ff Pecc.Dig.
57.16.17
,paVµowoundA.ff Pecc.Dig. 14,14
bring up Ind. 16,19; 20,14;A./f. Pecc.
,pi!'.q:,c1v
Dig. 11,13;35,24; 45,16.17 Q,4M75,9.17;
keep Ind. 15,18; nurture A.ff Pecc.Dig.
1 27,8; nourish A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 31,4.22 QAM
66,22.24
l
)
,poqiT]nourishment A.ff.Pete.Dig. 31,1,3,9;
32,20 QAM43,3 (with note).10 (Plato);
54,8.9 (Axi,e.);66.4 (Pfato).13;67,3.13.23;
'72,19; nurture QAM51,5 (Plato); 60,17
(Hipp.); 72,1.5.8.11 (Ploto);72,15; 75,9
,uq:,00811s sluggish QfiM63,5 (Hipp.)
TVXrichance Ind. 16,22 (with note}; fate/Fate
Ind. 9,12; 1l.13; 16,1 (Zeno).6; 18,19;
Fortune A.ff Pecc.Dig. 33,22.26; piece of luck
Ind. 12,4; 1<0:,0:,Vxriv by chance Ind. 8,15;
11,12; luckily Ind. 10,21
505
VyEio:,Uyls10:health Ind. 22, 11.20A.ff Pecc..
Dig. 31,21; 32,8
Uy1alve1vbe healthy,in good health Ind. 22,12
A.ff Pecc.Dig. 17,7; 31.25 QAM 64,22;
70, 15; enjoy health QAM 70,13
Uyietv6shealthy Ajf Pecc.Dig. 22,21
(Vy11'1s) o\J&EvVy1€sutterly harmful QAM71,6
Vyp6s wet QAM 37,24; 42,6; 45,6; 53,12.21;
6L!4.20 (Hipp.); 67,1
Uyp61'fl$wetnessQAM34,5; 37,1.23; 42,10.16;
43,11-20; 44,1; 52,19 (Arist.);58,9
06c:rr00611s watery QAM52,l l (Arist.);moist
QAM 53,2 (Axist.)
U6pocr1<6n1ov water-instrument A.ff Pecc.Dig.
47,15
06v.)pwater QA.M39,23;53,5 (Arist.).19
(Axist.);57.15; 60,8 (Hipp.); 6Ll7 (Hipp.);
64,4; 66.4 (Hipp.); 66,12
IJA11 maner (in philosophicalor physicalsense]
QAM36,23;37, 16.18; 44,23; 45,8.9; 54.8.9
(Arist.);V. npayµC(;v.)vsubject areaA.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 47,10; 49,19
01Tepox~excess[of a quality] QA.M45,l5.17
V-rrvriA6s sleepy QAM 62,2 (Hipp.)
V-rr66ecr1s assumption QAM 46,18
Vn6i\11y;1s
V-rr6µvriµo:
assumeAff:Pecc.Dig. 4,24;
t'.rrroi\o:µf3<.Xve1v
suppose Ind. 20,17.19 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 4,18
assumption A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 53, 10
note A.ff Pecc.Dig. 3,4 (with note);
19,8.12; set of notes A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 52,13;
53,14;writingind. ll,1
V-rr6µvT)<rLS tract Ind. 21,9
V.ro,o:yT]subjection [of affections]Aff. Pecc.
Dig. 37,12
V1roTl61:u6cn explainAlf. Pecc.Dig. 15,4; give
Aff. Pecc.Dig. 30,10; make assumption (that)
QAM 46,22.24; posit QAM 41, 16; put down
Aff. Pecc.Dig, 24,4; take as assumption QAM
38,22; 48.5
V-rr6xucr15 cataract QAM 49,8
qia16p6scheerful Ind. 3,1 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 25,26
q:,alvsuOatappear Aff Pecc.Dig. 17,1.23; 20.11;
24,18; 25,14; 28,5.14; 29,8; 31.23; 37,21;
44.1; 50,2; 54.4; 58,12.15; 65,7; 68,13;
appear likeAff. Pecc.Dig. 53,21; (be/become)
apparent A.ff Peet.Dig. 3,11; 11,l l; 25,6;
29,10; 45,2; 46,15; 50.5.7; 51.l; 55,21;
63,18; 64,6; 68,2 QAM32,16.18;42,1;
71,12; 75,15; withparticiple:(be) obviously
Aff hcc. Dig. 21,4; 33,1; 37,9 QAM36,14;
73,16; 79,21; ,6: Evapy&s ipo:w6µavo:(cf.
Evo:pyT]s)(things) manifestlyapparent A.ff.
Pecc.Dig. 46,17; 47,18.19; 49,2; 51,9;
63,10.12; 65,7 QAM39,7;75,23; 76,5;
79,10

506 Greekword index
<po:vEp6s
clearAff Pecc.Dig. 5,13; 43, 14; 53,20
QAM47,21
<po:VT6:(scr60:.1 have an image of QAM 33,21
q>O:VTo:crio: imageAff. Pecc.Dig. 63,19;
imagination Ind. 18,6.15; 22, 14; cpo:vTo:crio:v
SvvoElvform mentally an impression QAM
39.5
<p6:pµCO<OV drug Ind. 4,23; 5,14; 11,10-21;
12,4-24; 13,1; 16,11.12; 20,16 QAM
40,3.5; 41,10; 42,7; 48,11; 68,13; 79,11; f·
CfITi\oDv simple drug Ind. 3,7; <p.ativ0sTov
compound drug Ind. 3,7
qi{pe1v bear [loss,destruction]Ind. 3,6; 5,9;
15,2.8.9;put up with Ind. 13,7;support
[a conclusion] Ind. 21,7
perish QfiM36,18
q>OElpscreai
f6ove\v begrudgeA.ff Pecc.Dig. 36,8.10
qi6ovEp6senvious QAM75,12
,:p06vosenvy Aff. Pecc.Dig. 7,3 (wirh note);
21.12; 24,12-15 QAM55,21 (A,isc.)
qai\a/11)6T)s lover of truth Aff. Pecc.Dig. 27,4
QAM75,15
q>1/\6110pw;ro5 generousAflPecc.Dig. 27,
23
<pti\apxkxlove of power Ajf. Pecc.Dig. 24,11;
34,19; 35,19 . cppfivpi. wits QAM40,l4 (Hom.)
<pl/\apxoslover of power Ajf Pecc.Dig. 7 ,20
<p1/\au1(0: self~loveAff.Pecc.Dig.44,13; 48,2. 14
q>l/\Eiv loveAjf Pecc.Dig. 6,8-15; 7,4-10; 24,20;
28,3; 34,22; 37,20 QAM73,14.18; 74,6.11
q>1fln6ov{o: love of pleasureA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 53,5 · <pp6v1µ05
<pt/\oSo~!alove of reputation A.ff.Pecc.Dig.
24,11; 34,11.13; 35,19; 36,11; 48,3.15
q:,1/\66o~os lover of reputation A.ff Pecc.Dig.·
7,21
q:,1116Ko:i\os loving of beauty A.ff Pecc.Dig. 27,1
q:,IA6i\oyos(6.vf\p)man oflettersA.ff Pecc.Dig.
62, 15 (with note)
q:,1i\ovs1KElv compete Ajf Pecc.Dig. 22, l-9;
indulge in argumentative point-scoiingA.ff
Pecc.Dig. 62,13 ·
q:,\AovHKio: competitivenessAjf Pecc.Dig. 22,20
(with note); love of quarrel A.ff Pecc.Dig.
24,10 (with note); 34,19
qi1/\6ve1KoS competitive Alf Pecc.Dig. 9,4 QAM
67,7; 76,17
<pti\onov(aeffort (put in gladly) Ind. 16,15
<p1i\61rovos who works hard Ajf Pecc.Dig.
26,16.17
q:,1i\ocrocpslv practise philosophy Alf Pecc.Dig.
49,9; 51,23 QAM75,21
cp1/\ocr6qinµa rudiment of philosophy A.ff Pecc.
Dig. 10,7
<pti\ocro<pkx philosophy A.ff Peec. Dig. 44, 1;
49.5; 51.15; 59,23.27; 61,6; 62,9.18 QAM
46, 12; 73,4; cp. i)O!Kfiphilosophy related to
characters Q.AM67 ,9
<p1i\6cro<pos philosopher Ind. 19,3; 21,14 A.ff
Pecc.Dig. 4,9; 9,10; 19,14; 28,10; 29,3;
42,19; 43,2; 44,5; 52,6; 54, 10; 62,24; 65, 16;
66,1-24; 67,10.12; 68.5-12 QAM32,5;
33,18; 51,1; 57,11; 73,6; 75, 19.20; 76,7. 18;
79,22; practitioner of philosophy Ajf Pecc.
Dig. 65,23; wise QAM65,IO (Plato)
<ptflo,tµkxlove of esteem A.ff Pecc.Dig. 34, 12-
19; 35,19; 36,21; 44,14; 48,3.15
<ptAO'nµos pleasure-lovingInd. 13,12 (with
note); lover of esteem A/]'.'Pecc.Dig. 7,21
(with note); 27,1
q:,1/\oxpnµo:,lalove of money Ajf Pecc.Dig.
34,18; 35,18; 36,20; 48,15
qi1/\oxpfiµCTT05 money-lover Ind. 26,2 A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 7,20
cp1/\0tyeu6fi5 fond oflyingA.ff. Pecc.Dig. 27,4;
lover of falsehood QA.M75,l5
<p/\ilyµaphlegm QAM39,15; 49.15 (Plato)
cpo!3clv be afraid Q4M53,7 (Arise.)
f6f3os fear A.ff Pecc.Dig. 7,3; 10,20; 17,10
qiol'Tn•fisstudent A.ff Pecc.Dig. 48,6; 6 J ,20
qipSvtnS,fP&v1,!~civphrenitisQAM49.3.11
fpovciv (hold) a view (that) QAM78,3; µ€ya
qipoveTvset great store A.ff Pecc.Dig. 22, 14
<pp6vncr1s discernment A.ff Pecc.Dig. 29,6 QAM
51,25 (Arist.); 64,18; 65,2.15
discerningA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 5,8 (with
note); 16,19-23; 29,9 QAM51,21.23 (Arist.)
(with note}; 65,9 (Plato}
q:,pov,((e1vfret Ind. 20,20; take careAff. Pecc.
Dig. 11,25; 16,23
f POV'TIS worry Ind 20, 19; ~6:Maiv fiS
cppov,!5a consider Ind. 17,5 (Eur.); 23,8
(Eur.)
<pllatvgrow QAM58,2 (Hipp.); 60,10 (Hipp.);
,rccpuK«lS be by nature, be naturally, (do
something) in its nature QAM 42,4; 55,6;
71, 16; 73,11; have become QAM50,9
(Plato); cU1rccpuK«lS born good/with a good
nature QA.M76,20.21; well-developed QAM
60,4 (Hipp.)
qiualK6Snatural QAM79,14; related to the
natural world QAM76.4
<puo-toyvooµovtK6S physiognomical QAM 54,20;
55,8; 57,8; 63,1
nature Ind. 20,1; 24,l3Aff. Pecc.Dig.
(!)l10"1S
25,22; 26,10 (Eupolis); 27.3-15; 31,14; 46,4;
50,18; 60,3-23 QAM33,8.9; 45,6.7; 48,6.23;
51,21 (Arist.); 52,6; 53,9; 54,7 (Arist.); 58,1
(Hipp.); 59,2 (Hipp.); 60,5 (Hipp.); 61,11
(Hipp.); 62,13 (Hipp.); 66,13; 69,11; 73,10;
•
I.
Greekword index
bornAff. Pecc.Dig. 48,6;
74,3; 75,i I; <pllcrE1
by nature Ind. 24,13A.ff. Pecc.Dig. 27,4
QAM 33,7; 76,13; 77,7; constant QAM
60,13 (Hipp.); in natureAff.' Pecc.Dig. 35,17;
in the course of nature QAM 43,6 (Plato);
natural QAM48,15; naturally Ind. 19,2. JO
. A.ff Pecc.Dig. 9,4; 20,3; 43,6; 45,l l; 48,9;
52,l QAM74,6; 77,8; KaTCl(pllatvnatural,
naturally Ind. 15,16; 25,14; ,rap(:( <pllo-iv
I W1natura!Aff.Pecc.Dig. 20,23
I cpvnK6Svegetative QAM 44, 12
' term A.ff Pecc.Dig. 41, 10
q:,oovT)
ip<.vp&v reveal QAM46,15
xctp,n sheet Ind. 8,9
I
xo/\fi bile QAM39,l3
x6v5pos gristle·QAM 37,3; groats Ind.
10,1.4.9.14 (with note)
XPE(apurpose Ind. 3,9; function A.ff Pecc.Dig.
31.3-9; 32,4; 33,29; practice QAM 69,20
(Plata); Ko:O!o,aa6a1 ~v xpdg stand in need
Ind. 5,14
XPfiµma possessionsInd. 21,19; 24,2; 25,21;
property Ind. 2, I O
XPnµa,1crµ6sacquisitivenessA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 48,4
XPficris(be in) use Ind. 10,1
xpno-,6s good A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 27,23 QAM78,23
xuµ6s humour QAM 41,6; 48,12; 49,16
(Plato); 66,22; 67,2
xwpl(s1vseparateA.ff.Pecc.Dig. 63,ll QAM
38,5-16; 41,8. 18
lie, be a liar A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 64,
14.1slJ6EaOa1
l 17; 67,23; speak a falsehoodA.ff.Pecc.
l Dig. 64,12; telling a HeA.ff.Pecc.Dig.
64,25
lI
iI
:y
I
507
falseinformation Aff. Pecc.Dig.
14.1~u60)10y[a
64,20
'{!E06osfalsehoodAjf. Pea".Dig. 50,2
1.JJUX~soul Ind. 17,9 (Eur.); 18,16; 19,13.21;
22, 18.21; 23,3.12 (Eur.); 25,9 A.ff.Pecc.
Dig. 4,9; 5,13.15; 11,17-24; 12,7; 17,8.9;
18.5; 19,5; 20,7; 22,8; 23,10; 25,7-12;
31,13; 34,17; 35,8-20; 36, 11.15; 37,1.22;
41,12; 44,22.24; 51,19; 59, 12. 17; 60,26;
61,3 QAM32 tide. 2-16; 33,9-15; 34,18.23;
35,6.20; 36,3-17; 37,7-24; 38, 1-21; 39,12;
41,3.8; 42,5.10; 43,2 (Pbco). 12.15; 44,3-20;
45,2-22; 46,3.20; 47,4.9. 12 (Her.).22; 48,2-
21; 49,2.13.18 (Plato).21 (Plato); 50,3.13
(Plato).17 (Plato); 51,14; 52,5.20 (Arist.);
54,17.21; 55,2-6; 60,13 (Hipp.); 62,2
(Hipp.); 64,5-21; 65,14; 66,6 (Pbco). 10-15;
68,4 (Plato).15 (Plato); 70,17; 71,9.12;
73,1; 74,19; 78,6-20; 79,8.16; '!'·
/\oy1cr,1Kfirational soul QAM 34,18.23;
!3pa6u,l)s 14.JVXfiSslowness of soul Aff. Pecc.
Dig. 61,8
"JJUXlK6s: of the soul A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 36, 11
(affections)
q,Vxoscold QAM 53,21
l{IVXp6s cold A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 21,14 QAM37,24;
42,4; 45,6-20; 51,19.(Arist.).22 (Arist.);
52, 11 (Arise.);53,5; 54,3 {Arist.), 10 (Arist.);
59,9 (Hipp.); 60,8 (Hipp.); 61,13; 67,1; 69,7
coldness QAM 37,1.22; 47,20; 58,9;
l{IVXPO•ns
66,12; 69,10
pain QAM50,9 (Plato)
OOS!s:
sundlalAjf Pecc.Dig.
&:ipo/\6ytov(fii\10:1<6v)
47,15; 55,22 (with note).27; 56,1-16; 57,3;
58.12; 59,8.25
 .
.-:-·.·::1:··
•···.· .
....•·.··•·
.

