De Bono Mortis - Ambrosio de Milán (Trad. W. Wiesner)

S.
AMBROSII
DE BONO MORTIS
A REVISED TEXT WITH AN INTRODUCTION,
TRANSLATION, AND COMMENTARY
This dissertation was approved by Martin R. P. McGuire, Professor
of Greek and Latin, as director and by Bernard M. Peebles and
Father Hermigild Dressler, O.F.M. as readers.
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
PATRISTIC STUDIES
VOLUME C
s. Ambrose de bono mortis

A Revised Text with an Introduction,
Translation, and Commentary
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts
and Sciences of the Catholic University of America
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
BY
WILLIAM THEODORE WIESNER, CM., MA.
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

WASHINGTON, D. C
1970
Imprimi potest:
Very Reverend James A. Fischer, CM.
Provincial, Western Province USA
Nihil obstat:
Reverend Hermigild Dressler, O.F.M.
Censor Deputatus
Imprimatur:
* Patrick Cardinal O'Boyle
Archbishop of Washington
July 19, 1969
The nihil obstat and imprimatur are official declarations that a book or
pamphlet is free of doctrinal or moral error. No implication is contained there
in that those who have granted the nihil obstat and the imprimatur agree
with the content, opinions or statements expressed.
All Rights Reserved

The Catholic University of America Press, Inc.
Printed in Rome, Italy

Pontifical Gregorian University Press
To
MARTIN RAWSON PATRICK McGUIRE
Requiescat in pace.
PREFACE
In 1950 P. Courcelle's Recherches sur la Confessions de saint

Angustin emphasized the importance of the sermons of St. Ambrose
in the conversion of St. Augustine. Studies of the extant Ambrosian
sermons composed about the time of St. Augustine's sojourn in Milan
(among them the De bono mortis) showed parallels between pas
sages in these sermons and Platonic and Neo-Platonic writings.
These discoveries stimulated interest in the De bono mortis, espe
cially in respect to the question of its sources. The purpose of the
present study is to present an English translation of the De bono
mortis with an introduction and a commentary.
The text used for the study is that of C. Schenkl in the Corpus
Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum with such changes as I
have noted in the introduction. Several minor revisions of the text
itself have been made, and many additions to the fontes.
The introduction deals with the date, political, religious, phil
osophical and literary background, the sources, and stylistic features
of the treatise, with an outline of its content. On the question
of date I have followed the chronology of Wilbrand, but have con
sidered the opinions of P. Courcelle and J.-R. Palanque. In the
section on background I have tried to place the treatise in its
political and religious context, and to show that the treatise reflects
the philosophical teachings and preoccupations of the age, and the
literary tradition of the consolatio. The question of the sources
of the De bono mortis has been treated in some detail, because it is
especially to this area of study that recent scholarship has directed
its attention. In the section on style I have outlined briefly the
chief rhetorical devices used and have given some consideration to
prose rhythm.
X PREFACE
The De bono mortis has been recently translated into German

(J. Huhn, Der Tod - Ein Gut, Fulda 1949) and into Italian (F. Por-
talupi, Sant'Ambrogio De Bono Mortis, Turin 1961). But to my
knowledge no English translation has been made since 1607 in a
book entitled: "Six excellent treatises of Life and Death, collected
(and published in French) by Philip Mornay, Sieur du Plessis: and
now (first) translated into English: imprinted at London by H. L.
for Mathew Lownes: and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's
Churchyard, at the signe of the Bishops head, 1607." The volume
contained: the pseudo-Platonic dialogue, the Axiochus; a section
of Cicero's De senectute; some selections from the writings of
Seneca; St. Cyprian's De mortalitate; St. Ambrose's De bono mortis;
and certain scriptural passages and prayers dealing with life and
death. A new translation into English has, therefore, been a
desideratum. The present version strives to give an accurate render
ing of the thought of St. Ambrose and attempts to preserve, so far
as possible, the stylistic features of the original.
The commentary concentrates on the sources of the De bono
mortis. The Old Testament scriptural quotations are compared
with the Septuagint version and the New Testament quotations with
the Greek New Testament. Both Old and New Testament quotations
are compared also with the Old Latin. Special attention is given
to the quotations from Fourth Esdras, which Ambrose regarded
as canonically scriptural. The many parallels and reminiscences of
both pagan and Christian authors in the De bono mortis are set
out in full. In addition, I have made St. Ambrose his own inter
preter by quoting parallel passages from his other works.
In citing the ancient authors and their works I have slightly
adapted, for the Latin, the system used in the Thesaurus Linguae
Latinae ("Index librorum scriptorum inscriptionum"), for the Greek,
that used in the Jones-McKenzie Greek-English Lexicon and in
Lampe's Patristic Greek Lexicon.
I wish to express my gratitude to my superiors in the Con
gregation of the Mission, in particular to Rev. James A. Fischer,
CM., Provincial of the Western Province, for making it possible
for me to study at The Catholic University of America. I wish
PREFACE XI
further to express my gratitude to Dr. Martin R. P. McGuire, the

director of this dissertation, for his constant guidance throughout
the course of my work; to Dr. Bernard M. Peebles and Father
Hermigild Dressler for their careful reading of the manuscript and
many helpful suggestions; and to the many others who by their
suggestions and encouragement helped bring this work to completion.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface ix
Bibliography xv
Introduction 1
Text 3
The Date of the De bono mortis 10
Political, Religious, Philosophical, and Literary Context of
the De bono mortis 15
Political and Religious Background 15
Philosophical Background 19
Literary Background 23
Analysis and Summary 31
Sources of the De bono mortis 42
Sacred Scripture, including Fourth Esdras ... 42
Plato 46
Plotinus 51
Cicero 54
Other Sources 59
Summary of Stylistic Features 63
I. Rhetorical Figures 66
1. Figures of Imagery 66
2. Figures of Amplification 68
3. Figures of Repetition 69
4. Figures of Sound 72
5. Figures of Vivacity 74
XIv TABLE OF CONTENTS
6. Figures of Argumentation 76
7. Minor Figures of the Second Sophistic . 78
8. Figures of Parallelism 80
II. The Prose Rhythm of the De bono mortis ... 82
Text and Translation 85
Commentary . . . 155
Indices 263
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS OF ST. AMBROSE
J. du Frische and N. le Nourry, Sancti Ambrosii opera omnia (2 vols. Paris

1686-1690).
Migne, J. P., Patrologia Latina 14-16: Sancti Ambrosii opera omnia (Paris 1845,
reprints 1866 and 1880-1882).
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
Vol. 32.1: Exameron, De paradiso, De Cain et Abel, De Noe, De Abraham,
De Isaac, De bono mortis, ed. C. Schenkl (Vienna 1897).
Vol. 32.2: De Iacob, De loseph, De Patriarchis, De fuga saeculi, De inter-
pellatione lob et David, De apologia David, Apologia David altera, De Helia
et ieiunio, De Nabuthae, De Tobia, ed. C. Schenkl (Vienna 1897).
Vol. 62.5: Expositio psalmi 118, ed. M. Petschenig (Vienna 1913).
Vol. 64.6: Explanatio psalmorum 12, ed. M. Petschenig (Vienna 1919).
Vol. 73.7: Explanatio symboli, De sacramentis, De mysteriis, De paenitentia,
De excessu fratris, De obitu Valentiniani, De obitu Theodosii, ed. O. Faller
(Vienna 1955).
♦Abbreviations
ArchPhil — Archives de Philosopbie

CSEL — Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
CUAPS — The Catholic University of America Patristic Studies
FOTC — The Fathers of the Church
GCS — Griechische christliche Schriftsteller
PG — Patrologia Graeca
PL — Patrologia Latina
Phil — Philogus
RevfitAnc — Revue des Etudes Anciennes
RevEtLat — Revue des Etudes Latines
RevPhil — Revue de Philologie
VigChr — Vigiliae Christianae
XvI BIBLIOGRAPHY
Vol. 78.8: De fide, ed. O Fuller (Vienna 1962).

Vol. 79.9: De spiritu sancto libri Ires. De incarnationis dominicae Sacra
mento, ed. O. Faller (Vienna 1964).
Corpus Christianorum: Series Latina
Vol. 14: Ambrosii Mediolanensis opera, pars 4: Expositio evangelii secun
dum Lucam, fragmenta in Esaiam, ed. M. Adriaen (Turnhout 1957).
Beyenka, Sister Mary Melchior, O.P., St. Ambrose: Letters 1-91 (FOTC 26;
New York 1954).
Buck, Sister Joseph Aloysius, B. V. M., S. Ambrosii de Helia et ieiunio: a com
mentary with an introduction and translation (CUAPS 19; Washington
1929).
Deferrari, R.J., St. Ambrose, theological and dogmatic works (FOTC 44; New
York 1963).
De Mornay, Philippe, "A treatise of Saint Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, touching
the benefit and happiness of death," in Six excellent treatises of life and
death (London 1607); copies located in the Folger Shakespeare Library in
Washington, D. C. and in the Newberry Library, Chicago.
Huhn, J., Des heiligen Kirchenvaters Ambrosius Schrift Der Tod - Ein Gut
(Fulda 1949).
Kelly, T. A., Sancti Ambrosii liber de consolatione Valentiniani: a text with a
translation, introduction and commentary (CUAPS 58; Washington 1939).
Mannix, Sister Mary Dolorosa, S. S. J., Sancti Ambrosii oratio de obitu Theo-
dosii: text, translation, introduction and commentary (CUAPS 9; Wash
ington 1925).
McCauley, L. P. and J. J. Sullivan, M.R.P. McGuire, R. J. Deferrari, Funeral
orations by Saint Gregory Nazianzen and Saint Ambrose (FOTC 22; New
York 1953).
McGuire, M. R. P., S. Ambrosii de Nabuthae: a commentary with an introduc
tion and translation (CUAPS 15; Washington 1927).
Portalupi, F., Sant'Ambrogio De Bono Mortis (Turin 1961).
Savage, John J., Saint Ambrose, Hexameron, Paradise, and Cain and Abel
(FOTC 42; New York 1961).
Schaff, P. and H. Wace, A select library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of
the Christian Church, 2nd series 10: St. Ambrose: select works and letters
(New York 1896).
Zucker, L. M., Sancti Ambrosii de Tobia: a commentary with an introduction
and translation (CUAPS 35; Washington 1933).
BIBLIOGRAPHY Xv11
B. WORKS ON SAINT AMBROSE
Baus, K., "Das Nachwirken des Origenes in der Christus Frbmmigkeit des
heiligen Ambrosius," Romische Quartalschrift 49 (1954) 21-55.
Courcelle, P., "Plotin et saint Ambroise," RevPhil 24 (1950) 29-56.
"Nouveaux aspects du Platonisme chez saint Ambroise," RevEtLat 34
(1956) 220-239.
"L'humanisme chretien de saint Ambroise," Orpheus 9 (1962) 21-34.
Dassman, E., Die Frbmmigkeit des Kircbenvaters Ambrosius von Mailand
(Munster 1965).
Diederich, Sister Mary Dorothea, S.S.N.D., Vergil in the works of St. Ambrose
(CUAPS 39; Washington 1931).
Dudden, H., Saint Ambrose: his life and times (2 vols. Oxford 1935).
Favez, C, "L'inspiration chretienne dans Ies consolations de saint Ambroise,"
RevEtLat 8 (1930) 82-91.
Fuhrmann, M., "Macrobius und Ambrosius," Phil 107 (1963) 301-308.
Hadot, P., "Platon et Plotin dans trois sermons de saint Ambroise," RevEtLat 34
(1956) 202-220.
Ihm, M., Studia Ambrosiana (Leipzig 1889).
Labriolle, P. de, The life and times of St. Ambrose (St. Louis 1928).
Largent, A., "S. Ambroise," Dictionnaire de theologie catholique 1 (1930)
942-951.
McCool, G. A., "The Ambrosian origin of St. Augustine's theology of the image
of God in man," Theological Studies 20 (1959) 62-81.
Palanque, J.-R., Saint Ambroise et I'empire romain (Paris 1933).
Paredi, A., St. Ambrose: his life and times, translated by M.J. Costelloe, S.J.
(Notre Dame, Ind. 1964).
Puech, H. C. and P. Hadot, "L'entretien d'Origene avec Heraclide et le com-
mentaire de saint Ambroise sur l'evangile de saint Luc", VigChr 13 (1959)
204-234.
Solignac, A., "Nouveaux paralleles entre saint Ambroise et Plotin," ArchPhil N.S.
19.3 (1956) 148-156.
Springer, Sister M. Theresa of the Cross, S.H.N. , Nature-imagery in the works
of St. Ambrose (CUAPS 30; Washington 1931).
Taormina, L., "Sant'Ambrogio e Plotino," Misc. di Studi di Letteratura Cri-
stiana Antica 4 (1954) 41-85.
Ussani, V., "Per un codice ignoto di De Bono Mortis di S. Ambrogio," Rivista
storico-critica delle scienze teologiche 5 (1909) 934-943.
Wilbrand, W., "Ambrosius und Plato," Romische Quartalschrift 25 (1911)
42M9*.
"Zur Chronologie einiger Schriften des hi. Ambrosius," Historisches
Jahrbucb 41 (1921) 1.19.

Xv1I1 BIBLIOGRAPHY
C. WORKS ON SCRIPTURE
Charles, R. H., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament

(2 vols. Oxford 1913).
Fischer, B., O.S.B., Vetus Latina. Die Reste der altlateinischer Bibel, nach Pe-
trus Sabatier neu gesammelt und herausgegeben von der Erzabtei Beuron.
(Freiburg im Br. 1949 ff.) 1. Verzeichnis der Sigel fur Kirchenschriftesteller
(2nd ed. 1963); 2. Genesis (1951-1954); 24. Epistolae ad Ephesios, Philip-
penses, Colossenses (1962 ff.); 26. Epistolae Catholicae et Apocalypsis
. (1956 ff.).
Frey, J. B., "Apocryphes de 1'Anc-ien Testament, 8: Le IV* livre d'Edras ou
Apocalypse d'Edras." Dictionnaire de la Bible. Supplement 1 (1926) 411-
418.
James, M. R., The Fourth Book of Esdras (Texts and Studies 3.2; Cambridge
1895). :
Jiilicher, A., Itala: Das Neue Testament in altlateinischer Vberlieferung: I
Matthaus-Evangelium (Berlin 1938).
Itala: Das Neue Testament in altlateinischer Vberlieferung: III Lucas-
Evangelium (Berlin 1954).
Itala: Das Neue Testament in altlateinischer Vberlieferung: IV Johannes-
Evangelium (Berlin 1963).
Maiden, R. H., "St. Ambrose as an interpreter of Holy Scripture," Journal of
Theological Studies 16 (1915) 509-522.
Metzger, B. M., An introduction to the Apocrypha (New York 1957).
Muncey, R. W., The New Testament text of St. Ambrose (Texts and Studies,
N.S. 4; Cambridge 1959).
Sabatier, D. P., Bibliorum Sacrorum Latinae versiones antiquae seu Vetus Italica
(3 vols. in 6; Paris 1749-1751).
Septuaginta, edited by A. Rahlfs (7th ed.; Stuttgart 1962).
Violet, B., Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra) (GCS; Leipzig 1910).
Wescott, B. F. and F. J. A. Hort, The New Testament in the original Greek
(2 vols. rev. ed.; Cambridge 1890-1906).
Wordsworth - White - Sparks - Jenkins, Novum Testamentum latine secundum
editionem Sancti Hieronymi (3 vols. Oxford 1889-1954).
D. WORKS ON LANGUAGE AND STYLE
Adams, Sister Miriam Annunciata, O.S.B., The latinity of the letters of St.
Ambrose (CUAPS 12; Washington 1927).
Barry, Sister Mary Finbarr, S.S.J. , The vocabulary of the moral-ascetical works of
St. Ambrose: a study in Latin lexicography (CUAPS 10; Washington 1926).
Blaise, A., Dictionnaire latin-francais des auteurs Chretiens (Strasbourg 1954).
BIBLIOGRAPHY XIX
Delaney, Sister M. Rosella, O.S.F., A study of the clausulae in the works of St.
Ambrose (CUAPS 40; Washington 1934).
Hofmann, J.B. and A. Szantyr, Lateinische Grammatik 2: Lateinische Syntax
und Stilistik (Munich 1965).
Lewis, C. T. and C. Short, A Latin dictionary (New York 1879; reprinted Oxford
1958).
Norden, E., Die antike Kunstprosa (2nd ed. 2 vols.; Leipzig 1923).
Thesaurus linguae latinae (Leipzig 1900-).
E. OTHER WORKS
d'Ales, A., "Les ailes de l'ame," Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses 10 (1933)
63-72.
Alfaric, P., L'evolution intellectuelle de saint Augustin (Paris 1918).
Armstrong, A. H., ed., The Cambridge history of the later Greek and early
Medieval philosophy (Cambridge 1967).
Beyenka, Sister Mary Melchior, O.P., Consolation in St. Augustine (CUAPS 83;
Washington 1950).
Bonner, C, "Desired haven," Harvard Theological Review 34 (1941) 49-67.
Brown, P., Augustine of Hippo (Berkeley 1967).
Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, trans. by J. E. King (Loeb Classical Library;
revised
De senectute,
ed. Cambridge
De amicitia,
1945). De divinatione, trans. by W. A. Falconer
(Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge 1923).

Courcelle, P., "Quelques symboles funeraires du neo-platonisme latin," RevfitAnc
46 (1944)
Les lettres
66-73).
grecques en Occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (2nd ed. Paris
1948).
Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (Paris 1950).
"Les Peres de 1'figlise devant les enfers virgilienne," Archives d'histoire
doctrinale et littiraire du moyen age 22 (1955) 25-29.
"La colle et le clou de l'ame dans la tradition neo-platonicienne et
chretienne (Phe-don 83E-84D), Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 36
(1958) 72-95.
"Trames veritatis: la fortune patristique d'une metaphore platoni-
cienne (Phedon 66B)," Melanges offerts a E. Gilson (Toronto-Paris 1959)
203-210.
"Escae malorum (Timee 69D)," Latomus AA (1960) 244-252.
Les Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition litteraire (Paris
1963).
"Anti-Christian arguments and Christian Platonism," The conflict be
tween paganism and Christianity in the fourth century, ed. by A. Momi-
gliano (Oxford 1963) 151-192.
XX BIBLIOGRAPHY
"Tradition platonicienne et tradition chreUenne du corps-prison,

RevEtLat 43 (1966) 406-443.
Danielou, J., "La doctrine de la mort chez les Peres de l'figlise." Lex Orandi 12
(Paris 1951).
"Le symbole de la caverne chez Gregoire de Nysse." Mullus: Festschrift
Th. Klauser (Munster 1964) 43-51.
Origen (Paris 1948).
Dekkers, E., Clavis Patrum Latinorum (Sacris Erudiri 3; new ed. Steenbrugge
and The Hague 1961).
Ellspermann, G. L., The attitude of the early Christian Latin writers toward
pagan literature and learning (CUAPS 82; Washington 1949).
Favez, C, La consolation latine chretienne (Paris 1937).
Fern, Sister Mary Edward, The Latin consolation as a literary type (St. Louis
1941).
Gilson, E., La philosophie au moyen age, des origines patristiques a la fin du
XIV siecle (3rd ed. Paris 1947).
Hannan, M. L., Thasci Caecili Cypriani de mortalitate: a commentary with an
introduction and translation (CUAPS 36; Washington 1933).
Labriolle, P. de, Histoire de la litterature latine chretienne (3rd ed. rev. by
G. Brady, Paris 1947).
Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini antiquiores 8 (Oxford 1959).
Moran, Sister Mary Evaristus, The consolations of death in ancient Greek
literature (Washington 1917).
Moricca, U., Storia della letteratura latina cristiana 3 (Turin 1932).
O'Meara, J. J., The young Augustine (New York 1965).
Plato, Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus, trans. by H. N. Fowler
(Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge 1914).
Plotinus, Life of Plotinus and Enneads I, trans. by H. Armstrong (Loeb Classical
Library; Cambridge 1966).
Rockwood, F., Cicero's Tusculan disputations I and Scipio's dream (Boston
1903).
Rozynski, F., Die Leichenreden des hl. Ambrosius, insbesondere auf ihr Verhalt-
nis zu der antiken Rhetorik und den antiken Trostschiften untersucht (Bres-
lau 1910).
Schanz, M., Geschichte der romiscben Litteratur 4.1 (2nd ed. Munich 1914).
Solignac, A., Les Confessions, trans. by Trehorel-Bouissou (Bibliotheque augusti-
nienne, Ser. 2, vols 13-14; Paris 1962).
Testard, M., S. Augustin et Ciceron I: Ciceron dans la formation et dans
I'oeuvre de saint Augustin (Paris 1958).
Theiler, W., "Courcelle, Confessions de Saint Augustin," Gnomon 25 (1953)
113-122.
Waszink, J. H., Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani De anima (edited with
introduction and commentary; Amsterdam 1947).
INTRODUCTION
TEXT
I have used C. Schenkl's text of the De bono mortis,1 but in

several places have revised both the text itself and especially the
fontes. Besides the manuscripts used by Schenkl in preparing
his text, mention must be made of two others: the Codex Bonifa-
tianus 2, the so called Codev Ragyndrudis, in the Landesbibliothek,
Fulda, and Codex 142 in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin.
The Codex Bonifatianus 2 is a miscellanea of Christian writings,
143 folia measuring 280 x 190 mm. in 20-21 long lines. The script
is from the first half of the 8th century and is of the Luxeuil type.
It is said that this is the book with which Boniface tried to save
himself when he was murdered; it shows two violent incisions in
the upper and lower margins. There are many orthographic,
grammatical, and even typographical errors in the text, such as the
following, to give only a few: "dies ille in qua natus sum" for
"dies illa in qua natus sum" (2.4.); "efficit diei malitia sua" for
"sufficit diei malitia sua" (2.6); "indiligentiam" for "indulgentiam"
(3.10); "tabulis" for "fabulis" (3.12); "homo aurum amittitur"
for "immo auro amittitur" (5.16); "cibo et puto" for "cibo et
potu" (5.20); "robur ubertatis" for "robur iuventutis" (10.46)
"expectat animae remunerationem debitas" for "expectant animae
remunerationem debita" (10.47); "in agnitione omnis bono" for "in
agnitione omnis boni" (12.55). J. Huhn has collated the manu
script with Schenkl's text and has listed the variants. He finds
that the Bonifatianus (B) agrees sometimes with the Codex Audo-
'C. Schenkl, CSEL 32.1 (Vienna 1897) 702-53.

'E.A.Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores 8 (Oxford 1959) no. 1197; J. Huhn,
tier Tod - Ein Gut (Fulda 1949) 5-6, 81-82.
4 S. AMBROSII DE BONO MORTIS
marpolitanus, 9th cent. (A), and sometimes with Codex Parisiacus,

9th cent. (P), the two principal manuscripts used by Schenkl, and
also has a few useful readings of its own. It has much in common
with the 10th century manuscript, the Codex Augiensis, now Ca-
roliruhenss 130, also used by Schenkl.
The Turin Codex 142 (R) 3 is a miscellanea of Christian writings,
64 unnumbered parchment folios measuring 22 x 17 cm., dating
from the 10th century. The De bono mortis occupies two quar-
terions, from f. 8v to 22v. The text of the De bono mortis stops
at 7.29; there is evidence that two more quaternions fell out which
contained the second half of the work. Folio 23 of the codex
contains a passage of unknown origin as the concluding lines of the
De bono mortis.1 There are two lacunae due to homeoteleuton:
in 3.8 there is a lacuna between the first corporis (Schenkl 708.12)
and the second (Schenkl 708.14); in 5.20 in the quotation from
Cant. 5.1 sq. there is a lacuna between the second meum (Schenkl
722.2) and the third (Schenkl 722.2). In 4.14 there is an omission
which shows, according to Ussani, that others have interpolated
the text.5 Schenkl's text reads: "nunc illud specta: si vita oneri,
mors absolutioni, si vita supplicio, mors remedio, aut si iudicium
post mortem, etiam vita post mortem. Vita igitur haec non est
bona, aut si hic bona vita, quomodo illic mors non est bona, cum
illic nullus supersit terribilis iudicii metus?" The Turin MS omits
the phrase "etiam vita post mortem," thus preserving the parallelism
between the two aut's: "aut si iudicium post mortem, vita igitur
ea (Schenkl: haec) non est bona, aut si hic bona vita, quomodo
illic mors non est bona," etc. Without the phrase "etiam vita post
mortem" the text flows much better; accordingly Ussani considers
the addition of the phrase in the other manuscripts a gloss on illic
mors, and concludes that the Turin MS is here a witness of the
authentic text. Ussani has collated the MS with Schenkl's text
3 V. Ussani, "Per un codice ignoto di De Bono Mortis di S. Ambrogio," Riv.

Storico-critica delle scienze teologiche 5 (1909) 934-943.
4 ibid. 937; for a diplomatic text of f. 23, see p. 938.
"ibid. 936.
INTRODUCTION 5
and, with the exception of variants due to orthography, has listed

the variants. He has compared the places where Schenkl reports
disagreement between A and P, the two fundamental MSS used by
Schenkl. In each instance the Turin MS supports Schenkl's judge
ment as to the genuine reading.
I have made the following revisions in Schenkl's text: some are
the correction of typographical errors; others point out direct
quotations from Scripture which Schenkl overlooked; still others
are changes in the reading of the text:
1) 704.3 Schenkl's text reads: "illa sibi propria et haec sibi
<contraria> conferens." Following the readings of P, B and R, I
have changed the propria to priora and rejected Schenkl's addition
of contraria. Thus my text reads: "illa sibi priora et haec sibi
conferens."
2) 705.2 "dissolvi et cum Christo esse" is a direct quotation
from Philippians 1.23.
3) 705.17 potest for postest.
4) 707.20 parere for placere. B and R have parere. The notion
of obedience better fits the context of an emperor commanding one
to take his post and not leave it without permission. Moreover,
the phrase may be an allusion to Acts 5.29: "obedire oportet Deo
magis quam hominibus."
5) 708.21-22 Both the Maurists and Schenkl felt the need of
emending the text by adding a cum. Schenkl added cum before
adversus; the Maurists added cum after Golian. R confirms their
insight with a cum before dimicaret 6. Following the reading of
R, I have accordingly revised Schenkl's text to read: "obtulit se
fideliter pro dei populo adversus Golian singulari certamine, cum
dimicaret. ..."
6) 714.11 "et vita erat lux hominum" is a direct quotation
from John 1.4.
7) 715.4 "operatur magis" for "operatur ea magis." P. Cour-
celle 7 says that the 8atp (xaXXov of Plotinus demands the Latin
6 ibid. 937,940.
7 P. Courcelle, "Plotin et saint Ambroise," RevPhil 24 (1950) 42, note 1.
equivalent: "eo magis." Courcelle's parallel to Plotinus would

have more force if Ambrose were here translating Plotinus literally,
but at this point he is merely paraphrasing. I have followed the
reading of B and R, and the Maurists.
8) 719.2 "et infigunt corpori" for "et <se> infigunt corpori."
There is no manuscript evidence for the addition of se before in
figunt. An examination of the parallel passages in Ambrose (see
commentary), especially In Luc. 4.65: "quasi clavis quibusdam suf-
figitur anima corporeis voluptatibus," shows that Ambrose's meaning
is that the nails penetrate the soul and fasten and connect the soul,
not themselves, to the body.
9) 724.14 "qui enim non habet et quod habet auferetur ab eo"
is a direct quotation from Mt. 13.12.
10) 725.8 "quasi bonus miles Christi Iesu" is a direct quotation
from 2 Tim. 2.3.
11) 726.1 I have treated "carnis istius sapientia, quae inimica
est deo" as a direct quotation from Rom. 8.7, rather than as an
allusion to this verse.
12) 729.7 Read impiis for impis.
13) 729.12 Omit the period after gravius est, clearly a typo
graphical error.
14) 729.13 Read impii for impivi.
15) 729.14 Add a period after desinit.
16) 733.4 "dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo melius" is a
direct quotation from Philippians 1.23.
17) 736.21 Omit the words "mortuos sepelire" repeated after
"mortuos sepelire."
18) 745.11 In accord with Violet's critical text of 4 Esdras 8
I have revised Schenkl's text so that the first sentence of the
quotation from 4 Esdras 7.100-101 is a question. Thus it is
necessary to place a question mark after dixisti.
19) 748.16 The clause "sed sola dei fulgebit claritas" is not
close enough to the original Latin text of 4 Esdras 7.42 to be con
sidered a direct quotation; it should be treated merely as an allusion.
«B.Violet, Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra) (CGS 9) Leipzig 1910.

INTRODUCTION 7
4 Esdras 7.42 reads: "neque noctem neque ante lucem, neque

nitorem neque claritatem neque lucem; nisi solummodo splendorem
claritatis altissimi."
20) 748.17-18 The clause "illud lumen verum, quod inluminat
omnem hominem" is close enough to the original to be considered
a direct quotation. The Old Latin has: "erat lux vera, quae illu-
minat omnem hominem"; but lumen verum is a common variant
for lux vera.
The revisions in respect to the fontes of Schenkl's text are for
the most part additional references to Scriptural passages and
especially to Plato and Plotinus. A few are changes in the existing
references either to correct false ones or, as in the case of some
references to 4 Esdras, to bring them into conformity with more
recent usage in citing chapter and verse. The texts of the fontes
are set out in full in the commentary together with other references
to ancient sources pertinent but not so closely related to the text
of the De bono mortis.
1) 703.11 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
2) 704.10 Amb. Exc. Sat. 2.36-37; Parad. 45; In Luc. 7.35-38;
Origen, Dial. cum Heraclides (ed. Scherer) 168.2-12
3) 505.7 Lam. Ier. 1.2
4) 706.5 Basil, Hom in martyr. Jul. 5 (PG 31.249A)
5) 707.20 Act. 5.29
6) 708.12 Plat. Phaed. 64C
7) 708.14 for Psalm. 115.7 et 8 read Psalm. 115.17 et 18
8) 708.17 for Psalm. 115.6 read Psalm. 115.15
9) 709.7 Psalm. 115.18
10) 711.8 Plato, Phaedo 65A-B
11) 711.14 2 Cor. 4.18
12) 711.16 Plato, Phaedo 83A
13) 712.15 Plato, Phaedo 65C; Clem. Alex., Strom. 3.3
14) 712.16 Plato, Phaedo 65D
15) 712.18 Philo, Leg. alleg. 2.25
16) 713.5 Plato, Phaedo 66B
17) 713.7 Plato, Phaedo 66B
18) 714.11 Jn. 1.4
S. AMBROSII DE BONO MORTIS
19) 714.13 Cic, Tusc. disp. 1.11.25; Tusc. disp. 1.36.88

20) 714.15 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3; Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.34.82
21) 714.17 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
22) 715.4 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
23) 715.6 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
24) 715.13 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
716.8 Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.49.118
25) 716.14 Sap. 1.13
26) 718.3 Verg. Aen. 5.507-508; 7.361-362; 9.563-564
27) 718.4 Verg. Georg. 1.364
28) 718.9 Plato, Phaedo 82E
29) 718.14 for Luc. 9.25 read Mt. 16.26
31) 719.4 Plato, Theaet. 176B; Plot. Enn. 1.2.1
32) 720.11 Plot. Enn. 3.5
33) 723.8 Cant. 5.2
34) 723.16 Eph. 6.12
35) 724.12 Gen. 3.5
36) 725.8 2 Tim. 2.3
37) 725.10 Plato, Timaeus 69D; Cic. De senect. 13.44
38) 725.14 Prov. 5.3
39) 726.8 Plot. Enn. 1.1.3
40) 727.4 Plot. Enn. 1.1.4
41) 727.11 Plot. Enn. 1.1.4; Plot. Enn. 4.3.22
42) 727.14 Plato, Phaedo 80A
43) 727.19 Plot. Enn. 1.4.16; Amb., In Luc. 6.10; Cic. Tusc.
disp. 1.10.19
44) 728.7 Amb., Exam. 6.7.42; Basil, Ilpoerexe ffsocutw 3 (PG
31.203A)
45) 730.11 Ps-Plato, Axiochus 369B; Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.38.91
46) 730.23 Plot. Enn. 4.3.17
47) 731.11 Stob. Flor. 118.30; Epicur. Kiipiai A6£ai 2; Lucr.
De rer. nat. 3.830; Plato, Phaedo 67D
48) 731.15 Stob. Flor. 4.81; Plato, Phaedo 67D
49) 732.4 Macrob. Som. Scip. 1.10.9-15
50) 732.13 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3
INTRODUCTION V
51) 733.7 for Psalm. 115.6 read Psalm. 115.15

52) 733.9 Plato, Gorgias 516A, Phaedo 118
54) 737.10 Plato, Phaedo 79C
55) 737.17 Prov. 5.2
56) 739.4 Plato, Phaedo 84A-B
57) 739.8 Ezech. 18.4
58) 739.11 Plato, Phaedo 105C-D
59) 739.15 Plato, Phaedo 106A-B; 103D
60) 741.9 4 Esdras 7.32-33 (ed. Violet)
61) 741.20 Plato, De re publ. 10.620A; Phaedo 82B, Ti-
maeus 91E
62) 742.1 Plato, Phaedo 80D; Plot. Enn. 6.4.16
63) 742.3 4 Esdras 7.32; Plato, Phaedo 114C
64) 743.14 for 4 Esdras 7.70-76 read 4 Esdras 7.91-96
66) 745.2 for 4 Esdras 7.79 read 4 Esdras 7.99
68) 745.5 for 4 Esdras 7.79 for 4 Esdras 7.91
70) 745.14 for 4 Esdras 7.68-79 read 7.81-87
71) 746.3 1 Cor. 13.12, cf. 1 Cor. 13.9-12
72) 746.10 Plato, Phaedo 99D; Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.30.73; Amb.
In Luc. 7.17
73) 747.7 Plato, Phaedo 63D, cf. Apol. 41 A, Cic. De senect.
23.83
74) 748.10 4 Esdras 7.36; Luc. 10.30; cf. Amb. In Luc. 7.73
77) 749.17 for Is. 43.25 read Is. 53.25
78) 750.11 for Psalm. 4.7 read Ps. 4.6
79) 751.2 for Philem. 6
80) 752.7 Ezech. 33.18, cf. 33.13
81) 752.13. 2 Cor. 5.4
82) 752.19 for Mt. 9.20 (Luc. 8.44) read Lk. 8.44 (Mt. 9.20)
83) 753.7 cf. Amb. In Luc. 10.159
THE DATE OF THE DE BONO MORTIS
In any consideration of the date of the De bono mortis its

companion work, the De Isaac vel anima2 must also be considered.
The date of the two works is difficult to establish with certitude,
because there are no clear historical references within the works
themselves that would help to define the time of writing more
closely. Any approach to the dating of the two works must,
therefore, be based on a consideration of their relation to other
Ambrosian treatises.
An analysis of the De Isaac and the De bono mortis shows that
they are related to Ambrose's In Psalmum 118, In Lucam, and
Hexameron.
1) Relation to In Psalmum 118:
In De Isaac 4.17 Ambrose interprets the horses and chariot of
Pharaoh allegorically to refer to the soul, but notes that some have
referred them to the church and the people and that he has
himself given this interpretation in his In Psalmum 118 3. The
De Isaac, therefore, contains a clear reference to In Psalmum 118.
In De Isaac 8.65 Ambrose gives an allegorical interpretation of
1 W. Wilbrand, "Zur Chronologie einiger Schriften des hi. Ambrosius,"

Historiscbes Jahrbuch 41 (1921) 12-13; J.-R. Palanque, Saint Ambroise et Vempire
romain 540-41; H. Dudden, St. Ambrose, his life and times 682-83; P. Cour-
celle, Recherches sttr les Confessions de saint Augustin 122-24.
2 Bon. mort. 1.1: "quoniam de anima superiore libro sermonem aliquem con-
texuimus, faciliorem viam putamus de bono mortis conficere aliquid." See
also the commentary on this section.
3 Isaac 4.17: "quid aliqui ad ecclesiam referunt et ad populum sed de hoc
mysterio alibi saepius diximus et maxime in psalmo 118" (cf. In psalm. 118.2.33).
INTRODUCTION 11
the chariot of Aminadab which expands the thought of In Psalmum