I _;...,..
Arabic word index
sense perception 30,14; 45,4; sense(s)46,20
509
j.l.i..character 31.6; 38,1; 39,1; 44,18; character
~ sense perception 46, 12 trait 25,2-10; 26,1-13; 28,18; 29,16; 30,2.9;
sensory45,5.7
__,..L.....,,. , 31,1-10; 32.14; 35,2; 36,21; 44,9; 47,15.17
~envy50,14-15 ~ be shaped 48,6

Arabic word index ~ fine 42,12.18; 43,4-18

~1 better 39,4; 42,11-13
.JU...be afraid 32, ! 9; 33, 1.2
..J.S-O,.fear29,13.14
~i do(ing) good 48,17; 49,4-17 ~good 30,14-17; 33,11-21; 34,10-14;
~ reduce 50,14 36,3-15; 41,12; 48,15-18; 49,3-17
b affluence47,l 1 choose 36,1-9; 48,4
.>1.;.;.1
£i:.. memory 38,18; 45,5; retention 45,7 ..,~1 choice 25,5 (with note); 36,l
~ preserve35,3; 43, 19.20; 44,12; remember
46,3; retain 45,6 i"IJ continue 49,13
j.:..truth 27,10; 28,7; 30,18 ~.i:; arrange 45,3; arrangement
(~)~I;),:. truly47,IO; trt1thful!y47,6 45,9; be arranged 36,5; 39,4;
.}:b.uue41,12 regimen 34, 19
1be present index contains a selection of terms wirh their translations, referenced by page and line ~I deserve34,9.10; 48,10-49,11; 50,16 apprehend 45,14
<!!.>Ji
numbers of the Kraus (1939) edition of C'haracter Traits,and is intended to be of help in finding both
the translation and the occurrences of technical or otherwise interesting terminology. I fa.,,.1treat Hght!Y51,I
t.&.. wisdom 36,4; 48,6-13
~ sage 47,7; wise (man) 48,7-9; 50,5; ~j
apprehend 46,19; attain [knowledge]46,2
';11.>JJ
JJ indicate 25,10-11; 29,3; 33,7
skilled 48,7; wisest 50,3 .:.,lj self 43, 19-20
u-:'1reject 46, 1 ..:..;tdeliberation 32,12.17 jlbl! ~! the absolute wise one 48,9 fi.:imention 30,20; 38, 10; 44, 14-18
)i trace 29,11; 45,2 ~sready47,14 ~ restraint 32,4; 39,18 fi.J recall45,7
)1 prefer33,6-12; 48,4-17 J~ praiseworthy30,9; 36,8.9; 42,4; 50,8 j.:iblame 42,4; 48,20
foi consequence 44,19 ~ cowardice33,5.16; 35,2; cowardly28,13 II ~endure 33,6; 51,1-4 1'3'4.1,blameworthy 28,15
..,.,;1
educate 28,12; 29,13; 30,l; 33,7; 42,6; coward 34,14; cowardly25,11
<.)4-:?,. Jl::,..State 25,4; 26,15.16; 27,7; 28,15.16; .:,A.Jintelligent 46, 19
44,8.15
-.,Jieducation 28,11.13; 29,15; 34,16; 42,6.8
~~ experience33,1
~ be bold 32,15; 34,15
I 31,8.16; 32,8-15; 33,12-20; 34,6.20;
38,3.17; 39.4-15; 40,7; 47,3-7: 49,6.17;
''
~.> leader 32,7
~ji pain 25,9; 38,3; 41,7-18; 42,6 ~.>~ boldness 32,14; 33,2;34,16 50,6; 51,19 ~~.> rule 30,15.19; 50,3
i:s.iJ.'1 harmless32,18 ~ do 47, 13; make 34,8; 30.5; place 27,5; 34,6 -~ senseof shan1e32,4.7; 36,16; 42,3; shame '"Laruk 30,16; 39,7; 50,13
I'"'"! name 49,2 . ~ endurance 27,12; 31,19 29,11; 51,1 judge 30,11.17; 33,13; 35,17; 36,2; 50,15
<Sl...J
~i pl. fundamentals 39,1; 44,18; origin 30,6;
47,12
F,I unite 50.13
J4 beauty 33,17-21; 36,18 I ~
ut~
be ashamed 36, 19; 38,4
animal 25,l 1; 28,21; 30,4-13; 32,18;
<Si.>judgement 28,17; 30,3-13; 31,1.2; 49,13;
50,9; ~GJ.!<Si)! the most fitting plan 30,l l;
.J.Jibe familiarwith 49,18
~I pain 33,14
~ beautiful 28,7; 32,5-16; 33,J,-17;
34.4-15; 38,2.20; 42,4-5 l 34,6; 35,4-6; 41,12.15 <Sl)I ~.>"'firm judgement 29,17; 30,5; 32, 16
rank4l,2; 50,15
..,.:;...J
yi matter 45,l; 46,18; 47,6; 48,7; thing
41,6.14; 44,19; 45,1; 48,11.13 *
,._;.;..,.genus49,10
ignorance 32,17; 39,17; 43, 1.9; 44,19.20
preciseknowledge 25,5 (note)
.>l.,u.:,.I
i".i.;.serve 50,2
•<SA; bad 30,9; 31,2; 50,1.12; depravity,
Q;lotatiom2.32c;

~ investigate 44,10; 45, 1-10;

i"""!I
1..1:->
begin 45,3
principle 44,19.20
47,13

demonstration 30, 18; 42,20

..:,Ui.>:'
~ thing that is not known 49,20
»?- injustice 33,14; 34,2; 39,17
~ essence27,13; substance 26,9; 34,5
~ good 30,12; 35,12; 50,7.8;
.1..?.ibest41,14
I
i
;.,;. folly46,6
J.;-.i:.i
foolish46,6.16
~ [be] particular 39,9
..;.,..1..:..
particular 39,5
~I.:.. characteristic31,15
0<IJ.>viciousness44,5.6
~.J.; vice 28,15; 29,18; vicious 49,18
~.> solid [of character] 46,6
yb.., moist 35,5
J,i.; compassion49;14
~i perceive38,19
Jb.ibe obliterated 32,6; be wrong 30,3
J.b.:,1annihilation 27,17; refute 33,9
like 46,20; 47,2-12; love 25,13.14;
..:;...,,.1
29,14,33,9;47,3; 49,2 I ~ peculiar 48,14
1.h:..error 31,3
~I treat as of no importance 40,5; 41,3;
~;:, be composed 43,16.17; be constituted
43,2; composition 45,15; constitution 34,18
;..il.>Jwill 27,20; 28,3; 41,l; wish 25,6;~.Jl-.,j~
O,U,, be false26.5
~i hate 49,17.18
~ hatred 28,20
,.,,,., beast 34,10; 35,17; 42,11-14; 48,17
.;.a.low 29,5.14; 34,9; 47,1; 49,3-18; 50,11-12
~ love33,8.9; 34,15; 36,1; 48,20; 49,4-16;
~I J,Ailoved ones 31,12-14
jl::,..sharp 46,20
I[ 51,2.3
lli dilute 31,14; mix 34,7
~ difference32,2; opposite 43,3; 47,14
.J.JG..(be) inappropriate 28,20.21; 29,2.4;
involuntary 25,6; ~Jl.>¥1~.;:::JI deliberate
movement 45,5.12
...,.;,t.)train 42,16; trained 36, 17; 42,16
W~.> train 42,8.16; 39,l l; training 34,17.18;
.l;!~ determine 28,2 30,10.11 39,18; 42,7-18; 44,3
ft. complete 44,l; 48,9 .!..J.:>.occur 27 ,3 different 35,9; inappropriate 28,20; 29,2
...ill=o..o '":'~->" desirable 34,IO
Jt.long45,17 J.k. skill27,3 Ull=o..o (be) incompatible 45,15 ~-'.>consideration 25,4; 28,16; 30,5.10;
uu_,.;longing 45,12 J.Jl.:..proficient 40,7 ~I differ 34,13; be divided 34,13 49,10-12
,J..r" annoyance 31,10.11 .J)t..:..I difference31, l l; 32,15; disagreement
~i accomplish 45,20 ~ cautious 46,6 43,3 ~ factor 47,18; means 35,18; reason 30,21;
-,,t fued 44.5 U.? grief 26,4 ~ different 26,8.9 31,1.2;44,10; 46,17; 47, 10;48,5
(a~) at;.11...-k
steadfastly27,13 ..;.....i
feel29,1

508
t
j
 i
~-

510 Arabic word index Arabic word index 511

Jdil! ~I efficient cause 29,4 ..,...,_,....,.:;
approve 45,20 ,.j_.,.:. know 27,6.9; 30, 17; 33, l; 46, 18; 47,6; ~ investigate25,7; 30,6
&'""' predatory animal 31,17; wild animal 36,11 jj,.....,picture 45,8 48,2; 50,4 ~ investigation46,4
(~...,,...,)~>""';'quickly46,19 ~conception 28,J9 knowledge28,17; 30,4-18; 32,13.15;
<.a..,.._., J.;i distinguish 49,2.8
rU.........sickly
[constitution] 34,19 38,4; 39.9; 43,7-17; 44, !; 45,1; 46,2; 50,5 t.>Aafraid 33,15;
..:,l.b.L, authority 30, 19; 51, l 0-19 ~ control (of soul] 41,6; 42,7-19 S..might 48,12 t.>Afear26,4; 32, 18
~ free 43,13 contrary 29, 12.15; 33,13; 37,2; 38,2-18;
'.i.....:. f'$- decide 45,20 .>....i.decay 34,6; 40,21
i-JL....i
harmony43,3 43,3.10; 48,14 ~$- decision 45,10.11; 46,3; 47,10; 49, 12 Jl....Jcorruption 34,3
41.........,
odiousness36, 18 .:,...:.
harm 26,4; 27,8; 28,1; 38,6-7; 44,19 y...o.. difficult 47,6 .;,,..,li:icorruption 43,2
,L....1do evil 31,14; 49, 17-18 c.s»>"° necessary27,5 J~:/J ~ stubborn 50,5 ~ virtue 33.13; 34,3; 36,2-18; 40,19; 41,5;
~.,,...,
evil 40,5 (S~) s~I .:_,.,,
necessarily49,4.5 ~ devoid of 47 ,5 48,6.14; 49,8.17
(.,,.,,~ politics 36, 1.5 )~! necessity43,15 ~ neglect42,8 ~ virtue 28,3.15; 29, 18; 42, 19; 44,6
..,.,..,.....,;
type 33,4; 44,9 ili ab5temious,abstemiousness28,10.14; 33, 15; ~i more virtuous 48,6; 50,6
.;L.t.characteristic50,3; concern 50, 13 y~ disturbed 43,8 39,18 ~ astute 46, 19

4...::.
youth 27,16; 31,8
yL.,..±,
assimilate 35,7
t.4,.-t brave 25,12; 33,16
~ medicine 43,11-13; 44,5
~ natural 26,21-27,3; 29,8; 30,13;
I Ji,,. intellect 35,17; 40,2-9; 41,14; 45,3; 46,19;
, intelligence31, 16
l'.l...cause 46, 18; reason 36,16
,1, koow39,17:20; 40,7; 44,2;
t;bj intelligence50,8
Ju act 33,19; do 36,l; 48,5; form 47,18; give
50,18; make45,12
;,,.~! ~L:.i,t extremelybrave 28,14 30.15-16; 32,14; 39,2; naturally 29,14 ~ action,25,4; 26,14-21; 27, 17; 28,2.9;
:'.:A,
bad 34,12; evil 32,17; 33,4-21; 34,11; ~ nature 30,17; 32,9; 33,16-17; 35,12; 36,4; realize47,12 30,1.21; 33,8-20; 34,11; 35,19; 38,2-13;
49,17 47,16.18.20 tk knowledge44,20; knowledgeable43, 12; 39,20; 40,6; 41,14; 43,6; 45,1-18; 48,8;
w...,...:-.
nobility/noble 43,9-11; 44,1 e::,bnatural 30,17; narure 31, 1.3; 34,8; science 44,4-18; 45,9 50,7; activity 27,9; 33,20
d...,..:-.
share30,17; 35,17 47,15.19; ~4 natural 28,21; 29,10; 30,10; ~ learned 48,8 '.IW~ behave47,4
o...,..Zgreed
33,14; 38,17; 39,17; 47,l l; greedy naturally 30,l l; 33,4.8; 34,15; 36,10; by r+,-1 most learned 50,3 fa rhink 42, 13
28,11.14; 42,11.16 nature 28,13 ~ learn 44, 14 fa thought 25,8; 31,13.15; 45,7.14
µ notice 45,6 t.~ naturally 44,7; naturally implanted r=1u reaching39,14 µ think 30,l l; thinking 45,9
.J~ passionate49,2; 50,10 38,l l J.= activity35,19; function 45,7 .J~ philosopher 48,6.10
~lderive47,17 ·; --- Jib infant 45,3; 48, 17 ~I J.= do good 48,17 U,..,~I rhe philosophers25,7; 26,l; 40,7; 47,16
..1,.;,doubr
44,5 ..,..Lb
make for 42,9; seek 28,21; 29,4; 38,7; 0,i...JIJ,...c.build ships 43,12 ~ understand 27,7; 32,8; 40,7; 50,6
.;w:,1desire 50,16 39,18; 50,11; strive 47,3 L. J.= play some part in 47,19 ~ understanding 33,15; 38,18.19; 39,18;
~I desire 26,4-12; 27,6; 28,!0; 29,5.8; Jlb,. absolute 48,9; absolutely48,8 J.W social intercourse 45,9 50,7
30,19; 34,6.7; 38,100 11; 42,15 J)l.6¥1u-1:-absolutely48, 19 ..>"""""' element 43, 16
,.;w...t!hunger (of soul] 28,7; 29,2; 38,10 t.lbiobey51,16 ~ concern 50,16 & ugliness33,16-21; 34, 1-3; 42,20-43,10
.J.,..!.hunger [of soul] 25,9 obedient 51,9
4..<.lb ~ idea 49,2; -meaning26,20.21; 45, 18; sense & ugly 33,5; 34,11,12; 42,4.5
·~ thing/something 25,6-9; 26,2-21; 27,1- # extravagance32,4 50,19 W shamelessness29,11; 32.5; 36,l I; 38, 18
• 10; 28,7-21; 29,14c21; 30,6-11; 31.4,5; . ;,.1!.chabit 31,3.4; 47,16.17; 49,20; 50,l; .J.i.ibe able 49,9; 50,6
32,10-17; 33,1.3; 34,10; 35,7; 38,4,10.20; i;l;think 28,13; 29.3; 30,13.15; 34,14; habituation 28,6 .J.ll importance 50,15.18; power 48,l l; .J..WI~
39,3; 40,21; 43,2-15; 44,1.6; 45,8-15; 46,9; 47,2-12; 50,15 Jfoaccustom 34.14; 42,17; 50,l of great moment 48,13
47,10.11; 48,21; 49,1.9; 50,12; 51,12-17 01.opinion 28,17; 30.8 Jl:i,,.I become accustomed 28,10; 50,1 regulation 27,8; 28,2; 43,6
..>:.i.i:i
':-'JJ"-<'01.
correct opinion 32,12.13 ';-':!'fault47,8-IO .JI'"-" degree 28,l; quantity 35,15; 48,21
~act patiently 27,13 &,t;mistaken opinion
'Lb..... 32,12.13 .J~ regulated32,3.4
~childhood 28,10.1 l; 30,3; JJL.o 0£true opinion 30,4 IS~.;.innate 27,14 ,-' kind 28,15; 44,6; 49,8
youth 44,14 , &t;falseopinion 30,4
..,...:il.S ::,.;.,_;.
goal 43,7 ~ division 45, 15
c,;,= child 29,2-20; 30,7; 31.5; 38,17; 41.14 ~ appear 28,18; 29,12; 30,7; show 50,17 ~anger26,4-ll; 29,7; 31,10-32,3; 43,l ~ aim 32,5-11; 33,11.12; 39,11; 40,21; 42,5;
LJ~I &.,,age of childhood 30,21 ":"¥' conceitedness47,2 ..:,~ irascibleperson 31,15 43,7
Lo h,ru,h 26,21; 27,4; 33,21; 34,20; 43,2-20 ~ rashness47,10 ~ overcome41,7; overwhelm 31,20; 36,1 l; ~ aim 28,10; 32,8; 39,12; 41,9; 50,8;
..Jl..,......1revulsion46,1 ~ rash 46,4-16; 47,14 47,5 intention 44,12
~examine45,10 J~ justice 33,15; 34,3; 36,1 ~ compulsive27,7; conquest 38,21; win 50,9 ~I be content with 49,20
Fi reform 39,12-15; 42,7; 44,9 JL~I balance 27,3; 33,17.18; 43,5.6; 44,6.7; .b1o.error 47,13 .~! depth [of investigation]46,19;
c)l..:,J reform 27,8; 31,6; reforming 31,6; 44,5 moderate 35,6 ~ distress 28,19; 31,14 detail [of study] 47,10
c~ uprightness 28,4; e,)l.dl J.bithe righteous J~ balanced 32,3.4; 43,8; ~U. goal 33,11; 34,4.8; 41,9-12; 50,14; to this ~ discipline 28, 11
49,15 moderate 28, 10 d,y 36,3 ~ discipline 38,9; 42,7
~ wellbcing45,9 affect 29, 1.7; 40,5; 42,21; 43, l; 46,2;
,Y:._y:. -¥ irascibility38, 17 Jli..l obey 39,7.11; 50,6
J;...... category36,4; 39,l; 44,11; kind 26,13; happen 45,19; 47,4; occur 32,1 J~I obedience 28,2; 34,16;
32, 13;48, 13 IJ"'>y:-
affection 26,4.13-20; 29,6; 30,2-4; ~ be liberal 44,8 obedient51,10
art 28,3; 31,18-21; 43,11-12; 45,9.16;
4..<.L;,...:, 32,1.2; 40,6; 41,8; 43,13.17; ~ examination 46,5 readilyobedient 32,9; J!.J..'11~
J!.J..'11..:,.........
48,7; 50,10 45,2; 47,2.12 ~ young man 44, 15 readinessto obey 28,4;
~··

512 Arabic word index Arabic word index 513

J~'il .1.-)L..,ready obedience; 28,12; J.'IJ agree 40, 11; (be) appropriate 28,20-29,4; ).i.., steadiness 31, 15
compliance .tnd obedience
.i~'i'IJ :.L.....)WI ...,..yt.:.]aw 36,2.3 30,10.11 ~jOCCur45,10
34, t6; .;~':II ..,..L...readily obedient 28,8; plants 30,4
-=..4-, J.,ily, appropriate 28,20; 29, l; 30, 11; 31, ..J..,generate 35.4-13; 43,2; 47,11
.il:!'i:81~ stubborn 50,5 .b~I discovery 24,8; 43,17; 45,16 20 r,A.Jimagination 28,20; 32, 16; 33, 16; 45,
~ speech 45,15; staremenr 33,9 ~ courageous person 31,16; 32,2-16; 34,14 W~ compatibility 45,14 5-11
~ be strong 28,9 ~~ courage 35,2; 32,4.8; 33,2-15; 34.17; 35,2 Jl.i:il agreement 27, 10; 28,7; 38, 14; 43.3; co- f-AS' imagine 39,4; 47,4; perceive 29, 1
~ strong 32,2 ~sort45,18 . operate 39,6 ~ image 29,4; imagine 33,3; imagination
b-.,icapacity 26,9.11; 27,4.16; 35.8; 36,5-17; (J.h,;)4.1J.b..
'i non-rational 25, 10 ~ ~ acknowledge 34, 12 45,18
38,1-20; 41,7; 45,4-17; strength 35,15; .J.bW
rational 25,7; 26,1-3; 45,2.17
strong 27, 12; 32,3; 34, 19 ~ investigation 36.4; scrutiny 40,21; 45,7.14;
46,3
l.lfi esteem 29,13.14; 30,18; 48,11; 50,11-17; ~ consider 26,13; 45,8.9; 48,15; investigate
honour41,2 46,2; scrutinize 30,6.21
rfii honour 40, 14 ._,..i,self 47,1-13; 48,20; 49,16; soul 25,4-10;
of, abhor 33,3 26,1-12; 28, 10-19; 30,9; 31,3.5; 32,6;
oJ.},..,,
abhorrent 51,16.18; averse to 33:1 33,18-34,3; 34,19; 42,4-19; 43,6; 45,l;
.,,.....S:
acquire 25,15; 28, 12; 30,9; 34,16.18; gain 49,6; 47,l l; Ubl:. rational soul 25,8; 26,1-10;
50,9 27,4-9.19; 28,7; 30,8.18; 32,1-15; 35,19;
~I make aliving50,10.ll 42,5-20; 44,7.10; 45,2; 48,14-18; 50,7.9;
~ acquired 30,13 '.:fa cogitative soul 26,10; 39,9; 41,13; ~
prevent 27, 11
....iS: spirited soul 26,11; 27, 11-19; 28,8-12;
(J.,,!S)J,,Sj most perfect 35. 14 30,16; 32,9-14; 34, 15; 38,8-21; 39,10-21;
JL.Sbe completed 42,3; perfect 35,15; 40,5; 41,10; 42,5-7; 48,18; 50,9.13; ~
perfeccion44,4 bestial soul 27,2; 30,5.7; ~I.J::-"'-
ani!nal soul
,jfi come to be 33,13.19; 42,2 26,12; 27,12; ~I~ desiderative soul 26,12;
~ come about 31,4; 32, I O; 27,4-11; 28,8.l l; 30,14; 35.2; 35.3; 38,2-
45,5; 50,7 21; 39,10-21; 40,4; 41,10.l l; ~~ vegetative
,oul 26,12; 30.3; 35.3; 41,13.17; 42,3-6
~SJ
pleasure 26,4; 27,7.8; 30,13-20; 33,12; ~ benefit,30,8; 36, 1
34,4-10; 35,18;.36,5-20; 38,3-21; 39,19; Wt:. beneficial 30,8; 50,7
41,3-19; 42,6; 48,12 t Lili! benefit 42,8
.JI~! gain pleasure 50,8 ~ banish 46,7
i') foHow43,15; force47, 13 ,_,.,.i.diminish 49,14
~ delicate46,20 W:Jl:..., be contradictory 45,15
;:,'1blame 47,l; reprove 29,12 t-" kind 51,3
JI.:.obtain 47,5
c::i...
praise 35,17; 36,7
praised 36,13; 48,6; praiseworthy 28,15
(_j,.1;.o ,:.,,,yY' avoid 25,9; 28,21; 29,2-10; 33,14;
c~ praise 29,12.14; 48,20; 49,9 ,, 34, 11; 38,3; 42,3
._,,;.y,
illness 42,21-43,2; sickness 34,'1 L.i:...t.geometry 44,3
1,_lj.o constitution 35,7 ~ behave rashly 31,17; ~ rash 32,2-5
hatred
...::.,.io 50, 18 ~ rashness 31,15; 32,4-10
dL. ,ngel 34,5.9; 36,6.17; 37, l; 38,2; 40,10-14; i.)IJ-Adisdain nmm 50,17.19; 51,3; disdain verb
41,5 50,19
t::'""
~I
prevent 42,13; restrain 27,10

~crafr45,16
refrain 45,20; 46, 1

~ discrimination 28,16; 38,2; 41,14; 42,7;

t.LAJdisdain 40,14
.:i~I disdain 35,18
I
l
'7"/"-.Jbe necessarily so 43, 19
49,10; separation 30,7 "::-'P..Jnecessarily follow45,14
Jl...o
incline 36,5.6; 41,8; 45, 19-21; 48, 17 ....,....,
find 30,21; 39,4; 46,18
~ inclination 29,10; 30,13-18; 39,2.5; 48,12; J.J-<?-.Jreality
33,16 I.
49,11; incline 29,9; 31,7; 38,20.21 ~J pain 28,19; 29,8

f
)
r
I

.1
 .~
•I,

Index of names 515

Kenchreai Af/ Pecc.Dig. 14,6 Pythagoras A.If Pecc.Dig. 21,8 QAM 32, I t
Kldnias Q1M65,17 74,21
Pythian Ajf. Pecc.Dig. 5,2
L:akedaimonian(s) QAM 69,20
Index of names Lapith(s) QAM40,14
~ynkeus A.ff Pecc.Dig. 61,1
Roman(s) Ind. 2,8; 11,ll; 19,18Aj]-:Pecc.
Dig. 56,25
Rome Ind 5,10; 8,5.17.20; 9,7.23;
Megara Aj]-:Pecc.Dig. 14,7 12,6.14.17; 16,20
Megil!os. QAM65,17 A.ff Pecc.Dig. 13,20
Menippus A.If Pecc.Dig. 63,26
Midas Aff Pecc.Dig. 35,4 S,ppho QAM35,14;
Muses (the) QAM74,20 Sceptic{s) Aff. Pecc.Dig. 62,6; 63.4
Musonius Ind. 22,7 Scythian(s) QAM 79,22
Socrates Mor.35,20 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 28,1 QAM
Panaetius Ind. 6.1 74,20; 77,20
This is an index of all proper names mentioned in Galen's texts with page and line numbers of the Patrodus A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 12,5 Solon Mor. 36, I
edition used. Peace (Eirene)' Ind. 7,20 Stok(s) Aff. Pecc.Dig. 28, 11; 62,4;
Peducaeus Ind. 5,22 67,13.14.17 QAM 45,4.24; 74,22; 77, 17.20;
Abdera QAM79,23 Crates Ind. 15,9 Peirithous QAM40,13.15 78,1.15
Academic(s) A.ff Pecc.Dig. 42,15; 62,5; 63.5 Cretan(s) QAM69,19 Peripatetlc(s) A.ff Pecc.Dig.28,16; 62,5; 67,9.18
Achilles A.ff Pecc.Dig. 12.4 Crete A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 14,19 Phaenias Ind. 6.19 Teuthras Ind. 12,8.15
Aesop A.If Pecc.Dig. 6,4.12 Cynic(s) A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 49,2.5.8 Pha.!aris Ind. 6,19 Theodorus A.ff Pecc,Dig. 64, 1
Agamemnon Aff. Pecc.Dig. 12,5 Philistides Ind. 4,6 (with note) Theognis QAM 40,20
Ajax A.ff Pecc.Dig. 12,5 Didymus Ind 9,16; 10,12 Philistion Ind 10,7 Theon A.If Pecc.Dig. 63,18
Andronicus (Peripatetic) _QAM 44, 12 Diogenes Ind 15,lO;Aff. Pecc.Dig. 11,2 Philopator A.ff Pecc.Dig. 28, 11 Theophrastus Ind 6,18; 7,6.11
Antonius (Epicurean)-. Alf Pecc.Dig.3,5.8; Diomedes Aff Pecc.Dig. 12,5 Piraeus Ind. 13,16 Thersircs Aff: Pecc.Dig. 11,24
4,15 Dion A.ff Pecc.Dig. 63,16.18 Plato lnd. 6,1 Mor. 26,6; 35,20; 51,12Aff 'Illeseus Ind. 17,2; 23,5
Aristarchus Ind. 5,22 Dionysus QAM 68, l O Pecc.Dig. 4,1 l; 6,8.12; 15,19 QAM32,I2; Thriasion A.ff Pecc.Dig. 14,8
Aristeides A.ff Pecc.Dig. 26,6 35,4; 36,2.10.14; 37,4; 38,5.9.19; 42,9; Thucydides QAM 49,5
Aristippus Ind. 13,12; 14,4 Egyptian(,) QAM 40,3 44,11; 46,22; 48,6; 49,12; 50,3; 51,6; 65,1; Tiberius Ind. 8, l
Aristomenes Ind 10,10 (with note) Eleusis Aff. Pecc.Dig. 14,8 67,18; 69,13; 70,11.20; 71,18; 72,17; 74,5;
Ariston Ind. I 0,8 Epicurean(s) A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 3,6; 28,17 77,6 Xanthippe A.ff Pecc.Dig. 28, 1
Aristophanes Ind. 10,10 Epicurus Ind 21,10 P!atonist(s) A.ff Pecc.Dig. 28, 12; 62,3 QAM
Aristotle Ind. 6,18; 7,9 A.ff Pecc,Dig. 4,10; Euclid Aff. Pecc.Dig. 42,3 38,14; 64,19; 68,18; 70,14 Zeno (ofCitium) Ind. 15,23Aff Pecc.Dig.
54,10 QAM 37,5.6.17; 44,12.21; 5!,12; Eudemus Ind. 6, 19 Posidonius QAM77,18; 78,l.8 10,14; 11,7 QAM39,22
52,4; 54,5.15; 55,5.11; 57,6 Eumenes Ind 12,9 Pyrrhonist(s) A.ff Pecc.Dig. 42,16 Zeus Ind. 22,8.9 Afj.'Pecc.Dig. 44,22
Asia Ind. 9, 11; l l,19 A.ff.Pecc.Dig. 34,9 Eupolis Ajf Pecc.Dig. 26,6
QAM57,22;58.4 Euripides Ind. 17,1; 18,14; 23,6
Asiatic(s) QAM59,6.IO Europe QAM58,l; 59,15
Aspasius A.ff Pecc.Dig. 28,16 European(s) QAM 59,6
Athens Ajf Pecc.Dig. 14,6.l7.19i28,19 QAM Eurytion QAM 40, 12
79,22.24
Attic Ind. 8,12 Gaius Alf Pecc.Dig. 28,12
Atticus Ind. 5,22 Gorryn A.If Pecc.Dig. 13,21
Gi:eek(s) A.If Pecc.Dig. 33.5; 41,10; 52,1
Callinus Ind 5,21
Campania Ind. 4,22; 5,8; 8,16.18; 9,5.9; Hadrian A.ff Pecc.Dig. 13,12.16
10,20 Heracles ltid. 23,2Aff. Pecc.Dig. 11,21;
Carthaginian(s) Q.AM69,l8.21 12,4
Centaur(s) QAM 40,12 Heraditus QAM47,11
Chrysippus Ind 6,20 Aff. Pecc.Dig.4,8 QAM Hermes Mor. 40,16-20
45,24; 46,2; 78.4.5 Hesiod A.ff Pecc.Dig. 60, 10
Cinyras Aff.Pecc.Dig. 35,4 Hippocrates Ind 10,l Mor 26,6; 43,i2Aff.
Clytus Ind. 6, 19 P,".
Dig. 43,25; 44,2 QAM45,25; 46,17;
Commodus Ind. 18,4 57,12; 63,12; 64.3.13
Corinth Aff. Pecc.Dig. 14,5 Homer Ind. 6,1 QAM35,14