118.2.34*. See also De Nabuthe 64.
Both the De Isaac and In Psalmum 118 characterize the books
of Solomon in the same way; Proverbs is characterized as " scientia
moralis", Ecclesiastes as "scientia naturalis"-, and the Canticle of
Canticles as "scientia mystica" 5.
From these observations one can conclude that the De Isaac was
probably written about .the same time as In Psalmum 118 and
seems to «depend on it6.
2) Relation to In Lucam:
In Lucam 10.159 comments on the Lord's question in the
resurrection account of Luke 24: "quid quaeritis viventem cum
* Compare the two passages: In psalm. 118.2.34: " 'posui te currus Aminadab'.
multos currus habet in se ecclesia, quos omnes spiritalibus habenis dominus
regit. et una anima multas cogitationes habet, quas domini habena restringit et
revocat, ne quod in praeruptum noster hk currus feratur. Aminadab autem
interpretatione significatur pater beneplaciti, genius filius legitur in Numeris
Naason princeps populi qui sit, intellege interpretatone serpentibus, et istud
agnoscis, si repetas, quia sicut serpens pependit in ligno qui te redemit. Ergo
anima currus est dei, ut ira eius et libido et timor et omnes saeculares concu-
piscentiae refraenentur"; and Isaac 8.65: "posuit me currus Aminadab. anima
ergo currus, qui bonum rectorem sustinet. si currus est anima, habet equos vel
bonos vel malos. boni equi virtutes sunt animae, mali equi passiones corporis
sunt. bonus ergo rector malos equos restringit et revocat, bonos incitat. boni
equi sunt quattuor; prudentia temperantia fortitudo iustitia, mali equi iracundia
concupiscentia timor iniquitas . . . posuit me currus Aminabad, hoc est pater
populi. ipse autem qui pater populi idem Naason, hoc est serpentini. iam tu
recole quis sicut serpens in cruce pependerit pro salute universorum."
5 Isaac 4.23: "habes haec in Solomone quia Proverbia eius moralia, Ecclesiastes
naturalis, in quo quasi vanitates istius despicit mundi, mystica sunt eius Cantica
canticorum." In psalm. 118.1.3: "quam institutionem secutus Salomon librum
de Proverbiis scripsit, quo moralem locum uberius expressit, naturalem in Eccle-
siaste, mystica in Canticis canticorum."
6 The evidence for the dependence of the De Isaac on In psalmum 118 is
especially the explicit mention of In psalmum 118 in the De Isaac (4.17).
However, P. Courcelle (Recherches 123) argues that this reference has all the
characteristics of an interpolation added by Ambrose himself when the sermons
were being prepared for publication.
mortuis" (Da. 24.5), by saying that John sought and found the
Lord with the Father. In this connection Ambrose quotes Jn.1.1:
"et verbum erat apud deum." 7 Two brief references to John
finding the Lord with the Father — one in De Isaac 5.41 and the
other in De bono mortis 12.57 — seem to depend on this com
mentary in In Lucam." In particular, the reference in the De bono
mortis to John seeking the Lord "in principio" is difficult to
interpret without the parallel in In Lucam.
The obscure reference in the De bono mortis 12.53 to Adam
falling among robbers 9 can only be explained by referring to
Ambrose's allegorical interpretation of the parable of the good
Samaritan in In Lucam 7.73 where the "homo quidam" of the
gospel text (Lk.10.30) becomes Adam who on the road from this
world (Jericho) to heaven (Jerusalem) falls among the angels of
night and darkness (robbers) and is saved by Christ (the good
Samaritan) 10.
Therefore, the De Isaac and the De bono mortis were written
after the In Lucam.
3) Relation to Hexameron:
The De bono mortis 5.17-18 repeats not only the thought of
Hexameron 6.8.49 but also employs the same Scriptural quotations
and in the same order.11 In both passages the quotation from Is.
1 In Luc. 10.159: "denique Iohannes ubi te quaereret scivit. apud patrem

quaesivit et, repperit et ideo ait: et verbum erat apud deum."
8 Isaac 5.41: "Iohannes, qui verbum apud patrem invenit"; Bon. mort. 12.57:
"ibi ergo quaeremus eum, ubi quaesivit Iohannes et invenit. ille eum in principio
quaesivit et invenit viventem apud viventem, filium apud patrem."
9 Bon mort. 12.53: "ibimus eo, ubi paradisus iocunditatis est, ubi Adam, qui
incidit in latrones."
10 See the commentary on section 53 for the text of this passage from In
Lucam 1.13.
"Compare the text of the De bono mortis 5.17-18 with Exam. 6.8.49: " 'ecce
ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos' . . . dicit itaque: non tibi voluptates dedi,
non inlecebras cupiditatum, non incentiva luxuriae, non alieni decoris concu-
piscentiam, sed dedi tibi fundamenta muralia . . . denique habes in Esaia quia
iusti anima dicit vel ecclesia: 'ego civitas munita, ego civitas obsessa,' munita
INTRODUCTION 13
49.16: "ecce, ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos" , is followed by

Is. 27.3: "ego civitas munitas, ego civitas obsessa," which in turn
is followed by a quotation from Cant. 8.10: "ego murus et ubera
mea tunes." The same Scriptural quotations in both passages
in the same order cannot be by accident; the De bono mortis and
the Hexameron are, therefore, related, probably written about the
same time.
Conclusion
All that can be affirmed from these considerations is that the
De Isaac and the De bono mortis are clearly contemporary with
the Hexameron, In Lucam, and In Psalmum 118 and were most
probably written after them. The Hexameron, In Lucam, and
In Psalmum 118 are treatises written between 386-388.12 Therefore,
the general opinion for the date of the De Isaac and the De bono
mortis is between 387 and 389.13
The argument offered by Palanque " for a later date has very
little force. He assigns the De Isaac and the De bono mortis to
the year 391 because that year has no other work assigned to it.15.
More recently he himself seems to have accepted Courcelle's cor
rections of his views on the influence of St. Ambrose, among
per Christum, obsessa per diabolum. sed non debet obsidionem vereri cui
Christus adiutor est; munitur enim gratia spiritali et saecularibus periculis
obsidetur. unde et in Canticis habes dictum: 'ego murus, et ubera mea turres.'
murus est ecclesia, turres eius sunt sacerdotes, quibus abundat et de naturalibus
verbum et de moralibus disciplina."
12 See Wilbrand, Zur Chronologie 1-19; Palanque, S. Ambroise 519; and Cour-
celle, Recherches 101-102, 122-124.
"Around 387 (Maurists, Tillemont); after 388 (Ihm, Schenkl); 389 (Rau-
schen); around 388 (Bardenhewer); between 387 and 389 (Wilbrand). See
Palanque, S. Ambroise 540.
"Palaque, ibid.
15 "L'annee 391 est une des plus vides, a notre connaissance, dans la vie
d'Ambroise. Aussi y situerions-nous volontiers un certain nombre d'ouvrages
dont la date ne peut etre determinee de facon certaine, mais qui sont a coup
sur de cette epoque."
them presumably Courcelle's correction of his opinion on the date

of these two treatises.16
Courcelle prefers an earlier date for the De bono mortis and
the De Isaac" He thinks that the two treatises form part of the
sermons delivered in 386 and therefore possibly heard by Augustine
during his sojourn in Milan. W. Teiler 18 disagrees with him on
this point. C. Mohrmann 19 finds his method of establishing the
dates of these treatises unconvincing and rightly points out that
the whole problem of the chronology of the Ambrosian corpus
would have to be reviewed to fix the earlier date satisfactorily.
Courcelle in a more recent work20 admits that his arguments for
an earlier date for the De Isaac and De bono mortis are tenuous.
However, as both he and Mohrmann point out, his main thesis,
that Ambrose read and knew several treatises of Plotinus and
other Neo-Platonists, and used them in his sermons, notably in the
De Isaac and De bono mortis, does not depend on the earlier dating
or on whether Augustine actually heard these sermons or not.
It seems best, therefore, to continue to date the De Isaac and
the De bono mortis from between 387 and 389 until further
arguments can be brought forth for either an earlier or a later date.
16 See Courcelle, Recherches 123 and the review of his work by J.-R. Palanque,
Revue d'histoire de I'Gglise de France 38 (1952) 134: "il y a precise l'influence
de saint Ambroise (en rectifiant plusieurs de mes propres suggestions d'une
facon qui me parait tres judicieuse)." See also P. Courcelle, Les Confessions de
saint Augustin dans la tradition litteraire 31.
17 Courcelle, Recherches 123.
18 W. Teiler, Gnomon 25 (1953) 117.
19 C. Mohrmann, VigChr. 5 (1951) 249-254.
20 Courcelle, Les Confessions 31.
POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, PHILOSOPHICAL,
AND LITERARY CONTEXT OF THE DE BONO MORTIS
An understanding of the political and religious situation in which

the De bono mortis was written, of the philosophical milieu in
which it was produced, and of the literary tradition which it
reflects deepens ones insight into the work itself.
Political and Religious Background
Ambrose the bishop had a profound knowledge of and deep con

cern for the spiritual needs of his people. In his preaching he
chose themes that were timely and suited to their needs. Although
every man must at one time or another in his life face the problem
of death, the people of Milan in the years around 386 had special
reason to consider the problem, because these years were for them
times of considerable political and religious turmoil '.
Political danger came from the threat of barbarian invasions
from the North, a danger that was particularly great for the northern
towns like Milan. As early as 375 A.D. in his funeral oration on
his brother Satyrus, Ambrose refers to the danger. Speaking of
his brother's death, he says: "not from us were you taken away,
but from perils. You did not lose your life; you escaped the fear
of impeding afflictions. What holy compassion you would feel
for your family if you knew that Italy was now threatened by
an enemy who is so near! How you would groan and lament
1 For the political and religious history of these years, see H. Dudden, Saint
Ambrose, his life and times, ch. 7,9, 11 and 14, and A. Paredi, Saint Ambrose,
his life and times, ch. 7,9 and 11.
that our greatest safety lay in the barrier of the Alps and that
purity's last defence consisted of barricades of wood!"2
Only the wooden defences erected in the passes of the Alps
checked the invasion of the barbarian hordes and protected Milan.
The ever-increasing threat that would continue for years was inter
preted by Christian preachers as one of the signs of the end of the
world. Ambrose, when expounding the verse from Luke — "cum
autem audieritis proelia et opiniones proeliorum" (Lk. 21.9) —
related it to the barbarian threats:
No one is more a witness to these heavenly words than we
whom the world finds at its end; for how great the wars and
the rumors of wars we have heard. The Huns have attacked
the Alans, the Alans the Goths, the Goths the Taifali and
the Sarmatians, and the Goths, driven into exile, have made
us also exiles in Illyricum. And the end is not yet. Hunger
is the lot of all, disease the lot of cattle and men alike, so
that pestilence has made us who have not suffered war as
miserable as those who have already suffered attack. There
fore, because we are at the end of the world, certain sicknesses
of the world come first; hunger is a sickness of the world,
pestilence a sickness of the world.3
2 Exc. Sat. 1.31: "non enim nobis ereptus es, sed periculis, non vitam ami
sisti, sed ingruentium acerbitatum formidine caruisti, non qua eras sanctae
mentis, misericordia in tuos, si nunc urgeri Italiam tam propinquo hoste co-
gnosccfes, quantum ingemisceres, quam dolores in Alpium vallo summam nostrae
salutis consistere lignorumque concaedibus construi murum pudoris."
3 In Luc. 10.10: "verborum autem coelestium nulli magis quam nos testes
sumus, quos mundi finis invenit; quanta enim proelia et quas opiniones acce-
pimus proeliorum. Chuni in Halanos, Halani in Gothos, Gothi in Taifalos et
Sarmatas insurrexerunt, nos quoque in Illyrico exules patriae Gothorum exilia
fecerunt et nondum finis est. Quae omnium fames, lues pariter boum atque
hominum ceterique pecoris, ut etiam, qui bellum non pertulimus, debellatis
tamen pares nos fecerit pestilentia. ergo quia in occasu saeculi sumus, praece-
dunt quaedam aegritudines mundi: aegritudo mundi est fames, aegritudo mundi
est pestilentia."
INTRODUCTION 17
In August of 378 A.D. the Emperor Valens was killed in a

fierce battle against the Goths near Hadrianople, a battle Am-
mianus Marcellinus describes as a second Cannae.4 After an unsuc
cessful attempt to storm Hadrianople, the Goths wandered through
Thrace, Moesia, and Illyricum, plundering, burning and slaugh
tering. The northern provinces suffered terribly. Many were killed
or sold into slavery; women were ravished, bishops taken captive,
priests and deacons slaughtered at the altars, churches destroyed or
turned into stables. Refugees poured into Italy. The miseries of
the times were aggravated by famine and a pestilence which attacked
men and cattle. Ambrose sees the times as the last agony before
the end of the world.5
In 383 A.D. the Emperor Gratian was murdered by a supporter
of the usurper Maximus. Maximus, who made his headquarters in
Trier, tried to get Valentinian II, now about 12, to come to
Trier and live there. Justina, the mother of Valentinian II, by
now established in Milan after having moved from Sirmium, on
hearing of Gratian's death, suppressed her hatred of Ambrose and
sent him as ambassador to Maximus to negotiate a peace. Ambrose
succeeded in negotiating a peace without committing Valentinian
to going to Trier, but at the price of recognizing Maximus as legiti
mate emperor ruling west of Italy and the Alps.
When in 386 A.D. Maximus threatened to invade Italy, Ambrose
was again sent to Trier to negotiate a peace settlement. In the
following year Maximus carried out his threatened invasion and
made himself master of Italy. Justina and the young Valentinian
took refuge with Theodosius in the East.
In the midst of these political dangers was the added danger of
religious persecution in Milan from Arian elements. When the
Arian bishop of Sirmium, Germinius, died about 380, Justina, then
at Sirmium herself, was determined to secure an Arian successor.
4Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gest. 31.13.18: "constat vix tertiam evasisse

exercitus partem; nec ulla annalibus praeter Cannensem pugnam ita ad inter-
necionem res legitur gesta."
sIn Luc. 10.10, quoted above.
Ambrose realized that the fate of orthodoxy was at stake in the

whole region of the Danube Provinces and exercised his authority
as a kind of archbishop of the province by going to Sirmium to
superintend the election and consecration.
This was the first in a series of clashes between Ambrose and
Justina. The next was in 385 A.D. when Justina, now in Milan,
demanded that the Basilica Portiana outside the walls be given to
the Arians. Ambrose stationed himself in the church and refused
to give it up. For a few weeks the matter rested, but as Easter
approached Justina renewed her attack. This time she demanded
the new basilica, the one within the walls, Ambrose's own cathedral
church. Again he resisted; beginning with Palm Sunday there were
a series of clashes between the imperial troops and Ambrose and
his congregation. Ambrose recounts the incidents in a letter to his
sister Marcellina. He speaks of the danger to himself and the whole
city: "Actually in my heart I was frightened, since I knew that
armed men had been sent to seize the basilica of the church; I
feared that in defending the basilica bloodshed would occur and
turn to the harm of the whole city. I kept praying that I would
not live to see the ruin of this great city, or, possibly, of all
Italy."6 At the conclusion of the letter he tells his sister that
although he has won out over Justina in this particular crisis he
expects worse things to come: "These events took place, and would
that they were now at an end. But the words of the Emperor, full
of turmoil, point to greater disturbances." 7
In the midst of these political and religious trials, the theme
of death had a special relevance for Ambrose and his people. In
this context the words of the De bono mortis had a special signifi
cance. Ambrose can say to them with conviction: "if life is full
6 Epist. 20.9: "hortebam quippe animo, cum armatos ad basilicam ecclesiae

occupandam missos cognoscerem; ne dum basilicam vindicant, aliqua strages
fieret, quae in perniciem totius vergeret civitatis: orabam ne tantae urbis vel
totius busto superviverem."
7 Amb. Epist. 20.27: "haec gesta sunt, atque utinam iam finita! sed graviores
motus futures plena commotionis imperialia verba indicant."
INTRODUCTION 19
of burdens, surely the end of life is a release"; 8 "in the day one
desires the night, at night one seeks the day; before one eats, there
is lamentation and during his meals there is weeping, tears, sorrows,
fears, no peace from trouble, no rest from toil, the emotion of
resentment even more frightful"; 9 "if life is a burden, then death
is freedom from it; if life is a punishment, then death is a deliver
ance"; 10 "let this world die to us." u
Philosophical Background
The De bono mortis reflects also the philosophical teachings and
preoccupations of the age. At Milan in the years of Ambrose's
episcopate there was a circle of cultivated and influential men,
Christians as well as pagans, interested in Neo-Platonic philosophy.
Among them there were exchanges of views, borrowings of books,
reciprocal influences. This exciting movement had its beginning in
Rome, in mid-century, with the famous professor of rhetoric,
Marius Victorinus.1
Marius Victorinus, born in Africa between 275 and 280 A.D.,
came to Rome about 340 A.D. under Constantius. There be became
a famous orator and professor of rhetoric, with decidedly Neo-
Platonic leanings. About 355 A.D. he astonished Rome and
rejoiced the Christians by becoming a Christian. In this he was
influenced by a learned priest, Simplicianus, who later describes
8 Amb., Bon. mort. 2.5: "si plena oneris vita, utique finis eius adlevamento
est."
9 Amb. Bon. mort. 3.12: "in die nox desideratur, in nocte dies quaeritur; ante
escam gemitus, inter cibos fletus lacrimae dolores timores sollicitudines, nulla
requies a perturbationibus, nulla a laboribus reclinatio, irae et indignationis
motus horridior."
10 Amb. Bon. mort. 4.14: "si vita oneri, mors absolutioni, si vita supplicio,
mors remedio."
11 Amb. Bon. mort. 6.25: "moriatur igitur nobis hoc saeculum."
1 For a useful summary see: A. Solignac, Les Confessions (Bibliotheque

augustinienne, se"r. 2.13-14) 2.14, 529-536.
the conversion to Augustine.2 Before his conversion he had

already written numerous works on physics, logic, rhetoric, trans
lated Aristotelian treatises, Porphyry's Isagoge and parts of the
Enneads of Plotinus. On becoming a Christian he composed
several theological works on the Trinity which were deeply in
fluenced by Neo-Platonism. The first book of his Adversus Arium
was written at Rome in 358-59 A.D. During this period the priest
Simplicianus, Ambrose's tutor, was in Rome and was on familiar
terms with Victorinus. Thus, the introduction of Neo-Platonism to
Milan can easily be explained by this familiarity between Victorinus
and Simplicianus, for when in 373 A.D. Ambrose was made bishop
he called his old tutor Simplicianus to instruct him in the faith and
prepare him for baptism and ordination.
When he came to Rome in 33 A.D., Simplicianus was old enough
for Ambrose to refer to him as a father.3 Augustine speaks of Sim
plicianus as Ambrose's father in grace and one whom Ambrose
loved as a father.4. From the evidence of the four letters of Ambrose
to Simplicianus that remain5 we see him as a cultivated man who
had read and studied all his life and was still questioning as an old
man. In one letter, for example, Ambrose writes:
You tell me that you were perplexed over the meaning when
you read that Moses, after offering sacrifice and immolating
sacred victims to the Lord, put half of the blood into bowls
and sprinkled the rest on the altar. But what causes you to
be perplexed and ask my help, when you have traveled the
whole world to acquire faith and divine knowedge, and in
constant reading day and night have spent the whole span of
your life? With remarkably brilliant intellect you have
embraced all objects of the understanding, so that you are
2 Aug. Confes. 8.2.3-5.

3Amb. Epist. 65.10: "nos parentis affectu dilige."
4 Aug. Confes. 8.2.3: "perrexi ergo ad Simplicianum, patrem in accipienda
gratia tunc episcopi Ambrosii et quam vere ut patrem diligebat."
5Amb. Epist. 37,38,65,67.
INTRODUCTION 21
able to show how the works of the philosophers have deviated

from the truth, several being so futile that the words in their
writings have perished in their lifetime.6
Simplicianus was a" Christian Neo-Platonist, a man capable of
initiating his pupil Ambrose in the teaching of Neo-Platonism. He
showed Augustine how the teachings of Plotinus on the nous were
completed by the doctrine of the Logos in the prologue of St. John's
Gospel,7 and when Augustine's internal struggle with the faith was
at its height, Simplicianus told Augustine of the conversion of
Marius Victorinus to Christianity and of the part he had played in
it.8 Though quite old, Simplicianus succeeded Ambrose as bishop
of Milan.
Ambrose and Simplicianus were men of the Church. Theodorus,
another member of this "Milanese Circle," was a man of the state.
From the encomium which the poet Claudian dedicated to him
in 399 A.D. on the occasion of his accession to the consulship we
know some of the public offices he held and the subjects of some of
his philosophical writings. At the time of the composition of
Augustine's De beata vita (386 A.D.) Theodorus, to whom the work
is dedicated, was a Christian. His public career was a brilliant
one; first a lawyer admired for his charm and eloquence, then
governor of Libya, then of Macedonia, he was made, in about the
year 380 A.D., magister epistolarum, then placed in charge of the
treasury and of public finances. Finally, in 383 A.D., he was made
6Amb. Epist. 65.1: "motum te, cum legeres, significasti mihi, quid sibi
velit, quod Moyses post oblatum sacrificium, et immolatas Domino salutares
hostias, dimidiam partem sanguinis in crateras miserit, dimidiam autem ad altare
effuderit. sed quid est, quod ipse dubites, et a nobis requiras; cum fidei et
acquirendae cognitionis divinae gratia totum orbem peragraveris, et quotidianae
lectioni nocturnis ac diurnis vicibus omne vitae huius tempus deputaveris, acri
praesertim ingenio etiam intelligibilia complectens, ut pote qui etiam philosophiae
libros, quam a vero sint devii demonstrare soleas et plerosque tam inanes esse,
ut prius scribentium in suis scriptis sermo, quam vita eorum defecerit."
7 Aug. Civ. Dei. 10.29.2.
8 Aug. Confes. 8.2.3-5.
praetorian prefect of the Gauls, of Spain and Britain. In the same

year, perhaps as a result of the assassination of Gratian and the
usurpation of Maximus, he retired from public life to Milan to give
his time to the writing and translation of philosophical works. In
397 A.D. he returned to public life, exercising the function of
praetorian prefect of Italy, Illyricum and Africa. In 399 A.D. he
was elected consul. Until 409 A.D. he seems to have been prae
torian prefect of Italy; shortly after 409 A.D. he must have died.
Some idea of his philosophical works can be obtained from an
examination of the panegyric of Claudian mentioned above. He
seems to have written a treatise on the opinions of ancient Greek
philosophers and on the subjects of the origin of the world, and
on the parts of the soul.9 He also wrote on astronomical problems
and on metrics.10 Augustine speaks of him as a fervent admirer of
Plotinus and says that they had conversations on God, on the in-
corporeity on the soul and on happiness.11
Without at this time examining in detail Ambrose's attitude
toward philosophy, suffice it to say that it was within this philoso
phical milieu in Milan that Ambrose lived and wrote". Recent studies
on the Hexameron, the De Isaac vel anima, and the De bono mortis
show that Ambrose made use of Plato and Plotinus, and other
Neo-Platonists in composing these treatises." Whatever the mutual
influences affecting Ambrose, Simplicianus, Theodorus and the other
9 Claudianus, Paneg. Manl. Theod. 5.253: "qualem te legimus teneri primordia

xnundi / scribentem aut partis animae, per singula talem / cernimus et similes
adgnoscit pagina mores." cf. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques 122.
10 Cf. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques. 122-124.
11 Aug. Beat. vita 1.4: (Addressing himself to Theodorus) "animadverti enim
et saepe in sacerdotis nostri, et aliquando in sermonibus tuis, cum de deo cogi-
taretur, nihil omnino corporis esse cogitandum, neque cum de anima."
12 P. Courcelle, "Plotin et saint Ambroise," RevPhil 24(1950) 29-56; P. Hadot,
"Platon en Plotin dans trois sermons de saint Ambroise," RevEtLat 34 (1956)
202-220; A. Solignac, "Nouveaux paralleles entre saint Ambroise et Plotin,"
ArchPhil N.S. 19.3 (1956) 148-156; L. Taormina, "S. Ambrogio e Plotino,"
Misc. di st. di lett. crist. ant. 4 (1954) 41-85; P. Courcelle, "Nouveaux aspects
de Platonisme chez S. Ambroise," RevBtLat 34 (1956) 220-239.
INTRODUCTION 23
Christian Neo-Platonists in Milan at the time, and whatever the

influence they had on Augustine and his friends during their stay
in Milan, one thing is certain: Ambrose knew the writings and doc
trines of the Neo-Platonists and made ample use of them in his
writings. He must be placed within the Milanese circle of Christian
Platonists. Certainly he had a profound influence on the group.
The De bono mortis was composed in the philosphical environ
ment of these years. Whether Augustine heard the sermons that
underlie the De bono mortis or not is matter for conjecture.13 What
is certain is that Ambrose, who played an important role in the
movement in Milan to provide a synthesis of Neo-Platonism and
Christianity, had an enormous influence on him
Literary Background
Ambrose, as a member of Roman society educated in the same

schools as his pagan contemporaries, was an heir of the pagan
tradition of consolation literature. As a Christian, however, he saw
the inadequacies of the consolation offered on the problem of death
by the pagan philosophers and rhetoricians, and brought to that
problem the teachings of Christianity: a new conception of life and
death, new models for imitations, new reasons for welcoming death,
a new emphasis on the immortality of the soul, and belief in the
resurrection of the dead.
The literary forms at Ambrose's disposal for giving expression to
Christian consolation were the same as for the pagans, namely, the
consolatory letter, the funeral speech, and the consolatory treatise.
Ambrose has left consolatory works of all three types: Epistle-15
addressed to the clergy and faithful of Thessalonica on the occasion
13 P. Courcelle, Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (Paris 1950),

124: "Je pense, pour ma part, que le De Isaac et le De bono mortis font partie
des sermons prononces en 386 et entendus par Augustin." Opposed to Cour
celle are: C. Mohrmann, VigChr. 5 (1951) 249-254, and W. Theiler, Gnomon 25
(1953) 113-122.
of the death of their bishop, Acholius; Episle 39, addressed to a

certain Faustinus on the occasion of the death of his sister; two
funeral orations on Satyrus, Ambrose's brother, one delivered at
the cathedral on the day of his funeral, one before the tomb seven
days later; the funeral oration on the Emperor Valentinian II; a
panegyric on the Emperor Theodosius; and finally, the consolatory
treatiste, the De bono mortis.
In addition to his excellent rhetorical training in Latin, Ambrose
had a much better knowledge of Greek than his Western contem
poraries. Hence, his funeral orations and the consolatory letters
reflect an acquaintance with Greek theorists and practitioners in
the field as well as the influence of the Latin laudatio funebris and
consolatio mortis. His consolatory treatise, the De bono mortis,
likewise reflects his acquaintance with the tradition of this literary
genre and with its major themes.
The form of the consolation treatise was not fixed among the
Greeks until the time of the Platonist Crantor (c. 335-c. 275 B.C.).
Before Crantor the themes of consolation were treated by the philo
sophers but not in a set genre. Democritus of Abdera (c. 460- c. 370
B.C.) in his work On those in Hades combatted the fear of death
by showing that all sensation ends with death, a theme later deve
loped by Epicurus and Lucretius. Plato (427-347 B.C.), especially
in his Apology and Phaedo, records the words of Socrates on the
blessings of death. The same themes can be found in Xenophon's
descriptions of the death of Socrates, Cyrus, and Agesilaus in the
Memorabilia, the Cyropaedia, and the Agesilaus. The Platonist
Xenocrates of Chalcedon (fl. 339-314 B.C.), Crantor's teacher, wrote
On Death. Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) wrote a dialogue of consolation,
the Eudemus, which honored his friend who had died. Theophra-
stus (c. 372-288 B.C.) continued the tradition of consolatory trea
tises in the Peripatetic School with his Callisthenes. Antisthenes
(c. 450-36 B.C.), founder of the Cynic School, wrote several works
with themes of consolation.
Crantor's works On Grief, put the value of these more or less
theoretical treatises to a practical test. In his book, addressed to a
certain Hippocles on the death of his children, he offered all the
*
INTRODUCTION 25
consolatory considerations on life and death which philosophers had

developed for centuries. The work was considered throughout
antiquity as the most comprehensive and a model of its kind; in
both form and content it exercised a great influence on all later
consolatory works.1
The consolation as a literary genre was introduced into Latin lite
rature by Cicero. His first work, De consolatione, written to con
sole himself on the death of his daughter Tullia, is now lost, but
was very important in antiquity because it brought into Latin
literature the wealth of consolatory literature of the Greeks. In
the Tusculan Disputations Cicero summarizes its contents:
These therefore are the duties of comforters: to do away with

distress root and branch, or allay it, or diminish it as far as
possible, or stop its progress and not allow it to extend
further, or to divert it elsewhere. There are some who
think it the sole duty of a comforter to insist that the evil
has no existence at all, as is the view of Cleanthes; some,
like the Peripatetics, favor the lesson that the evil is not
serious. Some again favor the withdrawal of attention from
evil to good, as Epicurus does; some, like the Cyrenaics, think
it enough to show that nothing unxpected has taken place.
Chrysippus, on the other hand, considers that the main thing
in giving comfort is to remove from the mind of the mourner
the belief already described, in case he should think he is
discharging a regular duty which is obligatory. There are
some too in favor of concentrating all these ways of admi
nistering comfort (for one man is influenced in one way, one
in another) pretty nearly as in my Consolation I threw them
all into one attempt at consolation; for my soul was in a
1 For an historical introduction on the development of the consolation from

ancient times to Augustine, see Sister M. Melchior Beyenka, O.P. Consolation
in St. Augustine (CUAPS 83) 1-30. See also Sister M. Edmond Fern, The Latin
Consolation as a Literary Type.
feverish state and I attempted every means of curing its

condition.2
Cicero's Tusculan Disputations, especially books 1 and 3 are largely
concerned with the theme of sorrow and death. Book 1 in particular
had a great influence, as we shall see, on Ambrose's De bono
mortis.
Seneca contributed to the genre two consolations on death, the
Ad Marciam de consolatione on the death of her son Metilius, and
the Ad Polybium de consolatione on the death of his brother. He also
wrote the Ad Helviam matrem de consolatione on the exile of her
son. Seneca's consolations show us clearly the formal structure of
the genre: a) introduction, in which the evil to be cured and the
treatment to be applied are announced; b) the consolation proper,
divided into two parts: 1) the causes of the evil; and 2) the persons
afflicted with the evil; and c) the conclusion.
Servius Sulpicius Rufus and Pliny the Younger, as well as Cicero
and Seneca, wrote consolatory letters. In the less formal sense
consolation was also developed in poetic form, notably in the con
solation on death in Lucretius 3.30-1090, in Horace Odes 1.2 and
2.9, the consolatory elegies of Propertius and Ovid, the Pseudo-
Ovidian Consolatio ad Liviam, the Epicedia of Statius, and the
elegies of Martial.
The schools of rhetoric had a great influence on the structure of
the consolatio, on its striving after style and poetic coloring. Philo-
2Cic. Tusc. disp. 3.31.75-76: "haec igitur officia sunt consolantium, tollere
aegritudinem funditus aut sedare aut detrahere quam plurimum aut supprimere
nec pati manare longius aut ad alia traducere. sunt qui unum officium con-
solantis putent docere malum illud omnino non esse, ut Cleanthi placent. sunt
qui non magnum malum. ut Peripatetici. sunt qui abducant a malis ad bona,
ut Epicurus. sunt qui satis putent ostendere nihil inopinati accidisse, ut Cyre-
naici. Chrysippus autem caput censet in consolando detrahere illam opinionem
maerenti, si se officio fungi putet iusto atque debito. sunt etiam qui haec omnia
genera consolandi colligant — alius enim alio modo movetur — ut fere nos in
Consolatione omnia in consolationem unam coniecimus; erat enim in timore
animus et omnis in eo temptabatur curatio."
INTRODUCTION 27
sophy furnished many of the themes, but the philosophy of the

consolation was not an exclusive reflection of any particular school;
it was rather a popular philosophy related to the Cynic-Stoic diatribe,
which aimed at bringing its teaching within the comprehension of an
audience without philosophic training. Among the commonplaces
of consolation were these: everything except good and evil is in
different; death is no evil, because the dead are freed from the
evils of this life; old age is a gift from nature; the hope of immor
tality and of either future happiness or nothingness should comfort
one in death; others have bravely suffered a life of misfortune;
everything in life is transitory; great men of the past have longed
for death; time cures all evils; the important thing is to live, not
long, but well.
Christian consolation gave new life to these rather cold, philoso
phical, stereotyped arguments, and added the new consolations fur
nished by the Christian faith. Christian consolation based its argu
ments on the redemptive value of Christ's life, death and resur
rection, on the Christian's need to participate in Christ's death and
resurrection, on the doctrine of the future life as a life of eternal
happiness for the just and on the doctrine of the resurrection of the
body. It based its arguments not only on philosophical conside
rations but upon the teachings of the Bible, and took its examples
of men who lived and died well from the same source; men like
Abraham, Noe, Isaac, Jacob, Job were favorite examples.
In the first three centuries of the patristic era all the typical ele
ments of the Christian consolation were developed. The common
place arguments of pagan consolation were used but were effectively
combined with Christian doctrine and the testimony of Scripture.
In this period the literary form for the Christian consolation was
the letter, the homily and the treatise. A specific literary form for
consolation was not yet developed; Christian consolation was largely
incidental and related to Christian apologetic. Thus, Clement of
Rome (c. 30-100 A.D.) in his First Epistle to the Corinthians speaks
of Christ's resurrection as the proof for our own future resurrection
and uses examples from nature to support his proof: the alternation
of day and night; the seed dying in the ground and then growing
into a living plant; the phoenix springing again to life from its
ashes. Athenagoras (fl. 177) wrote a work, On the Resurrection
of the Dead, which draws on arguments from Pythagoras and Plato
for the necessity of the resurrection. Tertullian (d. after 200 A.D.)
treats of the immortality of the soul and of resurrection of the body
in his De resurrectione carnis and De anima. St. Cyprian's (d. 258)
De mortalitate is one of the earliest contributions to Christian con
solation literature as a distinct genre. Written on the occasion of a
plague Cyprian reminds his people that heaven is the Christian's
true home and this life merely a preparation for it, that the trials
of this life are a test of our loyalty and faith, as they were for Job
and Tobias. In many of its themes and expressions the treatise
shows similarities with St. Ambrose's sermons on the death of his
brother Satyrus.3
The Christian Fathers of the fourth century continue the traditions
of the early Fathers in the genre of consolation literature, but with
a difference. Almost all of these fourth-century writers were
thoroughly trained in the schools of rhetoric. They were inti
mately familiar with the canons and conventions of style. Zealous
to use their literary talents in the service of their faith, they adapted
the pagan literary genres of consolation literature to express the
themes of Christian consolation. Thus, from writers like Gregory
Nazianzus (329-390 A.D.), Basil (329-379 A.D.), Gregory of Nyssa
(c. 311-394 A.D.) and John Chrysostom (c. 347-407 A.D.) come
polished Christian treatises, letters, homilies, panegyrics, and funeral
orations on consolatory themes.
Ambrose is a transitional figure in the history of consolation lite
rature, a link between East and West. His knowledge of Greek
enabled him to bring the works of the great Eastern theologians to
the Latin Church.
Rozynski4 has shown that Ambrose followed closely the prescrip-
3 M. L. Hannan, Thasci Caecili Cypriani De Mortalitate, a commentary, with

an introduction and translation. (CUAPS 36) 5.
4 F. Rozynski, Die Leichenreden des hl. Ambrosius, insbesondere auf ihr
Verhdltnis zu der antiken Rhetorik und den antiken Trostschriften untersucht.
INTRODUCTION 29
tions of the Greek rhetoricians, and in particular Menander, in the

general plan of his first funeral oration for his brother Satyrus, and
of his orations for the Emperors Valentinian and Theodosius.5
Ambrose was also influenced by the pagan consolation, especially
Cicero and Seneca, in his disposition of arguments, and in the
arguments themselves. An analysis of the De bono mortis shows
that it employs many of the commonplaces of the pagan literary
genre. Among them are: that death is feared is not the fault of
death but of man's weakness (2.4); the body is a chain binding man
to earth's impurities (3.9); death frees man from the snares of the
body (3.10); if there is no feeling after death, then it is no evil;
if there is feeling, then one's life and soul remain after death, and
so a good remains (4.13); death is a port of repose for those
tossed on the sea of life (4.15); the passions are nails fastening us
to earth, and death frees us from them (5.16); fear of death is due,
not to death, but to people's opinion about it (8.31); people fear
death because of the foolish fables of the poets about the sufferings
of the underworld (8.33); just as snow does not admit heat, its
contrary, nor light admit darkness, so the soul, which is life, does
not admit its contrary, death. (9.42).
Ambrose, then, does submit to the influence of the pagan literary
genre. But, as Favez has pointed out,6 the consolations of Ambrose,
though sometimes superficially the same as the pagan consolations,
come from a totally Christian inspiration. The words may be the
same, but their meanings are not; the arguments may be the same,
but they do not proceed from the same convictions. Ambrose not
only used the old arguments, penetrated now with a Christian spirit,
he also developed new ones derived exclusively from Scripture. The
De bono mortis shows heavy dependence on pagan authors, it is
5 Rozynski, however, by fitting the orations of Ambrose too rigidly into the
schemata of Menander does not give sufficient emphasis to the central role
of the Christian element in the orations, and especially the abundant use of
Scripture.
6 C. Favez, "L'inspiration chretienne dans les consolation de saint Ambroise,"
RevHtLat 8 (1930) 82-91.
true, but Scripture remains its most important source. It is from

Scripture that Ambrose derives his doctrine of the three kinds of
death (2.3), his examples of men who longed for death: Job, Ec-
clesiastes, Simeon, David, Paul (2.4-7). The example of Christ is
central. By his death Christ overcame death and sin, and the resur
rection of the body was given so that the end of nature would not
be in death (4.15). It is the Christian's task to have the death of
Christ in him, to conform himself to Christ's death, so that he
may also have in him Christ's life (3.9). The book of Job, Eccle-
siastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Fourth Esdras, the Gospels of
Luke and John, the Epistles of St. Paul are the sources from which
the central theme of the De bono mortis is drawn: the goodness of
death when considered as a release from the trials of this life and an
ascent to an eternal dwelling place where the soul will be with
Christ, the way, the truth and the life.
ANALYSIS AND SUMMARY
The De bono mortis is a treatise closely related to the De Isaac

vel anima. The De Isaac vel anima, a treatise which comments ex
tensively on the Canticle of Canticles, represents the marriage of
Isaac and Rebecca as symbolizing the union between Christ and the
soul. The closing lines anticipate the De bono mortis, as, for
example, Ambrose's exhortation not to fear death because it is
freedom for the soul and rest for the body: "ergo non timeamus
mortem, quoniam requies est corporis, animae autem vel libertas,
vel absolutio" (8.79). The opening lines of the De bono mortis
make the connection between the two treatises even more explicit
by referring to the De Isaac vel anima, saying that this treatise on
the soul makes the way clearer for a treatise on death: "quoniam
de anima superiore libro sermonem aliquem contexuimus, faciliorem
viam putamus de bono mortis conficere aliquid" (1.1).
The De bono mortis is clearly a treatise put together from sermons
previously delivered by Ambrose. The peroration (12.57) with its
final doxology is a good indication of the spoken character of the
work. In the beginning of the treatise there is a reference to the
reading of Scripture that would have preceded the sermon: "denique
ut lectionis divinae exemplo utamur, in paradiso est positus homo,
ut ederet de ligno vitae" (1.2). In addition, the frequent use of the
second person singular throughout the treatise is another indication
of its spoken origin.
The treatise has been put together from two sermons. While
it is difficult to determine precisely at what point the first sermon
ends and the second begins, the division seems to be at the end
of 7.29. The short paragraph 30 serves as a general conclusion to
this first section of the treatise, which concentrates on the good of
death and the need to imitate death by rising above things which
hold us to this life. Paragraph 30, then, concludes this first sermon
with the words: "non igitur mors malum," and provides a transition
to the second sermon, which concentrates on the theme of the fear
of death, the immortality of the soul, and the dwelling places of
just souls.
The De bono mortis is poorly organized and illogical in its struc
ture, so that it is very difficult to fit it into any outline. The various
parts are not integrated but mechanically set side by side. The com
parison of external things to a snare which keeps the soul from rising
on high occurs, for example, in 5.1, and is taken up a second time in
6.24-7.2. The image of the soul which uses the body as an artist
employs a musical instrument occurs in 6.25 and is repeated and ela
borated upon in 7.27. In the first half of the work (4.15) the
image of death as a port of repose for those tossed on the sea of
this life is matched by the same image in the second half (8.35).
Similarly the conception of the senses as a source of deception is
developed in both the first half (3.10) and the second (9.40); the
example of the prostitute occurs in both halves of the work (5.16
and 9.40, 10.43).
The treatise, then, does not have a very rigid structure. Either
the two sermons were merely set side by side with a minimum of
final polishing for publication or the final reworking was super
ficial. Images, arguments, examples, illustration and proofs from
Scripture that occur in one part of the work appear again later, either
to be mentioned again in passing or to be elaborated upon further.
Since the progression of ideas is not logical and systematic, what
follows, therefore, is merely a chapter by chapter summary of the
contents.
INTRODUCTION 33
First Sermon (1.1-7.29)
Chapter 1 (1-2)
A. If death harms the soul, it is an evil, but if it does
(1) not, it is not evil but good.
B. But death appears to be an evil, because it is contrary
(2) to life, which is a good. Scripture shows this:
1) Deut. 30.15: "I have set before your face life and
death, good and evil."
2) Gen. 2.16ff.: Man in paradise ate of the tree of
the knowledge of good and evil and tasted death
as a consequence of sin.
Death, therefore, incurred as a consequence of sin,
is evil.
Chapter 2 (3-7)
(3) A. There are three kinds of death:
1) the death of sin: this kind is evil.
2) mystical death — dying to sin and living to God;
this death is good.
3) death as a separation of soul and body; this type
of death has a middle position.
B. Death is feared by most men, but this is not the
fault of death but of man's weakness. When we are
enslaved by bodily pleasure and worldly delights we
fear the end of life. On the other hand, holy and
(4-7) wise men long for this death as a good.
1 ) Job cursed the day of his birth, for life brought
nothing but tribulations, injustices, and weeping.
2) Ecclesiastes praised the dead and sait it was
better for one not to be born, because then he
will not see the evils of this life.
3) Simeon rejoiced to see death, to be released from
this life. The soul is, as it were, chained to the

body: death frees it.
4) David considered himself a pilgrim and stranger
on earth and longed to depart from this life and
reach his true homeland.
5 ) St. Paul considered death in Christ a gain and
desired 'to be dissolved and be with Christ'.
Chapter 3 (8-12)
(8)A. Death is a separation of the soul from the body.
1) David says: "you have broken my bonds; I will
offer you the sacrifice of praise" and "precious
in the eyes of the Lord is the death of the saints."
David exposed himself to death for God's people,
considering it a greater glory to die for Christ
than to reign in this world. He offered him
self as a sacrifice to the Lord, saying T will
offer' because a sacrifice is perfect only when the
believer is freed from the body and stands before
the Lord.
2) St. Paul says that it is a much better thing to die
and be with Christ. But this is accomplished
only by the dissolution of the body.
(9) B. Since death is a separation of soul and body, man's
task in this life is to purify himself from the body's
contagions and impurities, which are like chains binding
him down. He should die to worldly and bodily desires,
for, as St. Paul says, whoever has the death of Jesus
in him also has in his body the life of the Lord Jesus.
He should let death work in him, conform himself
to death by freeing himself from the union with the
flesh and lifting his mind to the divine good.
(10-12) C. To come to a knowledge .of heavenly truth, man must
free himself by death from the snare of this body.
1 ) Heavenly truth, which is invisible and eternal,
INTRODUCTION 35
cannot be grasped with our bodily faculties, which

are temporal and visible.
2) Our bodily faculties, e.g. sight and hearing, often
deceive us; to reach the throne of truth we must
free ourselves from them. We do this on the
natural level: when we want to concentrate deeply
we want no sight or sound to disturb us; accord
ingly, we often concentrate best at night or with
our eyes closed, and we often seek out solitary
places for quiet concentration.
3) Necessity and habit force many bodily occupations
on us by which our concentration is reduced. Life
is full of snares, toil, inconstancy, sorrows, fears,
anxieties. Death is a joy because only death brings
repose for man and freedom from care.
Chapter 4 (13-15)
(13) A. Answer to the objection that death is evil because
God did not make it.
1) If there is no feeling after death, then death
cannot be evil, because where there is no feeling
there is no grief.
2) If there is feeling after death, then one's life and
soul remain, and therefore a good remains. This
good increases because the soul is no longer hind
ered and can perform its functions more efficiently.
3) If the soul has kept itself pure and virtuous, there
is no evil after death, if it has not kept itself
thus, it is not death that is evil but life.
(14) B. If life is a burden and a punishment, then death is a
deliverance; if after death there is judgement, there
is also life after death. If virtuous life here below
is good, then death there is also good, because it frees
the soul from its bond with this flesh.
(15) C. Death is good because:

1 ) It separates two adversaries, body and soul.
2) It is a port of repose for those tossed on the sea
of life.
3 ) It does not make our condition worse but preserves
us for future judgement, as each deserves.
D. It is vain to fear death as the end of nature.
1 ) Death came after man's fall from grace and so it
is the end of sin.
2) The Lord underwent death to destroy sin and the
resurrection of the body was given so that the end
of nature would not be in death.
Chapter 5 (16-21)
(16) A. Since death frees the soul, let us, while still in the
body, imitate the practice of death.
1 ) Let us free ourselves from the corporeal and earthly.
2) Let us, like the eagle, fly up to divine heights, for
just as the bird which cannot fly on high is
frequently trapped in the snare, so we can be
trapped by the snares of gold, silver, and pos
sessions if we do not fly to divine heights.
3) Lust, moroseness, anger, all the passions are like
nails fastening us to earth; these we must flee and
raise our souls to God.
(17-18) B. The soul is like the walled city of the Canticle. The
soul is the wall; God its watchman; it has the good
towers of the Word and of discipline.
( 19-21 ) C. Plato composed that famous garden of his — the garden
of Jove, or of the mind, into which Venus, the soul,
came so that she might be filled with the riches of the
garden. This Plato composed from the Canticle of
Canticles.
1 ) In the Canticle the soul enters the garden invited
by God's word, the spouse of the soul. The
banquet table is prepared and after feasting on
its delights the soul sleeps.
INTRODUCTION 37
2 ) The foods prepared are the strong word of Scriptue,

the persuasive word stinging man's conscience, the
fervent word of joy, the milky word of purity.
3) Inebriated with these foods the soul sleeps to the
world but is awake to God.
Chapter 6 (22-25)
(22-23) A. The principalities and powers of this world, external
snares, put before us vanities, avarice, the desire for
honor, carnal passions, evil words.
(24) B. The soul that wishes to strive toward the heavenly
and eternal must struggle against these baits of evil
set to ensnare the soul. Since every road of life is
full of them, we must submit our soul to Christ alone,
who is the way, the truth, and the life.
(25) C. The just man's soul uses the body as a musical in
strument, atuning it to good, so that it will play the
melody of chastity and temperance, the song of sobriety,
integrity and gravity.
Chapter 7 (26-30)
(26) A. Avoid also the internal snares; do not entrust your
soul to your body, because thereby both will be confu
sed. As light is infused into an earthly place and is
not confused with it, so the soul should be in the
body to vivify, guide, and illumine it and not be
confused with it.
(27) B. As the musician atunes himself to the modes of his
music, playing now sad music, now joyful, etc., so the
soul should so modulate the passions of the flesh that
all is in harmony.
(28) C. He lifts his soul in vain who builds corporeal things,
lives only to eat and drink, seeks gain without mode
ration, seeks to know new things. Such a life is more
bitter than death. It is more grievous to live in sin
than to die in sin because as long as the impious lives,

sin increases, but if he should die, he ceases to sin.
(29) D. Do not contemn the treasures of divine goodness and
patience, but answer the call to repentance, so that
the severity of the future judgement will not increase.
(30) Transition: Death therefore is not evil, neither among
the living nor among the dead.
Second Sermon (8.31 - 12-57)
Chapter 8 (31-36)
(31)
A. Fear of death is not due to death itself but to people's
opinion about it.
1) For the just death is a harbor of repose, but for
the impious it is a shipwreck.
2) If death is feared, the fear belongs to opinion, not
about death, but about life.
(32-33) B. The foolish fear death for two reasons:
1) It is an annihilation. — But death is not an an
nihilation, because the soul survives and the body
awaits resurrection.
2) They fear punishment and the fables of the poets
about the sufferings of the underworld. — But the
punishments after death should not be referred to
death but to life. Death itself is not evil, but the
death of sinners. The death of the just is a precious
thing. The bitterness of death belongs, not to
death itself, but to the guilt of sin.
(34-35) C. Death is an end, and a sleep; the repose of death is
sweet. Man is not praised before he completes his
life here below, as Scripture says. Just as the pilot is
not praised before bringing the ship to harbor, nor the
soldier before the battle is won, so man is not given
the reward of death until his life here is complete.
INTRODUCTION 39
(36) D. Let us seek the blessing of one about to die, spoken

of by Job, for the poor, the weak, and the infirm.
Chapter 9 (38-42)
(38) A. By death what is disturbing, shameful, violent, etc., in
this life is, on the one hand, put to rest, and, on the
other, what is virtuous takes a place on high with the
immortal good.
(39) B. The soul does not die with the body, and, provided it
fears God, will live in prosperity.
(40) C. If we wish to be in prosperity after death, we must
not attach our souls to things that delight the senses,
for they deceive us, but attach them to the things that
are above, to that invisible and immortal good, for
thereby we become like to what we desire and cling to.
(41-42) D. The soul that sins dies, not indeed by a dissolution of
its substance, but it dies to God because it lives for
sin. The just soul, however, does not die but remains
in its own substance. Its own substance infuses life
and cannot receive death, since death is contrary to
life. Just as snow does not admit heat, nor light dark
ness, so the soul, which produces life, does not admit
death.
Chapter 10 (43-47)
(43-44) A. We know from revelation that the soul does not die.
1 ) Our Lord says: I have power to lay down my life
and I have power to take it up again.
2) If anyone says that the above passage applies only
to Christ, let him consider this one: does anyone
of you know if this night your soul will be de
manded back from you? What is demanded back
endures.
3) Consider also this passage: my soul is always in
your hands. It does not say 'for a time' but

'always'.
(45-47) B. That the dwelling places of souls are superior is proved
by Scripture.
1) Esdras speaks of the dwelling places of the dead
returning the souls entrusted to them.
2) Our Lord says that his Father's house has many
mansions.
(Esdras is used that pagans may know that the
things they marvel at in the books of philosophy
have been taken over from ours. But would that
their books did not contain such useless things as
the doctrine that the souls of great men will trans
migrate into those of bees and nightingales.)
3) Scripture also terms those dwelling places of souls
storerooms, for the full reward promised the just
and the punishment promised the impious are de
layed until the day of judgement. But the world
is growing old and losing its youthful vigor. The
day of coronation will soon come when the just
will be rewarded and the impious punished.
Chapter 11 (48-51)
(48) A. There are seven orders of joy for just souls;
1) victory over the flesh
2) reward for zeal and innocence
3) certainty of the outcome of their last judgement
4) knowledge of their repose and future glory.
5) freedom from the prison of this corruptible body
6) incorruptible splendor
7) confidence, security, and the sight of the one to
whom they have offered the obedience of con
scientious service.
(49) B. Since the just receive the reward of seeing the face
of God, let our souls desire, approach, pray to God.
INTRODUCTION 41
Let us know Him in so far as we can here below.

While in this body we can know Him only in part,
but when freed from its hindrance we will see Him
face to face.
(50) C. Esdras after death received the reward of dwelling with
his son and those like himself. How much more
glorious for us to dwell with those better than our
selves and whose deeds we admire.
(51) D. Esdras received this revelation from God. Plato, who
has Socrates say that after death he will hasten to the
gods and to excellent men, spoke without special proof.
We have the authority of divine precept. Moses and
Elias were with Christ, Jacob saw the camp of God,
Daniel declared that the just shone like the sun and
stars.
Chapter 12 (52-57)
( 52-53 ) A. Let us go to Jesus, to the council of the patriarchs, the
assembly of the saints, the bosom of Abraham, to the
banquet of the kingdom, where no hardship exists but
only the splendor of God.
(54) B. We will go to the mansions of the Lord which he has
prepared for all his servants.
(55-56) C. We will go to the place Christ showed us, and by the
way he showed us, Himself, the way, the truth, and
the life. These things Christ first promised, and then
prayed for them. We will follow the Lord and attain
to the supreme good in which we live and are and
move. In that good our souls are freed from all
anxieties and evil desires.
(57) D. Let us hasten to the region of the living, let us seek
the Christ, the life and the light.
SOURCES OF THE "DE BONO MORTIS'1
Sacred Scripture
Even a cursory examination of the fontes of the De bono mortis

shows that the supreme source for Ambrose is the Bible. The Old
Testament is a deep well from which water is drawn only with
difficulty, a well that is not full because Christ, the one who was
to fill it, had not yet come. The New Testament, on the other
hand, is a river of living water flowing from Christ.1 Ambrose had
an intimate knowledge of the Bible, which allowed him to express
his ideas in scriptural terms. Frequently his sermons are no more
than a running commentary on the biblical text. He preferred to
study the Old Testament in Greek and often compared the Greek
and Latin versions, indicating the reading he preferred. In In psalm.
118.22.21, for example, in reference to the words of the psalm:
"erravi sicut ovis quae perierat: vivifica servum tuum," he notes
that the Greek has ^triaov that is, "quare servum tuum", which
he considers the better reading because the shepherd must search
for the sheep that has strayed. 2 He found the Greek text more
1 Amb. Epist. 63.78: "utrumque advertis unius auctoris Testamentum: vetus

Scriptura quasi puteus profunda atque obscurior, unde cum labore haurias: non
plena, quia adhuc qui implere eam non venerat. denique postea ait: non veni
legem solvere, sed implere. ideo ad fluvium transire sanctus a domino iubetur;
quoniam qui de novo Testamento biberit, non solum flumen est, sed etiam
flumina de ventre eius fluent aquae vivae, flumina intellectus, flumina cogita-
tionis, flumina spiritualia."
2 In psalm. 118.22.27: "Graecus habet: quaere servum tuum, hoc est, ^f|Tt)oov;
et potuit falli scriptor, ut scriberet quod est vivifica, sensus quidem uterque
constat, sed opportunior est huic loco: quaere servum tuum; quoniam ovis quae
erravit quaerenda est a pastore, ne pereat."
INTRODUCTION 43
expressive, the Latin being unable to bring out all the force of the
Greek.3 For the Old Testament he regarded the Septuagint as the
authoritative text.4 He also frequendy turned to the New Testa
ment in the original Greek, because the Greek had greater authority,
especially when confronted with the great variety of Latin versions.5
In the De bono mortis I have compared the Old Testament readings
with the Septuagint version and the New Testament readings with
the Greek text and have found that in many instances Ambrose's
Latin is closer to the Greek than to the Old Latin.
Ambrose distinguished a threefold sense in the text of Scripture:
a natural sense, a moral sense, and a mystical or spiritual sense.6
Corresponding to this threefold sense of Scripture was a threefold
interpretation: the literal, which explained the simple, superficial
meaning of the passage; the moral, which drew out the practical
norms for regulating ones life; and the mystical, which drew out the
deeper meanings and the latent references to Christ, and the teachings
of the Church. While Ambrose did on occasion explain the literal
meaning, the moral and mystical is what interested him most. The
moral and mystical sense are for him the two eyes by which the
Church sees Christ.7 His interest in the moral and mystical sense
led him to concentrate on texts from the Old Testament, because
they, being the more obscure, needed more explanation for his
people. Thus, in the De bono mortis the majority of the Scripture
references are to the Old Testament, with Genesis, Psalms, Eccle-
siastes, Isaias, Job, and the Canticle of Canticles being especially
well represented. But New Testament texts are also numerous in
3 In psalm. 118.12.45: "non possumus in omnibus vim Graeci sermonis expri-

mere; maior in Graeco plerumque vis et pompa sermonis est."
4 In psalm. 118.9.13: "Septuaginta virorum sententiaris magis sequitur ecclesia."
5 Incarn. 82: "ita enim in Graecis codicibus invenimus, quorum potior;"
Spiritu 2.46: "quo si quis de Latinorum codicum varietate contendit, quorum
aliquos perfidi falsaverunt, Graecos inspiciat codices."
67» psalm. 36.1: "omnis scriptura divina, vel naturalis, vel mystica, vel
moralis est."
7 In psalm. 118.11.7: "duos oculos habet ecclesia, moralem et mysticum,
fidei oculo plus videt Christum."
the De bono mortis. The example of Simeon from Luke, and John's
references to the many mansions in the Father's house and to
Christ as the way, the truth, and the life are important Gospel
texts. Among the references to the Epistles, St. Paul's statements
that he desired "to be dissolved and be with Christ" (Phil. 1.23),
that "for him to live is Christ and to die is gain" (Phil. 1.21), and
"our life is in heaven" (Phil. 1.20) occur often. The statement
from Rom. 6.4 that "we are buried together with him through
baptism into his death" is the foundation for Ambrose's concept of
mystical death.
Ambrose's exegesis is primarily allegorical, a method he learned
from his diligent studies of Philo, Origen and Basil. Allegorically
interpreted even apparently trivial textual details took on rich mea
nings. In the De bono mortis, for example, Ambrose interprets alle
gorically these words of the Canticle: "I have gathered the vintage
of my myrrh with my spices, have eaten my bread with my honey,
have drunk wine with my milk" (Cant. 5.1). The myrrh becomes
the word which destroys sin, the bread the strong word of Scripture,
the honey the persuasive word that stings a man's conscience by
its sweetness, the wine the fervent word which brings joy, the
milk the word of purity. The table of the Lord is set with these
foods, which the soul eats and is filled. The soul then sleeps to the
world but is awake to God.8 Again, he interprets Isaias 23:7: "I
am a walled city, a surrounded city," in such a way that it refers
to the soul which is defended from attack by the walls of virtue
and by God, its watchman.9
The second half of the De bono mortis draws heavily on the
apocryphal Fourth Book of Esdras. Ambrose clearly thought the
work was inspired. He cites Fourth Esdras as proof "from the
testimony of Scripture" that the dwelling places of souls are
superior.10 He calls its author a prophet and speaks of the
8 Bon. mort. 5.20.

9 Bon. mort. 5.18.
10 Bon. mort. 10.45: "animarum autem superiora esse habitacula scripturae
testimoniis valde probatur."
INTRODUCTION 45
work as revelation and as having divine authority.11 In a letter

to Horontianus Ambrose answers his question about the soul being
a heavenly substance by recommending that he read the Fourth
Book of Esdras because "with that deeper wisdom which he has
gathered from revelation he has shown that souls are of a superior
substance." Ambrose was of the opinion that Fourth Esdras was
written before Plato and that the pagans had borrowed from it.
He says that Plato has used the writings of Esdras "that the pagans
may know that what they marvel at in the books of philosophy have
been taken over from ours."13 Fourth Esdras, however, was not
given its final form until the middle of the second century A.D.;
its central portion was written sometime after 70 A.D. by a Pale
stinian Jew to explain why Israel was being afflicted and the mes
sianic age delayed.
Ambrose's main interest in Fourth Esdras in respect of the De
bono mortis is for its description of the heavenly dwellings of the
soul, the orders of joy for the soul after death.14 Following Esdras,
Ambrose teaches that one of the characteristics of the soul in paradise
is joy, which has various orders. The souls of the just are distribu
ted in various "storerooms," each of which has its own order of
joy. Seven are distinguished: freedom from temptation; freedom
from error; freedom from fear of judgement; consciously realized
rest with a prevision of future glory; an exaltant sense of light and
freedom; incorruptible brightness; and confident anticipation of the
vision of God.15 Ambrose also taught, following Esdras, that for
just souls a period of seven days was given after death so they could
11 Bon. mort. 11.48: 11.51: "nos divini praecepti habemus auctoritatem."

nEpist. 34.1-2: "quaesisti a me utrum anima coelestis esse videatur substan-
tiae . . . de quo tibi Esdrae librum legendum suadeo, qui et illas philosophorum
nugas despexerit; et abditiore prudentia, quam collegerat ex revelatione, per-
strinxerit eas substantiae esse superioris."
13 Bon. mort. 10.45: "sed Hesdrae usus sum scriptis, un cognoscant gentiles
ea quae in philosophiae libris mirantur translata de nostris."
"Bow. mort. 10.45 - 11.48.
15 Bon. mort. 11.48.
understand what was spoken to them before gathering together in

their dwelling places.16
Sacred Scripture, then, is the principal source of the De bono
mortis, as it is of Ambrose's other writings. Christ is to be found
in both Old and New Testament; each of them is the word of Christ.
Ambrose's attitude toward this supreme source can best be summed
up in his own words from In psalm. 1.33:
"utrumque ergo poculum bibe veteris et novi Testamenti; quia
in utroque Christum bibis. bibe Christum, quia vitis est; bibe
Christum, quia petra est quae vomuit aquam; bibe Christum,
quia fons vitae est; bibe Christum, quia flumen est, cuius
impetus laetificat civitatem Dei; bibe Christum, quia pax est;
bibe Christum, quia flumina de ventre eius fluente aquae vi-
vae; bibe Christum, ut bibas sanguinem quo redemptus es;
bibe Christum, ut bibas sermones eius; sermo eius Testamen-
tum est vetus, sermo eius Testamentum est novum. bibitur
scriptura divina, et devoratur scriptura divina, cum in venas
mentis ac vires animae succus verbi descendit aeterni. deni-
que non in solo pane vivit homo, sed in omni verbo Dei. hoc
verbum bibe, sed ordine suo bibe. primum bibe veteri Testa-
mento; cito fac ut bibas et in novo Testamento."
Plato
Ambrose makes three explicit references to Plato in the De bono

mortis, each of which illustrates well his general attitude toward
philosophers. In the first (Bon. mort. 5.18) he points out that the
myth of the garden of Jove, in the Symposium 203B, was taken by
Plato from the Canticle of Canticles. The same point is made again
in the second reference to Plato (Bon. mort. 6.21). In the third
reference (Bon. mort. 11.51) he states his view that Esdras was
written before Plato:
16 Bo». mort. 11.48: "septem dies erit libertas earum, ut videant in septem
diebus qui praedicti sermones, et postea congregabuntur in habitaculis suis."
INTRODUCTION 47
Who, indeed, was first, Esdras or Plato? For Paul has follow
ed the words of Esdras, not those of Plato. Esdras revealed
according to the revelation conferred on him, that the just
would be with Christ, would be with the saints. Hence So
crates also says that he hastens to those gods of his, to those
excellent men and so those things that are outstanding in the
writings of the philosophers belong to us. He (Plato) set
down things of which he had no special proof, while we have
the authority of divine precept.
Ambrose refers to Plato as the "ipse princeps philosophorum" "
and "ipse pater philosophiae. " 1S Following Alexandrine Jews like
Philo, Ambrose was of the opinion that Plato had lived in Egypt
for a time "that he might learn the deeds of Moses, the oracles
of the law, the saying of the prophets." 19 In his view not only
Plato but also Pythagoras, Socrates, Sophocles, Aristotle, the Stoics,
Cato, and other philosophers read and borrowed from the sacred
writings.20 Other Christian writers, as Minucius Felix and Tertul-
lian, had also made use of the argument that the pagan philosophers
has drawn their ideas from the Bible, but none used it so consistently
as Ambrose. In the De officiis, for example, after giving the various
opinion of philosophers on happiness and the teaching of the Gospel
that happiness consists in the knowledge of God and the pursuit
of good works, Ambrose observes:
Let no one think that this was but lately said, and that it was
spoken of by the philosophers before it was mentioned in the
gospel. For the philosophers, that is to say, Aristotle and
Theophrastus, as also Zeno and Hieronymus of Rhodes cer-
"Abram. 1.1.2.
iaAbram. 2.7.37.
19 In psalm. 118.184: "discite unde Plato haec sumserit, eruditionis gratia
in Aegyptum profectus, ut Moysis gesta, Legis oracula, prophetarum dicta
cognosceret."
20 See G. L. Ellspermann, The attitude of the early Christian Latin writers
toward pagan literature and learning (CUAPS 82) 113-117.
tainly lived before the time of the gospel, but they came after
the prophets. Let them rather think how long before even
the names of the philosophers were heard both of these seem
to have found expression through the mouth of holy David."
In a letter to his old tutor Simplicianus Ambrose sums up his view
when a verse from Sophocles leads him to comment: "Who is he
who puts into the midst of Sophocles' play those verses which say:
'Jupiter is over me but no man?' How much more ancient is Job,
how much more ancient David! They should realize that whatever
they have spoken that is outstanding they have from our writers." *
Or in the words of the De bono mortis: "the things that the pagans
marvel at in the books of philosophy have been taken over from
n 23
ours.
This attitude concerning the sources of pagan thought allowed
Ambrose to make abundant use of what he considered valuable in
it, provided, of course, he could trace its connection with Scripture.
Since what was of value in the pagan authors derived from revela
tion, it was part of the Christian heritage and could be used. In
this way he can justify his use of Plato and the other philosophical
writers.
In the De bono mortis Ambrose makes abundant use of Plato.
Schenkl had noted several reminiscences of Plato; since his edition
21 De officiis 2.2.6: ^d ne aestimetur hoc recens esse, et prius tractatum a

philosophis, quam in Evangelio ptaedicatum (anteriores enim Evangelio philo-
sophi, id est, Aristoteles et Theophrastus, vel Zenon atque Hieronymus, sed
posteriores prophetis) accipiant quanra longe antequam philosophorum nomen
audiretur, per os sancti David utrumque aperte videatur expressum."
Êpist. 37.28: "quis est qui Sophoclea in medium ferat carmina dicentia:
Jupiter mihi praeest, nullus autem hominum? quanto antiquior lob, quanto
vestustior David? agnoscant ergo de nostris se habere, quaecumque praestantiora
locuti sunt."
23 Bon. mort. 10.45: "ea quae in philosophiae libris mirantur translata de
nostris."
INTRODUCTION 49
many others have been discovered.24 Besides the three references to

Plato mentioned above, others include the following:
1 ) man conforms himself to death by freeing himself from the
body and breaking the chains of the flesh (3.9 - Phaedo
64A, 64E);
2) the wise man aspires to the divine by separating his soul
from the contubernium of the body (3.10 - Phaedo 64A-B);
3) the senses are deceptive (3.10 - Phaedo 83A);
4) when we want to concentrate, we want no one to make a
sound; we think best at night (3.10 - Phaedo 65D);
5) we seek solitude, close our eyes so that our soul will not be
led astray, as by a by-path, from its contemplation (3.11-
Phaedo 66B);
6) earthly things are like snares which trap the soul (5.15 -
Phaedo 83E);
7) the passions are like nails fastening the soul to earth (5.16
- Phaedo 83D);
8) by fleeing the evils of the world we raise our soul to the
likeness of the divine (5.17 - Theaet. 176B);
9) the pleasure of the world is like a bait which traps the soul
(6.24 - Timaeus 69D);
10) the soul governs and guides the body (6.27 - Phaedo 80A);
1 1 ) the one who lives in a state close to death does not fear
death when it comes (8.32 - Phaedo 67D);
12) death is the end of life (8.34 - Gorgias 516A, Phaedo 118);
13) the follower of good flies on high and remains with the pure,
perpetual, and immortal (9.39 - Phaedo 79D);
14) the soul, fastened to the body and its senses, staggers, as if
drunk, and falls from its disturbances (9.40 - Phaedo 79C);
15) the soul that leaves the corporeal and earthly and mortal
and desires the invisible and immortal becomes like what it
desires and is, therefore, not mortal (9.41 - Phaedo 84A-B);
16) the soul is life and cannot, therefore, receive death, which
is contrary to life (9.42 - Phaedo 105C-D);
17) just as light cannot receive its contrary, night, and just as
snow cannot admit heat, so the soul, which produces life,
cannot admit death (9.42 - Phaedo 106A-B, 103D);
18) Hades is defined as a place which is not seen (10.45 -
Phaedo 80D);
19) if the eye cannot look on the sun without harm, how can one
covered with the clothing of the whole body look without
harm on the eternal creator? (11.49 - Phaedo 99d);
20) the good man after death will be in the company of other
good men and shall find divine masters who are supremely
good (11.51 - Phaedo 63C, Apol. 41 A).
The pertinent section of each of the references to Plato given
above, as well as some others, is given in the commentary so that a
comparison can be made with the text of the De bono mortis. In
some instances the parallel is quite close. It should be noted, how
ever, that since many of the concepts and images employed by
Ambrose, as, for example, the arguments for immortality and the
images of the snare, the nail, the tomb, etc., were almost common
places in the popular philosophy of the time, it is difficult to deter
mine in each instance the extent of their formal dependence on
Plato. The question also arises whether Ambrose made use of
Plato directly as a source or indirectly, through, for example, Por
phyry or one of the Greek Christian writers like Origen or Basil.25
Either is certainly possible, as is the hypothesis that he made use of a
compendium of quotations from philosophers. But at least in
respect to the Phaedo the reminiscences are so numerous and some
so clear that the most plausible explanation would be to posit
Ambrose's direct use of the Phaedo. One thing, however, is clear:
Ambrose, whether directly or indirectly, was familiar with many of
the arguments and much of the imagery employed by Plato in the
Phaedo and made full use of them in the De bono mortis.
24 See: P. Hadot, "Platon et Plotin dans trois sermons de saint Ambroise,"

Revit Lat 34 (1956) 202-220; and the notes in J. Huhn, Der Tod - Bin Gut.
25 P. Courcelle, "Nouveaux aspects du Platonisme chez saint Ambroise,"
RevEtLat 34 (1956) 226-232.
INTRODUCTION 51
Plotinus
In 1950 P. Courcelle called attention to the fact that there were

several parallels between two Ambrosian treatises (De Isaac vel anima
and De bono mortis) and the Enneads of Plotinus.26 Courcelle's
discovery of these parallels came as a result of research into the
contacts between Ambrose and Augustine. He shows that Augustine
could have heard, and presumably did hear, the Hexameron, the
De Isaac and the De bono mortis, sermons preached, according to
Courcelle, in 386. The sermons show not only the influence of
certain of Plotinus' Enneads, but also a clear synthesis of Christianity
and Neo-Platonism. Augustine listened to these sermons and others
like them and became in due course a Christian Neo-Platonist such
as Ambrose was. Ambrose later introduced Augustine to Mallius
Theodorus, a distinguished Christian Neo-Platonist in Milan at the
time, who in turn introduced Augustine to the Platonist books
which he says he read. Finally, Augustine consulted the old priest
Simplicianus, another Christian Neo-Platonist. Thus Augustine came
under the influence of Neo-Platonism and Christianity at the same
time and through a Christian, namely Ambrose.
Whatever the merits of individual points in this thesis, e.g. the
date of the sermons, or the fact that it was Mallius Theodorus who
introduced Augustine to the Platonist books he speaks of,27 it has
established what interests us here, namely, that Ambrose was in
fluenced by Plotinus' Enneads in the composition of the De bono
mortis. Since Courcelle's discovery of parallels between Ambrose
and Plotinus, others, including L. Taormina, A. Solignac and P.
Hadot,28 have studied the relation between the two and have pointed
out new textual parallels.
26 P. Courcelle, "Plotin et Saint Ambroise," RevPhil 24 (1950) 29-56.