514
 ~-
. l·
l
!
Index ofpassages 517
PASSAGES CITED IN THE INTRODUCTIONS
AND FOOTNOTES
Alexauder of Aphrodisias HA 488a}-4 137
Index ofpassages Mantissa1 104,22-33 Bruns 362
488al0 137
488,28 137
Mantissa2 112,11- !6 Bruns 362 488h16-23 137
112-113 Bruns 364 57lb28-29137
Mantissa3, secc. 8 368 622b25-27 137
sect. 11 368 623b18-19137
sect. 13-16 368 Met. 1026al8-32 94
sect. 20 368 1064bl-4 94
J.VicomacheanEthics1097b22- l 098a20 285
Aeschines 1102b13-1103a10 125
ll05b21-23 222
PASSAGES FROM OTHER AUTHORS Ctes.106 328 Politics1269a38 238
CITED IN GALEN'S TEXT Problems948al0 253
954b 10-21 393
244,11-246,4 J. (11.86-88 L.), QAM Alcinous Rhetoricl356a 293
Aristotle
59,18-60,15 Didaskalikos5.4-6 299 1378a 293
HA 491bl 1-14, QAM55,l3-l6 247,1-4 J. (11.90L.), QAM 60,20-61.5
49lbl4-l8, QAM55,l7-2l 247,7-248,3 J. (II.90 L.), QAM61.5-9
49lb22-26, QAM55,22-56,4 248,8-10 J. (IJ.90 L.), QAM 61,10-12 Alexander of Aphrodisias Arrian
49lb35-492a4, QAM56,6-lO 248,10-249,7 J. (ll.90-92 L.), QAM Epict.I.1.21 213
492a7-12, QAM56.,ll-l7 61,16-62,3 de An. 3,22 ff. Bruns 363
24,18-26,30 Bruns 362 I.3.3 257
492a34-492b3, QAM 57,2-5 249,7-250,7). (11.92L.), QAM62,8-l7 1.4213
PA648,2-14, QAM5l,l7-52,3 Ep;d.11.5.16 (v. 130,18-20 L.), QAM63,4-5 in Metaph.26.22 376
1.4,27 249
650b14-65lal2, QAM52,8-54,5 1.11 211
65la12-17, QAM54,6-11 1.11.35 215
Homer Andronicus
1.13,2-4 211
Eupolis OdymryIV.220-221, QAM40,5-6 Pa;,. 1 (5VF3.391) 63 1.17.1 376
XIV.464-466, QAM40,17-19 1.18 2ll
fr. 91 Kock:Alf Pecc.Dig. 26, 8-11 XXl.293-298, QAM 40,I0-15 1.28 211
Anthologia Graeca
Euripides Plato
I
I
7,158 52
11.5211
ll.5.2 211
ll.13 211
11.13.12215
fr. 814 Mette (964 Nauck): Ind. 17,4-9;, Laws666a3-c2: QAM 67,24-68, 17 ll,14.21-22 215
Apollonius

l
23,7-12 674a5-b9, QAM69,l9-70,l 1 II.15.14 2ll
747dl-5, QAM65,17-20 Argonautical.153-155 306 11.16.45211
747d5-<2, QAM 66,2-7 II.18.12 ff213
Heraclitus
fr. 118 (230 KRS), QAM47,12
Timaeus24c5-9: QAM 65,5-13
43,6-7, QAM42,15
43a7-8, QAM42,l7-l9
43b5-cl, QAM42,20-23
l' Chud, 1001 387
Aristophanes
11.18,12-13 211
lll.10,3 212
Ill.13.S 213
lll.15.10-11 211
Hippo crates 44a8-b9, QAM43,l-l0 j fr. 208 Kassel-Austin86
fr.428 Kassel-Austin86
lll.21.20 215
86c4-d6, QAM50,6-l8 111.22.13211
A&. 194,10 j. (11.20-22 L.), QAM57,17-18 86d6-e4, QAM5l,l-6 Pl-,ttus210 306 lll.23,30 215
197,4-5 J. (11.24L.), QAM57,19-21 86e5-87a8, QAM 49,14-50,2 Wasps737 86 III.23.36 267
219,15-220,6 J. (11.52L.), QAM57, 87b3-6, QAM7l,l9-22 JV.6.33212
22-58,6 87b6-9, QAM71,22-72,2
221,1-3 J. (11.54L.), QAM58,17-19 Aristotle
222,1-5 J. (11.56L.), QAM58,20-59,3 Athenaeus of Naucratis
227,ll-228,2 J. (11.62L.), QAM 59,4-9
230,1-4 J. (11.64-66L.), QAM59,I0-14
Theognis l De anima 412a7-10 386
412al9-21 341 Deipn. I.45f86
243.3-4 J. (11.84L.), QAM59,16-l7 fr.211 Be,gk, QAM40,21-22
! 412a27 31
EudemianEthicsl 220b36 ff: 222
11.55083
IL57c86
516
l
l
518 Index ofpassages Index ofpassages 519
Aurelius Victor Dioscorides 6,19 DB (V.7K.) 316 23,14-19 DB (V.34K) 206, 237, 240
7,2-3 DB (V.7 K.) 137, 220, 258, 269 24,2 DB (V34 K.) 321
Caes.X.IV.1.361 Mat. Med. lV.75.2415 7,3 DB (V.7 K.) 171 24,7 DB (\>'.35K.) 322
7,15 DB (V.8K.) 316 24,12 DB (V35 K.) 322
9.3-10 DB (V.II K.) 66 24,12-13 DB (V35 K.) 322
Cicero Epictetus 9,4 DB (V.10-1 l K.) 266 24,13 DB (V.35 K.) 238
9,8 DB (V.II K.) 317 24, 16 DB (\>'.35K.) 322
Ad Jam. IX.26.2 90 Ench.l.6.37 96 9,10 DB (VII K.) 137, 375 24,17 DB (V.36K.) 264, 272
Attic. XII.14.3 61 9,11 DB (VII K.) 149, 230 25-27 DB (\>'.37-39K.) 142
Xll.20.l 62 9,21 DB (Vt2 K.) 317 25,12-14 DB (V.37K.) 65, 153
Fin. III.35 221 Epicurus 10,IO DB (V.12 K.) 317 25,13 DB (\>'.37K.j 260
Paradoxa6 313 10,14 DB (V.13 K.) 2!1 25,15-19 DB (V37 K.) 48, 65, 225
Sen. ll.38 212 Nat. 34,27 Arrighetti 368 10,20 DB (V.13 K.) 317 25,15-21 DB (V.37K.) 77
Tusc,II.17-18 96 10,22 DB (V.13 K.) 317 25,19-21 DB (V37 K.) 65
lll.29-30 62 II,2 DB (V.13 K.) 21 l 25.19-29,16 DB (\>'.37-44K.) 141
Ill.JO 97 Euclid 11,4-5 DB (Vl3 K.) 248 25,21-27,19 DB (V.37-40 K.) 250
!Y.35 61 Elem.II, def. 2 284 II,15-16,10 DB (V.15 K.) 66 25,23 DB (V37 K.) 323
V.3196 ll,17 DB (V.14 K.) 97 25,24-26,5 DB (\>'.37-38K.) 375
II,26 DB (V.15 K.) 255 26,7 DB (V38 K.) 324
Euripides 12,6 DB (V.15 K.) 318 27,20 DB (V40 K.) 323
GIL 12,23 DB (V.17 K.) 318 27,20-29,16 DB (V40-43 K.) 251
fr. 814 Mette( .. fr. 964 Nauck) 92 12,24 DB (V.17 K.) 318 28 ff. DB (V41 ff. K.) 292
Vl.9207 79 Heraclith.e640 246 13,l DB (VI? K.) 318 28,2 DB (V41 K.) 264, 269
VI.9221 79 Medea360 246 13,5 DB (V.17 K.) 319 28,9-21 DB (\>'.41-42K.) I
Vl.9239 79 13,7-11 DB (V.17 K.) 319 28,12-13 DB (V41 K.) 153
Vl.2.9218 55 15,6-15 DB (V.20-21 K.) 66 28,12-15 DB (V4l K.) 134
Eusebius 15,14 DB (V.21 K.) 288 28,17 DB (V.42 K) 77
15,15 DB (V21 K.) 319 28,19-25 DB (V42 K.) 94
Demosthenes PEVI.6,15 (244a) 368 15,18-16,6 DB (\>'.21-22K.) 319 28,21 DB (V42 K.) 323
16,6 DB (\>'.22K.) 319 28,23 DB (V42 K) 324
V.15 238 16,15 DB (V.22 K.) 320 29-30 DB (V43-44 K.) 38
F.ronto 17,1-18,25 DB (\>'.23-26K.) 153 29,2-12 DB (V.42-43K.)63
Ep.4.5 84 17,9 DB (V24 K.) 320 29,6-12 DB (V.43 K.) 65, 225
Dio Cassius 17,9-10 DB (V24 K.) 137, 269 29,17-30,21 DB (V.43-45 K.) 225
17,13 DB (V.24 K.) 320 29,19-34,5 DB (V.43-50 K.) 65
Hist. LXIX.3 253 Galen 17,26 DB (V.25 K.) 320 30,3 DB (V44 K.) 324
LXXI!.6,4 50 18.5 DB (V.25 K.) 161 30,8-10 DB (V44 K.) 66
LXXl!.7,l 50 AA ll.537,II ff. K. 120 18,17-18 DB (V.26 K.) 320 30,16-35,3 DB (V.45-52 K.) 167
LXXIll.ll 50 Adv.jul. 64,21 W. (XVIIIA.291K.) 99 19,8-15 DB (V27 K.) 39, 224 30,17 DB (V.45 K.) 324
LXX!Il.2448, 58, 80 67,5 W. (XVIIIA294 K.) 99 19,8-20 DB (\>'.27-28K.) 140 30,19 DB (V45 K.) 324
Adv. Ly,. 7,10 W. (XVIIIA.203K.) 79 19,15 DB (V.27 K.) 264, 269, 272 32,2 DB (V4'7 K.) 324
14,29 W. (XVIIIA.218K.) 99 19,17 DB (V.27 K.) 225 32,9-35,4 DB (V.47-52 K.) 98
Diogenes Laertius Ajf Pecc.Dig. 3,2-3 DB (V.1 K) 315 19,19 DB (V.28 K.) 238 32,17 DB (V48 K.) 15
3,4-7DB(VI K.) 15 20 DB (V29 K.) 136 32,19 DB (V48 K.) 99, 325
Vtt.phi!. II.3 90 3,5-7 DB (VIK.) 39 20,11-13 DB (\>'.29K.) 262 32,20 DB (V48 K.) 325
11.490 3,13-17 DB (V.2 K.) 206 20,21 DB (V.29 K.) 321 32,22 DB (V48 K) 92, 325
ll.7790 3,20 DB (V.2K.) 315 20,22 DB (V.29 K.) 225 34,9 DB (\>'.51K.) 325
111.38-39256 4-6 DB (V.3-7 K.) 167 20,23 DB (V.30 K.) 269, 272 34,24-25 DB (\>'.52K.) 259
V.42-50 (., fr. l Fortenbaugh) 83 4.5-7 DB (VJ K.) 257 21,5 DB (\>'.30K.) 321 35,9 DB (\>'.52K.) 318
V.73 55 4,8-II DB (V.3 K.) 206 21,5-IO DB (V30 K.) 212 35,10 DB (V53 K.) 325
Vl.23 91 5,10 DB (V.5 K.) 315 21,9 DB (V30 K.) 375 35,20 DB (\>'.53K.) 325
Vll.1.23 368 5,14 DB (V5 K.) 316 21,11-12 DB (V.31 K.) 225 36,5 DB (V.54K.) 326
Vll.5 91 5,21 DB (V5 K.) 316 22,5-20 DB (V.32 K.) 160 37,5-16 DB (V.56 K.) 66
VII.I 10 221 5,21-22 DB (V5 K.) 18 22,13 DB (V.32 K.) 321 41,13 DB (\>'.59K.) 326
Vll.165 383 6,15 DB (V6 K.) 316 22,23-23,3 DB (V.33 K.) 160 41,13-14 DB (\>'.59K.) 124
r

520
41,13-43,2 DB (V.59-61 K.) 165
Index ofpassages
65,18 DB (V.98K.) 330
1
I
I
78,9-11 N. (IV.674K.) 336
Index ofpassages
6,7-21 BJP21. 38
521