"See: John J. O'Meara, The Young Augustine 118-131; C. Mohrmann,
VigChr 5 (1951) 249-254; W. Teiler, Gnomon, 25 (1953) 113-122.
28 L. Taormina, "Sant'Ambrogio e Plotino", Misc. di studi di Lett. Crist. Antica
4 (1954) 41-85; A. Solignac, ArchPbil N.S. 19.3 (1956) 148-156; P. Hadot,
art.cit. KevttUt 34 (1956) 202-220.
Chapter 3 of Plotinus' Ennead on the primal good (1.7) treats

the same subject as the De bono mortis. This short treatise of
Plotinus is the last which he wrote before his death; it treats the
essentials of his religious and ethical teaching. In the first chapter
he establishes that the Absolute Good is the source and goal of all
man's activities.. In chapter 2 he shows that unity, existence, form,
life and intellect are all ways of sharing in the Absolute Good; the
soul approaches the Good through its life and intellect. Then in
chapter 3 he begins with the objection that Ambrose will use to
begin his treatise: "if life is a good, then is not death an evil?"
Plotinus shows that it is not true that death is an evil, because the
soul's life in the body is good only in so far as it separates itself
from the body by a life of virtue; death as separation of soul and
body is a good because it brings the soul to a better life. These are
the same arguments Ambrose develops (Bon. mort. 4.13-14), but
Ambrose adds a reference to Phillipians 1.21-23 which points to the
better life after death as a beatific life with Christ: "desiderium
habens dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo magis melius," and sup
presses mention of the universal soul, the comparision of the good
ness of the gods with the goodness of souls, and the punishments
of Hades. For the rest, Plotinus and Ambrose agree both in the
general development of the thought and in some of their expressions,
as a comparison of the texts of Plotinus and Ambrose shows.29
Later in the De bono mortis (8.33), when Ambrose discusses
the punishments after death, he uses the same argument as Plotinus
uses in this Ennead on the primal good (1.7). He admits that there
are punishments after death, but argues that they should be referred
not to death but to life. Death itself does not bring punishments,
but the death of a sinner. Again Ambrose adds the quotation from
Phillipians: "dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo melius."
Plotinus' Ennead J>.5 on love seems to be the source of Ambrose's
allegorical interpretation of the garden of Jove. Plato in the Sym-
29 For the two texts in parallel columns see: P. Courcelle, art. cit. RevPhil
24 (1950) 41-42.
INTRODUCTION 53
posium 203B had described the origin of Love (Eros) in allegorical

terms. On the birthday of Aphrodite there was a banquet at the
palace of Zeus. The god Plenty (Porus) was invited and after drink
ing deeply of the nectar entered the garden of Zeus where he fell
fast asleep. Need (Penia) was also invited and, thinking that she
could relieve her poverty by having a child of Plenty, entered the
garden and lay with Plenty. From the union Eros was born. Plo-
tinus' allegorical interpretation of the myth (Ennead 3.5) makes
Jove universal intelligence, Venus universal Soul, Plenty is the Logos,
the rational principle of all things, and Need is matter. From the
union of Logos and Matter Love is born. Ambrose (Bon. mort.
5.19) refers to Jove as the god of all and as the mind of all, and
to Venus as the soul. He mentions that Porus is in the garden
filled with riches and abundance and himself filled with nectar, a
point elaborated on in Plotinus, but makes no reference to Penia
or Eros. Ambrose differs chiefly from Plotinus in that he interprets
the birth of the soul as its entrance into the garden. He does this
so that he can connect the allegory with the Canticle of Canticles.3*
Besides the two parallels between Plotinus and Ambrose men
tioned above, others include the following:
1 ) flight from the evils of this world to become like the divine
(Bon. mort. 5.17 - Plot. Enn. 1.2.1);
2) the image of the soul as a craftsman which uses the body as
an instrument or tool (Bon. mort. 6.25 - Plot. Enn. 1.1.3);
3 ) by the mixture of soul and body the body benefits (Bon. mort.
7.26 - Plot. Enn. 1.1.4);
4) the image of light to describe the soul's presence in the body
(Bon. mort. 7.26 - Plot. Enn. 1.1.4 and 4.3.22);
5) the image of death as a naufragium for the sinner (Bon. mort.
8.31 - Plot. Enn. 4.3.17).
The De bono mortis contains not only allusions but whole pages
that are parallel to sections of the Enneads of Plotinus, sometimes
cited textually, sometimes paraphrased. This is the view of P.
30 P. Courcelle, art. cit. RevPhil 24 (1950) 44-45.

Courcelle.31 W. Theiler, on the other hand, disagrees with this

view.32 He considers Ambrose's Neo-Platonism as part of the stock-
in-trade of asceticism and in any case derived from Philo, Origen,
Basil, Gregory of Nyssa and Porphyry rather than from Plotinus.
He seeks to establish that Ambrose used, not the Enneads, but a
commentary of Porphyry on the Enneads or some other intermediary,
as a lost work of a Greek Father. Courcelle admits the well estab
lished fact that Ambrose often took his materials from the Greek
Fathers. But he sees here no necessity for the hypothesis of inter
mediaries between Plotinus and Ambrose. Ambrose was capable of
reading Plotius in Greek, just as he had read Philo, Origen, and
Basil. He could paraphrase him in a Christian sense, just as he had
paraphrased the De officiis of Cicero. Furthermore, one must
remember that it was in Italy that Plotinus had been published; that
Simplicianus, the tutor of Ambrose, was on familian terms with the
Neo-Platonist Marius Victorinus, who had translated Plotinus into
Latin; that Theodorus was a devotee of Plotinus; that Ambrose
knew enough about the pagan Neo-Platonists to write against them
in his lost De Sacramento regenerationis sive de philosophia. Given
the numerous and sometimes close textual parallels between the
Enneads and not only the De bono mortis, but also the De Isaac, the
De Iacob and the Hexameron, it seems reasonable to conclude that
Ambrose knew some of the Enneads directly and used them in a
Christian sense.
Cicero
The first book of Cicero's Tusculan Disputations and the De bono

mortis have much in common. First of all, the subject matter of the
two treatises is the same: death is not an evil, but a good. A com
parison of the outline of the De bono mortis given above with the
31 P. Courcelle, Les Confessions de Saint Augustin dans la tradition litteraire

29-31.
32 W. Theiler, Gnomon 25 (1953) 113-122, esp. 114-117.
INTRODUCTION 55
brief outline of Book 1 of the Tusculan Disputations will show the

similiarities.33
I. Introduction
1. Cicero's reasons for illustrating the principles of Greek
philosophy in Latin.
2. The subject of the book.
II. Discussion
1. Death is not an evil to the dead or the living.
a. The dead do not suffer; the stories of terrible punish
ments in the lower world are mere fables.
b. If death is annihilation, then
1) the dead are not unhappy, for they have no feeling;
2) the living need not fear death, for it can bring no
evil to them.
2. Death is not only not an evil, but is in reality a blessing.
a. To prove this we must consider:
1) the nature of death;
2) the nature of the soul.
b. Whatever theory in reference to these may be true,
death is not an evil, for
1 ) if the soul is material and perishes, there is no feel
ing after death;
2) if the soul is immortal, it is destined to be happy,
and therefore death is a blessing.
c. That the soul is immortal, and therefore death a blessing,
is proved by
1 ) the authority of antiquity;
33 The outline has been taken from F. Rockwood, Cicero's Tusculan Disputa
tions I and Scipio's dream, xxxviii - xl. I am indebted for much of the material
in this section to the excellent analysis of M. Testard, Saint Augustin et Ciceron,
I, 121-127.
2) the universal belief of mankind;

3) the interest taken by the living in the welfare of
future generations.
d. The dwelling-place and condition of the soul after death
must be discussed in order to avoid popular errors on
these points.
e. The immortality of the soul is still further proved by
1 ) the nature of the soul;
2) the powers of the soul, shown in recollection of its
former existence, ability to improve present condi
tions, and intellectual attainments.
3 ) The simplicity and unity of the soul.
/. Refutation of arguments advanced against the immortal
ity of the soul:
1) the soul, though not seen, is known through its
works;
2) the confidence of Socrates and Cato in a future life;
3) the inconsistency of the Stoics;
3 ) the weakness of Panaetius' theory.
3. Even if death destroys both soul and body, it is not an
evil, for
a. There would then be no feeling after death.
b. The pain of death lasts but a brief time.
c. Death, while it takes us from the joys of life, takes us
also from its sorrows and disappointments.
d. The unconscious dead cannot feel the loss of the bless
ings of life.
e. Death in infancy or youth is not an evil, as life has no
fixed limit.
/. A life based on virtue gives one courage in the face of
death, as shown in the case of Theramenes, Socrates,
and the Spartans.
(Cicero turns aside from the discussion proper to show
that burial honors cannot in any way affect the dead.)
g. The best die with calmest mind.
INTRODUCTION 57
III. Epilogue
1. The judgement of the gods.
2. The example of patriots.
3. Death is the haven of rest which all must enter.
Besides the similarity in subject matter there are some common
developments of theme. Ambrose, for example, begins by suppos
ing the objection of an interlocutor and then introduces the first
topic for consideration: "quomodo mors non est mala? et ideo quid
sit vita, quid etiam mors consideremus" (Bon. mort. 1.2). He pur
sues the topic by defining physical death as "animae corporisque
secessio" (Bon. mort. 2.3). In like manner the discussion of the
Tusculan Disputations is generated by the auditor's objection: "ma
lum mihi videatur esse mors" (Tusc. 1.5.9). Marcus begins the
consideration of the topic by saying, as does Ambrose, that the
notion of death must first be examined and then he gives one of the
current opinions on death: "mors igitur ipsa . . . quid sit est viden-
dum. sunt enim qui discessum animi a corpore putent esse mortem."
(Tusc. 1.9.18). Later in his work Ambrose compares the relation
of soul and body to the artist and his musical instrument (Bon. mort.
6.25, 7.27). Cicero refers to the same image in Tusc. 1.10.19. In
the pages that follow Ambrose shows that death is an evil neither
for the living nor for the dead and combats the fears people have
of death (Bon. mort. 7.30 - 8.32) Cicero shows his auditor that death
is not miserable and need not be feared (Tusc. 1.7.14-1.8.16,
1.11.23; 1.37.90) One of the reasons for people fearing death,
Ambrose explains, is the fables of poets concerning the punishments
of the underworld: "latratus Cerberi et Cocyti fluminis tristem
voraginem," etc. (Bon. mort. 8.33) He adds that, although he does
not deny the existence of punishments after death, these are only
fables. To his auditor, persuaded that death is an evil, Cicero asks
if he believes in the punishments of the underworld: "apud inferos
Cerberus, Cocyti fremitus," etc. His auditor admits that these are
only the creations of the poets: "adeone me delirare censes ut ista
esse credam?" (Tusc. 1.5.10).
There are also examples of similar methods of reasoning in the
two treatises. Cicero, for example, presents his auditor with the
dilemma: "if death is an evil, is it evil for those who are already
dead or for those about to die?" (Tusc. 1.5.9). Similarly Ambrose
explains that death is evil neither for the living nor for the dead
(Bon. mort. 7.30). Cicero argues that death is a good if the soul
endures, and if after death the soul does not endure then there is
no sensibility and therefore death is not miserable (Tusc. 1.11.25).
For Ambrose death is not an evil since either the soul is deprived
of feeling, as the pagans believe, or death is the gaining of Christ,
as St. Paul teaches (Bon. mort. 4.13).
The images of the body as bonds (vincula) holding the soul to
earth and of the body as a prison (carcer) can be found in the
Tusculan Disputations (1.30.74; 1.31.75) and in the De bono mortis
(2.5, 3.8-9, 11.48). The conception of death as a return (reditus)
is in Ambrose (Bon. mort. 8.32) and in Cicero (Tusc. 1.30.72), as is
the image of death as a port of refuge (Bon. mort. 4.15; Tusc.
1.49.118).
Finally, there are some verbal similarities, for example, between
Bon. mort. 4.13: "quomodo igitur nobis mors malum, si nullus post
mortem sensus est? ubi enim nullus sensus, nullus utique iniuriae
dolor, quis dolor sensus est," and Tusc. 1.34.82: "num igitur aliquis
dolor aut omnino post mortem sensus in corpore est." In the same
paragraph Ambrose says: "si aut secundum gentiles (an expression
that could be announcing a citation) mors sensu caret." Cicero used
the expression in several places: Tusc. 1.11.25: "sensu carentes;"
1.11.26: "carere sensu." Compare also Bon. mort. 4.13 referring
to the death of a sinner: "non mors malum, sed vita, quia vita non
fuit," and Tusc. 1.31.75: "quo cum venerimus, tum denique vivimus.
nam haec quidem vita mors est."
Ambrose was, therefore, inspired in the De bono mortis not only
by the Bible, by Plato and Plotinus, but by the Tusculan Disputations
of Cicero, whose De officiis was the source for much of Ambrose's
De officiis ministrorum.
introduction 59
Other Sources
The De bono mortis also contains reminiscences of Epicurus (Bon.
mort. 8.31>, Philo (Bon. mort. 3.11), Origen (Bon mort. 2.3), Basil
(Bon. mort. 7.27), Sallust (Bon. mort. 4.13), Vergil (Bon. mort. 5.16,
5.21, 8.33, 8.39) and Macrobius (8.33). The relevant texts of each
of these are set out in the commentary. Of central importance is
the dependence of Ambrose's doctrine of the three kinds of death
on Origen's Dialogue with Heraclides, discovered at Toura, near
Cairo, in 1941 and edited for the first time in 1949 by M.J. Sche-
rer.34 Noteworthy also is the dependence on Basil of Ambrose's
teaching on the soul as the image of God (Bon. mort. 7.27) and
Ambrose's possible dependence on Macrobius' Commentary on the
Somnium Scipionis in his listing of the punishments of the under
world mentioned in the fables of the poets. (Bon. mort. 8.33) 35
The variety and extent of Ambrose's use of philosophical sources,

not only in the De bono mortis but in some of his other works as
well, make necessary a revision of the commonly held view of Am
brose as a philosopher. According to this view Ambrose may have
been a statesman of the first order, an excellent pastor of souls, a spe
cialist in Scripture and dogma, a preacher and poet of quality. But
he was not a philosopher. Although he knew Greek and read those
who knew philosophy well, like Origen and Philo, he himself had
little interest in the speculative and was in fact an enemy of phi
losophy.36
Ambrose's own invectives against philosophy, especially against
dialectics, lend support to this view. For example, in the De fide
34 See: H. Puech - P. Hadot, "L'Entretien d'Origene avec Heraclide et le

Commentaire de saint Ambroise sur l'Evangile de saint Luc", VigChr 13 (1959)
204-234.
35 P. Courcelle, "Nouveaux aspects de Platonisme chez S. Ambroise", RevStLat
34 (1956) 236.
36 See, for example, P. Alfaric, L'evolution intellectuelle de saint Augustin
(Paris 1918) 372: E. Gilson, La pbilosophie au moyen age, des origines patristi-
que a la fin de XIV siicle 112.
he warns the Arians to beware of the arguments of philosophers:

"for they store up all the strength of their powers in dialectical dispu
tation, which by the judgement of philosophers is defined as having
no power to establish anything but aiming at destruction. But it
was not by dialectic that it pleased God to save his people." 3? In
the same work he points out how ineffectual philosophers are where
faith is concerned: "away with arguments where faith is required.
Let dialectic keep silent even in her own schools. I do not ask
what philosophers say, but I do want to know what they do. They
remain alone in their schools. See how faith wins over their argu
ments: those who dispute subtly are daily deserted by their col
leagues, while the number of those who believe with simplicity is
increased daily. Men believe fishermen, not philosophers, believe
tax-gatherers, not masters of dialectic." 3a In the De incarnatione he
returns to the same theme: "this is the glory of the masters of
dialectic: they seem to overpower and refute the truth with words.
On the other hand, the definition of faith is that the truth, not
words, is what counts. Accordingly, the simple truth of fishermen
excludes the words of philosophers." 39 According to Ambrose the
Arians have "left the Apostle to follow Aristotle." t0 These attacks
against dialectic gave rise to the legend mentioned by Nicolas of
Cusa that Ambrose had the following invocation added to the litur-
37 De fide 1.5.42: "omnem enim vim venenorum suorum in dialectics dispu-

tatione constituunt, quae philosophorum sententia definitur non adstruendi vim
habere, sed studium destruendi. Sed non in dialectica conplacuit deo salvum
facere populum suum."
38 De fide 1.13.84: "aufer hinc argumenta, ubi fides quaeritur. in ipsis gymna-
siis suis iam dialectica tacet. non quaero, quid Ioquantur philosophi, requiro,
quid faciant. soli in suis gymnasiis remanserunt. vide, quam fides argumentis
praeponderet: illi cottidie a suis consortibus deseruntur, qui copiose disputant,
isti cottidie crescunt, qui simpliciter credunt. non creditur philosophis, cre-
ditur piscatoribus, non dialecticis, creditur publicanis."
39 De incarn. 9.89: "haec est enim dialecticorum gloria, si videantur expugnare
verbis et refellere veritatem: et contra definitio fidei est, ut veritas, non verba
pendantur. denique verba philosophorum excludit simplex veritas piscatorum."
40 In psalm. 118.22.10: "relinquerunt Apostolum, sequuntur Aristotelem."
INTRODUCTION 61
gical litany: "a dialecticis Aristotelis, libera nos, Domine."41 But

it should be noted that these invectives against dialectics appear for
the most part only in works of Ambrose against the Arians and
represent the reaction of a man exasperated by the errors of Arianism
against the masters of dialectic that had become the followers of
Arius.42
Ambrose seems to have studied philosophy at Rome. He was
tutored by the priest Simplicianus, who was on familiar terms with
the Neo-Platonist Marius Victorinus. Ambrose, as noted earlier, had
a direct acquaintance with Plato. He appears to have read at least
parts of the Republic, Symposium, Phaedrus, Gorgias, Timaeus,
Phaedo, Apology, Meno, and Laws.43 His letter to the church at
Vercelli (Epist. 3) and the De bono mortis (8.31) show that he had
some knowledge of the writings of Epicurus. He had some general
acquaintance with Aristotle and had read at least some of the philo
sophical works of Cicero. In addition, Courcelle and others have
shown that he had read some of the Enneads of Plotinus and perhaps
also Macrobius. Although his main interest was the ethical
teachings of the philosophers, he did not show complete indifference
to metaphysical problems. He discusses, for example, the substance
of God (De fide 3.15.123-128) and the definition of God as being
itself (In psalm. 43. 19).
Ambrose, however, felt the need to justify his use of pagan phi
losophical works. He did this by the claim that all that is best in
their teaching was taken over from Scripture: because their teach
ing came ultimately from revelation it was good and could be used
as part of the Christian heritage. But he did not accept the teaching
of philosophers uncritically. In the De bono mortis he says: "I
have used the writings of Esdras that the pagans may know that the
things they marvel at in the books of philosophy have been taken
41 See note on Ambrose, De fide 1.41 in Migne (PL 16.536).

42 See the note by A. Solignac in Les Confessions (Bibliotheque augustinienne,
(ser. 2.13-14) 2.14, p. 530.
43 H. Dudden, Saint Ambrose 1.13-14.
over from ours. But would that they had not so mixed the super
fluous and useless with them, that they say that the souls of men as
well as those of beasts are common, and their reward is highest if
the souls of the great philosophers transmigrate into bees and
nightingales" (Bon mort. 10.45) Ambrose also wrote a work en
titled De sacramento regenerationis sive de philosophia. From what
is know about this lost treatise it seems that it was, at least in part,
a polemic against certain errors of the Platonists, as, for example,
their view that God created only man's soul and not his body.44
44 See: Aug. Contra Iulian Pelag. 2.7.19-20 quoted in the commentary on

Bon. mort. 10.45; Augustine quotes some lines from the De philosophia.
SUMMARY OF STYLISTIC FEATURES
In the De officiis Ambrose gives his clergy instructions on the

composition of their sermons: "the address should be plain, simple,
lucid, and clear, full of dignity and meaning, not characterized by
studied elegance, yet not without attractiveness." ' This, in sum
mary, is the ideal Ambrose himself followed in his own sermons.
But at first sight he does not appear to have had great success in
following his own advice. There seems to be a contradiction between
theory and practice when we read a passage like the following in the
De bono mortis: (12.54)
pulchre autem quod supra promisit hic poposcit. et quia ante
promisit et sic poposcit, non ante poposcit et sic promisit,
promisit quasi arbiter muneris, conscius potestatis, poposcit a
patre quasi pietatis interpres. et ante promisit, ut potestatem
agnoscas, poposcit postea, ut pietatem intellegas. non popo
scit ante et sic promisit, ne videretur promisisse potius quod
inpetraverat quam quod promiserat praestitisse. nec super-
fluum putes quod poposcit cum tibi exprimat paternae volun
tatis consortium, in quo unitatis indicium, non incrementum
est potestatis.
The excessive use of figures of sound and devices of parallelism is
hardly characteristic of a style that is "pura, simplex, dilucida, atque
manifesta, plena gravitatis et ponderis." But his style must be
judged according to the standards of the fourth century rhetorical
1 De officiis 1.101: "oratio pura, simplex, dilucida, atque manifesta, plena

gravitatis et ponderis: non affectata elegantia, sed non intermissa gratia."
schools which showed an extreme fondness for the devices of rhetoric

and a preoccupation with the form rather than with the substance.
It should be noted, too, that Ambrose exhibits a definitely poetic
coloring in his language and that he frequently makes use of scrip
tural phraseology and imagery. However, when compared with
other fourth-century prose writers, like Symmachus or Ausonius,
Ambrose's style does show a certain restraint and simplicity. Mo
reover, one is always conscious of the intense earnestness of purpose
beneath his rhetoric.
In judging Ambrose's style it is useful to note what his contempo
raries had to say about it. On the negative side is St. Jerome. In
381 Ambrose had presented to the emperor Gratian a work entitled
De Spiritu Sancto, which he modelled on similar treatises by Didymus
the Blind and Basil. In 386-387, the time of the composition of the
De bono mortis, Jerome translated the work of Didymus on the
Holy Spirit. In the preface he refers to Ambrose's earlier work
with these comments:
I preferred to translate the work of another rather than be like
a crow (as some have been) and trick myself out in the disguise
of others. A short time ago I read the books of a certain
individual on the Holy Spirit, and, as the comic poet Terence
has put it, I have seen an ugly Latin copy of an excellent
Greek original. It is not well argued. There is nothing subs
tantial about it, no pretense of style that could charm a reluc
tant reader. The whole is soft and weak, although neat and
pretty and tricked out with bright passages gathered from all
sides . . . Certainly anyone who reads Didymus will know
from whom the Latins have stolen and will ignore the stream
lets when he begins to drink from the spring itself.2
2 Interpretatio Didymi de Spiritu Sancto, Praefatio (PL 23.103-104): "malui

alieni operis interpres existere, quam (ut quidam faciunt) informis cornicula,
alienis me coloribus adornare. legi dudum cuiusdam libellos de spiritu sancto:
et juxta comici sententiam ex Graecis bonis, Latina vidi non bona. nihil ibi
dialecticum, nihil virile atque districtum, quod lectorem vel ingratis in assensum
trahat: sed totum flaccidum, molla, nitidum, atque formosum, et exquisitis hinc
INTRODUCTION 65
Whatever the reason for Jerome's hostility, his estimate of Ambrose

is hardly fair. A more balanced view is presented by Augustine in
his Confessions. When Augustine received the professorship of
rhetoric for Milan he came to Ambrose's cathedral church to hear
him preach and judge for himself the eloquence for which Ambrose
was already famous:
So I came to Milan, to the bishop and devout servant of God,
Ambrose, famed among the best men of the whole world,
whose eloquence did then most powerfully minister to Thy
people. . . . All unknowing I was brought by God to him,
that knowing I should be brought by him to God. ... I
attended carefully when he preached to the people, not with
the right intention, but only to judge whether his eloquence
was equal to his fame or whether it flowed higher or lower
than had been told me. His words I listened to with the
greatest care; his matter I held quite unworthy of attention.
I enjoyed the charm of his speaking, though for all his learn
ing it was not so pleasing and captivating as that of Faustus:
I refer of course only to the actual speaking: for the rest there
was no comparison at all. . . . Along with the words, which
I admired, there also came into my mind the subject-matter,
to which I attached no importance. I could not separate
them. And while I was opening my heart to learn how elo
quently he spoke, I came to feel, though only gradually, how
truly he spoke.3
inde odoribus pigmentatum . . . certe qui hunc legerit, Latinorum furta cognoscet:
et contemnet rivulos, cum coeperit haurire de fontibus."
3 Aug. Confessiones 5.13.23-24: "et veni Mediolanium ad Ambrosium episco-
pum, in optimis notum orbi terrae, pium cultorem tuum, cuius tunc eloquia
strenue ministrabant . . . populo tuo. ad eum autem ducebar abs te nesciens,
ut per eum te sciens ducerer . . . et studiose audiebam disputantem in populo,
non intentione, qua debui, sed quasi explorans eius facundiam, utrum conveniret
famae suae an maior minorve proflueret, quam praedicabatur, et verbis eius
suspendebar intentus, rerum autem incuriosus et contemptor adstabam et delecta-
bar suavitate sermonis, quamquam eruditions, minus tamen hilarescentis atque
mulcentis, quam Fausti erat, quod attinet ad dicendi modum. ceterum rerum
Augustine, as a "professional", found Ambrose's style delightful:

less "pleasing and captivating" than that of Faustus, but more
learned. Ambrose had enjoyed all the advantages of an upper-class
education in Rome itself. There was nothing "provincial" about
him. He read the books of a new generation of brilliant Greek
bishops and a whole tradition of Greek Christian scholarship to
give his people some of the most learned and up-to-date sermons
in the Latin West.4
Cassiodorus summed up the estimate of antiquity when he refer
red to Ambrose as "a distiller of milky speech, dignified yet acute,
most sweet in his gentle persuasion, whose teaching was matched
by his life." 5
In the following sections the general characteristics of the style
of Ambrose as revealed by the De bono mortis have been detailed.
No attempt has been made to count each instance of a particular
figure but a rough estimate of the frequency of each figure and
some typical examples have been given.
I. Rhetorical Figures
1. Figures of Imagery
Metaphor
The De bono mortis abounds in the use of metaphorical lan
guage. Yet it does not seem excessive and adds color to his prose
style. He is fond of heaping one metaphor upon another. A repre
sentative passage is 5.16. Within a few lines he speaks of the
ipsarum nulla conparatio . . . veniebant in animum meum simul cum verbis, quae
diligebam, res etiam, quas neglegebam. neque enim ea dirimere poteram. et
dum cor aperirem ad excipiendum, quam diserte diceret, pariter intrabat et
quam vere diceret, gradatim quidem."
4 Cf. P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo 83-84.
5 Cassiodorus, Inst. 1.20: "sanctus quoque Ambrosius lactei sermonis ema-
nator, cum gravitate acutus, inviolenta persuasione dulcissimus; cui fuit aequalis
doctrina cum vita quando ei non parvis miraculis gratia divinitatis arrisit."
INTRODUCTION 67
"dwelling of the body," "the incasement of trouble," "the bond

of the body," "the bed of flesh," "wings of love," and "oarage of
charity":
per mortem autem istam anima liberatur, dum a corporis
contubernio secernitur, et involucris perturbationis exuitur.
unde et nos, dum in corpore sumus, usum mortis imitantes
adlevemus animam nostram ex istius carnis cubili et tamquam
de isto exsurgamus sepulcro, adducamus nos a corporis nexu,
relinquamus omnia quaecumque terrena sunt, ut cum venerit
adversarius, nihil in nobis inveniat suum. contendamus ad
illud aeternum, ad illud divinum evolemus pinnis dilectionis et
remigio caritatis.
From among the many metaphors the following are typical:

3.10 retibus quibusdam et nebulis huius corporis;
4.15 of death: portus quidam est eorum qui magno vitae istius
iactati salo fidae quietatis stationem requirunt;
5.16 laqueus in auro, viscum est in argento, nexus in praedio,
clavus in amore;
5.16 clavus est libido, clavus tristitia, clavus iracundia, clavi
sunt omnes passiones;
5.17 pinxit virtutum coloribus;
6.24 esca laqueorum;
8.35 mors igitur stipendiorum plenitudo, summa merecedis,
gratia missionis est.
Simile
Ambrose uses the simile with some frequency but many examples
are very brief. The following are typical:
2.5 anima . . . evolet tamquam carcereo corporis;
2.5 ita dimitti petit quasi a vinculis;
2.5 tamquam peregrinus ad illam sanctorum communem
omnium festinabat patriam;
3.11 quasi semita . . . animam abducat a vero;
5.16 tamquam de isto exsurgamus sepulchro;
5.16 passiones, quae velut veru quodam animam nostram pe

netrant;
9.38 id quod procellosum . . . quasi fera in cavea claudatur
sepulchri.
In a few passages Ambrose develops similes at great length. The
simile of the soul likened to the musician is particularly complex:
7.27 siquidem ut modulator modulis suis aut tibiae aut citharae
aut organi voce, gestu affectuque conpatitur, in tristibus
sonis tristior, in laetis laetior, in acutioribus excitatior,
in ipsis mitioribus mitior atque mansuetior, ut sonos
cantuum ipse commendet et quodammodo moduletur af-
fectus, anima quoque in hoc corpore tamquam in fidibus
musicis, quae sobria est, tamen summis, ut ita dicam,
digitis velut nervorum sonos ita pulsat carnis istius pas
siones, ut consonum reddat morum atque virtutum consen-
tientemque concentum, ut in omnibus cogitationibus suis,
in omnibus operibus id custodiat, ut omnia consilia et
facta sibi concinant.
The simile of snow and heat, light and darkness:
9.47 sicut enim nix calorem non recipit, nam statim solvitur,
et lux non recepit tenebras, nam statim discutit — infuso
enim lumen tenebrarum horror aufertur sicut admoto igni
nivium rigor desinit — ita et anima, quae vitam creat
mortem non recipit, non moritur.
2. Figures of Amplification
Arsis-Thesis
Ambrose is especially fond of arsis-thesis — contrasted ideas by
a scheme of negation and affirmation. Of the two kinds, the
negative-positive and the positive-negative, he shows a preference
for the negative-positive. Some typical examples:
INTRODUCTION 69
Negative-Positive :
2.3 non hoc mortis est vitium, sed nostrae infirmitatis;
3.8 non 'sacrifico' inquit, sed 'sacrificabo';
3.10 non per corporis indulgentiam, sed per animae elevationem;
4.13 nec morte amittitur sed augetur;
8.31 non est grave mori sed grave est vivere sub metu mortis;
8.33 mors peccatorum, non utique mors pessima generaliter, sed
pessima specialiter peccatorum.
Positive-Negative :
5.18 vocem tuam insinua mihi, 'mihi' inquit non 'amicis';
10.44 repetitur enim anima, non interimitur;
12.53 ante promisit et sic poposcit, non ante poposcit et sic
promisit;
12.55 'placebo' dixit, non 'placeo'.
Pleonasm
Pleonasm — the use of more words than necessary to express
an idea — although not a marked characteristic of Ambrose's style,
occurs fairly often:
3.10 fugiat et recedat;
3.11 depretiavit et dehonestavit;
3.12 nulla firmitudo sententiae, nulla constantia;
4.13 vitiis peccatisque;
10.44 regitur et gubernatur;
12.52 ad illum sanctorum coetum iustorumque conventum;
12.52 insipientia atque ignorantia, timore ac metu;
12.57 a saeculis et nunc et semper et in omnia saecula saeculorum.
3. Figures of Repetition
Epanaphora
Of the figures of repetition by far the most commonly used
by Ambrose is epanaphora — the doubling of a word at the begin
ning of two or more phrases. Of the numerous examples in the
De bono mortis repetitions range from two to six. They are effec
tive in a sermon style, and add charm and emphasis to the com
position. Some typical examples:
3.10 illic enim erat eius conversatio,
illic animae eius conversatio,
illic eius prudentia;
5.20 alius qui culpam coherceat,
alius qui iniquitatem corripiat,
alius qui mori faciat insolentiam;
7.27 aliud quod in imperio,
aliud quod in ministerio,
aliud quod sumus,
aliud quod nostrum est;
8.37 unusquisque moriturus,
unusquisque depositus aevo,
unusquisque confectus vulnere gravi,
unusquisque morbo absumptus est iam morti proximum.
12.52 ibimus ad illos nostrae fidei praeceptores . . .,
ibimus et ubi sinum suum Abraham sanctus expandit, . . .
ibimus ad eos qui secumbunt in regno dei . . .
ibimus eo,
ubi paradisus iocunditatis est,
ubi Adam . . . nescit iam vulnere sua flere,
ubi et latro ipsi regni caelestis consortio gratulatur,
ubi nullae nubes,
nulla tonitrua,
nullae coruscationes,
nulla ventorum procella;
6.23 quotiens in ratione nobis . . . offunduntur . . .
quotiens inimicus cordi nostro conatur insere . . .
quotiens corporeos inflammat ardores,
quotiens occursare facit oculos meretricios . . .
quotiens inserit animo verbum iniquum;
12.57 nolite timere, id est,
nolite timere a peccatis saeculi,
nolite timere ab iniquitatibus mundi.
INTRODUCTION 71
nolite timere a fluctibus corporalium passionum:

ego sum peccatorum remissio.
nolite timere a tenebris:
ego sum lux,
nolite timere a morte:
ego sum vita.
Antistrophe
The opposite of epanaphora, antistrophe — the repetition of a
word at the end of successive phrases or clauses — occurs infre
quently in the De bono mortis:
4.13 quomodo igitur nobis mors malum, si nullus post mortem
sensus est} ubi enim nullus sensus, nullus utique iniuriae
dolor, quia dolor sensus est.
4.14 indicium post mortem, etiam vita post mortem
12.56 ubi umbra mortis, ubi porta mortis, ubi corpus est mortis.
Anastrophe
Anastrophe — the repetition of the final word or group of words
of one phrase or clause at the beginning of the next — is not
commonly employed by Ambrose. The following are some examples:
2.5 finis eius adlevamento est. adlevamentum autem bonum;
3.8 alius necessarium, necessarium propter fructus operis;
3.10 quando igitur anima nostra non fallitur . . . nisi quando . . .;
ab isto . . . corpore . . . inluditur} inluditur enim visu
oculorum;
9.40 errat igitur oculos, ubi errat affectus. affectus ergo deceptio
est. deceptio visus;
9.40 si vere vidissent, vidissent derformem meretricis affectum.
Kuklos
Kuklos is a figure of repetition in which the opening and con
cluding words of a sentence are identical. Ambrose rarely used this
figure. The one example found in the De bono mortis involves a
scriptural quotation, from Jn 17.24, in which Ambrose deliberately

adds at the end an additional pater from the following verse with
the comment: repetitio ista confirmatio est:
12.54 pater, quos dedisti mihi, volo ut ubi ego sum et illi sint
mecum, ut videant claritatem meam, pater.
Anadiplosis
Anadiplosis is the doubling of a word or of a word-group either
immediately or after an interval. Such doublings occur often in the
De bono mortis; although it is difficult to tell in every case whether
they are due to direct conscious effort, some examples are so
elaborate that it is difficult to attribute them to mere chance:
3.9 bona vita post mortem, hoc est bona vita post victoriam,
bona vita post mortem;
3.10 hoc corpus corpus appelans;
5.16 excitet aquilam suam, illam aquilam de qua dictum est
6.24 oculus enim meretricis laqueus amatoris est. oculus ergo
meretricis est laqueus: laqueus est etiam sermo meretricis.
7.27 si quis animae pulchritudinem diligit, nos diligit, si quis
corporis decorem diligit, non ipsum hominem, sed carnis
diligit pulchritudinem;
9.41 inpediuntur cogitationes, quae inpediuntur visu,
inpediuntur auditu;
9.42 nam quomodo substantia eius interire potest, cum utique
anima sit, quae vitam infundit? et cui anima infunditur
vita infunditur, a quo anima discedit vita discedit, anima
ergo vita est;
11.49 ut adpropinquet anima nostra deo, adpropinquet oratio;
12.57 nolite timere, id est nolite timere a peccatis saeculi.
4. Figures of Sound
An analysis of the figures of sound in the De bono mortis helps
to confirm the fact that the treatise was originally delivered in
sermon form. Almost every sentence is constructed with a view
INTRODUCTION 73
to the effect the sound will have on the audience. A few typical
examples of the various figures of sound Ambrose employs will be
sufficient to show his attention to this aspect of his style.
Paronomasia
Paronomasia is a figure in which words, similar in sound, but
different in meaning, are contrasted. Ambrose often does not
limit himself to one set, but contrasts several at one time.
1.1 denique innocentia est, ubi non est nocendi voluntas, et
noxius dicitur qui non sit innoxius, misericors qui remittat,
inmisericors qui ignoscere atque inflecti nesciat;
12.54 quia ante promisit et sic proposat, non ante poposcit et
sic promisit, promisit quasi arbiter numeris, conscius po-
testatis, poposcit a patre quasi pietatis intepres et antea
promisit, ut potestatem agnoscas, poposcit postea, ut pieta-
tem intellegas, etc.
Parachesis
Parachesis is similarity of sound through several syllables of
words differing in root but alike enough to make the similarity
striking. The following are typical examples:
2.7 lucrum est enim evasisse incrementa peccati, lucrum fugisse
deteriora, ad meliora transisse;
4.15 mortificatio autem Christi remissio peccatorum, abolitio
criminum, erroris oblivio, adsumptio gratiarum est;
10.43 vides igitur quia non moritur cum corpore quae et ponitur
et resumitur;
Polyptoton
Polyptoton is the placing of two or more different cases of the
same word near each other; originally used of proper names, it
was extended to common nouns:
3.12 habitatio in luteis domibus et ipsa vita in luto ... in die
nox desideratur, in node dies quaeritur.
8.31 metus autem opinionis est, opinio nostrae infirmitatis, con-

traria veritati: nam per verttatem virtus, per opinionem
infirmitas;
12.57 a saeculis et nunc et semper et in omnia saecula saeculorum.
Alliteration and Assonance

Alliteration is the repetition of the same letter in words either
immediately successive or at close intervals. Assonance is the
repetition of the same sound at the end of successive words. Am
brose shows restraint in his use of these devises, seldom lapsing
into the affectations of the sophists. He often attains his effects
by using a variety of two-fold similar sounds in the same sentence.
The following are typical examples of alliteration:
2.6 in qua quanto diutius quis;
4.15 sepultura vitiorum virtutum suscitatio;
7.27 consentientemque concentum, ut in omnibus cogitationibus
suis, in omnibus operibus id custodiat, ut omnia consilia;
11.48 corruptibilis corporis carcere in lucem libertatemque;
12.53 nullae nubes, nulla tonitrua, nullae coruscationes.
Alliteration with assonance:
2.4 innumerae calumniae et multae molestiae et multae lacrimae;
5.16 non auro redimitur, non argento immo auro amittitur;
7.27 in tristibus sonis tristior, in laetis laetior, in acutioribus
excitatior, in ipsis mitioribus mitior atque mansuetior.
5. Figures of Vivacity
Asyndeton
Asyndeton — the omission of connecting particles between coor
dinate groups — is fairly frequent in the De bono mortis; it adds
liveliness and rapidity to his style. He uses both asyndeton of words
and of clauses. Some typical examples are:
3.12 fletus lacrimae dolores timores sollicitudines;
5.16 laqueus in auro, viscum est in argento, nexus in praedio,
clavus in amore;
INTRODUCTION 75
6.22 auri argenti vicinae possessiones;

7.45 meditando legendo quaerendo;
9.40 deformem meretricis affectum, inhorrentem procaciam,
indecentem impudicitiam, marcentes libidines, taetram con-
luvionem, animi vulnera, conscientiae cicatrices
9.41 auditu odore tactu sapore;
12.53 extende . . . aperi . . . expande;
12.55 via es, veritas vita possibilitas fides praemium, suscipe
quasi via, confirma quasi veritas, vivifica quasi vita, pande
illud tuum bonum.
Polysyndeton
Polysyndeton — the repetition of a conjunction in a series of
words, phrases or clauses which are coordinate — is not as com
mon a feature of Ambrose's style as asyndeton:
5.16 aut laqueis capitur aut visco fallitur aut quibusdam inre-
titur insidiis;
9.39 in bonis habitet et in caelestibus sit et possideat Corpus
suum et dominetur ei . . . et possideat hereditatem gloriae;
12.53 neque tenebrae neque vesper, neque aestas neque hiems;
12.55 et vivimus et sumus et movemur.
Rhetorical Questions
Rhetorical questions — questions asked for effect and not for
an answer — are not common in the De bono mortis, but are used
effectively:
2.4 quid enim miserius quam ut custodia torqueat quarum
abundantia mihi prosit?
2.6 quid igitur tantopere vitam istam desideramus, in qua
quanto diutius quis fuerit tanto maioris oneratur sarcina?
3.12 quid enim est haec vita nisi plena laqueorum?
4.15 quid est enim mors nisi sepultura vitiorum, virtutum
suscitatio?
12.55 unde enim illic, ubi nullus est lapsus?
Exclamatio and Optatio

Exclamatio, an expression of strong emotion, is used very in
frequently in the De bono mortis; optatio, an impassioned wish,
not at all. The best example of exclamatio is the following:
6.23 quotiens in oratione nobis, qua maxime deo adpropin-
quamus; offunduntur ea quae plena sunt obprobii alicuius
aut sceleris, quo nos a studio precationis avertant! quotiens
inimicus cordi nostro conatur inserere quo nos reflectat a
sanctitatis proposito et piis votis! quotiens corporeos in-
flammat ardores, quotiens occursare facit oculos meretricios,
quibus castum iusti temptet affectum, ut inproviso amoris
spiculo feriat inparatum! quotiens inserit animo tuo
verbum iniquum et cogitationes cordis absconditas;
Apostrophe
The De bono mortis does not lend itself to the use of apostrophe
— an address to one absent as though present; it is rarely used.
Of the four instances, two are direct prayers:
11.52 sed nunc, pater, etiam atque etiam extende, etc.;
12.55 sequimur te, domine Iesu, etc.;
6.22 tunc magis ad Christum, anima, dirige gressus tuos;
7.29 sed noli, inquit, o homo, divinae bonitatis et patientiae
thensauros contemnere.
6. Figures of Argumentation
Dialektikon
Dialektikon — development of a point by question and answer
— is used rather infrequently in the De bono mortis. Some typical
examples are:
4.13 quomodo mors mala, si aut . . . sensu carte aut . . . lucrum
Christus est, cum quo esse multo melius? quomodo igitur
nobis mors malum, si nullus post mortem sensu est? ubi
INTRODUCTION 77
enim nullus sensus, nullus utique iniuriae dolor, quia

dolor sensus est;
4.14 vita igitur haec non est bona, aut si hic bona vita, quomodo
illic mors non est bona, cum illic nullus supersit terribilis
iudicii metus? sed ipsa hic vita si bona est, quibus rebus
bona est? virtute utique et bonis moribus, non ergo
secundum animae et corporis copulam bona est sed quia
per virtutem quod malum est suum repellit;
9.42 anima ergo vita est. quomodo potest mortem recipere,
cum sit contraria? . . . anima, quae vitam creat mortem
non recipit, non moritur: anima autem mortem non recipit:
anima ergo non moritur;
12.54 unde voluntatis denique dubitamus effectus? sed Christi
velle fecisse est.
Prokataleipsis
Prokataleipsis — the anticipation of an objection by refuting
it in advance — is used only four times:
1.2 sed forte aliqui: quid tam contrarium quam vita morti? . . .
et ideo quid sit vita, quid etiam mors consideremus;
4.13 sed dicet aliquis scriptum esse quia deus mortem non fecit;
vita erat in paradiso . . . mors igitur mala . . . sed quomodo
mors mala, si . . . lucrum Christus est, cum quo esse multo
melius;
10.43 After referring to Christ's statement that he had power
to take up and to lay down his soul, which proved, ac
cording to Ambrose, that the soul does not die with the
body, he adds: sed forte dicas: specialiter: scilicet quod
Christi est . . . audi dicentem: quis scis an nocte a te tua
anima reposcatur? . . . quae repetitur, manet;
12.54 referring to Christ's promise of many mansions, he says:
sed dicis quia solis discipulis loquebatur, quod ipsis solis
spoponderit multas mansiones; igitur undecim tantum di
scipulis praeparabat. et ubi est illud, quod ex omnibus

partibus venient et recumbent in dei regno?
Prosopopoiia
Prosopopoiia is the imaginary speech of an absent person or
of some inanimate object personified. Ambrose uses this figure
effectively by introducing scriptural personages themselves as speak
ers: David, Isaias, Job, Ecclesiastes, the spouse of the Canticle,
Christ, Simeon, Paul. There are many examples, of which the
following two are typical:
2.5 festinabat etiam David de loco hoc peregrinationis exire
dicens: advena ego sum, etc.;
12.54 via Christus est, sicut ipse ait: ego sum via et veritas
et vita.
Epidiorthesis
There is only one example in the De bono mortis of epidiorthesis
— the correction of a foregoing statement by a stronger expression:
5.16 non auro redimitur, non argento, immo auro amittitur.
7. Minor Figures of the Second Sophistic

Hyperbaton
Of the minor figures of the Second Sophistic, hyperbaton —
the separation of words which naturally belong together — is used
most frequently. The figure has several varieties; that of the
separation of noun and modifier is the most commonly used. The
following are some representative examples of each type:
Separation of a noun and its modifier:
2.5 ad Mam sanctorum communem omnium festinabat patriam;
3.10 Mam veri tractat scientiam;
4.15 magno vitae istius iactati salo;
8.31 suae igitur unusquisque conscientiae.
INTRODUCTION 79
Separation of preposition and its object:

2.5 pro huius commorationis inquinamento;
2.7 in evangelii praedicatione;
3.8 pro domini placanda offensione;
11.50 de sui cordis integritate;
Separation of adverb and word it modifies;
3.11 saepe etiam solitudines captamus;
6.22 tunc magis ad Christum, anima, dirige gressus tuos;
7.28 cotidie ad edendum et bibendum surgimus;
12.52 intrepide ad Abraham nostrum, cum dies advenerit;
proficiscamur.
Separation of infinitive and its subject accusative:
3.9 docet et istam mortem in hac vita positis expetendam;
10.47 intuentes gloriam altissimi erubescant in eius conspectum
venire;
10.47 se reminiscentur errasse;
Separation of participle and its auxiliary verb in the compound
tenses:
6.22 dum es saecularibus occupatus;
7.26 laquei circumfusi nobis sunt;
7.26 non sit ergo confusa operatio.
Oxymoron
Oxymoron is the juxtaposition of words apparently contradictory.
It is fairly common in the De bono mortis; some typical examples
are:
1.1 bona malis contraria sunt et mala bonis;
1.2 quid tam contrarium quam vita morti;
9.42 sicut enim nix calorem non recipit;
9.42 infuso enim lumine tenebrarum horror aufertur sicut ad-
moto igni nivium rigor desinit;
12.55 contraria sunt autem praesentibus futura, et temporalibus
aeterna.
Antonomasia
Antonomasia — a reference to a person or object by a quality
possessed by that person or object rather than by name — is in
frequently used in the De bono mortis. The few examples are
references to Paul as apostolus (2.7, 3.8), or to Isaias as propheta
(e.g. 7.28). In 5.16 Ambrose refers to the devil as adversarius.
8. Figures of Parallelism
The figures of parallelism include: a) isocolon: equality in the
number of syllables in successive phrases or clauses; b) parison:
approximate equality in the number of syllables together with
approximate parallelism in structure; c) homoioteleuton: end rhyme
of successive phrases or clauses; d) antithesis: contrast of opposite
or contrary words, pairs of words or clauses; and e) chiasmus: a
crosswise arrangement of contrasted pairs of words.
E. Norden6 calls the devices of parallelism the special mark of
the style of Christian Latin oratory. It is certainly a special mark
of Ambrose's style. All the figures are used with skill and ease.
They are so intertwined with one another that it is difficult to list
isolated examples of each. The following passages represent some
of the typical combinations used by Ambrose in the De bono mortis:
Isocolon, Parison, Chiasmus, Antithesis:
2.3 cum absolvat omnes,
paucos delectat;
4.15 sepultura vitiorum,
virtutum suscitatio;
6.25 virginitatis suavitatem,
gravitatem viduitatis;
6 E. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa 2.616-617: "Die Signatur des Stils der
christlichen Predigt in lateinischer Sprach ist der antithetische Satzparallelismus
mit Homoioteleuton, nicht etwa, wie der Semitist vielleicht denken konnte, jener
'parallelismus membrorum', wie er sich in der hebraischen Poesie, den Reden
der Propheten, den Reden Jesus findet, . . . sondern derselbe, den in griechischer
Rede Gorgias begrundet hatte. . . ."
INTRODUCTION 81
12.54 unitatis indicium,

non incrementum est potestatis;
Isocolon, Parison, Chiasmus

3.12 nulla requies a perturbationibus,
nulla a laboribus reclinatio;
6.25 modulos temperantiae,
sobrietatis carmen;
7.28 saecularia struit,
aedificat corporalia;
12.52 fides opituletur,
defendatur hereditas.
Isocolon, Parison, Antithesis

2.3 peccato moritur
et deo vivit;
8.33 si autem post mortem sunt referantur ad mortem,
eadem etiam quae post vitam sunt referuntur ad vitam;
1 1 .49 hic inperfecta illic perfecta . . .
hic parvuli illic robusti.
Isocolon, Parison, Antithesis, Homoioteleuton

3.13 in die nox desideratur,
in nocte dies quaeritur;
8.31 anima absolvitur,
corpus resolvitur;
8.32 per vitam ad mortem est transitus,
per mortem autem ad vitam reditus.
Isocolon, Parison, Homoioteleuton

4.13 sensu utitur
et vita fungitur;
6.24 inferiora despiciens,
. terrena obliviscens;
8.37 ut stimulet duriores,
ut admoneat promptiores.
II. The Prose Rhythm of the De Bono Mortis
Sister M. Rosella Delaney in A study of the clausalae in the works

of St. Ambrose (CUAPS 40; Washington 1934), made a careful
analysis of the clausulae in the following works of St. Ambrose:
De excessu fratris, De paradiso, De virginibus, De officiis, De my-
steriis, Expositio in Psalm. 118, Exameron, De bono mortis,
Epistulae, De obitu Theodosii, De sacramentis, De lapsu virginis.
What follows is only a brief report of the results of her investi
gations in reference to the De bono mortis.
An analysis of the De bono mortis from the point of view of its
metrical clausulae reveals the following percentages (the percen
tages in the second column are the averages for the various clausulae
in the Ambrosian treatises analysed by Delaney):
Frequencies of Metrical Forms: De Bono Mortis

Bon. mort. average
1. Cretic Spondee 18.7% 20.1%
2. Spondee Cretic 12.5% 9.5%
3. Double Spondee 10.9% 8.7%
4. Double Cretic 10.7% 10.4%
5. Dichoree 7.9% 9.1%
6. Trochee Cretic 6.6% 6.7%
7. Spondee Dichoree 3.9% 5.3%
8. First Peon Spondee 3.9% 3.3%
9. Trochee First Peon 2.7% 4.5%
10. Cretic Dichoree 1.6% 4.7%
11. Rarer Forms 10.7% 17.6%
Of these 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 10 are metrical forms commonly

used by Cicero, while 6 and 9 are non-Ciceronian. Thus 69.2% of
the sentence endings from the De bono mortis are clausulae that
are Ciceronian in their metrical form, and, if we add to this the
9.3% of form 6 and 9 that occur with noticeable frequency, we
find that 78.5% of the endings are regular in metrical form. (For
INTRODUCTION 83
all the Ambrosian works examined 82% of the sentence endings are
regular in metrical form, 71% Ciceronian, 11% non-Ciceronian.)
An investigation from a metrical viewpoint only may easily lead
to the conclusion that since 69.2% of the sentence endings of the
De bono mortis are metrical clausulae used by Cicero and another
9.3%, though non-Ciceronian, occur regularly, the prose rhythm
of St. Ambrose is a continuation of the purely metrical system
used in the Classical Period. On the other hand, the classification
of the same endings on the basis of accent reveals that more is
involved than a purely metrical system. The investigation of the
endings shows the following conformity to regular accentual
schemes:
Frequencies of Accentual Forms: De Bono Mortis

Bon. mort. average
Planus 28.7% 30.0%
Medius 20.4% 16.1%
Tardus 18.7% 19.7%
Velox 12.3% 16.4%
Trispondaicus . 11.4% 7.7%
Rare and Irregular 8.6% 10.1%
The four forms of accentual clausulae generally accepted as in good

usage during later antiquity (Planus, Tardus, Velox, and Trispon
daicus) account for 69.8% of the accentual clausulae in the De bono
mortis. (The average for the Ambrosian works examined is 76.2%.)
If we add to this the 20.4% of Medius, a form not generally
recognized as a regular type of accentual clausulae but classified
here as regular because of its high frequency in the works of Am
brose, we find that 90.2% of the total sentence-endings conform
to regular accentual schemes. (The average for the Ambrosian
works examined is 92.3%.)
Thus, on the one hand, 78.5% of the sentence-endings are regu
lar in metrical form, and of these 69.2% are Ciceronian, while,
on the other, 90.2% of these same sentence-endings conform to
regular accentual schemes. What, then, is the nature of the prose

rhythm used by St. Ambrose? What received his conscious atten
tion, the arrangement of syllables according to quantity, or of
words according to their accent?
A careful comparison of the metrical forms with the chief
accentual forms shows the frequent coincidence of a metrical
and an accentual scheme. The ten metrical forms with the highest
frequency are the ones which occur most often in the chief accentual
clausulae. Thus, in the De bono mortis under the Planus the
chief metrical form is the Cretic Spondee, under the Tardus, the
Double Cretic, under the Velox, the Dichoree, under the Medius,
the Spondee-Cretic, and under the Trispondaicus, the First Peon-
Spondee. It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that the
reason for the frequency of some of Cicero's preferred metrical
forms is to be found in the fact that they easily fall under one or
other of the accentual clausulae sought by St. Ambrose.
The analysis of the De bono mortis, as of the other works of
Ambrose investigated, confirms the opinion that in the fourth
century A.D. the rhythmical system of Latin prose was in a state
of transition from the metrical to the accentual. Ambrose was
still aware of the quantity of the syllables, but the relatively low
frequencies of a great variety of metrical forms as compared with
the higher frequencies of a smaller number of accentual forms, and
his preference for metrical forms in which the metrical accent
coincides with the word accent, would indicate that he was striving
for accentual forms. On the other hand, his observance of the
classical quantities, his extended use of the Medius and his failure
to use word-combinations demanded by the rules of medieval
cursus indicate that his rhythmical system was still removed from
the purely accentual system of the Middle Ages.
The comparatively large number of rare and irregular metrical
and accentual forms would indicate that Ambrose did not take
the same care in preparing the De bono mortis as he did in some
of his other works, as, for example, in the formal oratorical
Consolatio Valentiniani. Nevertheless, prose rhythm is an important
aspect of the style of the De bono mortis.
TEXT AND TRANSLATION
1.1 Quoniam de anima superiore libro sermonem aliquem conte-
xuimus, faciliorem viam putamus de bono mortis conficere ali-
quid. quae si animae noceat, malum videri potest, si autem
nihil officiat animae, ne malum quidem. quod autem malum
non est id etiam bonum, quoniam quod vitiosum id malum, 5
quod autem vitio caret id bonum, ideoque bona malis con-
traria sunt et mala bonis. denique innocentia est, ubi non est
nocendi voluntas, et noxius dicitur qui non sit innoxius, mi-
sericors qui remittat, inmisericors qui ignoscere atque inflecti
nesciat. 10
2 sed forte aliqui adserat: 'quid tam contrarium quam vita morti?
si ergo vita bonum putatur, quomodo mors non est mala?' et
ideo quid sit vita, quid etiam mors consideremus. vita est frui
spirandi munere, mors privari. hoc autem spirandi munus apud
plerosque in bonis ducitur. hoc est ergo vita, frui bonis, mors 15
contrari bonis exui. et scriptura dicit-.ecce dedi ante faciem
tuam vltam et mortem, bonum et malum, vitam bonum appel-
lans, mortem malum vel illa sibi priora et haec sibi conferens.
denique ut lectionis divinae exemplo utamur, in paradiso est
positus homo, ut ederet de ligno vitae et ceteris paradisi lignis, 20
de ligno autem in quo esset cognitio boni et mali non ederet,
quo die autem ederet, morte moreretur. non servavit prae-
ceptum et caruit fructu atque eiectus de paradiso mortem gusta-
vit. malum igitur mors, quae pretio damnationis infertur.
11 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3. 16 Deut. 30.15 19 Gen. 2.16-17.

1.1 Since I have already composed a discourse on the soul in an
earlier treatise, the way is now easier, I think, for producing
something on the good of death. If death harms the soul, it
appears to be an evil, but if it damages the soul in no way, it is
not evil at all. Now what is not evil is good, for what is defective
is evil, but whatever lacks defect is good, and so goods are con
trary to evil and evil to goods. Accordingly, where there is no
will to harm there is innocence, and he is termed harmful who
is not unharmful; the one who pardons is termed merciful, while
the one who cannot pardon or change his mind is termed un
merciful.
2 But perhaps someone may object: 'what is as contrary to death
as life? If, then, life is considered a good, how is death not
an evil'? Let us consider, therefore, what life, is, and also what
death is.
Life is the enjoyment of the gift of breathing, death its privation.
Most men number this gift of breathing among the goods; to enjoy
goods is, therefore, life, but to be deprived of these goods is
death. And Scripture says: J have set before your face life and
death, good and evil, calling life a good and death an evil, that
is, comparing the first two with each other and the second two
with each other. Finally, to use an example from the reading of
Sacred Scripture, man was placed in paradise to eat of the Tree
of Life and of the other trees of paradise, but of the tree of
the knowledge of good and evil he was not to eat; on that day
when he should eat, he should suffer death. He went beyond the
command, lost the fruit of the tree, was driven from paradise,
and tasted death. Evil, therefore, is the death which is incurred
as a consequence of damnation.
2.3 Sed mortis tria sunt genera. una mors peccati est, de qua
scriptum: anima quae peccat ipsa morietur. alia mors mystica,
quando quis peccato moritur et deo vivit, de qua ait item apo
stolus: consepulti enim sumus cum Mo per baptismum in mortem.
tertia mors, qua cursum vitae huius et munus explemus, id est 5
animae corporisque secessio. advertimus igitur quod una mors
sit mala, si propter peccata moriamur, alia mors bona sit,
qua is qui fuerit mortuus iustificatus est a peccato, tertia mors
media sit; nam et bona iustis videtur et plerisque metuenda,
quae cum absolvat omnes, paucos delectat. sed non hoc mortis 10
est vitium, sed nostrae infirmitatis, qui voluptate corporis et
delectatione vitae istius capimur et cursum hunc consummare
trepidamus, in quo plus amaritudinis quam voluptatis est. at
non sancti et sapientes viri, qui longaevitatem peregrinationis
huius ingemescebant, dissolvi et cum Christo esse pulchrius aesti- 15
mantes, denique diem generationis suae exsecrabantur, sicut
4 quis ait: pereat dies illa, in qua natus sum. quid enim est quod
haec vita delectet plena aerumnarum et sollicitudinum, in qua
innumerae caluminiae et multae molestiae et multae lacrimae
eorum qui adflictantur molestiis, et non est inquit qui eos conso- 20
letur? et ideo laudat Ecclesiastes defunctos magis quam vi-
ventes et optimus inquit supra hos duos qui nondum natus est,
qui non vidit hoc malum. et alibi idem Ecclesiastes meliorem
longaevo viro eum adseruit quem abortu eiecit mater sua,
quia non vidit haec mala, quae fiunt in hoc mundo, nec 25
in has venit tenebras nec in vanitate ambulavit saeculari, et
ideo requiem hic magis habebit qui in hanc vitam non venit
quam ille qui venit. quid enim boni est homini in hac vita,
qui in umbra vivit nec expleri potest cupiditatibus suis? et si
expleatur divitiis, fractum quietis amittit, quia cogitur custodire 30
quod misera aviditate quaesierit, ut miserius eas possideat cui
1 sq. cf. Exc. Sat. 2.36-37; Parad. 45; In Luc. 7.35-38; Origen. Dial. cum
Heraclides (ed Scherer) 168.2-12 2 Ezech. 18.4 3 Rom. 6.2; Galat. 2.19
4 Rom. 6.4 15 Phil. 1.23 17 lob 3.3 20 Eccl. 4.1; cf. Lam. Ier. 1.2
22 Eccl. 4.2-3 23 Eccl. 6.3-5 29 Luc. 1.79
TEXT AND TRANSLATION 89
2.3 There are three kinds of death. The first is the death of sin,
of which it is written: the soul which sins shall die. The second
is the mystical death, when one dies to sin and lives to God.
Of it the Apostle says: for we are buried together with him
through baptism into his death. The third is the death by which
we complete the course and duty of this life, which is to say,
the separation of the soul and body. We note, therefore, that
the first death, that is, when we die on account of sin, is evil; the
second death, whereby whoever dies is delivered from sin, is
good; and the third has a middle position, for it seems good to
righteous men but is feared by most, and although it frees all, it
delights few. But this is not the fault of death, but of our own
weakness. Since we are slaves to bodily pleasure and earthly
delights, we are afraid to bring an end to this earthly course, in
which there is more bitterness than pleasure. Holy and wise
men have not acted thus; they have lamented the length of this
earthly pilgrimage, considering it better to be dissolved and to be
4 with Christ. Accordingly, they have even cursed the day of their
birth, as one of them says: May the day perish when I was born.
For why is it that life gives pleasure, full as it is of tribulations
and anxieties, in which there are numberless injustices and many
miseries, ceaseless weeping on the part of those who are afflicted,
and 'there is no one to console them'. So it is that the Ecclesiastes
praises the dead rather than the living and adds that he is better
than both who is yet unborn and has not seen this evil. In
another place the same Ecclesiastes maintained that the stillborn
infant is better off than the old man, because he did not see the
evils wrought in this world, did not come into this darkness, did
not walk about in the vanity of this world.
Therefore, the man who never came into this world enjoys
more rest than the one who did. For what good is there in this
life for the man who lives in darkness and is unable to satisfy
his desires? For when he has an abundance of riches, he loses
the benefit of peace of mind, because he is forced to watch over
what he has acquired with his miserable greediness, so he can
keep with even greater misery what cannot possibly be of any
prodesse non poterunt. quid enim miserius quam ut custodia

torqueat quarum abundantia nihil prosit?
5 Itaque si plena oneris vita, utique finis eius adlevamento
est. adlevamentum autem bonum, mors autem finis: mors
igitur est bonum. neque enim aliter gravisus est et Symeon, 5
qui responsum acceperat non visurum se mortem, nisi prius
videret Christum domini. et cum parentes in templum indu-
cerent, suscepit manibus suis et dixit: nunc dimittis servum tuum
in pace, quasi necessitate quadam in hac vita teneretur, non vo-
luntate. ita dimitti petit quasi a vinculis quibusdam ad liber- 10
tatem festinaret. sunt enim velut vincula quaedam corporis
huis et quod est gravius vincula temptationum, quae nos alligant
et ad iniuriam captivitatis adstringunt quadam lege peccati.
denique in exitu ipso videmus quemadmodum anima decedentis
paulatim solvat se vinculis carnis et ore emissa evolet tamquam 15
carcereo corporis huius exuta gurgustio. denique festinabat
etiam sanctus David de loco hoc peregrinationis exire dicens:
advena ego sum apud te in terra et peregrinus sicut omnes pa-
tres mei. et ideo tamquam peregrinus ad illam sanctorum com-
munem omnium festinabat patriam petens pro huius commora- 20
tionis inquinamento remitti sibi peccata, priusquam discederet
e vita. qui enim hic non acceperit remissionem peccatorum illic
non erit; non erit enim, qui ad vitam aeternam non potuerit
pervenire, quia vita aeterna remissio peccatorum est. ideoque
dicit: remitte mihi ut refrigerer priusquam eam, et amplius 25
non ero.
6 Quid igitur tantopere vitam istam desideramus, in qua quanto
diutius qui fuerit tanto maiore oneratur sarcina? ipse dominus
ait: sufficit diei malitia sua et Iacob dixit: dies annorum vitae
meae quos habeo centum triginta minimi et mali, non quia dies 30
mali, sed quia nobis accessu dierum malitiae incrementa cumu-
lantur; nullus enim dies sine nostro peccato praeterit. unde
5 Luc. 2.26 8 Luc. 2.28-29; Basil. Hom. in Martyr. Jul. 5 (PG 31.249A)
13 cf. Rom. 7.23-25 18 Ps. 38.13 25 Ps. 38.14 29 Mt. 6.34 29
Gen. 47.9
use to him. What is more miserable than to see the torture of

guarding things, the abundance of which profits nothing?
If this life, then, is full of burdens, surely the end of life is a
consolation. But consolation is a good, and the end of life is
death. Therefore, death is a good. It was for no other reason
that Simeon rejoiced, for he had received the answer that he
would not see death until he should see the Annointed of his
Lord. When Jesus' parents brought him to the temple, Simeon
took him into his arms and said: Now do you dismiss your servant
in peace, as if he had held on to this life, not of his own free will,
but by a kind of necessity, and so asks to be released, as it were,
from bonds, that he might hasten to freedom.
This body of ours is bound, as it were, with a chain, and,
what is worse, with the chain of temptation, which shackles us
and binds us to harm by a kind of law of sin. In the very act
of dying we see how the soul of the dying man little by little
frees itself from the bonds of the flesh and, going from the mouth,
flies away as if freed from the miserable house of this body.
The holy David hastened to depart from this place of pilgrimage,
saying: I am a stranger and a pilgrim before you on the earth, as
all my fathers were. So as a pilgrim he hastened to that common
homeland of all the saints, asking that because of the wickedness
of his sojourn here his sins be forgiven him before he departed
this life. The one who does not obtain pardon for his sins here
will not be there; that man will not be there who cannot come
to eternal life, because eternal life is the remission of sins.
Therefore, David says: forgive me that I might be refreshed
before I go and am no more.
Why, then, do we long so much for this life, for the longer
anyone remains in it, the greater is the burden. The Lord him
self said: sufficient for the day is the evil thereof, and Jacob said:
the days of the life I have lived, which number a hundred and
thirty years, have been short and troublesome. This is not because
the days themselves were evil but because as our days pass
malice increases, for we pass no day without sin. Hence, the
Apostle said very well: for me to live is Christ and to die is gain,
egregie apostolus ait: mihi enim vivere Christus et mori lucrum.

aliud ad necessitatem vitae referens, aliud ad mortis utilitatem;
Christus enim nobis vivere, cui servimus, cui oportet sanctis
suis in evangelii praedicatione deferatur obsequium. denique
et Symeon, qui ait: nunc dimittis servum tuum, propter Christum 5
expectabat. Christus enim rex noster est: ideo quod rex iubet
deserere non possumus et contemnere. quantos imperator ter-
rae huius in peregrinis locis aut honoris specie aut muneris ali-
cuius causa iubet degere! numquid hi inconsulto imperatore di-
scedunt? et quanto amplius est divinis parere quam humanis! 10
vivere ergo sancto Christus est et mori lucrum. quasi servus
enim non refugit vitae obsequium et quasi sapiens lucrum mortis
amplectitur; lucrum est enim evasisse incrementa peccati, lu
crum fugisse deteriora, ad meliora transisse. et addidit: dis-
solvi et cum Christo esse; multo enim melius; permanere autem 15
in came magis necessarium propter vos. aliud melius, aliud ne-
cessarium, necessarium propter fructus operis, melius propter
gratiam et copulam Christi.
3.8 Ergo quoniam docuit apostolus eum qui evaserit ex hoc cor-
pore, si meruerit tamen, cum Christo futurum, quid sit mors, 20
quid etiam vita consideremus. itaque scriptura docente cogno-
vimus quia mors absolutio est animae et corporis et quaedam
hominis separatio. solvimur enim hoc nexu animae et corporis,
cum recedimus. unde et David ait: disrupisti vincula mea; tibi
sacrificabo hostiam laudis. vincula autem vitae huius, id est co- 25
niunctionis nostrae, quae ex anima constat et corpore, signi-
ficari docet superior versiculus psalmi eius: pretiosa in con-
spectu domini mors sanctorum eius. et ideo quasi propheta
praevidens se cum sanctis et qui pro devotione animas suas
in Christo deposuerunt futurum laetatur, quia et ipse obtulit 30
se fideliter pro dei populo adversus Golian singulari certamine,
cum dimicaret et solus commune periculum et crimen refelleret
1 Phil. 1.21 5 Luc. 2.29 11 Acta 5.29; Phil. 1.21 16 Phil. 1.23-24
22 cf. Plato, Phaedo 64 C 24 Ps. 115.16-17 27 Ps. 115.15 31 1
Reg. 17.40 sqq. cf. 10 32 2 Reg. 2.13
referring, on the one hand, to the necessity of life, and, on the

other, to the benefit of death. For us also to live is Christ, whom
we serve, to whom service ought to be given by his saints in
preaching the Gospel. Finally, Simeon, who said: now you
dismiss your servant, was also waiting for the sake of the Christ.
Christ is our king, and what a king commands we cannot reject
or despise. How many men there are whom the emperor of this
land orders to stay in remote regions because of their office or
for some other duty. Can those men depart without the emperor's
leave? And a how much greater thing it is to obey God than
man! For the saintly man, then, to live is Christ and to die is
gain. As a servant he does not flee the service of this life, and
as a wise man he embraces the gain of death. It is indeed a gain
to have escaped the increase of sin, a gain to have fled the worse,
and to have passed to the better. The Apostle also added: I
desire to be dissolved and be with Christ, for it is a much better
thing; but to remain in the flesh for your sake is the more urgent
need. One is better, the other necessary; necessary because of
the good coming from his work, better because of the grace and
union with Christ.
3.8 Seeing, then, that the Apostle taught that whoever escapes
this body shall, provided he merits it, be with Christ, let us now
consider what death and what life is.
We know, on the testimony of Scripture, that death is the
freeing of the soul from the body, and as it were, the separation
of a man. When we die we are dissolved from this union of
body and soul. Therefore, David also says: you have broken my
bonds; I will offer you the sacrifice of praise. The preceding verse
of this psalm: precious in the eyes of the Lord is the death of his
saints, shows that the bonds of this life are signified, that is, the
bonds of our union which consists of body and soul. Therefore,
as a prophet who foresaw that he would be in the number of the
saints, and among those who devoutly laid their souls in Christ's
hands, he rejoiced that he also had faithfully offered himself up
for God's people in single combat against Goliath, when he alone
vel cum se morti pro domini placanda offensione promptus

obiceret vel cum se pro salute populi laborantis divinae ultioni
paratus offerret. sciebat enim gloriosius esse pro Christo mori
quam regnare in hoc saeculo; quid enim praestantius quam fieri
Christi hostiam? itaque cum frequenter ab eo legamus domino 5
oblata esse sacrificia, hoc tamen loco addidit: tibi sacrificabo
hostiam laudis. non 'sacrifico' inquit, sed 'sacrificabo' signi-
ficans illud perfectum esse sacrificium, quando unusquisque
domino corporis huius vinculis absolutus adsisteret et offeret
se hostiam laudis, quia ante mortem nulla est perfecta laudatio 10
neque quisquam in hac vita possit definito praeconio praedi-
cari, cum posteriora eius incerta sint. mors igitur solutio
est animae et corporis. denique et in apostolo docuimus lectum:
dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo melius. solutio autem ista
quid agit aliud nisi ut corpus resolvatur et quiescat, anima 15
autem convertatur in requiem suam et sit libera, quae si pia
est, cum Christo futura sit?
9 Quid igitur in hac vita aliud iusti agunt nisi ut exuant se
huius corporis contagionibus, quae velut vincula nos ligant,
et se ab his molestiis separare contendant, renuntient voluptati- 20
bus atque luxuriae, fugiant flammas libidinum? nonne igitur
unusquisque in hac vita positus speciem mortis imitatur, qui
potest se ita gerere, ut ei moriantur omnes corporis delecta-
tiones et cupiditatibus omnibus mundique inlecebris etiam
ipse moriatur, sicut mortuus erat Paulus dicens: mihi enim 25
mundus crucifixus est et ego mundo? denique ut sciamus quia
est mors in hac vita et bona mors, hortatur nos, ut mortem Iesu
in corpore nostro circumferamus; qui enim habuerit in se
mortem Iesu, is et vitam domini Iesu in corpore suo habebit.
operetur igitur mors in nobis, ut operetur et vita, bona vita 30
post mortem, hoc est bona vita post victoriam, bona vita ab
solute certamine, ut iam lex carnis legi mentis repugnare non
1 2 Reg. 24.17 6 Ps. 115.18 15 Phil. 1.23 25 Galat. 6.14 27