42-43 DB (V.60-61 K.) 291 66,9 DB (V.99K.) 330 104,25-106,l N. (JV.700-701 K.) 154 6,13-16 BJP 53
42,12-13 DB (V.60K.) 124 66,16-17 DB (V.100K.) 291 Gloss.XIX.62K. 88 7,2 BJP 57
42.17-18 DB (V.60K.) 124 67,4 DB (V,101K.) 330 XIX.116K. 88 7.3 BJP57
43,3 DB (V.61K.) 297 67,10 DB (V.101K.) 3. 296 !1ipp.Aph. I.14 (XVIIB.404-405K.) 82 7,14 BJP57
43.9-11 DB (V.61K) 326 67.13-15 DB (V.102K.) 237 Hipp,An. XVIIIA.347K. 88 7,15 BJP57
43,12-23 DB (V.61-62 K.) 165 68,5 DB (V.103K.) 3, 307 11ipp,Elem.2,59-69 DL (IA! 5--428K.) 388 7,16 BJP57
43,14 DB (V.62K.) 124 68.13-15 DB (V.103K.) 163 H;pp.EpM I 107,26-30 WP (XVllA.213-214 7,19-20 BJP78
43,17 DB (V.62K.) 313 68,15 DB (V.103K.) 255 K.)_28 7,20 BJP57
44,12 DB (V,63K.) 124 Alim. Fae.222,10-28 H. (VI.490-491 K.) 321 Hipp. Epid. Il 198,36-40WP 71 8,2 BJP 57
44,17-20 DB (V.63-64 K.) 293 225,10-20 H. (Vl.498-499 K.) 86 207.45-208,35 WP 28 8,11-10,24 BJP239
44,21-23 DB (V,64K.) 167 234,21-241,24 H. (Vl.512-522 K.) 86 208,15-29 WP 70 8,19-9.5 BJP52
44,24-26 DB (V.64K.) 163 253.6-13 H. (Vl.533-534 K.) 86 406,22---407,24WP 71 8,20 BJP 51
44,25 DB (V.64K.) 313 253.16 H. (Vl.541 K.) 86 H;pp.Ep;d_VJ53.18-19 WP (XVIIA.885K.) 9,5-10BJP64
44,27 DB (V,64K.) 255 257.2-14 H. (Vl. 546-547 K.) 86 417 9.7-11 BJP48
45.16 DB (V.65K.) 327 279,17-24 H. (Vl.580.4-15 K.) 86 140,2WP (XVllB.31 K.) 83 9,19 BJP255
46,8 DB (V.66K.) 327 293,22-24 H. (Vl.602 K.) 266 199,lOWP(XVlIB.137 K.) 83 11,15 BJP48
47,8 DB (V.68K.) 292 301.10-14 H. (Vl.614 K.) 276 217,19WP(XVI!B.166 K.) 316 11,21-12,2 BJP53
47,12-14 DB (V.68K.) 163 326.20-21 H. (Vl.653 K.) 266 271,6-19WP (XVI!B.247--248K.) 340 12,9 BJP 53
47,13 DB (V.68K.) 313 371,6-7 H. (Vl.725 K.) 266 420,31-36 WP 72 12,11-17 BJP78
48,2 DB (V.69K.) 291 373,19 H. (Vl.729 K.) 321 460,8-21 WP 70 12.22-13,1 BJP52
48,20 DB (V.70K.) 288, 327 379,16-18 H. (Vl.738 K.) 266 461,40 WP 80 13.9-11 BJP48
49,2 DB (V.71K.) 327 385,10 H. (Vl.747 K.) 321 485,10-487,32 WP 70 15.7-10 BJP63
51.4 DB (V.74K) 124 Ant. XIV.7K. 56 485,25-487,23 WP 28 15,9 BJP221
51.7 DB (V.74K.) 327 X!V.64-66 K. 79 486,19 WP 46 16,3-8 BJP49
51.14 DB (V,75K.) 327-- X!V.185K 88 486,19-24 WP 79 16,3-10 BJP80
51.17 DB (V.75K.) 328 A,; M,d. 304-309 B. (l.334-337 K.) 120 494,22 WP 46, 50 16,4-8 BJP 50
51,23 DB (V.75K.) 3 309,4-5 B. (1.337K.) 340 495.2 WP 46 16,10-17 BJP63
52,1 DB (V:75K.) 9 At. BU.84,30-31 DB (V,131-132 K.) 246 495,2-10 WP 52 16,18-19 BJP48
52,12-53,21 DB (Y.?7-78 K.) 146 85,8 DB (V,131K.) 266 495,2-12 WP 85 17,1-18,16 BJP212
52,18-53,1 DB (V.77K.) 328 Bon.Hab. IV:750K 135, 304 !Hpp.A-mh. 24,9-10 D. (XVI.532K) 16 18,1 BJP49
53,19-20 DB (V.78K.) 297 Bon.Mai. Su,. 394,11-12 H. (Vl.758 K.) 316 63,6 D. (XVl.613-614 K.) 243 18.1-4 BJP49, 50
54 ff. DB (V,79lf. K.) 165, 377 Gaus.Morb.VII.2 K. 380 161.8-9 D. (XVI.811K.) 16 18,7-9 BJP 50
54.6 lf. DB (V.79K) 230, 328 Gaus.Symp.VII. l 91 K. 340 H;pp.A-og.207,5-14 H. (XVllIB.19K) 70 18,9-16 BJP64
56.4 DB (V,82K) 300 Vll.193 K. 71 207.6-11 H. (XVllIB.19K.) 96 18.19-20 BJP48
58,12 DB (V.86K.) 300 Comp.Med Gen.XIII.362K. 57 HNH 15,22----25 M. (XV.25K.) 82 20,11-15 BJP 134
59 lf. DB (87 lf. K.) 342 Xlll.362-363 K. 38, 89 51,9-13M. (XV.97K.) 121 20,12-14 BJP50
59.8 DB (V,87K.) 300 Xl]l.459 K. 79 51,12-13 M. (XV.97K.) 336. 410 20,13 BJP242
59,23 DB (V.88K.) 307 Xlll.636 K. 88 66,23 M. (XV.128K.) 376 20,22----21,5
BJP205
59,23-27 DB (V,88K.) 3 Comp,Med. Loe.XIII.63 K. 78 79-80 M. (XV.156-157K) 389 21,5-10 BJP63
59,29 DB (V,88K.) 329 Xll.423 K. 88 94-96 M. (XV.186-190K.) 389 21,12 BJP77 ·
60.5 DB (V,89K.) 329 Xlll.291 K. 88 94.22----96,24
M. (XV.186-190K.) 152 21,13-17 BJP63
60,24 DB (V,90K.) 295 Cons,25-29 M. 410 Hl&l 134.33-135,10 H. (XV.455--456 K) 21.13-19 BJP63
61,20 DB (V,91K.) 307 25,18-22 M. 377 86 22,2---4BJP50
62.4 DB (V,92K.) 237 C,;s. 161,13-15 A. (IX.696 K) 71 Ind. 2,3-5 BJP97, 141. 270 23.5-14 BJP 212
62,6 DB (V,92K.) 3 162,4-163,9 A. (IX.697-698 K) 71 2.4 BJP64 23,13-14 BJP64
62,9-10 DB (V.92K) 307 Diff Pub.Vlll.609 K 376 2,5-8 BJP49 24,11 BJP77
62,12 DB (V,92K.) 329 Vlll.666 K. 71 2,7-8 BJP67 24,12-14 BJP48, 64
62,13 DB (V,92K.) 308 Di. Hipp. Morb,Ac. I 06-109 L. 86 '3-12BJP36 26,1-3 BJP 52
62,24 DB (V.93K.) 307 Po,t, Fonn. 66,19-68,23 N. (IV.663-666K.) 3,7-4.5 BJP64 26,4 BJP77
63,5 DB (V.94K) 308 160 4,6 BJP 255 Db. A-op.134-135 BM (XIX.8-9 K.) 17
63,5-6 DB (V.94K.) 330 68,10-23 N. (lV.665-666 K.) 151 4,6-8 BJP28 134,2-136,9 BM (XIX.8K.) 52
63,11-65,15 DB (V,94-95 K.) 165 68,11-12 N. (IV.665K.) 160 5-11 BJP2 134,14-135,2 BM (XIX.9K.) 9
65.7 DB (V.97K.) 330 68.15-70,l N. (IV.666K) 151 5,17 BJP57 134,14-135,9 BM (XIX.9K.) 296
65,16 lf. DB (V.98lf. K.) 219 76,10-78,11 N. (Iv.672-674 K) 160 i 6,5 BJP 255 135-136 BM (XIX.9-10 K.) 17 '·

I
I
_1

522
135.6--9BM (XlX.9K.) 9
135,18-20 BM (XIX.10K.) 17
135,24-5 BM (XIX.10K.) 16
136,4--13BM (XlX.10-ll K.) 17
138-139 BM (XJX.13-15K.) 18
138,7BM (XlX.13K.) 266
138,8-10 BM (XlX.13K.) 290
138,19BM (XlX.14K.) 246
138,21-139.3BM (XIX.14K.) 290
139,11-12 BM (XlX.15K.) 246
139.15BM (XIX.15K.) 88
139,26BM (XIX.15K.) 78
139,27-140,2BM (XIX.15K.) 13, 18
140-141 BM (XJX.16-17K.) 1
140,15-17 BM (XlX.16K.) 272
141,6BM (XlX.17K.) 12
142,25-27 BM (XlX.19K.) 37
143,9-10 BM (XlX.20K.) 13
144-145 BM (XlX.21-22K.) 18
152-156 BM (XlX.30K.) 12
154.16-155,12BM 13
155,8-10 BM 13
159-160 BM (XJX.33-35K.) 15, 18
159-162 BM (XlX.33-37K.) 17
159.10-160,4BM (XlX.33--4K.) 87
159,10-162,11BM (XIX.33-37K.) 16
164--169BM (XJX.41--45K.) 12
164,25-165,2BM (Xl)(.40K.) 64, 94
166,18-21 BM (XIX.42K.) 82
166,21-22 BM (XIJ(.42K.) 82
169-170 BM (XlX:45--46K.) 13
169-171 BM (XlX.45--47K.) 12
169,8-9 BM (XlX.44K.) 82
169,13BM (XIX.45K.) 120
169,15-16 BM (XIX.45K.) 315
169,16BM (XIX.45K.) 109
169,17BM (X!X.45K.) 45, 77
170,2-3 BM (XlX.45K.) 92
170,2-12 BM (Xl)(.45--46K.) 218
170,5--<>BM (XlX.46K.) 297
170,7--8BM (XJX.46K.) 271 .
170,9BM (XlX.46K.) 306 '
170,10BM (XIX.46K.) 46
170,11 BM (XIX.46K.) 46
171,2-3 BM (XlX.46K.) 336
171,16BM (XIX.47K.) 82
172-173 BM (XlX.48K.) 239
172,14-173,4BM (XIX.48K.) 95
173,5-11 BM (Xl)(.48K.) 84
173,7-8 BM (XlX.48K.) 270
L,c. Aff.Vlll.126--128K. 376
Vlll.148 K. 83
Vl[l.160-168 K. 28
VIll.161 K. 380
Vlll.163 K. 121
l
I!
Index ofpassages Index ofpassages 523
Vlll.164 K. 414
I 34,17-19 Kr. 190 165,11H. (JI.SSK.) 77
Vlll.191 K. 336 35.6-16 K,,,131 168,11 H. (ll.92 K.) 77
VIll.226-227 K. 28 35.16 ff. K,,.131 Opt. Corp.Const.N.737-738 K. 161
Vlll.418,15--421.1K. 152
Vlll.450--452K. 152
I'
I
35,19-36,3 K,. 134
36,10 K,·. 128
Opt. Doct. 100,9B. (l.47 K.) 77
Opt. Mtd 287,16-18 BM (l.57 K.) 252
Med. Nom. 31-32 MS 84 36,11-20 K,,,129
MMX.2 K. 94
' 38.4 K,,.128
Oj,t.Med. Cogn.68-69 I. 55
69 I. 83
X.9 K. 240 38.17-18 K,,,136 On/. Db. Pmp. 88,6--10BM (XlX.49-50K.) 11
. X.12 K. 153 38,19-39.11 K,,, 160 89,12 BM (XlX.51K.) 52
X.18 K. 240 39,12~16K,,,134 91-92 BM (XIX.53-54K.) 231
X.106 K. 153 39,20 ff. K,,. 130 91.15-92,2 BM (XlX.53K.) 64
X.169K88 40,4-10 K,,,130 91,19-20 BM (XlX.53K.) 266
X.199-200 K. 377 40,8 ff. K,,,230 92,19 ff. BM (XIX.54--55 K.) 13
X.363,1-373,2K. 80 41,6K,,.131 98-99 BM (X!X.57-58K.) 1
X.454 K. 88 42 K,,,262 100,21-102.5BM (X!X.60-61K.) 239
X.456--457K. 67 42,2--4K,,,131 Parv.Pil V.900K 246
MMGXl.59 K. 71 42,3--4K,,,129 V.904K. 246
Mor. 24,11-16 Kr. 113 42,5 K,,.128 PHP90,14 DL (Y.199K.) 238
25 Kd75 42,10-19 K,,. 133. 140 96,30 DL (V.207K.) 136
25,10 ff. K,,,134, 155 45,4-17 Ki:. 132 108 ff. DL (V.219ff. K.) 284
25,7-26,5 K,,,123 45,6-17 K,,,117 110,1-5 DL (V.219-220K.) 136
25,8-10 Kr. 123 48,15-19 K,,.128 116,21DL (Y.227K.) 136
26 fa 375 49,2-3 K,,,115 l 18,28DL (Y.230K.) 136
26,1 K,,,113 50 K,,,221 122,12DL (Y.233K.) 136
26,10 Kr. 118 50,13-14 K,,. 124 156 ff. DL (Y.273ff. K.) 284
26,17-27,1 K,,,ll6 Mor. Quotations 2.1 137 168,26-170,2DL (V.287K.) 15. 18
27K,,.131 2.2 136 186,4--5DL (V.303--4K.) 244
27,2-28,14 K,,.160 2.7140, 141 198,27-30 DL (Y.319K.) 266
27,+-5 K,,,130 2.8 141 232,24-26 DL (V.359K.) 246
27,5 K,,,153 2.9 143 244,39-246,30DL (Y.374--376 K.) 136
27,7-8 K,,,130, 156,223 2.10 144 246,13 ff. DL (Y.375-376K.) 239
27,13-17 K,,,131 2.11131, 1"45 246,20-27 DL (Y.376K.) 267
27,18-28,6 K,,,156 2.12 147 278,32--280,6DL (V.415K.) 241
27,19-28,6 K,,,133 2.l2(b) 46, 50 282,16--23DL (Y.418K.) 69
28-30 K,,,270, 375 2.14 149 282,17-23 DL (Y.418K.) 92
28,19-29,2 K,,,136 2.14(a) 154 288,25-290,4 DL (V.425K.) 137
29,4 [<,,,117 2.14(b) 154 294,JI-13 DL (Y.431K.) 266
29.7 K,,, 131 2.15 153 294,31-33 DL (Y.432K.) 241
29,11-30,l K,,.136, 155 2. 16 155 294,37 DL (Y.432K.) 238
29,19[<,,.117 2.17 157 314,33 ff. DL (Y.456--457 K.) 147
31,10 K,,,320 2.18 157 321,29-322.5-DL(Y.463--464K.) 120
31,21-32,1 K,,,180 2.19 158 322 DL (V.465K.) 122
32-34 K,,.259 2.20 158 322,15-17 DL (Y.465K.) 135
32,14 K,,,125 2.21 160 323,13 DL (Y.464K.) 135
32,14--17K,,, 124 2.23 167 326-330 DL (Y.468-472K.) 285
32,16 ff. K,,,127 2.24 167 336.18-338,5DL (Y.479--481K.) 138
32,19 K,,.113 2.46 154 338.11-14 DL (Y.481K.) 138,338, 377
33-34 K,,,257 2.55 138, 142 346,7-12 DL (Y.490K.) 138
33,5 K,,,127 Mot. Muse. IV.372-373K 136 354,30-31 DL (Y.500K.) 142
33,14--15K,,,147 Nat. Fae. 107,8-23 H. (ll.9-10 K.) 338, 376 360---366 DL (Y.506--512K.) 138
34 [<,,,131 114ff. H. (II.JS ff. K.) 151,275 366-368 DL (Y.514--515K.) 138
34,4 ff. K,,.230 I 120,7ff. H. (Il.27 ff. K.) 388 368 DL (Y.515K.) 140
34,5 K,,,113 120,16--21H. (Il.27 K.) 388 368,12-13 DL (Y.515K.) 379
34,9 K,,,148
34,14 K,,,127 I 125,15-18 H. (ll.34 K.) 246
129,9-12 H. (ll.39 K.) 388
368,20-29 DL (Y.515K.) 138,338, 377
372 ff. DL (Y.520£K.) 151
Ij
I
___J__
l