2 Cor. 4.10 28 2 Cor. 4. 11 30 2 Cor. 4.12 Augustinus Contra duas
epist. Pelag. 4.11.31 (operetur igitur ... contentio) 32 Rom. 7. 23
warded off the common danger and reproach, both when he

exposed himself to death, ready to appease God's wrath, and when,
ready to bear the divine punishment, he offered himself for the
safety of his suffering people. He knew well that it was a
greater glory to die for Christ than to reign in this world. What
is more excellent than to be a sacrifice to Christ? So, although
we frequently read that David offered sacrifices to the Lord,
here is added: I will offer you the sacrifice of praise. He does
not say 'I offer' but 'I will offer', meaning by this that a sacrifice
is perfect when each believer is freed of the bonds of this body
and stands before the Lord to offer himself as a sacrifice of praise.
No praise is perfect before death; no one in this life can be lauded
with definitive praise, because his later actions are uncertain.
Death, therefore, is the separation of soul and body. We have,
finally, learned what the Apostle wrote: it is a much better thing
to die and be with Christ. But what does this separation ac
complish except the fact that the body is dissolved and is at rest,
and the soul turns to its own peace and is free, and, if it is
faithful, it will be with Christ.
What else, therefore, do the just do in this life but purify them
selves from the contagions of the body, which, as it were, bind
us like chains, and strive to free themselves from these troubles,
renounce unlawful pleasures and impurity, and flee the flames of
lust? Is it not true to say that anyone set in this life imitates
the form of death when he acts in such a way that all bodily
delights die to him and he dies to all worldly and lustful desires,
just as Paul died when he said: the world is crucified to me, and
I to the world.
Finally, that we might know that death is in this life and that
it is good, he exhorts us to carry the death of Jesus about in our
body, for whoever will have the death of Jesus in him also will
have in his body the life of the Lord Jesus.
Therefore, let death work in us, so that life also may work
in us, a good life after death, that is to say, a good life after
victory, a good life once the combat is won, so that the law of
the flesh can no longer fight against the law of the mind, so that
noverit, ut iam nobis nulla sit cum corpore mortis contentio,

seel sit in corpore mortis victoria. atque haut scio ipse an
maioris virtutis mors ista quam vita sit. certe apostoli moveor
auctoritate dicentis: ergo mors in nobis operatur, vita autem in
vobis. unius mors quantorum populorum vitam aedificabat! 5
itaque docet et istam mortem in hac vita positis expetendam,
ut mors Christi in corpore nostra eluceat, et illam beatam, qua
conrumpitur exterior ut renovetur interior homo noster et
terrestris domus nostra dissolvatur, ut habitaculum nobis cae-
leste reseretur. imitatur igitur mortem qui se a communione 10
carnis huius abducit atque illis vinculis solvit, de quibus dick
tibi dominus per Esaiam: sed solve omnem conligationem iniusti-
tiae, dissolve obligationes violentarum commutationum, dimitte
confractos in remissionem et omnem circumscriptionem iniquam
disrumpe. 15
10 Imitatur ille qui se voluptatibus exuit et a terrenis delec-
tationibus adtollit atque adlevat et in illo caelesti habitaculo
locat, in quo Paulus, cum adhuc viveret, conversabatur. aliter
autem non diceret: nostra autem conversatio in caelis est,
quod pariter ad praesumptionem meriti potest meditationemque 20
conferri. illic enim erat eius meditatio, illic animae eius
conversatio. illic eius prudentia, quae utique intra angustias
carnis huius haerere non solebat. sapiens enim cum illud divi-
num requirit, absolvit animam suam corpore et eius ablegat
contubernium, cum illam veri tractat scientiam, quam velut 25
nudam sibi et apertam desiderat demonstrari et ideo retibus qui-
busdam et nebulis huius corporis se quaerit exuere. neque enim
manibus istis aut oculis atque auribus conprehendere supernam
illam possumus veritatem, quoniam quae videntur temporalia
sunt, quae autem non videntur aeterna. denique saepe fallimur 30
visu et aliter pleraque quam sunt videmus, fallimur etiam auditu,
4 2 Cor. 4.12 8 2 Cor. 4.16 10 cf. Plato, Phaedo 64 A, 64 E

12 Is. 58.6 19 Phil. 3.20 22 Plato, Phaedo 65 A-B 28 2 Cor.
4.18 .29 Plato, Phaedo 83 A
we may no longer have the struggle with the body of death, but
have a victory over the body of death.
But I am inclined to believe this death is of greater worth
than this life. I am certainly moved by the testimony of the
Apostle, who says: death, therefore, is at work in us, but life
in you. Look how the death of one man established the lives
of so many! Accordingly, he teaches also that this death must
be longed for by those placed in this life so that the death of
Christ might shine forth in our bodies, and that that blessed death
must be longed for, whereby the outer man is destroyed, so that
the inner man may be renewed and our earthly home may be
dissolved to unlock a heavenly home. He, therefore, imitates
death who frees himself from the union with this flesh and
breaks the bonds of which the Lord speaks to you through Isaias:
break every bond of injustice, dissolve the obligation of unjust
exchange, let the oppressed go free, and break every unjust bond.
10 He conforms himself to death who divests himself of pleasures,
raises himself from earthly delights, and lifts his mind and places
it in that heavenly home where St. Paul dwelled while he still
lived here below. Otherwise he would not have said: our life is
in heaven, which can refer to the anticipation of the merit of
heaven as well as to meditation on it. For his thoughts were
there, there was the sojourn of his soul, there his prudence, which
certainly was not accustomed to be restricted by the narrow
limitations of the flesh.
When the wise man aspires to that divine good, he separates
his soul from his body and removes it from its common dwelling,
while he considers that knowledge of the truth which he desires
- to be shown, standing naked, as it were, and open before him. So
he seeks to free himself from the snares and the clouds of this
body. With our hands or our eyes and ears we are unable to
grasp fully that heavenly truth, because things visible are temporal, -
while those that are invisible are eternal. In addition, we are
often deceived by sight and see many things otherwise than they
really are. Our hearing also deceives us and therefore we ought
et ideo contemplemur non illa quae videntur sed quae non vi-
dentur, si nolumus falli. quando igitur anima nostra non fal-
litur, quando solium veritatis adtingit, nisi quando se ab isto
secernit corpore neque ab ipso decipitur et inluditur? inluditur
enim visu oculorum, inluditur auditu aurium, et ideo relinquat 5
illud et deserat. unde et apostolus clamat: ne tetigeritis, ne
attaminaveritis, ne gustaveritis, quae sunt omnia ad corruptelam;
in corruptelam enim sunt quae sunt in corporis indulgentiam. et
ideo ostendes non per corporis indulgentiam, sed per animae
elevationem et cordis humilitatem invenisse quod verum est 10
addidit: nostra autem conversatio in caelis est. ibi igitur quae-
rat quod verum est, quod est et manet seque in sese colligat
et congreget omnem aciem virtutis suae neque aliis committat
et credat, sed ipsum se cognoscat et intellegat et quod sibi
videtur verum esse, hoc sequendum noverit: quod delectatione 15
carnali eligendum aestimaverit, hoc sciat falsum, ab eo fugiat
11 et recedat, quia fraudis est plenum. merito ergo depretiavit
et dehonestavit hoc corpus corpus mortis appellans. quis enim
oculis potuit videre virtutum splendorem, quis iustitiam mani-
bus conprehendere, quis sapientiam oculorum obtutibus intueri? 20
denique quando aliquid cogitamus, neminem nobis occurrere,
neminem volumus obstrepere auribus nostris atque ita inten-
dimus animo, ut plerumque non videamus praesentia. quin
etiam in noctibus sincerius cogitamus et tunc melius quae mo
vent corde meditamur. unde et propheta ait: quae dicitis 25
in cordibus vestris et in cubilibus vestris conpungimini. saepe
etiam aliqui claudunt oculos, si quid profundae volunt nisu
cogitationis eruere, oculorum inpedimenta vitantes. saepe etiam
solitudines captamus, ne cuius sermo nostris auribus insusurret
et quasi semita quaedam inhaerentem cogitationi animam ab- 30
ducat a vero atque ad intentione deflectat.
12 Multas igitur occupationes nobis corporis huius necessitas gignit
6 Col. 2.21-22 11 Phil. 3.20 17 cf. Plato, Phaedo 65 C; Rom. 7.24;

Clem. Alex., Strom. 3.3 18 cf. Plato, Phaedo 65 D 21 Philo, Leg.
Alleg. 2. 25 25 Ps. 4.5 30 cf. Plato, Phaedo 66 B
to contemplate not things that are seen but things that are not
seen, if we do not want to be deceived.
When, therefore, is our soul not deceived, when does it reach
the throne of truth, except when it separates itself from its body
and is no longer deceived and mocked by it? For the soul is
indeed mocked by the eyes' sight and the ears' hearing, and there
fore it must leave and abandon them. Hence, the Apostle cries:
do not touch, do not defile, do not taste: these things are all
destined for corruption, for this is destined for corruption which
looks to pleasing the body. Therefore, showing that it was not
by bodily pleasure but by the elevation of the soul and humility
of the heart that truth was discovered, he added: our dwelling
is in heaven. Therefore, there let the soul seek what is true,
what is, and what abides. Let it gather itself into itself and con
centrate all the force of its ability and not commit or entrust itself
to others. Let it know and understand its very self and perceive
that it must follow what seems to it to be true. Let it know to
be false what it judges is desired by the flesh; and let it draw
11 away from and flee from it because it is full of deceit. Rightly,
therefore, it belittles and disparages this body calling it a body
of death. For who has been able to behold with his eyes the
splendor of virtue, who has been able to hold justice in his hands,
or look upon wisdom with only the vision of his eyes?
When we meditate on something, we want no one to disturb
us, no one to make a sound, and so we concentrate our attention
so that often we do not even see what is before us. Even more
at night we can think more clearly and it is then that we can
meditate better on what concerns us. Therefore, the prophet
says: what you say within your heart, weep over in your beds.
Often also some men close their eyes when they want to consider
deeply something profound, thereby avoiding the handicap of
sight. Often too we search for solitude, so that no one will be
whispering in our ears and lead our soul astray, and like a bypath
lead the soul as it concentrates on its thoughts away from truth
and from its contemplation.
12 Necessity begets and habit forces upon us many occupations
atque usus invehit, quibus inpeditur animae vigor et revocatur

intentio. uncle pulchre dicit sanctus lob: memento quia lutum
me finxisti. si ergo lutum est corpus, oblinit nos utique, non
diluit et coinquinat animam inquinamento intemperantiae. co-
rium et carnem inquit me induisti, ossibus et nervis intexuisti. 5
ligatur itaque et distenditur anima nostra istius corporis nervis
et ideo interdum rigescit, saepe curvatur. et addidit: ab ini-
quitate innocentem me non fecisti. si enim inpius fuero, vae
mihi! si autem sim iustus, non potero me reclinare; plenus
enim confusionis sum. induxisti super me temptationes. quid 10
enim est haec vita nisi plena laqueorum? inter laqueos ambu-
lamus, inter plurimas versamur temptationes. denique idem
supra ait: numquid non temptatio est vita hominis in terra?
bene addidit in terra, quia est vita hominis et in caelo. sicut
mercennarii inquit merces vita eius, in labore scilicet et tepore, 15
levior fabulis et fluitans et natans verbis, cuius habitatio in lu-
teis dominibus et ipsa vita in luto. nulla firmitudo sententiae,
nulla constantia. in die nox desideratur, in nocte dies quaeri-
tur; ante escam gemitus, inter cibos fletus lacrimae dolores
timores sollicitudines, nulla requies a perturbationibus, nulla 20
a laboribus reclinatio, irae et indignationis motus horridior. ple-
rique cupiunt mortem et non inpetrant; si autem inpetraverint,
gratulantur, quia sola est mors requies viro.
4.13 Sed dicet aliquis scriptum esse quia deus mortem non fecit.
vita erat in paradiso, ubi lignum vitae, et vita erat lux hominum. 25
mors igitur mala, quae accidit et subintravit. sed quomodo
mors mala, si aut secundum gentiles sensu caret aut secundum
apostolum lucrum Christus est, cum quo esse multo melius?
quomodo igitur nobis mors malum, si nullus post mortem sen-
sus est? ubi enim nullus sensus, nullus utique iniuriae dolor, 30
2 lob. 10.9 5 lob 10.11 7 lob. 10.14, 15, 17 11 Sir. 9.20 13

lob 7.1 14 lob 7.1 16 lob 7.6 18 lob 7.4 24 Sap. 1.13 25
Gen. 2.9; Jn. 1.4 cf. Cicero, Tusc. disp. 1.11.15; 1.37.89 28 Phil. 1.21,23
29 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3; Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.34.82 30 sq. Plot. Enn. 1.7.3.
of this body, by which the vigor of the soul is impeded and its
purpose reduced. So the holy man Job put it well when he said:
remember, you have made me of clay. If this body be of clay,
it certainly smears us; but it does not destroy and contaminate the
soul with the filth of intemperance. You have, he said, clothed
me with skin and flesh and knit me together with bones and sinews.
Our soul is tied together and extended through the sinews of the
body; sometimes, therefore, it stands upright, often it is bent.
He adds: you have not acquited me of my iniquity. If I am
wicked, woe to me! If I am just, I cannot lie down, for I am filled
with disgrace. You have brought temptations upon me. What
is his life unless a life full of snares? We walk in the midst of
snares, live in the midst of many temptations. Accordingly, Job
had said earlier: is not the life of man on earth a temptation? He
added the phrase 'on earth' very appositely, because there is also
a life of man in heaven. His life, he adds, is like a laborer's hire,
time spent in toil and heat, lighter than gossip floating and swim
ming away in words, whose dwelling is in houses of clay, whose
very life is in the mud. There is no firmness of resolve, no
constancy. In the day he desires the night, at night he seeks
the day; before he eats, there is lamentation, and during his meals
there are weeping, tears, sorrows, fears, anxieties, no peace from
trouble, no rest from toil, the emotion of resentment even more
frightful. Many desire death and cannot obtain it; but if they do
obtain it, they rejoice because only death is repose for a man.
4.13 Some will say in answer that it is written that God did not
make death. There was life in paradise, where the tree of life
was, and the life was the light of men. Therefore, the death
that came to pass and entered there was evil. But I ask: how is
death evil if it either lacks feeling, as the pagan says, or if, as
the Apostle says, Christ is gain, with whom it is much better to
be? How, then, is death an evil for us if there is no feeling
after death? Where there is no feeling, there is certainly no
grief arising from suffering, because grief is a feeling. Or if
there is feeling after death, then there is certainly life after death
quia dolor sensus est. aut quia est post mortem sensus, est
utique vita post mortem et superstes mortis est anima, quae
sensu utitur et vita fungitur, cum autem manet post mortem
vita atque anima, manet bonum nec morte amittitur, sed augetur,
nec ullo inpedimento mortis retardatur anima, sed operatur 5
magis, quia operatur quae sua sunt sine ulla corporis societate,
quod animae maiori oneri quam usui est. quid igitur est mali
animae, quae puritatem suam custodierit et virtutum disciplinam
servaverit? aut si non servavit, non mors malum, sed vita,
quia vita non fuit: quae est enim vita vitiis peccatisque obsita? 10
quid igitur accusamus mortem, quae aut vitae pretium luit aut
abolet eius dolorem atque cruciatum? itaque mors aut suae
quietis bono utitur aut malo alieno laborat.
14 Nunc illud specta: si vita oneri, mors absolutioni, si vita suppli-
cio, mors remedio, aut si iudicium post mortem, etiam vita post 15
mortem. vita igitur haec non est bona, aut si hic bona vita,
quomodo illic mors non est bona, cum illic nullus supersit
terribilis iudicii metus? sed ipsa hic vita si bona est, quibus rebus
bona est? virtute utique et bonis moribus. non ergo secundum
animae et corporis copulam bona est, sed quia per virtutem
quod malum est suum repellit, quod autem bonum est mortis 20
adipiscitur, ut quod animae est magis quam id quod contubernii
et coniunctionis operetur. quodsi vita bona, quae animae se a
corpore separantis est speculum, et si anima bona, quae se
elevat atque abducit a corporis contubernio, et mors utique est
15 bonum, quae animam a societate huius carnis absolvit et liberat. 25
omnifariam igitur mors bonum est, et quia conpugnantia dividit,
ne se invicem inpugnent, et quia portus quidam est eorum qui
magno vitae istius iactati salo fidae quietis stationem requi-
runt et quia deteriorem statum non efficit, sed qualem invenerit
in singulis talem iudicio futuro reservat et quiete ipsa fovet 30
et praesentium invidiae subducit et futurorum expectatione
5 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3. 6 Sail. bell. lug. 14.4 7 Plot. Enn. 1.7.3 14
sq. Plot. Enn. .7.3. 28 Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.49.118
and the soul survives death, because it uses its feeling and enjoys
life. But when one's life and soul remain after death, a good
remains; neither is it lost by death, but is increased, nor is the
soul hindered by an impediment of death, but performs its functions
more efficiently because it performs functions proper to it without
any association with the body, which is more of a hindrance to
the soul than a help. What evil is there for a soul which has
kept itself pure and has preserved the discipline of the virtues?
Or if it has not preserved it, it is not death that is evil, but life,
because it was not really life, for what kind of life is one filled
with vice and sin? Why, therefore, do we blame death, which
either pays the price of life or destroys its grief and torture. So
death either enjoys the happiness of its repose or else suffers an
evil from another.
14 Now consider this point: if life is a burden, then death is
freedom from it; if life is a punishment, then death a deliverance;
or if there is a judgement after death, there is also a life after
death. Is this life, then, not good, or if our life here below is
good, how is death there not good, when no fear of terrible
judgement exists there? But if life here is good, what makes it
good? Certainly it is virtue and upright conduct. Therefore, it
is good, not with respect to the union of soul and body, but
because through virtue it drives off what is evil and obtains the
good of death in such a way that it acts more in relation to the
soul than in relation to the bond and union of soul and body.
But if life, a mirror of the soul separated from the body, is good,
and if the soul is good, which raises and removes itself from union
with the body, then certainly death, which delivers and frees the
soul from its association with this flesh, is also good.
15 In every respect, therefore, death is a good, both because it
separates two adversaries, lest they fight one another, and because
it is a kind of port for those who are tossed about on the great
sea of this life and search by faith for a harbor of faithful repose,
and because it does not make our condition worse but preserves
us for the future judgement just as each of us is found, warms us
with rest, takes us away from envy of things present, and prepares
conponit. accedit eo quod frustra homines mortem timent qua'si

finem naturae. nam si recolamus quod deus mortem non
fecerit, sed postquam homo lapsus in flagitium est praevarica-
tionis et fraudis, sententia comprehenderit, ut in terram suam
terra remearet, inveniemus mortem finem esse peccati, ne quo 5
esset vita diuturnior eo fieret culpa numerosior. passus est igitur
dominus subintrare mortem, ut culpa cessaret: sed ne iterum
naturae finis esset in morte, data est resurrectio mortuorum, ut
per mortem culpa deficeret, per resurrectionem autem perpetua-
retur natura. ideoque mors haec transitus universorum est. 10
opus est ut constanter transeas: transitus autem a corruptione ad
incorruptionem, a mortalitate ad immortalitatem, a perturbatio-
nibus ad tranquillitatem. non igitur te nomen mortis offendat,
sed boni transitus beneficia delectent. quid est enim mors nisi
sepultura vitiorum, virtutum suscitatio? unde et ille ait: moriatur 15
anima mea in animis iustorum, id est consepeliatur, ut sua vitia de-
ponat, iustorum adsumat gratiam, qui mortificationem Christi in
corpore suo atque anima circumferunt. mortificatio autem Christi
remissio peccatorum abolitio criminum, erroris oblivio, adsumptio
gratiarum est. quid autem de bono mortis plenius possumus 20
dicere quam quod mors est, quae mundum redemit?
5.16 Sed de communi omnium morte dicamus. Quid eam timea-

mus, quae animae nocere non soleat? scriptum est enim: nolite
timere eos qui occidunt corpus, animam autem non possunt occi-
dere. per mortem autem istam anima liberatur, dum a corporis 25
contubernio secernitur et involucris perturbationis exuitur. unde
et nos, dum in corpore sumus, usum mortis imitantes adlevemus
animam nostram ex istius carnis cubili et tamquam de isto exsur-
gamus sepulchro. abducamus nos a corporis nexu, relinquamus
omnia quaecumque terrena sunt, ut cum venerit adversarius, 30
nihil in nobis inveniat suum. contendamus ad illud aeternum,
2 Sap. 1. 13 4 Gen. 3. 19 12 1 Cor. 15.42 15 Num. 23.10; Coloss.

2.12 17 2 Cor. 4.10 23 Mt. 10.28 30 Jn. 14.30
us for the expectation of things to come. It may be added that

it is vain for men to fear death as if it were the end of nature.
For if we recall that God did not make death, but after men fell
into the sin of disloyalty and fraud, he received the sentence
that dust should return to dust, we shall find that death was the
end of sin, so that life would not be longer the more prevalent
sin became. The Lord, therefore, allowed death to enter that
sin might be destroyed. But so that the end of nature might
not again be in death, the resurrection of the dead was given, so
that through death sin might be destroyed, and through resur
rection nature might be perpetuated.
Death, then, is a passage for all. One must pass through it
bravely; it is a passage from corruption to incorruption, from
mortality to immortality, from troubles to tranquillity. Let not
the word death trouble you, but let the benefits of a good passage
delight you. What is death except the burial of vices, the awaken
ing of virtues? Hence there was one who said: let my soul die
among the souls of the just, which is to say, let it be buried that
it might set aside vice and put on the grace of the just who bear
the death of Christ about in their body and in their soul. This
death consists in the remission of sin, the destruction of crimes,
the oblivion of error, the assumption of grace. What more can
we add about the good of death than the fact that it is death that
redeemed the world?
5.16 Let us say something of the death that is common to all. Why
should we fear what is not wont to harm the soul? For it is
written: do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the
soul. Now by means of this death the soul is freed, because it is
separated from the dwelling of the body and is delivered from
the incasement of trouble. For this reason let us also, while we
are in the body, imitate the practice of death and raise our soul
from this bed of flesh and, as it were, arise from this sepulchre.
Let us free ourselves from the bond of the body, let us leave
every earthly thing, that, when our adversary will come, he will
not find in us anything that belongs to him. Let us strive for the
ad illud divinum evolemus pinnis dilectionis et remigio caritatis.

surgamus hinc, hoc est de saecularibus atque mundanis. dixit
enim dominus: surgite eamus hinc praecipiens, ut unusquisque
surgat de terris, erigat animam humi iacentem, ad superna adtol-
lat, excitet aquilam suam, illam aquilam, de qua dictum est: 5
renovabitur sicut aquilae iuventus tua. ad animam hoc dictum
est. anima ergo nostra sicut aquila alta petat, supra nubes volet,
renovatis splendescat exuviis, caelo volatus suos inferat, ubi la-
queos incidere non possit. avis enim, quae descendit ex alto vel
quae in altum se extollere non potest, frequenter aut laqueis 10
capitur aut visco fallitur aut quibuscumque inretitur insidiis.
sic quoque et anima nostra caveat ad haec mundana descendere.
laqueus in auro, viscum est in argento, nexus in praedio, clavus
in amore. dum aurum petimus, strangulamur: dum argentum
quaerimus, in visco eius inhaeremus: dum praedium invadimus, 15
adligamur. quid inane quaerimus lucrum pretiosae animae detri-
mento? exiguus tibi totus est mundus pro unius animae dispen-
dio; quid enim prodest homini, si hunc mundum lucretur, animae
vero suae detrimentum patiatur? aut quam commutationem dabis
pro anima tua? non auro redimitur, non argento, immo auro 20
amittitur. quin etiam mulieris decus, dum temptatur, adstringit.
clavus est libido, clavus tristitia, clavus iracundia, clavi sunt
omnes passiones, quae velut veru quodam animam nostram pe
netrant et infigunt corpori visceribusque eius adnectunt.
17 Fugiamus ergo haec mala et exaltemus animam nostram ad 25
illam imaginem dei et similitudinem. fuga malorum similitudo
dei est et virtutibus imago dei adquiritur. ideo qui nos pinxit
quasi auctor pinxit virtutum coloribus: ecce ego, inquit, Hieru-
salem, pinxi muros tuos. non detergeamus pinicillo neglegentiae
3 Jn. 14.31 6 Ps. 102.5 7 cf. Verg. Aen. 5.507-8; 7.361-2; 9.563-4;
Verg. Georg. 1.364 11 Verg. Georg. 1.139 13 cf. Plato, Phaedo 82 E
18 Mt. 16.26 22 Plato, Phaeto 83 D 25 cf. Plato, Theaet. 176 B;
Plot. Enn. 1.2.1 28 Is. 49.16
eternal, let us fly up to the divine with the wings of love and the
oarage of charity. Let us rise from here, that is, from temporal
and worldly things .
The Lord said: arise, let us go hence, commanding that each
should rise from the earth, raise his soul lying on the ground,
and lift it to the things that are above, should arouse that eagle
of his, that eagle of which it is written: your youth will be renewed
as that of the eagle. This was spoken to the soul. Let our
soul, therefore, seek the heights as the eagle, let it fly above
the clouds, shine with renewed plumage, raise its flight to heaven,
where it cannot fall into any snares. A bird which comes down
from on high or which is unable to lift itself into the air is
frequently caught either by a snare or deceived by bird-lime,
caught in the net of some device. So also let our soul avoid
descending to these worldly things. There is a snare in gold,
bird-lime in silver, a bond in possessions, a fastenening nail in
love. When we seek gold, we are strangled; when we seek
silver, we are caught in its bird-lime; when we seek possessions,
we are ensnared.
Why do we seek after empty gain to the detriment of our
precious soul? The whole world is a small price for the loss of one
soul: for what does it profit a man if he gain this world but suffer
the loss of his soul. Or what will you give in exchange for your
soul? It is redeemed neither by gold nor by silver, and is, in
fact, lost by gold. Indeed even a woman's beauty binds the soul
when it tempts it. Lust is a nail, moroseness a nail, anger a
nail, all the passions are nails, which penetrate our soul like
a skewer and fasten and connect it to our body and its vitals.
17 Let us, therefore, flee from these evils and raise our soul to
the image and likeness of God. Flight from evil is a likeness to
God and the image of God is acquired by virtues. Therefore, the
one who, as an artist, painted us, has painted with the colors
of the virtues. Behold, O Jerusalem, he says, I have painted your
walls. Let us not wipe off the painted foundation-walls of our
soul with the brush of negligence. Therefore, he says: I have
painted your walls, by which we are able to ward off the enemy.
18 depicta animae nostrae firmamenta muralia. ideo dixit muros

pinxi, quibus hostem possimus avertere. habet anima muros
suos, de quibus eminet et de quibus ait: ego civitas munita, ego
civitas obsessa. his munitur muris, his obsessa defenditur. et
vere murus anima, quae praetendit in castris. unde et ipsa ait 5
in Canticis: ego murus et ubera mea ut turris. bonus murus,
quem pinxit dominus, sicut ipse ait: in manibus meis pinxi mu
ros tuos, et in conspectu meo es semper. bona anima, quae habet
speculatorem deum et in manibus eius est, sicut anima prophe-
tica, quae in manus domini commendatur ut spiritus et quae 10
in conspectu dei est: oculi enim domini super iustos, sicut ipsa
ait: ego eram in oculis eius tamquam inveniens pacem. bonas
turres habet quae habet et de intellegibilibus verbum et de
moralibus disciplinam. ideoque haec anima habens gratiam suo-
rum uberum ingreditur in hortos et inveniens illic sponsum se- 15
dentem et disputantem amicis ait: qui sedes in hortis vocem tuam
insinua mihi. mihi inquit, non amicis. fuge, frater meus: hor-
tatur ut fugiat sponsus, quia iam sequi potest etiam ipsa terrena
fugientem. dicit ut similis sit dammulae, quae evadit de retibus;
vult enim et ipsa fugere et evolare supra mundum. 20
19 Hinc hortum illum sibi Plato conposuit. quem Iovis hortum
alibi, alibi hortum mentis appellavit; Iovem enim et deum et
mentem totius dixit. in hunc introisse animam, quam Venerem
nuncupat, ut se abundantia et divitiis horti repleret, in quo
repletus potu iaceret Porus, qui nectar effunderet. hoc igitur 25
ex libro Canticorum conposuit, eo quod anima deo adhaerens in
hortum mentis ingressa sit, in quo esset abundantia diversarum
virtutum floresque sermonum. quis autem ignorat quod ex pa-
radiso illo, quem legimus in Genesi habentem lignum vitae et
lignum scientiae boni et mali et ligna cetera, abundantiam virtu- 30
tum putaverit transferendam et in horto mentis esse plantandam,
quem in Canticis Solomon hortum animae significavit vel ipsam
3 Is. 27.3 6 Cant. 8.10 7 Is. 49.16 10 Ps. 30.6 11 Ps. 33.16
12 Cant. 8.10 14 Cant. 6.1, 10 16 Cant. 8.13 17 Cant. 8.14 21
cf. Plato. Conv. 203 B; Plot. Enn. 3.5
18 The soul has its own walls, from which it rises and concerning
which it says: I am a walled city, a surrounded city. With these
walls it is fortified, with these the beseiged city is defended. And
indeed the wall is a soul which rises up above the plain. Hence,
also it says in the Canticle: I am a wall and my breasts are as a
tower. The wall which the Lord has painted is good, as he says:
with my own hands I have painted your walls, and you are always
in my sight. The soul is good which has God as its watchman,
and which is in his hands, as a prophetic soul which is commended
into the hands of the Lord as a spirit and which is in God's sight.
The eyes of the Lord are on the just, as it says: I was under his
eyes as one finding peace. That soul has good towers which
has both the word with respect to intelligible things and discipline
with respect to morals. And therefore this soul, having the
beauty of its own breasts, enters into the gardens, and finding
there its spouse sitting and conversing with friends, says: you who
sit in my gardens, address your voice to me. It says 'to me' not
'to friends'. Flee, my brother: she exhorts her spouse to flee,
because she is now able to follow him even as he flees earthly
things. He says that she is like a deer which escapes the nets;
for she also wants to flee and rise above the world.
19 Hence Plato composed that famous garden of his. In one place
he called it the garden of Jove, in another the garden of the mind.
He said that Jove was both the god and mind of all. Into this
garden entered the soul, which he called Venus, so that it might
fill itself with the bounty and riches of the garden, where Porus,
who served the nectar, lay filled with drink. This, therefore, he
composed from the book of Canticles, because the soul clinging
to God entered the garden of the mind, wherein are an abundance
of virtues and the flowers of speech. Who, however, is ignorant
of the fact that he should think that the abundance of virtues from
that paradise, which we read about in Genesis as containing the
Tree of Life and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil and
the other trees, should be transferred and planted in the garden
of the mind, which in the Canticle Solomon signified as the gar
den of the soul or as the soul itself. So it is written: an enclosed
animam. sic enim scriptum est: hortus clausus soror mea sponsa,
hortus clausus, fons signatus; transmissiones tuae paradisus. et
infra ait anima: exsurge, aquilo, et veni, auster, perfla hortum
meum, defluant unguenta mea. descendat frater mens in hortum
suum. quanto hoc pulchrius, quod anima ornata virtutum flori- 5
bus hortus sit vel in se paradisum habeat germinantem. in quem
hortum invitat dei verbum descendere, ut anima illa verbi imbre
caelesti et eius copiis inrigata fructificet. verbum autem dei
pascitur animae virtutibus, quotiens obedientem sibi et opimam
invenerit, et carpit fructus eius atque his delectatur. cum autem 10
descenderit in eam dei verbum, defluunt ex ea salubrium un
guenta verborum et diversarum fraglant longe lateque redolentia
gratiarum spiramina.
20 Unde ait sponsus — sponsus autem animae deus verbum est,
cui anima legitimo quodam conubii foedere copulatur —: Ingres- 15
sus sum in hortum meum, soror mea sponsa, vindemiavi murram
meam cum unguentis meis, manducavi panem meum cum melle
meo, bibi vinum meum cum lacte meo. edite, proximi mei, et
bibite et inebriamini fratres mei. ego dormio, et cor meum vi-
gilat. cognoscamus quos fructus et cibos epuletur deus quibusve 20
delectetur. delectatur eo, si quis mortificet peccatum suum,
obliteret culpam suam, sepeliat atque abolefaciat iniquitates suas.
murra enim sepultura est mortuorum, mortua autem peccata
sunt, quae vitae suavitatem habere non possunt. perfunduntur
autem divini sermonis unguentis et fortiore cibo verbi velut pane 25
et suaviore sermone velut melle curantur quaedam vulnera delic-
torum. sermonum autem cibos esse docet et alibi Solomon
dicens: favi mellis sermones boni. in illo ergo horto sermones
boni sunt, alius qui culpam coherceat, alius qui iniquitatem cor-
ripiat, alius qui mori faciat insolentiam et velut sepeliat eam, 30
quando correptus aliqui erroribus suis renuntiat. est etiam fortior
1 Cant. 4.12-13 3 Cant. 4.16 4 Cant. 5.1 15 Cant. 5.1 sq. 25

Ps. 103.15; 1 Cor. 3.2 28 Prov. 16.24
garden is my sister, my spouse, an enclosed garden, a sealed foun

tain; your shoots are a paradise. And a little further on the soul
says: arise, O Korthwind, and come, O Southwind, blow upon my
garden, let my fragrances be blown abroad. Let my brother come
down to his garden. How much more beautiful a thing it is
that the soul adorned with the flowers of the virtues is the garden
and even has a paradise growing up within it.
Into this garden it invites the Word of God to descend, so
that the soul, watered by the rain of the heavenly word and
its bounties, bears fruit. Now the Word of God is fed by the
the soul's virtues as often as it finds the soul obedient to it and
fruitful, and it plucks its fruits and is delighted with them. When,
however, the Word of God descends into it, fragrances of whole
some words flow from it and emit far and wide sweet odors
redolent of diverse beauty.
20 Hence, the spouse says: — the spouse of the soul, however,
is God the Word, to whom the soul is joined by a kind of
lawful marriage contract — I have entered my garden, my sister,
my beloved, I have gathered the vintage of my myrrh with my
spices, have eaten my bread with my honey, have drunk my
wine with my milk. Eat, my friends, and drink; be inebriated,
my brothers. I sleep, but my heart keeps vigil. Let us learn
on what fruits and foods God feasts and with which he is
delighted. He is delighted with a man if he mortifies his sin,
blots out his fault, buries and destroys his iniquities. Myrrh is the
burial of the dead; but sins are dead, which cannot have the
sweetness of life. Some wounds coming from crimes are steeped
in the spices of the divine utterance and are cured by a stronger
food of the word as by bread, and by a sweeter utterance as
by honey. In another place Solomon also teaches what the
foods of speech are when he says: good words are a honeycomb.
In that garden, therefore, there are good words, the word that
destroys guilt, that overcomes wickedness, that causes pride to
die and, as it were, buries it, when someone is corrected and
renounces his errors. There is also a stronger word, which
strengthens man's heart by the more powerful food of Divine
sermo, qui confirmat cor hominis validioribus scripturae cae-

lestis alimentis. est etiam sermo suasorius, dulcis ut mel et
tamen peccatoris conscientiam in ipsa suavitate conpungens. est
etiam ferventioris spiritus sermo, qui inebriat sicut vinum et cor
hominis laetificat, est etiam lacteus sermo, purus et candidus. 5
hos cibos dulcium utiliumque sermonum epulandos sponsus proxi-
mis suis dicit; proximi autem sunt qui eum sequuntur et nuptiis
eius intersunt. quo cibo et potu repleta anima — bibit enim
unusquisque aquam de suis vasis et de puteorum suorum fonti-
bus — atque inebriata saeculo dormiebat, vigilabat deo, et ideo, 10
sicut posteriora docent, aperiri sibi deus verbum eius ianuam
21 postulabat, ut eam suo repleret ingressu. hinc ergo epulatores
illi Platonici, hinc nectar illud ex vino et melle prophetico, hinc
somnus ille translatus est, hinc vita illa perpetua, quam deos suos
dixit epulari, quia Christus est vita. ideoque talium sermonum 15
seminibus animae eius repletus est venter atque ipsa exivit in
verbo. quae autem exit anima servitio isto et elevat se a cor-
pore verbum sequitur.
6.22 Sed sunt principatus aerii et potestates mundi, qui nos vel de
muro deicere animae vel inpedire recta gradientes vel ad altiora 20
tendentes quaerunt deponere atque ad terrena revocare. sed nos
multo magis ad sublimia mentem erigamus verbum sequentes
dei. illi principatus offundunt saecularia, quibus tuam mentem
incurvent. tunc magis ad Christum, anima, dirige gressus tuos.
iniciunt cupiditatem auri, argenti, vicinae possessionis, ut adqui- 25
rendae eius gratia excuses a cena illius, qui ad nuptias verbi te
invitavit: tu cave excuses, sed vestem te indue nuptialem et
utere convivio divitis, ne dives, qui te invitaverat, cum tu excu-
saveris, dum es saecularibus occupatus, alios invitet et tu exclu-
daris. iniciunt etiam honoris adpetentiam potestates mundi, ut 30
te extollas sicut Adam et, dum vis adaequare deum similitudine
1 Ps. 103.15 4 Ps. 20.5; Ps. 103.15; Sir. 40.20 6 Cant. 5.1 8
Prov. 5.15 11 Cant. 5.2 13 Plato, Conv. 203 B 15 Jn. 14.6
16 Ps. 16.14 17 Verg. Ecl. 1.40 19 cf. Eph. 6.12 26 Mt. 22.11-12
27 Luc. 17.18 sqq. 31 Gen. 3.5
Scripture. There is also the persuasive word, sweet as honey and

yet stinging the sinner's conscience by its very sweetness. There
is also the word of the more fervent spirit, which inebriates
man's heart like wine and brings it joy. There is also a milky
word, pure and white. The spouse says that these foods of
sweet and useful words should be placed at the table for his
friends. His friends are those who follow him and are present
at his wedding. The soul filled with this food and drink — for
each one drinks water from his own vessels and from the fonts
of his own wells — and inebriated, slept to the world, but
was awake to God, and therefore, as later words of the Canticle
teach, God commanded that his door, that is, his word, be opened
to it, so that he might fill the soul by his entrance.
21 Therefore, hence have come those banqueters of Plato, hence
that nectar made from prophetic wine and honey, hence that
sleep of his, hence that eternal life, on which he said his gods
banquet, because Christ is life. Therefore, the belly of his soul
was filled with the seeds of such words and the soul itself
went out in the word. But the soul which goes out from this
slavery and elevates itself from the body follows the word.
6.22 But there are principalities of the air and powers of the world
which seek either to throw us down from the wall of the soul
or hinder us from marching forward, or overthrow us as we tend
toward higher things and draw us back to the earthly. But
let us direct our minds all the more to the heights, following the
word of God. Those principalities pour out worldly vanities, so
that by them they may deflect the mind. Then, O soul, direct
your steps even more to Christ. They cast before you avarice for
gold, for silver, for your neighbor's goods, so that for the sake
of acquiring such you might excuse yourself from the banquet
of him who invited you to the marriage of the Word. Avoid
excusing yourself, but put on the wedding garment and take
advantage of the banquet of the rich man, lest the rich man, who
had invited you, should, when you excuse yourself and are occupied
with worldly affairs, invite others and exclude you.
potestatis, divina praecepta despicias et quae habebas incipias