524 Index of passages
374,9-14 DL (V.521 K) 377
374,9-19 DL (V:521 K.) 138
374,33-376,5 DL (V.522-533 K) 151
384lf.DL(V.532lf.K) 151
418,29-33 DL (V.571 K) 30
422,9-12 DL (V.580-581 K) 30
422,24-25 DL (V.581 K) 120
430,4 DL (V.588 K) 136
432,29-30 DL (Y.593 K) 266
434,15-29 DL (V.594-595K) 141
438,27-440,8 DL (Y.600-601 K) 377
442,19-444,l l DL (Y.605-606 K) 340
444-446 DL (V.606-608 K) 32, 352
484,34-486,9 DL (V.655 K) 284
486-488 DL (V.656 lf. K) 151
508,8-9 DL (V.683 K) 87
540,14-20 DL (Y.721 K) 287
588,25-27 DL (Y.781 K.) 120
598,25-600,6 DL (V.791-793 K) 340
600,6-18 DL (V.793-794 K) 348
600,6-19 DL (V.793-794 K) 379
602,18-21 DL(V.797K) 138
606,34-608, 12 DL (V.802-803 K) 138
Plat. Tim. fr. 2, 13,3KW 55
Praen.80,24 N. (XIV.612 K.) 78
92,7 N. (XN.622 K,) 78, 95
94,15-17 N. (XlV.625 K) 78
92,17-20 N. (XlV.623 K) 64
94,19-24 N. (XlV.625-626 K) 28, 70
96,25 N. (XJV.628 K) 266
98,11 N. (XJY.629.K) 266
98,12 N. (XIV.629 K) 78, 307
98,27-100,1 N. (XJV.630 K) 15, 18
100,7-102,27 N. (XlV.630-633 K) 70
100,7-ll0,12 (XIV.630-641 K) 28
102,27-104,10 N. (XN.633-634 K) 70
116,20-26 N. (X1V.647-648K.) 92
116,21 N. (XN.647 K) 78
118,3 N. (XlV.648 K) 80
118,16 N. (XJY.649 K) 78
118,30-120,3 N. (XJY.650-651 K) 49
120,8-15 N. (XJV.651 K) 50
122,16 N. (XIV 653 K) 266
126,13-15 N. (XlV.657 K) 49
128,28 N. (XlV.660 K) 2
130,11-134,8 N. (XIV.661-665 K) 49
Praes.Puls.IX.218 K. 88
IX.278-279 K 376
IX.305-306 K 360
Prop.P/ac.172,31-32 BMP (56,12-14 N.) 291
173,8-10 BMP (58,16-20 N.) 149
173,13-18 BMP48
178,22-26 BMP48
187-190 BMP (l 10-123 N.) 340
187,6-8 BMP (108,18-22 N.) 120
1I
I
188,13-18 BMP' (114,19-116,1 N.) 120
188,21-190,16 BMP 48
188,27-33 BMP (ll6,20-ll8,5 N.) 379
Protr.84,3-7 B. (LI K.) 164
85-90 B. (I.3-9 K) 278
85,16-18 B. (L3 K) 157, 158
87,3 lf. B. (I.4 lf. K) 157
88,23-89,2 B. (L7 K) 163
,89,2 B. (L7 K) 255
92,5-9 B. (L 10 K) 250
94,22-95,5 B. (1.!3-14 K) 409
96,3-5 B. (L 15 K) 273
96,12-14 B. (LI6 K) 153
97,3 lf. B. (1.!6 K) 153
99,1-16 B. (1.!8-19 K) 250
108,1-2 B. (L28 K) 154
117,9-14 (l.39 K) 163
Puls.VIII.453 K. 88
Vlll.473 K. 71
VIIL473,l3-l8 K 222
QAM32-33 M. (IV.768-769 K.) 40, 142, 270,
336
32,dde M. (IV.767 K.) 410
32,8 M, (IV.767 K) 40, 167, 247, 336, 410
32, 14 lf. M. (IV.768 K) 346
32,16-17 M. (N.768 K) 376
32,18-33,1 M. (lV.768 K) 410
33-34 M. (lV.769-770 K) 338
33-35 M. (IV.768-771 K) 138
33,3 M. (lV.768 K) 411
33,7-8 M. (N.768 K) 376
33,7-16 M. (lV,768-769 K) 347
33,9-10 M. (IV.769 K) 167, 4ll
33,24 M. (IV.769 K) 411
34-35 M. (IV.770-771 K) 164
34-36 M. (IV.771-772 K) 348
34,14-16 M. (IV.770 K) 411
34,17-22 M. (IV.770 K) 377
34,18 M. (N.770 K) 138
34,20-21 M. (lV.770 K) 140
35-36 M. (IV.772 K) 159
35,l5-16M (IV.77! K.)411
36,12-15 M. (IV.772-773 K) 417
36,21 M. (IV.773 K) 4ll
37,3 M. (IV.773 K) 412
37,6 M. (IV.773 K) 350, 379
37,ll-!2 M. (N.774 K) 412
37,24-26 M. (IV.774 K) 412
37,26-38,l M. (IV.774-774 K) 412
38-39 M. (IV.775-777 K) 347
38,2-4 M. (N.775 K) 413
38,4 M. (IV.775 K) 413
38,4 lf. M. (IV.775 lf. K) 350
38,4-5 M. (tv.775 K.)419
38,8 M. (N.775 K) 414
l
Index of passages
38,9-10 M. (IV.775 K) 414, 419
38,20-39,20 M. (tv.776-777 K) 350
38,21-23 M. (IV.776 K.) 417
38,22.25 M. (tv.776 K.) 416
39,18 M. (N.777 K) 414
39,20-42,2 M. (lV.777-779 K) 350
4!,1-6 M. (lV.778-779 K) 339
41,15-18 M. (IV.779 K) 350
41,17 M. (IV.779 K) 358
42,9 i[ M. (lV.780 lf. K) 350
42,13-15 M. (IV.780 K) 417
43,21-44,l M. (tv.782 K) 415
44,2-9 M. (lV.782 K) 351
44,5 M. (IV.782 K) 358
44,8-9 M. (lV.782 K) 415
44,9-l IM (N.782 K) 351
44,12-20 M. (IV.782-783 K) 351
44,14-15 M. (IV.782 K) 359
44,18-20 M. (IV.784 K) 364
44,19-20 M. (IV.783 K) 415
45,2 M. (lV.783 K) 415
45,4 ff M. (lV.784 ff K) 352
45,9-11 M. (IV.783 K) 352
45,22-24 M. (N.784 K) 352
45,24-46,7 M. (N.784 K) 352
45,26 M. (N.784 K) 415
46,12-13 M. (IV.785 K.) 416
46,12-17 M. (lV.785 K) 353
46,13 M. (N.785 K) 291
46,16-17 M. (IV.785 K,) 353
46,17-23 M. (IV.785 K) 353
46,18-20 M. (lV.785 K.) 353
46,22 M. (IV.785 K) 416, 417
47,2-3 M. (IV.785-786 K) 416
47,9-l l M. (tv.786 K.) 353
47,9-18 M. (tv.786 K) 416
48-49 M. (IV.787-789 K) 354
48,3-8 M. (lV,787 K) 353
48,5 M. (IV.787 K) 416, 417
48,7 M. (tV.787 K) 358
49,1-I l M. (IV.788-789 K) 354
49,6 M. (tV.788 K) 417
49,14 M. (N.789 K.) 418
49,14-50,2 M. (tv,789 K) 417
49,17 M. (N.789 K,) 418
49,18 M, (IV.789 K) 420
49,22-50,l M. (tv.789 K) 418
50,6-18 M. (N.790 K) 418
50,7 M. (IV.789-790 K.) 418
50,12-13 M. (IV.790 K.) 418
50,14 M. (N.790 K.) 418
50,15-16 M. (N.790 K) 418
50, 16-18 M. (N.790 K) 419
51 lf. M. (tV.791 lf. K.) 339
51,1-6 M. (IV.790 K) 419
525
51,2 M. (lV.790 K) 419
52,8-54,5 M. (IV.792-794 K) 419
52,9 M. (IV.792 K) 419
52,10 M. (tv.792 K) 421
52,13 M. (lV.792 K) 419
53-57 M. (IV.793-797 K) 120
53,3-4 M. (tV.793 K.) 419
53,5 M. (IV.793 K) 419
53,11 M. (lV.793 K) 393, 420
53,14 M. (IV.793 K) 420
54,6-I IM. (IV.794 K) 420
54,7 M. (IV.794 K) 420
54,21-55,7 M. (IV.795 K) 120
55.4-5 M. (N.795 K) 420
55,13-16 M. (N.796 K) 420
55,17-21 M. (N.796 K) 420
56.3 M (IV.796 K) 420
56,6-10 M. (IV.796-797 K) 420
56,11-17 M. (IV.797 K) 423
57,14 M. (IV.798 K) 356
58,18-19 M. (IV.799 K) 421
59,I M. (IV.799 K) 421
61,8 M. (IV.SOI K) 120
62,18 M. (IV.803 K) 120
64,4 M. (IV.804 K) 42 I
64,17-19 M. (N.805 K) 120
64,19-23 M. (IV.805 K) 356
65.5-9 M. (N.806 K) 421
65,17-20 M, (lV.806 K) 134, 421
66, 14- I 6 M. (IV.807 K) 339
67,4-7 M. (N.808 K) 411
67,21 M. (N.809 K) 421
67,24-68,17 M. (IV.809 K) 134
69,2-5 M. (lV.810 K) 339
69,12 M. (IV.810 K) 421
69,19-70,11 M.(IV.811 K) 134
72.5 M. (IV.813 K) 385, 422
73,3-ll M. (IV.814 K) 357
73,6 M. (IV.814 K) 422
73,7-8 M. (tv.814 K) 422
73,13-74,21 M. (814-816 K) 357, 388
73,20 M. (tV.815 K) 422
73,20-74,I M, (tv.815 K) 422
74,4-7 M. (tv.815 K) !48
74,4-8 M, (lV.815 K) 422
74.4-9 M. (tv.815 K) 357
74,19 M. (N.816 K) 423
76,6 M. (lV.818 K) 423
76,9-11 M. (IV.818 K) 423
76,21-22 M. (tv.818 K) 423
77,5 M. (IV.819 K) 142
77,14 M. (IV.819 K.)423
78,19-79,4 M. (N.820-821 K) 357
78,19-79,9 M. (IV.820-821 K) 340
79,4 M. (tV.821 K) 423
r

1
I
526 Index of passages Index ofpassages 527
79,8 M. (IV821 K) 422, 424 i.194,9-11 H. (lll.264 K) 120 Homer 75,220 ff. Morani 251
Stm. Tu. 9,4-10 Ko. (VL15 K.) 25, 139 ii.155,1-2 H. (HI.900 K) 120 81,1-13 Morani 244
14,15-20 Ko. (Vl.28 K.) 71 ii.446,11-19 H. (IV.358-359 K.) 389 Iliad I.422 263
14,19Ko. (Vl.28 K) 25 Ut.R"P' 82,13 FW (1V472K) 340 11,212a:251
16.5 Ko.(Vl.32 K) 121 120,17FW (!V501 K) 340 XVI.2888 Papp us
19,14-20 Ko. (Vl.39 K) 25, 121 130,5ff. FW (IV.509K) 340 OdysseyIV.220-221 383
19,15-20,20 Ko. (Vl.39--42K) 163 Ven.Sect.Er. Rom. Xl.193 K. 88 · X.276 88 634,1-635, 14 Hultsch299
19,24-20,18 Ko. (Vl.40--42K) 25, 121, XIV464--466383
140,408 XXI.293-298383
Ps.-Galen Philoponus
20,31-21,3 Ko. (Vl.42--43K) 25, 121
26,3-7 Ko.(Vl.54-55 K) 25 Hipp.Hum. XVI.30 K. 96 Juvenal in de An. 9,23·~26363
28,12-29,4 Ko. (Vl.59-61 K) 25 XVJ.325,14-326,1K 63 26,22-23 363
28,36-29,1 Ko. (Vl.61 K) 121 Im. 70,10-12 P.(XIV757 K.) 251 Sat. 3,196-222 80
33,1-6 363
39,19-21 Ko. (Vl.84 K) 151 3,212-213 79
50.31 ff. 363
61,21-34 Ko. (Vl.138-139 K) 25, 140
61,24-25 Ko. (Vl.138 K) 256
Gregory of Nazianzus 50,32 fl: 367
61,26-27 Ko. (Vl.138 K) 256
Lucian 51-52 364
Ep.32 (S\/Fll!.586) 96 141367
99,32-34 Ko. (Vl.226 K) 25 Adv. lndoctum2,24 54 332 367
106,3--4Ko. (Vl.240 K) 25 !fist. Conser.15 78
Heraclitus in Phys,191 364
112,6-7 Ko. (Vl.253-254 K) 25 Ind. 2 81
137,17 Ko. (Vl.310 K) 99
fr. 118 (230 KRS) 389
170,27-171,6 Ko.(Vl.387-388 K) 152, 389 Plato
180,16 Ko.(Vl.409 K) 83 Manilius
182,35 Ko.(Vl.415 K) 246 Herodian Astron.IV.I 06-118 368 Apology23a-b 24 l
186,20 Ko.(Vl.424 K) 87 38a 241
190,25 Ko. (Vl.434 K) 80 }list. I.14 48 Euthya'emus278c 267
SMTXl.731 K 340 Marcus Aurelius Gorgias464b ff. 24 l
Xl.821-822 K 377 Hesiod 500a !f. 241
Xll.249 K 264 I.i-16211 Lache.<179aff. 273
Soph.XIY.593K. (fr.29.Wehrli)82 Theogony
567 253 L7 240 Laws653aff. 160
Symp.Diff225,15 G. (VII.60 K) 414 Worksand Days290-291 305 1.7.1267 653a6 lf. 134
216,14-226,22 G. (VIJ.55--62K) 28 ll. l 211 660e 279
Tanp.25,11 (J.548 K) 326 IL 1.1 212 666a3-c2 134
35,28-36,5 H. (J.565-566 K) 356 Hierocles of Alexandria Il.10211 674a5-b9 134
36,3--4H. (J.565-566 K) 120 lll.!3 213, 214 73le5-6 243
36,18-24 H. (!.566-567 K) 161 in CA 39,2 Koehler238 V.1.l 212 747dl-5 134
36,20-24 H. (J.566-567 K) 339 Vl!.26 211 819b6 238
43,10--47,2H. (J.580-582 K) 389 Xll.5 211 Phaedrus245dl-3 423
45,10 H. (J.580 K) 328 Hippocrates 253c-354a 140
46,16--47,2H. (J.582 K) 140 Acut. VI.540,15 L. 86 262a-b 287
Menander
79,20-29 H. (J.635--636K) 339 Vl.542,2 L. 86 Politicus288e 380-
79,22-23 H. (J.635--636K) 120' Air. 230 ff. Jouanna (IL66 ff L.) 409 Asph 337-339 69 28% 380
79,23-28 H. (J.635--636K) 36, 356 Coac.V.612,1L. 246 Protagoras343a-b 245
84,1-13 H. (J.643 K) 140 Ep;d.!I.5.16(V 130,18-20L.) 399 Republic264c-d 305
104,1-2 H. (J.675 K) 411 Vl.7.3 (V.340,3-4L.) 72 Menander Rhetor 376e 163
'Ihms,38--40H. (V813-817 K) 251 Vl.8.23 (V.352L.) 71 398c-403c 133
40,2-6 H. (V816 K.) 135, 304 337 Spengel87 400a--402d163
Vl.8.26 (V.352L.) 286
85,10-18 H. (V.878--879K) 154 340 Spenge!87 429d--430b133
Viet.VI.540,15 L. 86
96.25-97,8 H. (V894-895 K) 154 393 Spengel87 439e ff. 224, 255
Vl.542,2 L. 86
UPi.1,13-2,24 H. (l!J.2-3 K) 356 440c--444e133
i.1,18-2,2 H. (11!.2K.) 120 441,7 ff. 142
i.2,4-8 H. (11!.2K) 137 Hipp. Nemesius 521c-54lb 133
i.173,10-15 H. (Jll.236 K) 139 580d ff. 159, 378
i.173,21 ff. H. (!IL237 K) 158 Ep. 16 (llf.346,2 L.) 238 Nat. l{om. 23,26 ff. Morani 367 582b-583a 190
i.174,7 H. (ll!.237 K.) 139 19, 64,2 Diels 238 26, l OMorani 364 588c-d 140
528 Index ofpassages Index ofpassages 529
1heaetetusi76bl 248 Pythagoras
Timaeus52al-5 423 SVF Tyrtaeus
89e 188 Carm.Aur. 2 318 1.56.233250 9,6 279
12 (94-95 'Thom)260, 264 111.377ff. 211
Pliny III.394 ("' Stobaeus,Eel. II.90.7) 244
Scribonius Largus III.395 ("' Srobaeus,Eel.II.91.10) 244 Vitruvius
Mu. Hist.XXI.177 ff. 414 IiI.396 (" DiogenesLaertius, Vit.phi!. Vll. l 13)
XXV.148414 Comp.97 52 244 deArch.IX.S303
lU.397 (":ps.-Andronicus,Deajfi:ctibus4) 244
Plutarch Scriptores historiae Augustae
Xenophon
Cato maior20.3--4273 Comm.4,9 50 Thucydides
7.1 50 Cy, 11.3.20253
Mor.54e 214 Hist. 11.47-54390
58a 214 lll.59.1 93
60a-b 214 Seneca lll.67.2 93
6ld-f215
68f-69b 215 Ben.7.2.1 212
73d--e215 De iraII.36.1-3 214
74d-e 215 lll.36.1 212
79d 214 Mora!letters 68.14-15 62
80a 214 6962
8lf-82a 215 75.8-18 207
82a ff. 212 89.14-15 207
82f214 94 214
87a 91 Tranq.14,391
89b ff. 212
112d 62
122b-c 216 Sextus Empiricus
122b-137e 215
Outlinesof Pyrrhonism1.10 285
123c267
164e-f214
378c376 Sophocles
453,214
453b 214 D_efipus'Jyrannus304 246
453c-e 214
455e-456b 214 Stobaeus
456d-e 214
459e-460c 213 Eel Il.7.10 221
464'51 lf.39.20-41.25 207, 240
467d 91 11.91(SVF3.394)63
469,-d 90 Ill.1.29267
523c-528d 99 !11.1.172245
603d 91 Ill.29.99 267
1088b96
1090, 96
Sok>n22.1 273 Strabo
Sul/. 26.1-3 56
G,og,. 1.2.24400
26.3 55 1.4.6400
Xlll.1.54 56
Proclus XV.1.2687