23 amittere. qui enim non habet et quod habet auferetur ab eo.
quotiens in oratione nobis, qua maxime deo adpropinquamus,
offunduntur ea quae plena sunt obprobii alicuius aut sceleris,
quo nos a studio precationis avertant! quotiens inimicus cordi 5
nostro conatur inserere quo nos reflectat a sanctitatis proposito
et piis votis! quotiens corporeos inflammat ardores, quotiens
occursare facit oculos meretricios, quibus castum iusti temptet
affectum, ut improviso amoris spiculo feriat imparatum! quo
tiens inserit animo tuo verbum iniquum et cogitationes cordis 10
absconditas! de quo tibi dick lex: attende tibi, ne fiat verbum
absconditum in corde tuo iniquum et dicat tibi Iesus: 'quid
cogitas mala in corde tuo?' neve cum abundaveris auro et ar-
gento et opimis agrorum fructibus vel honoribus dicas: 'virtus
mea dedit mihi haec' et obliviscaris dominum deum tuum. 15
24 His ergo anima quae cupit evolare deponitur. sed tu obluc-
tare quasi bonus miles Christi Iesu et inferiora despiciens, terrena
obliviscens ad caelestia et aeterna contende. attole animam tuam,
ne earn inliciat esca laqueorum. voluptates saeculi escae quae-
dam sunt et quod peius escae malorum, escae temptationum. 20
dum voluptatem quaeris, laqueos incurris. 'oculus' enim
'meretricis laqueus amatoris est.' oculus ergo meretricis est
laqueus: laqueus est etiam sermo meretricis, qui obdulcat ad tem-
pus fauces tuas et postea exasperat eas amaritudine conscientiae
peccatricis. laqueus est aliena amoenitatis plena possessio. omne 25
iter istius vitae plenum laqueorum est. unde iustus dicit:. in
via hac, quam ambulabam, absconderunt laqueos mihi. in via
2 Mt. 13.12 11 Deut. 15.9 12 Mt. 9.4 14 Deut. 8.17 17 2

Tim. 2.3 19 cf. Plato, Timaeus 69 D; Cicero, De Senect. 13.44 21
Prov. 5.3 26 Ps. 141.4
The powers of this world also throw before you a desire for
honor, so that you may exalt yourself, as Adam did, and, when
you desire to make yourself equal to God by the likeness of
power, that you may despise the divine precepts and begin
to lose what your had. For he who does not have, even what he
has will be taken away from him. How often in our prayer, by
which we approach closest to God, things full of some kind
of reproach- or crime are thrown before us, whereby they might
turn us from our desire for prayer! How often the enemy tries
to work his way into our heart to turn us from our goal of
sanctity and our pious desire! How often he kindles carnal pas
sions, how often he causes lustful images to enter one's thoughts,
by which he will tempt the chaste sense of the just so that
he might strike us unprepared with the unforeseen arrow of
lust! How often he plants in our mind an evil word and
thoughts hidden in our heart! Of this the law says to you: take
heed, lest the word hidden in your heart become evil, and let Jesus
say to you: why do you think evil in your heart. And when you
have an abundance of gold and silver and are rich in the fruits of
the fields or in honors, do not say: my virtue has given these
things to me, and do not forget that the Lord is your God.
24 The soul, therefore, which desires to fly away is pulled down
by these things. But struggle against them as a good soldier
of Christ Jesus, and despising what is below and forgetful of
earthly things, strive toward the heavenly and eternal. Raise
your soul lest the bait of snares entice it. The pleasures of the
world are, as it were, baits, and what is worse, baits of evil, baits
of temptation. When you seek pleasure, you run into snares,
for: 'the eye of the harlot is a snare for her lover'. The eye,
then, of the harlot is a snare; a snare also is the speech of a harlot
who sweetens your throat for a time but afterwards irritates it
with the bitterness of a sinful conscience. A snare also is the
possession of another, although full of pleasantness. Every road
of this life is full of snares. Hence the just man says: on this
road on which I walked they hid snares for me; he says 'on this
road they have hidden them'. Therefore, walk that road which
inquit hac absconderunt: ideo tu illam viam ambula, quae dick:

ego sum via et veritas et vita, ut dicas: animam meam convertit:
25 deduxit me super semitas iustitiae propter nomen suum. moria-
tur igitur nobis hoc saeculum, moriatur nobis carnis istius sapien-
tia, quae inimica est deo. subiciamus animam nostram soli 5
Christo, ut dicat unusquisque: nonne deo subdita est anima mea?
non saeculo subdita, non mundo, inquit, subdita. non potest
hoc pecuniosus, non potest avarus dicere, sed dicit iustus et
continens. avarus autem dicit: anima, habes multa bona in annos
multos posita; requiesce, manduca, bibe et epulare, quia avari 10
anima subdita est luxuriae corporali, iusti autem anima utitur
corpore ut instrumento aut organo, quae velut praeclara artifex
quo vult obsequium corporis ducit et effingit de eo speciem quam
elegit et eas quas voluerit facit in eo resonare virtutes, pangens
nunc modulos castitatis, nunc modulos temperantiae, sobrietatis 15
carmen, integritatis dulcedinem, virginitatis suavitatem, gravita-
tem viduitatis. interdum tamen modulator conpatitur organo
suo: et ideo honesta modulare, ut sit honesta conpassio. nam
et ille qui videt videndo plerumque et audiens audiendo afficitur.
et ideo dicit scriptura: oculi tui recta videant et infra: ne multus 20
fueris ad alienam. noli intendere in oculos iuvenculae, noli in-
tendere in verba meretricis.
7.26 Et quid de extraneis laqueis loquor? nostri nobis laquei sunt

cavendi. in ipso hoc corpore nostro laquei circumfusi nobis
sunt, quos debemus vitare. non credamus nos huic corpori, non 25
misceamus cum eo animam nostram. cum amico inquit misce
animum tuum, non cum inimico. inimicum tibi corpus est tuum,
quod repugnat menti tuae, cuius opera inimicitiae, dissensiones,
lites perturbationesque sunt. noli cum eo miscere animam tuam,
ne utrumque confundas. nam si miscetur, ergo melior fit caro, 30
2 Jn. 14.6 2 Ps. 22.3 4 Rom. 8.7 6 Ps. 61.2 9 Luc. 12.19
11 Plot. Enn. 1.1.3 20 Prov. 4.25; Prov. 5.20 26 Sir. 6.13; cf. Prov.
25.9 28 Rom. 7.23 29 Plot. Enn. 1.1.4
says: I am the way, the truth, and the life, so you can say:
he turned my soul, he led me on the ways of justice for his
name's sake.
25 Therefore, let this world die to us, let the wisdom of this
flesh die, which is hostile to God. Let us entrust our soul to
Christ alone, so that each one can say: is not my soul subject
to God? Then it is not subject to this life, or subject to this
world. The rich man cannot say this, nor can the miser, but the
just and temperate man can. The greedy man says: O soul, you
have many good things stored aways for many years; rest now,
eat, drink, feast, because the soul of the greedy man is subject to
corporal lust, but the just man's soul uses the body as an instru
ment or tool which, as an excellent craftsman, leads the submissive
body where it wishes, and fashions from it the form which it
chooses, and which causes those virtues to resound in it which it
wishes, playing now the melody of chastity, now the melody of
temperance, the song of sobriety, the charm of integrity, the sweet
ness of virginity, the gravity of widowhood. Yet, sometimes the
musician is atuned by his instrument: therefore, play good pieces,
that your atuning may be good. For both he who sees is
often affected by seeing, and he who hears by hearing, and so
the Scripture says: may your eyes see good things, and later:
do not be zealous for another's possession. Do not direct your
gaze to the eyes of a young girl; do not give your attention to
the words of the harlot.
7.26 And why do I mention the xeternal snares? We must be on

guard against snares within ourselves. In this body of ours
we have been surrounded by snares, which we ought to avoid.
Let us not entrust ourselves to our body, let us not join our soul
with it. Scripture says: join your soul with a friend, not with
an enemy. Your body is a enemy to you, because it fights against
your mind; its works are enmities, dissensions, quarrels, disorders.
Do not join your soul with it lest you confuse both. For if it
is joined, then the flesh, which is inferior, becomes better than the
soul, which is superior, because the soul gives life to the body,
quae inferior est, quam anima, quae superior, quia anima vitam
corpori tradit, caro autem mortem animae transfundit confun-
ditur ergo utriusque operatio, confunditur prope ipsa utriusque
substantia. igitur suscipit in se anima insensibilitatem defuncti
corporis et corpus omnibus animae virtutibus fungitur. ac ne 5
forte quia infunditur anima corpori etiam confundi putetur,
exemplo nobis sit huius luminis gratia, siquidem et lumen ter-
reno loco infunditur nec tamen confunditur. non sit ergo confusa
operatio, quorum dispar substantia est, sed sit anima in corpore,
27 ut vivificet corpus, hoc gubernet, inluminet. negare tamen non 10
possumus quod conpatiatur corpori suo. nam et contristatur,
siquidem Iesus ait: tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem, affec
tum hominis in se exprimens et alibi: anima mea turbata est,
siquidem ut modulator modulis suis aut tibiae aut citharae aut
organi voce, gestu affectuque conpatitur, in tristibus sonis tristior, 15
in laetis laetior, in acutioribus excitatior, in ipsis mitioribus mi-
tior atque mansuetior, ut sonos cantuum ipse commendet et
quodammodo moduletur affectus, anima quoque in hoc corpore
tamquam in fidibus musicis, quae sobria est, tamen summis, ut
ita dicam, digitis velut nervorum sonos ita pulsat carnis istius 20
passiones, ut consonum reddat morum atque virtutum consen-
tientemque concentum, ut in omnibus cogitationibus suis, in
omnibus operibus id custodiat, ut omnia consilia et facta sibi
concinant. anima est ergo quae utitur, corpus quod usui est, ac
per hoc aliud quod in imperio, aliud quod in ministerio, aliud 25
qod sumus, aliud quod nostrum est. si quis animae pulchritudi-
nem diligit, nos diligit; si quis corporis decorem diligit, non
ipsum hominem, sed carnis diligit pulchritudinem, quae tamen
cito marcescit et defluit.
28 Unde illi intende de quo dicit propheta: qui non accepit in 30
vanum animam suam. in vanum accepit animam suam, ut iam
6 Plot. Enn. 1.1.4; cf. Plot. Enn. 4.3.22 10 Plato, Phaedo 80 A 12

Mt. 26.38 13 Jn. 12.27 14 cf. Plot. Enn. 1.4.16; Amb. In Luc. 6.10
Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.10.19 24 cf. Amb. Exam. 6. 7.42; Basil, IIp6aexe aeaintp
3 (PG 31.203 A) 30 Ps. 23.4
but the flesh transfers death to the soul. Therefore, the operation
of both is merged, almost the very substance of both is merged.
Accordingly, the soul receives into itself the insensibility of the
dead body and the body performs all the functions of the soul.
And lest perhaps one might think that because the soul is infused
into the body it is also merged, let us take light as an example,
for even though light is infused into an earthly place, it is not
for all that confused with it. Therefore, do not let the operation
of things which are of different substance be confused, but let
the soul be in the body, that it may vivify the body, guide and
27 illumine it. Nevertheless, we cannot deny that the soul is
attuned to its body. For it is saddened, as Jesus says: my soul is
sad even unto death, experiencing in himself the emotion of man,
and in another place: my soul is troubled. Just as the musician at
tunes himself in emotion according to his modes, either by the sound
of his flute, harp, or organ, and by gesture and disposition, becom
ing sadder with sad sounds, more joyful with joyful ones, more ex
cited with sharper sounds, gentler and milder with softer ones, so
that he atunes himself to the sounds of the music and in a certain
way modulates his emotions, so also the soul which is temperate
strikes on this body as if on the strings of a musical instrument,
so strikes with the finger-tips, as it were, the passions of this
flesh as the sounds of the string, that it renders agreeable and
concordant the harmony of good manners and virtues, so that it
may guard the body in all its thoughts and in all its actions, that
all decisions and deeds may be in harmony.
The soul, therefore, is what uses, the body that which is used,
and in this way there is one thing which is in command, another
which is in service, one is what we are, the other what is
ours. If anyone loves the beauty of the soul, he loves us; but if
anyone loves the comeliness of the body, he loves not the man
himself but the beauty of the flesh, which quickly withers and
passes away.
28 Wherefore, look to the man of whom the prophet says: who
does not lift his soul in vain. He lifts his soul in vain, in order
that we may speak of the troubles of this life, who constructs
de huius vitae dicamus molestiis, qui saecularia struit, aedificat

corporalia. cotidie ad edendum et bibendum surgimus, et nul-
lus expletur, ut non post momentum esuriat ac sitiat. coditie
lucrum quaerimus, et nullus cupiditati modus ponitur. non sa-
tiabitur inquit oculus videndo nec auris auditu. qui diligit 5
argentum non satiabitur argento. nullus finis laboris et nullus
est fructus abundantiae. cupimus cotidie scire nova, et quid est
ipsa scientia nisi cotidiani doloris abiectio? omnia quae sunt iam
fuerunt et nihil sub sole est novum, sed omnia vanitas. totam
vitam odio habui dixit Ecclesiastes. qui vitam odio habuit utique 10
mortem praedicavit. denique laudavit mortuos magis quam vi-
ventes et illum iudicavit beatum, qui in hanc vitam non venit nec
inanem hunc suscepit laborem. circumivit inquit cor meum, ut
scirem impiis laetitiam et ut considerarem et quaererem sapien-
tiam et numerum et ut scirem per impium laetitiam et molestiam 15
et iactationem, et invenio ego eam amariorem quam mortem, non
quia amara sit mors, sed quia impio amara. et tamen amarior
vita quam mors. gravius est enim ad peccatum vivere quam in
peccato mori, quia impii quamdiu vivit peccatum auget, si mo-
riatur, peccare desinit. 20
29 Plerique criminum suorum absolutione laetantur. si emen-
daturi, recte; si perseveraturi in eis, stulte, quia longe illis plus
damnatio profuisset, ne incrementa facerent peecatorum de quo
sublimis apostoli sententia dicentis quod non solum ii qui fla-
gitiosa agunt, sed etiam qui ea probant digni morte sunt. sed 25
et illos qui talia condemnant in aliis qualia ipsi agunt inexcusa-
biles haberi ut et sua damnatos sententia; cum enim alios con
demnant, se ipsos condemnant. nec sibi eos blandiri oportere,
quia poenarum ad tempus inmunes videntur et exortes reatus,
cum graviores poenas intra se luant et sibi rei sint, qui aliis non 30
4 Eccl. 1.8 9 Eccl. 1.9-10, 2.17 11 Eccl. 4.2-3, cf. 4 13 Eccl.

7.25 sq. 24 Rom. 1.32 26 Rom. 2.1-3
worldly things, builds corporeal things. Daily we rise to eat

and drink, and no one is filled in such a way that after a time
he does not hunger and thirst. Daily we seek gain, and no limit
is put to our desire. The eye, Scripture says, will not be satisfied
with seeing, nor the ear with hearing. The one who loves silver
will not be satisfied with silver. There is no end of toil and
no fruit of abundance. We daily seek to know new things, and
what is this knowledge except the repudiation of daily grief?
Everything that is now has already been, and nothing is new
under the sun, but all is vanity. Ecclesiastes said: I have con
sidered my whole life hateful. The one who considered life
hateful certainly commended death. Accordingly, he praised the
dead more than the living and judged him blessed who did not
come into this life and did not undertake this empty toil. He
surrounded my heart that I might know the joy of the impious,
and that I might consider the search for wisdom and moderation
and that through the impious I might know joy and hardship and
boasting, and I am finding it more bitter than death, not because
death is bitter, but because it is bitter to the impious. Neverthe
less, life is more bitter than death. For it is more grievous to
live to sin than to die to sin, because as long as the impious lives
sin increases, but if he should die, he ceases to sin.
29 Many rejoice on being freed from their crimes. If they are
with a purpose of amendment, they rightly rejoice; but if they
persevere in them, they rejoice foolishly, because damnation would
be far more beneficial to them if they did not increase their
sins, concerning which there is the opinion of the sublime
Apostle, who says that not only those who commit crimes,
but also those who approve of them, are worthy of death. He
also says that those who condemn in others such things as they
themselves do are to be considered inexcusable and, as it were,
damned by their own judgement. For when they condemn others,
they condemn themselves. Nor should they flatter themselves
because they seem free of punishment for a time and exempt
from guilt, since they pay graver penalties within themselves
and are guilty in their own eyes who do not seem so to others,
videntur, atque in se intorqueant graviorem conscientiae senten-

tiam, cum de aliorum peccatis iudicant. sed noli, inquit, o homo,
divinae bonitatis et patientiae thensauros contemnere; bonitas
enim dei ad paenitentiam te provocat, ad correctionem invitat;
duritia autem tua, qua in erroris pertinacia perseveras, futuri 5
iudicii auget severitatem, ut dignam retributionem tuorum acci-
30 pias delictorum. non igitur mors malum. nam neque apud
viventes mors est neque apud defunctos; apud alios enim non
est, quia adhuc vivunt, alii transierunt. itaque neque apud eos
amara est qui eam adhuc nesciunt hoc ipso quia nesciunt neque 10
apud eos qui iam et secundum corpus nihil sentiunt et secundum
animam liberati sunt.
8.31 Quodsi terribilis apud viventes aestimatur, non mors ipsa terri-
bilis, sed opinio de morte, quam unusquisque pro suo interpre-
tatur affectu aut pro sua conscientia perhorrescit. suae igitur 15
unusquisque conscientiae vulnus accuset, non mortis acerbitatem.
denique iustis mors quietis est portus, nocentibus naufragium
putatur. certe his quibus gravis est timor mortis non est grave
mori, sed grave est vivere sub metu mortis. non ergo mors gravis,
sed metus mortis. metus autem opinionis est, opinio nostrae 20
infirmitatis, contraria veritati; nam per veritatem virtus, per
opinionem infirmitas. opinio autem non mortis utique, sed vitae
est. ergo illud grave vitae magis invenitur esse. liquet igitur
quia mortis metus non ad mortem referendus est, sed ad vitam.
non enim habemus quod in morte metuamus, si nihil quod ti- 25
mendum sit vita nostra commisit. etenim prudentibus delic
torum supplicia terrori sunt, delicta autem non mortuorum actus
sunt, sed viventium. vita igitur ad nos refertur, cuius actus in
2 Rom. 2.4 7 cf. ps-Plato Axiochus 369 B; Epicurus, Ad Menoeceum

125; Tusc. disp. 1.38.91 13 cf. Epictetus, Enchir. 5 18 cf. Plot.
Enn. 4.3.17
and they turn upon themselves a graver sentence of conscience

when they judge the sins of others.
But do not, O man, he said, despise the treasures of divine
goodness and patience, for the goodness of God calls you to
penitence, invites you to correction. Your hardheartedness, by
which you persevere in your stubbornness of error, increases
the severity of the future judgement, so that you receive a just
30 retribution for your crimes. Death, therefore, is not evil. There
is no death, neither among the living nor among the dead; in the
case of the first it does not exist because they are still living,
whereas the others have passed to another life. And so it is
not bitter among those who do not yet know it for the very
reason that they do not know it, nor is it bitter among those
who now feel nothing according to the body and are freed according
to their soul.
8.31 But if among the living death is considered frightening, it is

not the death itself that is frightening but the opinion about
death, which each one interprets according to his own disposition
or greatly fears according to his own conscience. Let each one,
therefore, attribute the wound to his own conscience, not to the
bitterness of death. Accordingly, death is a harbor of repose for
the just, but it is to be thought of as shipwreck for the wicked.
Certainly for those for whom the fear of death is oppressive,
it is not oppressive to die but oppressive to live under the fear
of death. It is not death that is oppressive, therefore, but the
fear of death. Fear, however, belongs to opinion, opinion of
our weakness, and is contrary to the truth, for virtue is from
truth, weakness from opinion. But the opinion is certainly not
about death, but about life. Therefore, the fear is found to be
oppressive more because of life, and so it is clear that the fear
of death must be referred, not to death, but to life. We do not
possess what we should fear in death if in our life we did nothing
that had to be feared. For the wise the punishments of crimes
are fearful, but crimes are acts, not of the dead, but of the living.
nostra potestate est, mors autem nihil ad nos; est etenim[et]

separatio animae et corporis; anima absolvitor, corpus resolvitur.
32 quae absolvitur gaudet, quod resolvitur in terram suam nihil
sentit. quod nihil sentit nihil ad nos. tamen si mors malum,
quomodo iuvenes non timent fieri senes nec finitimam morti 5
verentur aetatem patientiusque deficit qui praesumpta morte
deficit quam qui inopinata. his quoque qui mortem malum
putant aptum responsum arbitror, quia per vitam ad mortem est
transitus, per mortem autem ad vitam reditus; neque enim nisi
qui mortui fuerint possunt resurgere. insipientes autem mortem 10
quasi summum malorum reformidant, sapientes quasi requiem
post labores et finem malorum expetunt.
33 Duabus autem ex causis mortem insipientes verentur. una,
quod eam interitum appellent. interitus autem hominis esse non
potest, cum anima superstes corpori sit, salvo eo quod ipsum 15
corpus manet resurrectio. altera autem causa, quod poenas refor-
mident, poetarum videlicet fabulis territi, latratus Cerberi et Co-
cyti fluminis tristem voraginem, Charonem tristiorem, Furiarum
agmina aut praerupta Tartara, tunc . . . quibus hydra saevior se-
dem habeat, Tityi quoque viscera reparandis fecunda suppliciis, 20
quae vultur inmanis sine ullo fine depascitur, Ixionii quoque orbis
perpetuam sub poenae atrocitate vertiginem, tum saxi desuper
inminentis super capita adcubantium inter epulas inpendentem
ruinam. haec plena sunt fabularum: nec tamen negaverim poe
nas esse post mortem. sed quid ad mortem id quod post mortem 25
est? si autem quae post mortem sunt referantur ad mortem,
eadem etiam quae post vitam sunt referuntur ad vitam. nulla
ergo erunt supplicia, quae referantur ad mortem. mors enim,
ut supra diximus, absolutio est et separatio animae et corporis:
non est autem mala solutio, quia dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo 30
2 cf. Stob. Flor. 118.30; Epicurus, KOpiai S6?ai 2; Lucr., Rer. nat. 3.830;
Plato, Phaedo 67 D 5 Stob. Flor. 4.81; Plato, Phaedo 67 D 17 sq.
Macrob. Som. Scip. 1.10.9-15 17 Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.5.10; Verg. Aen.
6.417-8 19 Verg. Aen. 6.572, 577-9 21 Verg. Aen. 6.575-6, 595-60
22 Verg. Aen. 6.601 23 Verg. Aen. 6.603-606 26 sq. cf. Plot. Enn.
1.7.3 31 Phil. 1.23
i
text and Translation 125
Life, therefore, matters to us, for its conduct is in our power,

but death is nothing to us. It is indeed the separation of soul
and body; the soul is freed, the body is dissolved to dust and
feels nothing. What is freed rejoices; what feels nothing is
nothing to us.
32 Yet, if death is evil, how is it that young men do not fear
to become old and are not afraid of the old age which approaches
death, and how is it that he who dies with death taken for
granted dies more patiently than the one who dies an unexpected
death. For those who think that death is evil I think it a
suitable response to say that through life they pass to death,
and through death they return to life; for unless they have died
they cannot rise again. The foolish, however, dread death as if
it were the sum total of evils, but the wise desire it as the repose
after toil and the end of evils.
33 The foolish fear death for two reasons. The first is because
they call it an annihilation. But there can be no annihilation
of a man since the soul survives the body, not to mention the
fact that the body itself awaits resurrection. The second reason
is because they dread punishments, terrified, to be sure, by the
fables of the poets, the barkings of Cerberus, the gloomy whirlpool
of the river Cocytus, the even gloomier Charon, the array of
Furies or the steep cliffs of Tartarus, then ... in which the savage
Hydra has its abode, the vitals of Tityus fecund with ever repeated
tortures, which a huge vulture feeds upon without any respite,
the perpetual turning also of Ixion's wheel because of his cruel
atrocity, then the destruction of the threatening rock hanging
over the heads of those reclining at the banquet. These are full
of fables, yet I would not deny that there are punishments after
death. But why refer to death what is after death? If the
things that are after death are referred to death, then the same
things which are after life are referred to life. Therefore, there
are no punishments which are referred to death.
Death, as we said above, is the dissolution and separation of
the soul and body. But the dissolution is not evil because it is
far better to be dissolved and to be with Christ. Death, therefore,
melius. non igitur mala mors. denique et mors peccatorum

pessima, non utique mors pessima generaliter, sed pessima spe-
cialiter peccatorum. denique pretiosa iustorum. unde liquet
acerbitatem non mortis esse, sed culpae.
34 Pulchre autem Graeci finem mortem appellaverunt; teXeuty)v 5
enim mortem appellant, eo quod finis istius vitae sit. sed etiam
somnum mortem scriptura nuncupat, sicut est illud: Lazarus
amicus noster dormit; sed vado ut suscitem eum. somnus autem
bonus, quoniam quies est, sicut scriptum est: ego dormivi et
quievi et resurrexi, quoniam dominus suscipiet me. dulcis igitur 10
quies mortis. denique dominus suscitat quiescentes, quia do-
35 minus resurrectio. illud quoque egregium, quod ait scriptura:
ante mortem non laudaveris quemquam. unusquisque enim in
novissimis suis cognoscitur et in filiis aestimatur, si bene filios
suos instituit et disciplinis conpetentibus erudivit, siquidem ad 15
neglegentiam patris refertur dissolutio filiorum, tum quia unus
quisque, quamdiu vivit, obnoxius est lapsui, nec senectus inmu-
nis a crimine. ideo legis quia Abraham mortuus est in bona
senectute, eo quod in propositi sui bonitate permansit. mors
igitur vitae est testimonium. nam si laudari ante gubernator 20
non potest quam in portum navem deduxerit, quamodo lau-
dabis hominem, priusquam in stationem mortis successerit? et
ipse sui est gubernator et ipse vitae huius iactatur profundo
quamdiu in salo isto tamdiu inter naufragia. dux ipse nisi
confecto proelio non sumit lauream nec miles arma deponit nec 25
stipendii mercedem adipiscitur nisi hoste superato. mors igitur
stipendiorum plenitudo, summa mercedis, gratia missionis est.
36 Quantum autem morti dedit sanctus lob, qui dixit: benedictio
morituri in me veniat! nam etsi Isaac benedixerit filios suos
moriens et Iacob benedixerit patriarchas, tamen benedictionis 30
illius gratia poterat solis benedicentium meritis deputari vel
1 Ps. 33.22 3 Ps. 115.15 5 cf. Plato, Gorgias 516 A, Phaedo 118
7 Jn. 11.11 9 Ps. 3.6 11 Jn. 11.25 12 Sir. 11.28 18 Gen. 25.8
28 lob 29.13 29 Gen. 27.27 sqq. et 39 sq. 30 Gen. 49.1 sqq.
is not evil. Finally, the death of sinners is worst; but it is indeed

not death in general that is worst, but the death of sinners in
particular, for the death of the just is precious. Wherefore, it is
evident that the bitterness does not belong to death, but to guilt.
34 The Greeks aptly called death an end for they called death
TeXeuTy)v (end), because it is the end of this life. Scripture calls
death a sleep, as in this passage: Lazarus our friend sleeps, but I
am going to awaken him. But sleep is good because it is rest, as
it is written: I slept and rested and rose again because the Lord
will receive me. Therefore, the rest of death is sweet. Accordingly,
the Lord raises those who rest, because the Lord is the resur
rection. There is also that famous passage in Scripture which
says: before death you will not praise anyone. Each one is known
in his last moments and is judged in his sons; if he has raised
his sons well and taught them suitable disciplines, if indeed
the dissolution of the sons is referred to the negligence of the
father, then each one, as long as he lives, is liable to fall, nor
is old age immune from crime. Therefore, one reads that Abraham
died in a good old age, because he remained in the goodness of his
resolve. Death, therefore, is a testimony of life. For if a pilot
cannot be praised before he brings the ship into harbor, how can
one praise a man before he arrives at his station of death? And he
is the pilot of his own self and is tossed in the deep of this life,
and as long as he is in this ocean, he is in danger of shipwreck.
The general does not take the laurel crown unless the battle is
over, nor does the soldier lay down his arms and receive his pay
unless the enemy is overcome. Death, therefore, is the fullness
of pay, the greatest of rewards, the recompense of one's mission.
36 How much holy Job attributed to death when he said: may
the blessing of one about to die come to me! For even if Isaac
blessed his sons as he was dying, and Jacob blessed the patriarchs,
nevertheless, the benefit of that blessing could be attributed only
to the merits of those giving the blessing or to paternal piety. But
here there is no prerogative due to merits, none due to piety,
but the privilege of death alone, since the blessing of anyone about
to die has such great power that the holy prophet desired it
pietati paternae. hic vero nulla praerogativa meritorum est.

nulla pietatis, sed solius mortis privilegium, cum benedictio
cuiusque morituri tantum virtutis habet, ut eam sibi sanctus
propheta optaverit. ac per hoc cogitemus semper hunc versicu-
37 lum et corde teneamus. si quem viderimus pauperem moritu- 5
rum, sumptu iuvemus: dicat unusquisque nostrum: benedictio
morituri in me veniat. si quem viderimus debilem, non desera-
mus, si quem in extremis positum, non relinquamus; occurrat
et nobis dicere: benedictio morituri in me veniat. laudet et te
unusquisque moriturus, unusquisque depositus aevo, unusquisque 10
confectus vulnere gravi, unusquisque morbo absumptus et iam
morti proximus. hic versiculus quantos benedici fecit! quotiens
mihi pudorem incussit, si moriturum praeterii, si non visitavi
graviter aegrum, si fastidivi inopem, si captivum non redemi,
senem sprevi! sit ergo in corde semper, ut stimulet duriores, 15
ut admoneat promptiores. resonent te postrema verba morituri
et benedictionem tui egrediens e corpore anima secum vehat.
eripe etiam eum qui ad mortem ducitur, qui periturus erat, nisi
tu subvenisses, ut dicas: benedictio perituri veniat in me.
9.38 Quis igitur dubitet de bono mortis, cum id quod inquietum, 20

id quod erubescendum, id quod inimicum nobis est, id quod
violentum, id quod procellosum et ad omnia vitia inlecebrosum
est conquiescat et iaceat et quasi fera in cavea claudatur sepulchri,
relinquatur rabies eius examinis et emortua conpago viscerum
in terram resolvatur, id autem quod familiare virtutibus, ami- 25
cum disciplinis, studiosum gloriae, sequax boni, deo subditum
est ad illud sublime evolvet et cum illo puro et perpetuo bono
atque immortali maneat, ipsi adhaereat et cum ipso sit, de quo
cognationem ducit, ut quidam ait: cuius et genus sumus? non
enim mori animam cum corpore manifestum est, quia non est de 30
10 Verg. Aen. 12.395 27 Plato, Phaedo 79 D 29 Act. 17.28

for himself. And because of this let us meditate on this verse and
keep it in our heart. If we look upon any poor man who is about
to die, let us help him with our means; let each of us say:
may the blessing of one about to die come to me! If we see
anyone weak, let us not forsake him; if anyone sees a man in
dire straits, let us not abandon him; let this saying come to
him also: may the blessing of one about to die come to me.
Let each one who is about to die praise you, each one put down
by age, each one exhausted by a grievous wound, each one con
sumed by disease and now on the point of death. How many
has this verse caused to be blessed! How often it has brought
shame on me, if I passed by a dying man, if I did not visit one
gravely ill, if I scorned the poor, if I did not redeem the captive,
if I scorned an aged man. Therefore, let it always be in one's
heart to arouse those who are hardened, to encourage those
already willing. Let the final words of the dying make you
resound, and may the soul as it passes out of the body bring with
it a blessing for you. Lay hold of the one who is being led to
death, who would have perished if you had not helped him, that
you might say to him: may the blessing of one about to perish
come to me.
9.38 Who, then, can doubt about the good of death, when what
is disturbing, what is shameful, what is hostile to us, what is
violent, what is tempestous and an enticement to every vice, is
at rest and in repose, and, as a wild beast is enclosed in the cage
of a sepulcher, its raging left lifeless and its now dead structure
of organs dissolved into dust, and when, on the other hand,
what is familiar with virtue friendly to discipline, eager for glory,
a follower of the good, is subjected to God and flies up to that
place on high and remains with that pure, perpetual and immortal
good, clings to it and is with it, with which it claims relationship,
as someone said: we also are his offspring?
It is clear that the soul does not die with the body, because
it is not of the body. That it is not of the body Scripture
teaches in many ways: Adam received the spirit of life from the
corpore. non esse autem eam de corpore scriptura multis modis

edocet. nam et Adam a domino deo nostra accepit spiritum
vitae et factus est in animam viventem et David ait: convertere,
anima mea, in requiem tuam, quia dominus benefecit mihi. et
in quo benefecerit audi: quia liberavit inquit pedes meos a lapsu. 5
vides gratulari eum mortis huius remedio, quia finis est factus
39 erroris, quia culpa, non natura defecit. denique quasi exutus et
liber dicit: placebo domino in regione vivorum. illa est enim
regio . . . denique illam animarum requiem dicit terram esse
viventium, quo peccata non penetrant, ubi virtutum vivit gloria. 10
ista autem regio plena est mortuorum, quia plena est delictorum,
meritoque dictum est: relinque mortuos sepelire mortuos suos.
sed et supra similiter ait: anima eius in bonis demorabitur, et
semen eius hereditabit terram, hoc est: anima timentis deum
habitabit in bonis, ut semper in eis sit et secundum ea, quod 15
potest etiam de eo accipi qui sit in corpore, ut et ipse, si timeat
deum, in bonis habitet et in caelestibus sit et possideat corpus
suum et dominetur ei quasi in servitutem redacto et possideat
hereditatem gloriae et caelestium promissorum.
40 Unde et nos si volumus post mortem corporis huius in bonis 20
esse, caveamus ne adglutinetur anima nostra huic corpori, ne
commisceatur, ne inhaereat, ne trahatur a corpore et tamquam
ebria perturbationibus eius vacillet et fluitet nec se ei credat
atque eius delectationibus, ut committat se eius sensibus. nam
et oculus eius error et fraus est, quia fallitur visus, et auris eius 25
deceptio est, quia et auditus inluditur, et sapor eius deceptio est.
denique non otiose dictum est: oculi tui recta videant et: lingua
tua non loquatur perversa. quod non esset dictum, nisi fre
quenter errarent. vidisti meretricem, captus es vultu eius et
formam decoram putasti: erraverunt oculi tui, perversa viderunt, 30
alia nuntiarunt. nam si vera vidissent vidissent deformem
meretricis affectum, inhorrentem procaciam, indecentem inpu-
3 Gen. 2.7 3 Ps. 114.7 5 Ps. 114.8 8 Ps. 114.9 9 Ps. 26.13
12 Mt. 8.22 13 Ps. 24.13 22 Plato, Phaedo 79 C 27 Prov. 4.25
27 Ps. 33.14 29 cf. Prov. 52
Lord our God, and he was made into a living soul, and David
said: turn, my soul, to your rest, because the Lord blessed me.
Notice in what respect he blessed him: because he kept my feet
from falling. You see him give solemn thanks for the remedy of
this death, because an end of wandering has been made because
guilt, not nature, has failed. Therefore, as one unencumbered
39 and free he says: I will please the Lord in the land of the living.
For that is the land of the living. Accordingly, he calls that rest
for souls the land of the living, where sin cannot penetrate, where
the glory of virtues lives. This region is, however, full of dead
men, because it is full of sins, and rightly it is said: leave
the dead to bury their own dead. But also above he says in a
similar way: his soul will stay on in prosperity and his seed will
inherit the earth, that is: the soul of the one who fears God will
dwell in prosperity, so that it may always be in it and near it.
This can also be understood of one who is in the body, so that
he also, if he fears God, will dwell in prosperity and be in celestial
blessing and possess, his body, and be lord over it, as if it had
been reduced to slavery, and so may possess the inheritance of
glory and of the heavenly promises.
40 Wherefore, if we also want to be in prosperity after the death
of this body, let us be careful, lest our soul be fastened to this
body, lest it be mingled with or cling to it, lest it be drawn away by
the body and, as if drunk, stagger and fall from its disturbance;
do not let the soul entrust itself to the body and its delights in
such a way that it enslaves itself to its senses. For its eye is
error and deceit, because sight is deceived, and its ear is
deception. Accordingly it was not idly that it was said: let
your eyes see what is right and let your tongue speak not what
is false. This would not have been said unless they erred fre
quently. You have seen the harlot, been captivated by her
features, and have thought her form beautiful: your eyes have
erred, they saw what was perverse, but reported otherwise. If
they had sean truly, they would have seen the harlot's ugly
disposition, her frightening shamelessness, her indecent lewdness,
enfeebling passions, hideous impurities, the wounds of her soul,
dicitiam, marcentes libidines, taetram conluvionem, animi vul-

nera, conscientiae cicatrices. qui viderit inquit mulierem ad con-
cupiscendum eam. vides quod iste falsum quaesivit qui non
veritatem, sed adulterium requisivit. videre enim quaesivit, ut
concupisceret, non ut verum cognosceret. errat igitur oculus, 5
ubi errat affectus. affectus ergo deceptio est, deceptio visus
— et ideo tibi dicitur: neque capiaris oculis, id est non capiatur
anima tua; mulier enim virorum pretiosas animas capit —, de
ceptio auditus. denique multo blandimento sermonis mulier
fornicaria saepe iuvenis cor seduxit, decepit, inlusit. 10
41 Ergo non laqueis credamus et retibus his, quae decipiunt et
inludunt, quia corda temptantur, inpediuntur cogitationes. quae
inpediuntur visu, impediuntur auditu odore tactu sapore. non
sequamur inlecebrosa et seductoria, sed sequamur illud quod
bonum est, illi adhaereamus, illud imitemur, illius praesentia, 15
illius communicatio nos meliores faciat, mores nostros coloret,
illius quaedam nos societas informet. qui enim bono adhaeret
adsumit inde quod bonum est, quia scriptum est: cum sancto
sanctus eris et cum perverso subverteris et cum innocente innocens
eris; adsiduitate enim atque imitatione quaedam similitudinis 20
imago formatur. ideoque addidit: quoniam tu inluminas lucer-
nam meam, domine. etenim qui adpropinquat lumini citius in-
luminatur, et plus in eo splendor aeterni luminis refulget e
proximo. ergo anima, quae adhaeret illi invisibili bono deo atque
inmortali, et ipsa corporea haec fugit et terrena et mortalia dere- 25
linquit fitque illius similis quod desiderat et in quo vivit et
pascitur. et quia inmortali intendit, non est ipsa mortalis. quae
enim peccat moritur non utique aliqua sui dissolutione, sed merito
moritur deo, quia vivit peccato. ergo quae non peccat
non moritur, quia manet in substantia sui, manet in virtute 30
42 et gloria. nam quomodo substantia eius interire potest, cum
utique anima sit, quae vitam infundit? et cui anima infunditur
2 Mt. 5.28 7 Prov. 6.25 8 Prov. 6.26-27 9 Prov. 7.21 8 Ps.