in R. 249,21-23 Kroll367 Suetonius

in Ti.3, 349,21-350,8 Diehl 367
3, 326,9-12 Diehl 351 Tib. 70,2 52

I
l
 Generalindex 531
Arcesilaus285 Boethus 9, 18
Archigenes book rolls, size 86
How to RestoreMemory Loss83 booksellers51
MedicalLetters83 Bucer, Marrin 373
architecture 163, 219, 273
Generalindex Argyropoulos,Ioannis 74 Cabanis, PierreJean 373
Aiisrarchus Caligula49, 58
'two Homers' 54, 81 Callinus 54, 81
recensionsand commentaries 54 Callistus 79
Aristippus.of Cyrene 89, 90 capacity,see dunamis
Aristophanes85 carefulness,see epimeleia
Aristotle 2, 5, 6, 13, 15, 19, 21, 23, 31, 36, 55, Caselius,Johannes 234
Abu Sa'id ibn Baktishu'a 373 ala:wneia(self-regard)287 56, 58, 82, 102,103,120, 122-123,133• catalogues
Achilles251, 263 .Albinus1, 272 135,137,138,190.194,206,208, 209, .Alexandrian55, 83, 103, 104
action, in relation co imagination and assent 164 .Alcinous,Didaskalikos299 213,222,238,239,258,273,284,285, Aristotelian 103
active lifeand distress 65 Alexanderof Aphrodisias359, 361, 363, 367, 293,337,339,341,343,346,348-351. by Andronicus 55
aegritudo(distress) 221 369 354-356.359,361,364-367,377,392, by Callimachus55
AeliusAristides4, 5, 7 De anima 361, 363, 369 393,395 of Peripateticwritings 55
Aenesidemus285 Defato 367 'hitting the mean' 208 so-called 55, 83
Aesop 15 Mantissa361, 363, 364, 368 works concerned with the treatment of the character,see ithos
Fables216, 243 relationship with Galen 361 affectionsof the soul 206 charms 217
affections (see also p11thM) Allatius, Leo 373 Aristotle, individual works Chartier, Rene234, 372
absenceof classificationin Galen 220 al-Muba5Sir56 Deanima 31, 341, 366, 368, 369, 380, children
and 'complaints of the soul' 209 amateurs interested in phi!osopy and medicine 386 develop1nent251
and doctrines 259 307 }!istoryo/Animals 120, 137, 355, 365 differencesin character 142, 346, .376
and rational soul 223 Anacharsis409 Metaphysics386 Chrysippus 6, 14, 18, 24, 55, 71, 72, 82, 110,
Aristotelian lists 222 anamnisis377 NicomacheanEthics 122,137,206,209,214,239,241,249,
as errors of reason 209 Anaxagoras56 ethical and intellectual virtue 123 266,415
central to ethics 209 Andernach, Johann von 372 PartsofAnimals 120, 355, 356, 365, 380 works concerned with the treatment of the
consequences257 Andreiomenos 74, 75, 77 arithmetic 64, 94, 313 affectionsof the soul 206
effectson the pulse 222 Andromachus 56 Arria 50 Chrysippus, individual works
eradication 22, 208, 226 · Andronicus of Rhodes 55, 351, 359, 361, 363, Arrian 18 On Affections239
eradication, progressive 241 364,386 Arrius Antoninus 50 1herapeutics208
eradication, total 222, 241, 245, 248 editions of Aristotle and Theophrastus 56 Asclepiades83, 388 Cicero 55, 61, 62, 208, 212, 213, 221
freedomfrom, seeapatheia .Andronicus,PeripathOn(Affections)211 asktsis(training) 77, 97, 248, 251 TusrolanDisputations208, 210
lists 138 ange!S113 Aspasius273 Cinyras 279
medical and philosophicaltraditions 258 anger, see orgi assent (see also sunkatathesis)207, 221 Claudius 49
moderation, see metriopatheia animal characteristics137 astronomy 163 Clearchus of Soli 82
Stoic classification 211, 221 Annia Faustina 49 ataraxia(freedomfrom trouble) 242, 285 Cleobulus ofLlndos 245
Stoic classificationattributed t0 Andro~kus anoia (mindlessness)27 Athenaeus 86 Cliromachus 55, 82
211 anticipation of negativeexperiences212 athumia (lack of spirit) 26 Clitus 82
Stoic view 24 Antiphon the Sophist,AvoidingDistress62 Attic comedy 54 Clytus of Mi!etus 82
therapy 209 Antium (Anzio) 57, 104, 106 Attic Greek 85 Comrnodus45,46,48-50, 79,93
affections and errors Ant0ninus Pius 52 Atticus 54, 81 fear under his reign 50, 62
distinction 228, 231, 239, 257 Antonius the Epicurean 206 AufidiusVictorinus 50, 86 conceitedness,see doxosophia
psychologicaltherapy and philosophical Controlof the IndividualAffections238 autarkeia(self*sufficiency) 226 condition, see hexis
training 48 anxiety (see also ag6nia) 28, 211 atttographa(autographs)and antigrapha(copies) condition, bad, see kachexia
Stoic view 22 aochlesia(freedom from disturbance) 242, 285 54,82 condition, good, see euexia
agathon,to (the good) 126, 127, 285 apatheia(freedom from affections)22, 209, Avicenna,'flying man' argument 157 consolation 51, 61, 62
according to Galen and Aristotle 94 210,248, 249 control, see ephedreia
and the beautiful 125 ApeUes252 badness, see kakia convulsions27
agesof life 152 aplestia(insatiability) 167, 221, 222, 226, 277 beautiful, the, see kalon copies of writings 46, 52, 54, 64, 82, 106
agOnia(anxiety) 21 l approximation to god, see homoioshtheOi belief, see doxa coronis53
Ajax 252 aquisitiveness,seepleonexia Beroaldus,Philippus 373 correction, see epanorthOsisand soul
akoksia (lack of discipline) 262, 263 Arabic and Greek terminology 110, 116 blabe(harm or damage) 249 court life45, 49, 62, 92

530
 .-,,
I
!

532 Generalindex Generalindex 533

Crares63, 65, 91 detection through the pulse 72 and 'ancient philosophers' 248 re·writing of own books 36
curriculum, medical 11 physical effects 69, 70, 71 and 'philosophers' 3, 219, 304, 307, 342 shift towards physicalism 34
relationship to the heart 71 and philosophical tradition 5 somatidst view of the soul 47
Democritus 388, 409 Stoic classification71 and Stoic language 22 spur to writing 52
demonstration, scientific 284 endeixis(indication) 295 and 'the ancients' 55 surviving works 2
derangement, see pamnoia and paraphrosune enkrateia(restraint) 267 Arabic biographical accounts 56 syncretism 20
desire, see epithumiaand libido envy, see phthonos · as philosophical writer 4 theological views 252
determinism and moral responsibility 367 epanonhiJsis (correction or rectification) 238, between Greek and Roman communities 8 usage of terminology 239
diagnosis(diagnosis) 214, 238 249 biograppy 1, 272 use of medical analogy in ethical contexts 214
dianotsis377 ephedreia(control) 238 birth I works on Attic Greek and everyday language
dia11oia(intellectual faculty) 368 {Schadenfreude)211
epichairekrzkia chronology of works 34 84
diathesis(disposition) 135 ' Epictetus 8, 18, 23, 96, 207, 208, 210-215, classicizingattitude to literary culture 15 Galen, individual works
Dicaearchus363 226,249,257,267,278 common-sense moral philosophy 66 Affectionsand Errors1, 6, 8, 9, 11-16, 20-24,
Didymus54 and Affectionsand Errors210 copies of own writings 51-53, 57, 58 26,29,36, 38,39,62,64,65, 71,225,
and Homer's recensions 54 daily meditation 212 cross-reforences37, 47 345,347
On Expressions in Comedy85 Epicurus 94, 388 dating of works 39 addressees9, 205, 218, 219,
Dieuches 83 epilepsy 27 death I 254,309
dikaios(just), translation 270 epimeleia(carefulness) 211 debates and demonstrations 1, 10, 14 Codex Laurentianus 232
Dio Cassius246 epiphenomenalism 364 display speeches 16 context of practical ethics 205, 207
DioofPrusa4, 7, 14 epistbni (scientific knowledge) 284, 377, 390 edecricism, medical 66 date 34, 38-40, 47, 67
Diodes 83 epithumitikon223, 224 educa(ion 1, 66, 272 genre 205
Diogenes of Babylon, AvoidingDistress62 epithumirl(desire) 211, 221, 222 education, anatomical, medical and modern editions 234
Diogenes the Cynk 55, 63, 65, 91, 210, 217, epirhumiasphodra(excessivedesire) 220, 222 philosophical 1 occasion 205
250 equanimity 62 endings and openings of treatises 99 phases of composition 205, 274
Diomedes 252 Erasistratus 69, 70, 83 engagement with philosophy 2, 7 reception 236
dipli (doubleline) 53 erOs(lust) 261, 263 hostility w Epicurea.nism237 structure 217
discernment, see phroneiis errors (of reason) 22, 24, 48, 124, 145, 156, in Alexandria l, 88 texrnal tradition 232
discipline,lack of, see akolasia 161,209,210,218,220,221, 227-231, inAquileia 2 title 237
disposition, see diathesis 239,257,328 in Campania 50, 52, 64, 80, 92 AgainstEpicurus(lost) 63
~nd lupe)22, 28,
distress (see also atgritudo_ freedom from 248, 249, 287, 288 in Corinth l, 88 AnatomicalProcedures
38,39,48,61-68, 71, 72,96,99,211, .esteem, see timi in Cyprus and Palestine 1 replacement of lost copy 52
218-222,225-228,269,270 ethos(character, character rrait) 15, 23, 135, in Naples 80 Art of Medicine72
and physical illness 69 136,140, 144,251,271,293,394 in Pergamum l, 78, 87, 100,250, 272 AvoidingDistress2, 11-13, 21-24, 36, 38,
education and training as remedies 68 and boldness 146 in Rome I, 40, 52, 57, 78, 87, 92, 100 39,226,242,269,274, 345
freedom from 225 and daily regime 121 in Rome, first period 88, 95, 105 addressee48, 89, 218
overarching role in Affectionsand Errors227 definition 119, 123 in Rome, second period 59 aim51
Stoic and Epicurean approaches 63 ethos(habit) 123, 251 in Smyrna 1, 100 Arabic and Hebrew tradition 72
disturbance, freedom fro1n, see aochlesia Eudemus of Pergamum 9, 88 'insularity' 5 audience 51
divine cause Eudemus of Rhodes 55, 82 lexical poverty in discussing affections 211 composition 97
of the constitution of bodies 36, 339, 356 On Expression82 lexical poverty in discussing treatment of the cross-referencesand quotations 39, 45, 46
doctrine, seedogma euexia(good condition) 135, 304 soul 214 date 34, 38-40, 45, 46
dogma(doctrine) 23, 77, 213, 215, 260 Eugenianus 67 loss of manuscripts 38 editioprinceps73, l O1
Domitian 49, 50 Eumenes (or Eudemus) 53 medical approach to psychopathology 26 modern editions 73, 75
doxa (belief) 23, 117,213, 259 Eupolis 270 medical metaphors in ethical works 216 paleographical problems 73
doxosophia(conceitedness) 287 Euripides 15, 62, 69, 92, 97, 245 mental disturbances 26 tide 45, 62, 77, 221
drunkenness 69, 242 exile 62 methods of writing and publication 16, 36, CharacterTraits6, 12, 13, 21, 23-25, 40, 50,
dullness of intellect, see miJria 47, 51 221,223-225,232,245,247,251,261,
dunamis(capacity) 338, 360, 361, 376, 377, 394 fear, seefarmidoand phobos oral nature of compositions 15, 17 271,347,357, 370,410
definition 338 fannido(fear) 221 ·personal distress and depression 67 cross-references39, 40, 47, 335, 336
frankness, seepan-hisia personal losses46, 47, 52, 56, 64, 67, 78, date 34, 39, 40, 46, 47, 67
education 63, 65, 66, 68 106,225 epitome and fragments 1 l l
and discipline 262 Galen philosophical language 8 original text and later philosophical
effeminacy,see malttkia adversion to theoretical games 66 philosophical psychology 18 developments 114
embryo, formation 160 agnosticism on the substance of the soul 33, physician to the gladiators l reconstruction of Greek text 114
emotions 63 339,340 quoting Aristotle 365 relation of epitome w original 112
case histories 70 agnosticism, philosophical 66 relationship with Commodus 45, 49, 50 re-writing 47

IL
 1!
534 Generalindex Generalindex 535
Galen, CharacterTraits(cont.) personal targets .342 dace 48, 85 inaction, Epicurean65
sources,Arabic and Hebrew l 09 physicalism340, 349 spreading 58 indication, see endeixis
srructure of the argument 118 public context and audience 342 testimonies48 insatiability,see aplestia
translation 111 rhetorical strategy 343 greed 219, 224, 229 instruments, surgical79
Coma(lost) 88 somaticism 340 grief (seea!sopenthos)61, 70-72 intellect, see noisisand nous
Commentaryon J{ippocrates'Epidemics28 strategic aims .344 Guardia, Joseph Michel 373
Commentaryon Hippocrates''EpidemicsVF supposed materialismor determinism 335 jt1dgement,false22
26, 70, 72 title410 habit, see ethos Justus' wife 69
date46 The Compositionof Drugs, loss in Great Fire habituation 63 Juvenal,Satires62
COmmentaryon Hippocrates''Regimenin Acute 52 Hadrian 9, 52, 61, 253
Diseases',addressee50 The Compositionof DrugsAccordingto Kind harm (or dainage), see blabe kachexia(bad condition) 25 l
Commentaryon Plato'sTimaeus12 38 health, and beauty 161 in Nemesius251
CustomaryPractice;251, 357, 410 TheDoctrinesof Hippocratesand Plato 5, heat kakia (badness)391
cross-references)36, 346 7, 12-14, 17,20,21,24-26,29,30, and affections 140 kahkagatho1(decent human being) 242
Demonstration12 32-36,48, 71. !!O, 116,122,123,125, as source of strength in the spirited soul 131 kahn, to (the beautiful) 117, 126-129
DifferentKinds of HomogeneousPart 380 130,132,133,135,137,138,208,218, bodily 121 and the good 125
Distinctionsin Symptoms,1nentaldisturbances 244,262,338-340,348,349,352, hedane(pleaSure)221, 222 katalipsis(katalepsis)27, 284
27 358-361,389,390 hemlock 382, 414 kenodoxia(vanity)246
Exhortationto Studythe Arts 16 concept of ethos 122 Herades 66, 251 know thyself220, 241, 245
Glossaryof HippocraticTerms,addressee88 cross-references336 HeraclidesofTarentum 87 knowledge,scientific,see episteme
Good Condition 251 date 34, 40, 47 Heraclitus 340, 343, 353 koma (lethargicstate) 27
Matters of Health 23, 25, 26, 28, 121, 122, Thetlements Accordingto Hippocm.tes33, 353 Hero of Alexandria292 kotos(subspeciesof thumos)244
131,133,215,265,357,408 cross-references336 Herophilus 83, 302 kmsis (mixture) 338, 339, 361-363, 366, 368,
Method of Healing 17, 67 TheFunctionof Breathing33, 340 hexis(condition) 135, 141, 251 369
Mixtures4, 6, 17, 33, 35-37, 337-339, 355, TheFunction of the Partsof the Body 19, 30, Hippocrares 15, 16, 24, 30, 71, 77, 83, 84, 86, Ktesibios303
356,389 35.337, 356,365,394 120,122,246,248,252,266,337,339,
My Own Books l 1-13, 21, 29, 36, 217, 272 The Goodand Happy life Accordingto 346,354-356 /aetitia (pleasure)221
works related to ethical philosophy 109 Epicurur(lost) 95 physicalistpsychology69 lagneia(lasciviousness)225
My Own Opinions33 The Orderof My Own Books 11, 12, 36 sons 352, 387, 415 Lascaris,Constantinos 74, 75
date 34 . ThePulsefor Beginners,addressee88 Hippocrates, individual works Le Bon, Jean 373
Natural Capacities338, 376 The Shaping of the EmbrylJ19, 30, 394 Airs, Waters,Places356, 396, 400, 409 lethargic state, see kOma
On WealthyMoney-lovers52 7hrasybu!us16, 251 Epidemics11356 libid1J(desire)22 I
Prognosis2, 7, 9, 10, 65, 69, 246 What Follows.fromEach Goal in [.,ife(lost) physiognomicalremarks 399 libraries
loss in Great Fire 46, 52 229,231 Regimen86 Alexandria54
survival85 Gaub, Hieronymus David 373 Regimenin Acute Diseases50, 86 Antium (Anzio)57, 104, 106
Protreptic267 genres 10 Homer 5 Athenaeum 61
Semen30, 365,394 diatribe 10, 13 Arisrarchus'edition 54, 81 Cairo 53
Sophisms82 epideixis16, 341 homoiosistheOi(approximation to god) 19, 230, D1JmusTiberiana57, 58, 59, 84
TheAffectedPlaces,mental disturbanc~.27 parainesis10 248 donations 52
The Best ConstitutionofOt1r Bodies25·1 10, 206, 238, 267
pr1Jtreptik1Js honour, seetime Palatine 52, 55, 57, 58, 106
The BestDoctor is alsoa PhiWsopher16 thesis8, 10,341 horme (impulse)22, 244 public 52, 57
The Capacitiesof Foodstuffi265, 404 geometry 163, .304,305 f:Iubays111, 115,370, 371 Rome51, 53, 55, 57, 75, 103,104
The Capacitiesof the Soul 4, 6, 12-15, 17, truths 290 }:Iunaynibn!sl}iiq110, Ill, 115, 116 Templeof Apollo 57
20,24,25,28-30,32-36, 110,130, gnomon 284 reliability 110, 111 lichneia(luxuriousness)225, 265
133,215 goal of life229-231 translating technique 56, 110, 112 Wgos(argument), and muthos {fable)243
authorities 345, 354 Chrysippus' view 285 hupomntmata (notes) II, 16, 17, 237, 261 love 69
date34, 40, 47, 335,336 Plato'sview 285 love of esteem, seephiWtimia
general and specificthesis of work 337 Posidonius'view 285 Iamblichus 375 loveof money, seephilarguria
genre 341 good life · Ibn Abi U~aybi'a56 loveof power,seephilarchitt
historical background 359 according to Epicurus 63, 94, 95 Ibn '.Aknin62 love of quarrel (or competitiveness),see
history of the text 369 good, the, see agathon Ibn Falaquera62 phiWneikia
hypothetical status of argument 350, 352, Goulston, Theodore 234, 354, 372 idleness,seeperiergia love of reputation, seephihdoxia
353 gramma (writing) 283 imagination, seephantasia love of the good, derived from education or
materialism340 Great Fire 45, 48, 56, 61, 67, 78, 83, 105, 106, illness, and ugliness 161 innate 47
monism 340 226 impulse, see horme love-sickness70

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536 Generalindex Generalindex 537
Lucian 4, 5, 10 muthos(fable), and lof;os(argument) 243 Pheidias252 pleasure,see hedoni and /aetiti,1
lupi(distress) 26, 38, 63, 71, 211, 219-222, philarchia(loveof power) 225, 268 Pleistonicus83
227,228,269 Nasutus' mother 70 philarguria(loveof money) 21 l pkonexia (aquisitiveness)219, 226, 277
translation 63 nature ahd nurture 23, 225, 250, 347 Philistidesor Philidesor Philippides 79 Pliny,P,megyricus49
!use,see ertJs Nemesius244, 251, 363, 364, 366, 367 Philistion 86 Plotinus 359, 366
luxuriousness, see lichneia Nero 49, 50, 56 Philo of Larissaprotreptk, therapy and advice Plutarch 5, 8, l l, 13, 51, 208, 213-215,
Lycurgus153 NiccolOda Reggio370, 371, 420, 421 . 207,240 236
Lycus18, 87 Nicon, Galen'sfather 23, 64, 219 Philo, Legatioad Gaium 49 and Affectionsand Errors210
Lynkeus306 notsis(intellect)377 Philodemus,De ira 211, 212 P!urarch,individualworks
nous(intellect)368 philudoxia(loveof reputation) 225, 229, 231, Adviceon Health 215
Maeandros, augur 70 Numisianus 1 268 AvoidanceofAnger210, 211, 213
madness, see mania nurture, see trophe philoneikia(competitivenessor love of quarrel) AvoidingDistress(lost) 62
magnanimity, see megalophrosuni!
and 225,246,266, 268 BeingAwareof MoralProgress 212
mega!opsuchia Odysseus383 Philoponus 359, 363, 364, 367 Contentment210
malakia(effeminacy) 211 oikeirisis
22, 136, 142, 156, 407 philustorgia(familyaffection)211 EthicalVirtue208
mandragora 382, 414 orgf(anger) 71, 72, 211, 213, 214, 217, 219, philotimia (loveof esreem)246, 253, 266 How to Distinguisha Flattererfrom a 1'"riend
mania (madness)26, 252, 258, 345, 354 220,221,222,223,253 phobos(fear)'62, 70-72, 220-222 212,214,215
Marcellusof Side, Chircmides52 avoidance24 l phrenitis26, 258, 345, 354 How to Profitby One'sEnemies212
Marcus Aurelius2, 8, 49, 79, 92, 208, 210-215, eradication 222 phronfsis(discernment)248, 392 Keepinga TranquilSpirit 51, 62
240,267,278 proininence in Affectionsand Errors211 translation 241 occasionand purpose 51
and Affectionsand Errors210 phthonos(envy)220-222, 225, 244, 253, 265 On Loveof Wealth99
and Commodus 50 Panaetius81 Phylotimus83 pneuma 340, 349, 352
daily meditation 212 copiesof Plato'sbooks 54 physiognomies120, 344, 355 as first instrument of the soul 340
Marinus 87 Plato's'edition' 54 plague 2, 49, 67 as substanceof the soul 33, 340
Martialius 18 papyrus rolls 53 in the Roman Empire 78 psychicand vital 32, 352
material goods 64 paralysis27 of Athens 390 pneumatic technology292
1naterialism, informed 340, 341, 364 paranoia(derangementor madness)27 plague,Antonine Polemo7
materialism, proper 340, 341 paraphrosune(derangementor delirium) 27 date of spreadingin Rome 78, 89, 336, 417 political activity 134
mathema(lessonor study) 295, 307 parchment books 87 origins 78 Poliziano,Angelo 371, 373
mathematics 163, 219, 229, 230, 295, 304, parchment codices 53 Plato2, 3, 5. 6, JO,12, 15,21, 29, 30, 33, 35, Porphyry212, 375
305, 313 Pare,Ambroise373 77,81,82, 122,125-127,129, 153.206, Posidoniusof Apamea20, 135, 137, 138
truths 290 parrhesia(frankness)215, 245 209,2!7,221,223,224,239,241,244, influenceon Galen 20, 110
MaximusofTyre 4, 7 passions(seealsopathos) 245,248,256,261,266,285,337, 339, practicalethics 207, 210
medicine, as techne24 l immoderate 72 342-346,348,350.351.353-355,358, pragmateia(treatise)11, 286, 299, 389
megalophromne (magnanimity)211 Stoic dassi6cation 63 362,368,375,377,378,380,382,384, Praxagoras83
megalopsuchia (magnanimity)62, 63, 92 Stoic triumph over them 63 385,390,391 Produs 351, 367
melancholia(melancholy)26, 258, 345, 354 Stoic view 71 associationwith Pythagoras375 soul and body relationship, 342
memory,see mneme pathos(affection),see alsoaffection copiesof works 54 priitogona('first born' things) 380
Menander 288 contrasted with 'activity'and contrary to summariesof Dialogues87 ps.-Aristocle
minis (subspeciesof thumos)244, 263 nature 138 works concerned with the treatment of the Physiognomies 339, 374, 382, 394, 396
mental state, and treatment of illness 14 Stoic conception 209 affectionsof the soul 206 Problems394
method of enquiry/demonstration,stages286 translation 209, 240, 247, 249 Plata, individualworks publication of books 37
metriopatheia(1noderationof affections)19, 22, versusapatheia209 Akibiades I 24 l punctuation and editorial markings53
63,208,210,222,241,242,245 patronageof Greek culture in Roman society Charmides241 Pyrrho 285
Midas 279 2, 7 laws 123,126, 133,134,279,345,357 Pythagoras15, 137, 153, 212, 223, 248, 251,
Middle Platonism 18, 19, 355 Peducaeus54, 55 Phaedo369 265,267,284,375
mindlessness,see anoia Pelops 1, 272 Phaedrus18, 129, 133,241 associationwith Plato 375
mixture, see krasis penthos(grief) 63 PhUebus241 dietary practices375
mneme (memory) 377 perception, as a function of reason 377 Republic18, 123, 125-127, 129, 133, 161 Pythagoras,Golden~rses 216, 225, 238, 260,
Morel, Federic372 Perennis,slavesof 46, 47, 50 Symposium126, 261 261, 264,318
mriria(dullnessof intellect) 27 Pergamwn, wealthysociety65 Timaeus2, 18, 19, 21, 55, 129, 133, 345,
miirOsis(lossof intelligence)27 periergia(idleness)265 350,351.356,362,379,423 Quintllius Condianus 50
music Pertinax46 physicaliscpsychology69
and training of the soul 163 PhaeniasofEresus 55, 82 Platonism and Stoicism,doctrinal rage, see thumos
role in education 133 Phalaris'bull 63, 96 interpenetration 208 rational soul, and human identity 157
Musonius Rufus 96 phantasia(imagination)377 l Platonists,of Galen'stime 342, 344, 345, 355 restraint, see enkrateia

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538 Generalindex Generalindex
539
Roman sociery and diet 357 state, see schesis as activityand as affection 138
and Greek culture 4-6 and education 357 stenographers51 as an affectionamong others 21, 220
corruption 9 and elemental balance 69 stress, psychological46, 69, 70 as rage 254, 393
excesses224 and miri.d3 Suetonius50 as spirit 256
Rome 80, 106 and pneuma 349, 352 Suetonius, Caesares49 in Nemesius244
as 'the city of the Romans' 78 and psychology3 . Sulla,books brought to Rome from Athens 54 translation 244, 253, 261
Athenaeum61 as a materialobject (materialismproper) 340 sundials 229, 235, 292, 300, 304 Tiberius 49, 50, 52
Domus Tiberiana57, 58, 59, 61, 83, 84, 105 as a quality of the body 364 sune.ds(understanding)377 time (esreemor honour) 223
fires78, 80 as balanceof elements (materialisminformed) sungramma(composition) 11, 16 desire for time as an aid to moral
Horrea79 340 sunkatathesis(assent)22, 221, 283 improvement258
HorreaPiperataria78 as capacitydependent on the mixture 361 su~rvisor 210, 212, 213, 215, 223, 224, 228, torture 46, 50, 63, 65
}!onwt Vespasiani 78, 80 as capacitysuperveningupon the mixture of 240,265,281 training (seealso askisis)64-66, 68,
imperial palace 57, 58, 81 elements 364 121
Palatine 57, 58, 59, 80, 81, 83 as eidos(form) of the body 341, 349, 380 rabiesof contents 53 philosophical67
repositories 52, 58 as hannonia 341, 362, 363, 369 Tadtus 50 physicaland mental 248
SacredWay 78, 80 as mixture 361 Anmt!eJ49 Trajan 56, 58, 61
Templeof Apollo57 as proportion of the mixture 363 l'eurhras 49, 88, 89 trophe(nurture) 385, 404
Templeof Peace46, 58, 59, 78, 83 biologicaldiscussionsof 29 collectionof rheriacsand antidotes 56 trouble, freedomfrom, see atamxia
ViaSacra57,5B,59, 105 bipartition 239 lheophrastus 2, 6, 21, 55, 58, 82, 83, 102,
warehouses57, 59, 105 bodily factors affectingit 339 103, 105 understanding,see sunesis
Rufusof Ephesus56, 69 dietetic discussionsof26 lheophrastus, individual works
Rusricus 240 disembodied368 Enquiryinto Plants83 virtues, of the rational and non-rational parts of
dtmamei_,(capacities)338, 360 On Affirmtuionand Denial 82 thesoull41
Satyrus 1 epanorthiisis (correction)214 On the Hot and Cold82 Vlaradon 14, manuscript
Scepticism285 equivalencebetween desiderativeand Summaryof the Opinionsof the Natural date 74
Schadenfreude,see epichairekakia vegetativeparts 151 Philosophers 82 relevancefor the study of Galen 72
schesis(state) 135 ethical discussionsof 25 lhe Causesof Plants83 scribe 74
schools,philosophical4 iasis(cure) 214 rheiiria(study) 286, 304
Scribonius Largus, Compositiones,
table of immortality 363, 379 theriac 79 water-docks 292, 302, 303, 304
contents 53 immortality of rational part 348 Thersites66, 251
Second Sophistic 5, 7, 14, 15, 341 instrumentalism 35 thumoeides(spirited)244, 255 Yal:yii.ibn 'AdiReformationo/Character135
and philosophicalculture 4 interaction with body 26, 69, 130 thumos220-222
self-assess1nent212, 213 leavingthe body at death 350 and thumaeides255 Zeno ofCitium 63, 65, 91, 210, 217, 383
self-control(seealsosiiphrosune)65, 67 medicalpathology 26
self-regard,see alazoneia nferl (parts) and dde {forms}378
self-sufficiency,see autarkeia monistic 31
Seneca8, 62, 207, 208, 212, 214, 236 non~bodilyfactors affectingit 339
daily meditation 212 ousia(substance}32
De ira for Anger 208, 211, 222 ousiai(substances)and dunameis(capacities)
SeptimiusSeverus46, 79 377
SergiusPaulus 9 pathologicaldiscussionsof26
"" 152, 262, 264, 265 philosophicaldiscussionsof 29
SextusPeducaeus81 Plato'stheory 18
sicknessof the soul, and sicknessof the body rational soul and animals 132
258 rational soul and children 132
similarity,and its relation to error 286 rational soul as mixture of the brain 349, 351
six 'non-natural' factors 72 Stoic theory 22
sleeplessness71 therapy 207, 208, 210, 21 l, 214, 223
Socrates89, 91, 152, 153, 24 l, 248, 249, 369 thumoeides21, 24
Solon 152 tripartition 21, 24, 239, 347, 348, 375
sophos(wise)247, 251 tripartition in Affictiom tmd Errors224
s6phr0n(self-controlled)256, 257 spirit, see thumos
siiphrosune(self-control}241, 245, 257, 267 spirit, lack of, see athttmia
sorrow62 stars
soul 26 intelligence389