17.26-27 21 Ps. 17.20 24 cf. Plato, Phaedo 84 A B 29 Ezech.
18.4 31 Plato, Phaedo 105 CD
the scars of her conscience. In the case of the man who tooks on
a woman to lust for her, you see that he sought what was false
and not the truth, but sought adultery. He sought to see that he
might lust, not that he might know the truth. Therefore, your
eye errs, when the desire errs. The desire, then, is a deception,
sight a deception — and so it is said to you: do not be captivated
by your eyes, that is, do not let your soul be captured, for a
woman captures the precious souls of men — your hearing is
a deception. With much flattery of speech the prostitute has often
seduced, deceived, made a laughing stock of a young man's
heart.
41 Therefore, let us not trust these snares and nets which deceive
and mock us, because hearts are tempted, thoughts are hindered.
They are hindered by sight, are hindered by hearing, by smell,
touch, taste. Let us not follow enticements and seductions, but
let us follow what is good. Let us cling to it, imitate, it, let
its presence and its communication make us better, color our
conduct, let our companionship with it form us. For he who clings
to the good, takes from it what is good, because it is written:
with the holy you will be holy, and with the wicked you will
be overthrown, and with the innocent you will be innocent.
By constant attention and imitation a kind of image of likeness
is formed, and therefore Scripture added: because you light my
lamp, O Lord. This is because he who comes near the light is
more quickly illuminated, and the splendor of the eternal light
from close at hand shines more in him.
Therefore, the soul which clings to that invisible, good and
immortal God also flees these corporeal things and leaves behind
the earthly and mortal and becomes like to what it desires and
lives in it and is nourished by it. And because it aspires to the im
mortal, it is not itself mortal. The soul that sins, dies, not
indeed by some kind of dissolution of its self, but it truly dies
to God, because it lives for sin. Therefore, the soul which does
not sin, does not die, because it remains in its own substance,
42 remains in virtue and glory. How can its substance die, since it
is, in fact, the soul that infuses life? Into what the soul is
vita infunditur, a quo anima discedit vita discedit. anima ergo

vita est. quomodo potest mortem recipere, cum sit contraria?
sicut enim nix calorem non recipit, nam statim solvitur, et lux
non recipit tenebras, nam statim discutit — infuso enim lumine
tenebrarum horror aufertur sicut admoto igni nivium rigor desi- 5
nit — ita et anima, quae vitam creat mortem non recipit, non
moritur: anima autem mortem non recipit: anima ergo non
moritur.
10.43 Habemus ergo rationem. sed haec humana, illud divinum,

quod ait dominus: potestatem habeo ponendi animam meam et 10
potestatem habeo sumendi eam. vides igitur quia non moritur
cum corpore quae et ponitur et resumitur et in manus dei patris
commendatur. sed forte dicas: 'specialiter: scilicet quod Christi
est.' et quamvis ille quae sunt hominis susceperit, tamen, quia
alterius est causa et istud adstruere, ne tempus teramus, audi di- 15
centem: qui scis an node a te tua anima reposcatur? numquid
dixit: moriatur in te anima tua? sed: reposcatur a te. quae
data est reposcitur vel repetunt a te. repetitur enim anima, non
interimitur. quae repetitur manet, quod interimitur non manet.
quomodo enim interimitur, de qua dixit sapientia dei non timen- 20
dum quemquam, qui potest corpus occidere, animam autem non
potest? de qua dick propheta: anima mea in manibus tuis
44 semper. semper inquit, non in tempore. et tu commenda ani
mam tuam in manus domini. non solum cum recedit e corpore,
sed etiam cum est in corpore, est in manibus domini, quia non 25
vides eam, unde veniat aut quo vadat. est et in te, est et cum
deo. denique cor regis in manu domini et ab eo regitur et gu-
bernatur. cor repletur mente, quia mens animae principale est
2 Plato, Phaedo 106 A B, cf. Phaedo 103 D 10 Jn. 10.18 12 Luc.

23.46 16 Luc. 12.20 20 Mt. 10-28 22 Ps. 118.109 26 Prov.
21.1
infused, life is infused, and from what the soul departs, life departs.
The soul, then, is life. How can it receive death, since death is
contrary to it? Just as snow does not admit heat for it is thereby
immediately melted, and light does not admit darkness for it
immediately disperses darkness — for when light is infused the
horror of darkness is destroyed, just as the hardness of snow
ceases when fire is brought in — so also the soul, which produces
life, does not admit death, does not die. The soul does not
admit death; therefore, it does not die.
10.43 We have, therefore, a rational explanation, but this is human,

whereas what the Lord said is divine: I have the power to lay
down life and I have the power to take it up again. One sees,
therefore, that the soul does not die with the body which is
also laid down and taken up and is commended into the hands
of God the Father. But perhaps someone will say: this is a
special case, namely, because it pertains to Christ. And although
he took on himself what pertains to man, nevertheless, lest we
waste our time because it is the task of another to explain this
also, listen to him saying: does anyone of you know if this
night your soul will be demanded back from you. It did not
say, did it, that your soul will die in you? It says that it will
be demanded back from you. What has been given is demanded
back or asked for again from you. The soul is asked for again,
it is not destroyed. What is asked for again endures, what is
destroyed does not remain, for how is that destroyed concerning
which divine wisdom told us not to fear anyone who can kill
the body and cannot kill the soul? And concerning it the
44 prophet says: my soul is always in your hands. He says 'always',
not 'for a time'. And you commend your soul into the hands
of the Lord. Not only when it departs the body, but also when
it is in the body, your soul is in the hands of the Lord, although
you do not see when it comes or whither it goes. But it is both
in you and with God. Finally, the heart of a king is in the
Lord's hands, is ruled and governed by him. The heart is filled
by the mind, because the mind is the chief function of the
et virtus animae est. non eam virtutem dico, quae in lacertis,

sed quae in consiliis, temperantia, pietate atque iustitia est. si
cor hominis in manu domini, multo magis anima. si anima in
manu dei est, non utique anima nostra sepulchro simul cum cor-
pore includitur nec busto tenetur. sed quiete pia fungitur. et 5
ideo frustra homines pretiosa struunt sepulchra, quasi ea animae,
non solius corporis receptacula sint.
45 Animarum autem superiora esse habitacula scripturae testi-
moniis valde probatur, siquidem et in Hesdrae libris legimus
quia, cum venerit iudicii dies, reddet terra defunctorum corpora 10
et pulvis reddet ea quae in tumults requiescunt, reliquias mor-
tuorum. et habitacula inquit reddent animas, quae his commen-
datae sunt, et revelabitur altissimus super sedem iudicii. hae
sunt habitationes, de quibus dicit dominus multas mansiones esse
apud patrem suum, quas suis pergens ad patrem discipulis prae- 15
pararet. sed Hesdrae usus sum scriptis, ut cognoscant gentiles
ea quae in philosophiae libris mirantur translata de nostris. atque
utinam non superflua his et inutilia miscuissent, ut dicerent
animas hominum pariter ac bestiarum esse communes earumque
summum praemium, si magnorum philosophorum animae in apes 20
aut luscinias demigrarent, ut qui ante hominum genus sermone
pavissent postea mellis dulcedine aut cantus suavitate mulcerent.
satis fuerat dixisse illis quod liberatae animae de corporibus
ouSy)v peterent, id est locum, qui non viderunt, quem locum
46 latine infernum dicimus. denique et scriptura habitacula illa 25
animarum promptaria nuncupavit, quae occurrens querellae huma-
nae, eo quod iusti qui praecesserunt videantur usque ad iudicii
diem per plurimum scilicet temporis debita sibi remuneratione
fraudari, mirabiliter ait coronae esse similem iudicii diem, in quo
10 4 Esdras 7.32-33 14 Jn. 14.2-3 19 Plato, De re publ. 10.620 A,

Phaedo 82 B, Timaeus 91 E 13 Plato, Phaedo 80 D, cf. Plot. Enn.
6.4.16 26 4 Esdras 7.32 cf. Plato, Phaedo 114 C 29 4 Esdras 5.42
soul and is the power of the soul. I do not mean the power
which is in one's muscles, but which is in counsels, moderation,
piety and justice. If the heart of man is in the hands of the
Lord, much more is the soul. But if the soul is in the hand
of God, then certainly our soul is not enclosed in the tomb
along with the body, nor is it held in the grave, but gains pos
session of a holy repose. Therefore, it is in vain that men
construct luxurious tombs, as if they were receptacles for the
soul and not for the body alone.
45 That dwelling places of souls are superior is abundantly proved
by the testimonies of Scripture. Since we also read in the
book of Esdras that, when the day of judgement will come
'the earth will return the bodies of the dead and the dust will
return the remains of the dead which rest in the tombs, and
the dwelling places will return the souls which had been entrusted
to them, and the Most High will be revealed on his seat of judge
ment. These are the dwellings about which the Lord speaks
when he says that there are many mansions in his Father's
house, which he will prepare for his disciples when he goes
to the Father.
I have used the writings of Esdras that the pagans may know
that the things they marvel at in the books of philosophy have
been taken over from ours. But would that they had not so
mixed the superfluous and useless with them, that they say
that the souls of men as well as those of beasts are common, and
their reward is highest if the souls of the great philosophers
transmigrate into bees and nightingales, so that those who before
hand nourished the human race with their words might after
wards sooth it with the sweetness of honey or the pleasantness
of song. It would have been sufficient to have said to them that
souls liberated from bodies sought Hades, that is, a place which
is not seen, which place we call in Latin infernum. Accordingly,
Scripture also terms those dwelling places for souls storerooms;
Scripture, meeting the human complaint that the just who have
gone before us seem to be cheated of the reward due to them
up until the day of judgement, that is, on account of the long
sicut <non> novissimorum tarditas, sic non priorum velocitas.

coronae enim dies expectatur ab omnibus, ut intra eum diem et
victi erubescant et victores palmam adipiscantur victoriae. illud
quoque non reliquit occultum, eo quod superiores videantur qui
ante generati sunt, infirmiores qui postea. conparavit enim utero 5
mulieris partus saeculi huius, quoniam fortiores sunt qui in
iuventute virtutis nati sunt, infirmiores qui in tempore senectu-
tis. defecit enim multitudine generationis hoc saeculum tam-
quam vulva generantis et tamquam senescens creatura robur
47 iuventutis suae velut marcenti iam virium suarum vigore deponit. 10
ergo dum expectatur plenitudo temporis, expectant animae remu-
nerationem debitam. alias manet poena, alias gloria: et tamen
nec illae interim sine iniuria nec istae sine fructu sunt. nam et
illae . . . videntes servantibus legem dei repositam esse mercedem
gloriae, conservari earum ab angelis habitacula, sibi autem dis- 15
simulationis et contumaciae supplicia futura et pudorem et con-
fusionem, ut intuentes gloriam altissimi erubescant in eius
conspectum venire, cuius mandata temeraverint. sicut enim
praevaricatio Adae ita et confusio, quoniam sicut ille per incuriam
mandatorum caelestium lapsus est et pudore se prolapsionis 20
abscondit, fulgorem divinae praesentiae verecundia peccatricis
conscientiae subire non ausus, ita et animae peccatorum vibran-
tis luminis eius splendorem non sustinebunt, quo teste se remi-
niscentur errasse.
11.48 Iustarum-vero animarum per ordines quosdam digesta laetitia. 25

primum quod vicerint carnem nec inlecebris eius inflexae sint.
deinde quod pro pretio sedulitatis et innocentiae suae securitate
potiantur nec quibusdam sicut impiorum animae erroribus et
perturbationibus inplicentur atque vitiorum suorum memoria
5 sq. 4 Esdras 5: 53-55 14 2 Tim. 4.8 19 Gen. 3.8 25 4 Esdras

7.91-96
period of time, says wonderfully that the day of judgement is

like a day of coronation, on which, just as there is no delay for
the last, so there is not haste for the first to arrive. The day
of the crowning is awaited by all, so that within that day the
conquered are brought to shame, and the victors gain the palm
of victory. This also it did not leave hidden, because those who
have been generated first seem to be superior, those who came
later seem weaker. He compared the birth of this age to the
womb of a woman, because the stronger are those born in the
youth of virtue, the weaker those in the time of old age. This
world has lost its vigor because of the abundance of its generations,
just like the womb of a woman or like a creature growing old
lays aside the strength of its youth as if the vigor of its powers
were withering.
47 Therefore, while the fulness of time is awaited, souls await the
reward due them. Punishment awaits some, glory others and
yet the former are not meanwhile free from suffering, nor the
latter without reward. For the former 'are disturbed' seeing
that for those observing the law of God a reward of glory is
set aside, their dwelling places are kept by the angels, but for
them future punishments, shame, and confusion for their negli
gence and obstinacy, so that while looking on the glory of the
Most High they are ashamed to come into his sight, whose
commands they violated. Their confusion is just like the sin
of Adam, for just as he fell by his neglect of the heavenly com
mandments, and hid himself out of shame for his fall, not daring
to submit to the splendor of the divine presence because of the
shame of his sinful conscience, so also the souls of sinners will
be unable to bear the splendor of his shining light, because by
their own testimony they recall that they have sinned.
11.48 The joy of a just soul is, indeed, distributed through certain
orders. In the first order because they have overcome the
flesh and will not be perverted by its enticement. In the second
because they have gained the reward for their zeal, and the pre
servation of their innocence, nor, as the souls of the impious,
torqueantur et exagitentur quibusdam curarum aestibus. tertio

quod servatae a se legis divino testimonio fulciantur, ut facto-
rum suorum incertum supremo iudicio non vereantur eventum.
quartum quia incipiunt intellegere requiem suam et futuram
sui gloriam praevidere eaque se consolatione mulcentes in habi- 5
taculis suis cum magna tranquillitate requiescent stipatae prae-
sidiis angelorum. quintus autem ordo exultationis habet uberri-
mae suavitatem, quod ex hoc corruptibilis corporis carcere in
lucem libertatemque pervenerint et repromissam sibi possideant
hereditatem. est enim ordo quietis quis est et resurrectionis. 10
sicut enim in Adam omnes moriuntur, ita et in Christo inquit
omnes vivificabuntur, unusquisque autem in ordine suo: pri-
mitiae Christus, deinde qui sunt Christi, qui in adventum eius
crediderunt, deinde finis. erit igitur ordo diversus claritatis et
gloriae, sicut erit ordo meritorum. processus quoque ordinum 15
processum exprimit claritatis. denique sexto ordine demonstra-
bitur his quod vultus earum sicut sol incipiat refulgere et stel-
larum luminibus comparari, qui tamen fulgor earum corruptelam
iam sentire non possit. septimus vero ordo is erit, ut exultent
cum fiducia et sine ulla cunctatione confidant et sine trepidatione 20
laetentur festinantes vultum eius videre, cui sedulae servitutis
obsequia detulerunt, de quo innoxiae conscientiae recordatione
praesumant gloriosam merecedem laboris exigui, quam inci-
pientes recipere cognoverunt indignas esse huius temporis pas-
siones, quibus remunerationis aeternae gloria tanta refertur. 25
'hic ordo' inquit 'animarum, quae sunt iustorum', quos etiam
inmortales non dubitavit dicere in quinto ordine 'eo quod spa-
tium' inquit 'incipiunt recipere fruentes et inmortales'. 'haec est'
inquit 'requies earum per septem ordines et futurae gloriae prima
11 1 Cor. 15.22-24 16 4 Esdras 7.96-98 24 Rom. 8.18 26 4

Esdras 7.99 27 4 Esdras 7.96 28 4 Esdras 7.91
are they entangled in any errors and tribulations or tormented by

the memory of vices and agitated by their anxieties. In the third
are those enlightened by the divine testimony of the law they
observed, so that they do not fear an uncertain outcome for
their deeds at the last judgement. In the fourth are they that
begin to know their repose and to foresee their future glory,
and soothing themselves by that consolation, rest in their dwelling
places with great tranquillity, surrounded by the guardianship of
the angels. The fifth order possesses the sweetness of the fullest
joy because they have come from the prison of their corruptible
body into light and liberty and possess the inheritance promised
to them. This is the order of rest, because it is also that of
resurrection. For as in Adam all die, so also in Christ will all
be made to live; but each in his own turn: Christ as first fruits,
then those who are Christ's, who have believed in his coming;
then comes the end. There will, therefore, be a diverse order
of splendor and glory, just as there will be an order of merits.
The progression of the orders also expresses the progression of
splendor. Then, in the sixth order it will be shown to them that
their faces will begin to shine like the sun and will be compared
to the lights of the stars, but this brightness of theirs will
no longer be able to feel corruption. This will be the seventh
order; namely, when they exult with confidence and are secure
without any hesitation and rejoice without fear, hastening to
see the face of the one to whom they have offered the obedience
of conscientious service, for whom, because of the memory of
their blameless conscience, they may presume to obtain a glorious
reward for their little toil, and then know that, even when
beginning to receive it, the sufferings of this world were unworthy
of such great glory of eternal reward being referred to them.
This is the order, he says, of the souls which are of the just, and
he did not hesitate to say that those in the fifth order were also
immortal, because they began to receive a time of repose, joyful
and immortal. This, he says, is the rest of the souls throughout
the seven orders and the first reception of future glory, before
they enjoy the gift of quiet assembly in their own dwellings.
perfunctio, priusquam in suis habitationibus quietae congrega

tionis munere perfruantur. unde ait propheta ad angelum:
ergo dabitur tempus animabus, postquam separatae fuerint de
corporibus, ut videant ea quomodo dixisti? et dixit angelus:
septem dies erit libertas earum, ut videant in septem diebus qui 5
praedicti sermones, et postea congregabuntur in habitaculis suis'.
haec ideo plenius de iustorum, ordinibus expressa sunt quam de
passionibus inpiorum, quia melius est cognoscere quomodo in-
nocentes salventur quam quomodo crucientur flagitiosi.
49 Ergo quia iusti hanc remunerationem habent, ut videant fa- 10
ciem dei et lumen Mud, quod inluminat omnem hominem. ab-
hinc induamus huiusmodi studium, ut adpropinquet anima nostra
deo, adpropinquet oratio, adhaereat illi nostrum desiderium, non
separemur ab eo. et hic quidem positi meditando legendo quae-
rendo copulemur deo, cognoscamus eum ut possumus; ex parte 15
enim hic cognovimus, quia hic inperfecta illic perfecta omnia,
hic parvuli illic robusti. videmus inquit nunc per speculum in
aenigmate, tunc autem faciem ad faciem. tunc revelata facie
gloriam dei speculari licebit, quam nunc animae corporis huius
concretis visceribus involutae et quibusdam carnis huius ma- 20
culis et conluvionibus obumbratae sincere videre non possunt.
quis enim inquit videbit vultum meum et vivet? et recte. nam
si solis radios oculi nostri ferre non possunt et si quis diutius e
regione solis intenderit, caecari solere perhibetur, si creatura
creaturam sine fraude atque offensione sui non potest intueri, 25
quomodo potest sine periculo sui vibrantem cernere vultum
creatoris aeterni corporis huius opertus exuviis? quis enim
iustificatur in conspectu dei, cum unius quoque diei infans
mundus a peccato esse non possit et nemo possit de sui cordis
50 integritate et castimonia gloriari? non timeamus igitur recipi ab 30
hominibus, non vereamur illum debitum omnibus finem, in quo
4 4 Esdras 7. 100-101 8 4 Esdras 7.81-87 11 Augustinus Contra

duas epist. Pelag. 4.11.31 (ergo quia ... gloriari) 12 Jn. 1.9 18 1
Cor. 13.12 cf. 1 Cor. 13.9-12 23 Exod. 33.20 24 Plato, Phaedo 99 D;
cf. Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.30.73; Amb. In Luc. 7.17 28 Ps. 142.2 29 lob
14.5 30 Prov. 20.9
Wherefore, the prophet says to the angel: therefore will a time

be given to souls, after they have been separated from their bodies,
so that they might see those things even as you have said? And
the angel said: their freedom will be for seven days, that they
may see in the seven days what words have been spoken to
them, and afterwards they will gather together in their dwelling
places. These things have been expressed more fully for the
orders of the just than for the passions of the impious, because it
is better to know how the innocent will be saved than how the
wicked will be punished.
49 Therefore, since the jus thave this reward, that they see the
face of God and that light which illumines every man, let us hence
forth put on this kind of desire, that our soul may approach
God, our prayer may approach him, our desire may cling to
him, and that we be not separated from him. And while we are
placed here on earth let us be joined to God by meditating on,
reading about, seeking him, let us know him in so far as we
can; for here below we know him in part, because here all things
are imperfect, but there they are perfect; here we are weak, there
we are strong. Scripture says: we see now through a mirror in
a confused manner, but then face to face. When his face is
revealed, then we will be allowed to behold the glory of God,
which souls cannot now see well because they are enveloped in
the material organs of this body and darkened by the stains and
impurities of this flesh. For who will look on my face and
live, Scripture says? And rightly, because if our eyes cannot
bear the rays of the sun, and if anyone should look too long at
the sun, it is said that he usually suffers blindness, and if a crea
ture cannot look on another creature without deceit and harm to
himself, how can one covered with the clothing of this body
look without danger to himself on the shining face of the eternal
creator? Who is justified in the sight of God, when even a
one-day-old infant cannot be free from sin, and no one can
glory in the integrity and purity of his own heart.
50 Let us not, therefore, be afraid to be received by men, let us
not fear that end which is due to all, in which Esdras finds the
Hesdra remunerationem suae devotionis invenit dicente ei do

mino: tu enim recipieris ab hominibus et conversaberis residuum
cum filio meo et cum similibus tuts. quod si illi gloriosum et
iocundum erat cum similibus conversari, quanto nobis gloriosius
erit et iocundius ad meliores pergere et conversari cum his quo- 5
rum facta miramur. quis utique prior Hesdra an Platon? nam
51 Paulus Hesdrae, non Platonis secutus est dicta. Hesdra revela-
vit secundum conlatam in se revelationem iustos cum Christo
futuros, futuros cum sanctis. hinc et Socrates ille festinare se
dicit ad illos suos deos, ad illos optimos viros. nostra sunt 10
itaque quae in philosophorum litteris praestant. et ille posuit
ea quorum proprium testimonium non habebat, nos divini prae-
cepti habemus auctoritatem. Moyses et Helias cum Christo
apparuerunt, Abraham duos alios cum deo suscepit hospitio,
Iacob dei castra conspexit, Daniel iustos sicut solem et stellas 15
fulgere in caelo revelante sibi sancto spiritu declaravit.
12.52 His igitur freti intrepide pergamus ad redemptorem nostrum

Iesum, intrepide ad patriarcharum concilium, intrepide ad Abra
ham patrem nostrum, cum dies advenerit, proficiscamur, intre
pide pergamus ad illum sanctorum coetum iustorumque conven- 20
tum. ibimus enim ad patres nostras, ibimus ad illos nostrae
fidei praeceptores, ut, etiamsi opera desint, fides opituletur,
defendatur hereditas. ibimus et ubi sinum suum Abraham
sanctus expandit, ut suscipiat pauperes, sicut suscepit et Laza-
rum, in quo sinu requiescunt qui in hoc saeculo gravia atque 25
53 aspera pertulerunt. sed nunc, pater, etiam atque etiam extende
ad suscipiendum hinc pauperem manus tuas, aperi gremium
tuum, expande sinus tuos, ut plures suscipias, quia plurimi in
dominum crediderunt. sed tamen quamvis fides creverit, abun-
dat iniquitas, refrigescit caritas. ibimus ad eos qui recumbunt 30
in regno dei cum Abraham et Isaac et Iacob, quoniam rogati ad
2 4 Esdras 14.9 9 Plato, Phaedo 63 C; cf. Apol. 41 A; Cic. De senect.

23.83 13 Mt. 17.3 14 Gen. 18.2; 32.1 15 Dan. 12.3 24 Luc.
16.23 31 Mt. 8.11; Luc. 14.18
reward of his own devotion, when the Lord says to him: you
will be taken up from among men, and you will henceforth dwell
with my son and those like you. But if it was a glorious and
joyous thing for him to dwell with those like him, how much
more glorious and joyous it will be for us to go to those better
than we are and to dwell with those whose deeds we admire.
Who, indeed, was first, Esdras or Plato? For Paul has followed
the words of Esdras, not those of Plato. Esdras revealed accord
ing to the revelation conferred on him that the just would be
with Christ, would be with the saints. Hence Socrates also says
that he hastens to those gods of his, to those excellent men. And
so those things that are outstanding in the writings of the philo
sophers belong to us. He (Plato) set down things of which he
did not have his own proof, while we have the authority of
divine precept. Moses and Elias appeared with Christ, Abraham
received in hospitality two others with God, Jacob saw the camp
of God, Daniel declared by the revelation of the Holy Spirit
to him that the just shone like the sun and stars in heaven.
12.52 Supported by these truths, therefore, fearlessly let us go to

Jesus our Redeemer, and fearlessly, when the day shall come, let
us go forth, let us proceed to the council of the patriarchs,
fearlessly to our father Abraham. Fearlessly let us go to that
assembly of the saints and gathering of the just. We will go
to our fathers, we will go to those teachers of our faith; even
though our works be wanting, let our faith help, our inheritance
be preserved. We will go also where holy Abraham opens his
bosom to receive the poor, just as he also received Lazarus, and
in his bosom they rest who have endured burdens and hardships
in this life.
53 But now, Father, extend your hand again and again to receive
the poor man from here, open your lap, unfold your bosom, that
you may receive many, because many have believed in the Lord.
But yet, even though faith has increased, iniquity abounds, charity
grows cold. We will go to those who recline in the kingdom
of God with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, because when in
10
cenam non excusaverunt. ibimus eo, ubi paradisus iocunditatis

est, ubi Adam, qui incidit in latrones, nescit iam vulnera sua
flere, ubi et latro ipse regni caelestis consortio gratulatur, ubi
nullae nubes, nulla tonitrua, nullae coruscationes, nulla ventorum
procella neque tenebrae neque vesper neque aestas neque hiems 5
vices variabunt temporum, non frigus, non grando, non pluviae,
non solis istius erit usus aut lunae neque stellarum globi, sed
sola dei fulgebit claritas. dominus enim erit lux omnium et Mud
lumen verum, quod inluminat omnem hominem, fulgebit omni
bus. ibimus eo, ubi servulis suis dominus Iesus mansiones para- 10
vit, ut ubi ille est et nos simus; sic enim voluit. quae sint
illae mansiones audi dicentem: in domo patris mei mansiones
multae sunt, quae sit voluntas: iterum inquit venio et accerso
54 vos ad me ipsum, ut ubi ego sum et vos sitis. sed dicis quia
solis discipulis loquebatur, quod ipsis solis spoponderit multas 15
mansiones; igitur undecim tantum discipulis praeparabat. et
ubi est illud, quod ex omnibus partibus venient et recumbent in
dei regno? unde voluntatis divinae dubitamus effectus? sed
Christi velle fecisse est. denique demonstravit et viam, de-
monstravit et locum dicens: et quo vado vos scitis et viam 20
meam scitis. locus apud patrem est, via Christus est, sicut ipse
ait: ego sum via et veritas et vita. nemo venit ad patrem nisi
per me. ingrediamur hanc viam, teneamus veritatem, vitam se-
quamur. via est quae perducit, veritas quae confirmat, vita quae
per se redditur. et ut sciamus veram voluntatem, addidit in 25
posterioribus: pater, quos dedisti mihi, volo ut ubi ego sum
et Mi sint mecum, ut videant claritatem meam, pater. repetitio
ista confirmatio est sicut illud: Abraham, Abraham! et alibi:
ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas. pulchre autem quod
supra promisit hic poposcit. et quia ante promisit et sic po- 30
poscit, non ante poposcit et sic promisit, promisit quasi arbiter
1 4 Esdras 7.36 2 Luc. 10.30, cf. Amb. In Luc. 7.73 3 Luc. 23.43
4 4 Esdras 7.39-42 8 Jn. 1.4, Jn. 1.9 10 Jn. 14.2-3 12 Jn. 14.2
13 Jn. 14.3 17 Mt. 8.11 20 Jn. 14.4 22 Jn. 14.6 26 Jn. 17.24
28 Gen. 22.1 29 Is. 53.25
vited to the banquet they did not refuse. We will go where the
paradise of joy is, where Adam, who fell among robbers, no
longer knows how to weep for his wounds, where the thief
himself rejoices in the fellowship of the heavenly kingdom, where
there are no clouds, no thunder, no lightning, no wind-storms,
where neither night nor evening, neither summer nor winter, vary
the changes of seasons, where there is no cold, no hail, no rains,
where there will be no use for sun or moon, nor for the orbs
of stars, but only the splendor of God will shine. For the Lord
will be the light of all and that true light which illumines every
man will shine on all. We will go where the Lord Jesus has
prepared mansions for his servants, so that where he is we also
shall be; for so he willed it. Listen to him telling us what those
mansions are: in my father's house there are many mansions; and
telling us what his will is: again I am going and I am summoning
54 you to me, so that where I am you also may be. But you allege
that he was speaking to his disciples alone, that he promised the
many mansions to them only; therefore, he was preparing for
only the eleven disciples. Where is that statement of his that
they will come from every region and dwell in the kingdom of
God? Why do we doubt the effectiveness of the divine will?
But for Christ to will is to have accomplished it.
Finally, he showed us the way and showed us the place, saying:
and where I go you know, and the way you know. The place is
with the Father, the way is Christ, as he himself said: I am the
way, the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father except
through me. Let us enter upon this way, hold on to this truth,
let us follow this life. The way is what leads, the truth is what
strengthens, the life is what is bestowed by him. And that we
may know his true will, he added in a later place: Father, those
whom you have given to me, I will that where I am they also may
be with me, that they may see my glory, Father. That repetition
is confirmation, as is this one: Abraham, Abraham, and in another
place: I am, I am the one who blots out your iniquities. However,
what he beautifully promised above, he asked for here. And
because he first promised and then asked, and did not ask first
muneris, conscius potestatis, poposcit a patre quasi pietatis inter-

pres. et ante promisit, ut potestatem agnoscas, poposcit postea,
ut pietatem intellegas. non poposcit ante et sic promisit, ne
videretur promisisse potius quod inpetraverat quam quod pro-
miserat praestitisse. nec superfluum putes quod poposcit, cum 5
tibi exprimat paternae voluntatis consortium, in quo unitatis
indicium, non incrementum est potestatis.
55 Sequimur te, domine Iesu: sed ut sequamur accerse, quia sine
te nullus ascendet. tu enim via es, veritas vita possibilitas fides
praemium. suscipe tuos quasi via, confirma quasi veritas, vi- 10
vifica quasi vita. pande illud tuum bonum, quod videre desi-
derabat David inhabitans in domo domini, ideoque dicebat:
quis ostendet nobis bona? et alibi: credo videre bona domini
in terra viventium. ibi enim sunt bona, ubi vita perpetua est,
vita sine crimine. alibi quoque dicit: replebimur in bonis domus 15
tuae. quod ideo frequentavit, ut scires hinc bonum illud phi-
losophos transtulisse, quod summum adserunt. pande ergo illud
vere bonum tuum, illud divinum, in quo et vivimus et sumus
et movemur. movemur quasi in via, sumus quasi in veritate,
vivimus quasi in vita aeterna. demonstra nobis illud quod est 20
bonum, simile sui, semper indissoluble atque inmutabile, in quo
simus aeterni in agnitione omnis boni, sicut vas electionis tuae
Paulus testificatus est dicens: forsitan enim ideo discessit ad
horam ut aeternum illum reciperes. aeternum ergo ministrum
dei dixit scribens ad Philemonem, cuius fidem in agnitione omnis 25
boni, quod in sanctis est, in Christum Iesum evidentiorem fieri
postulabat. in quo bono est requies pura, lux inmortalis, gratia
perpetua, hereditas animarum pia et secura tranquillitas, non
morti subiecta, sed erepta de morte, ubi nullae lacrimae, nullus
est fletus, — unde enim illic fletus, ubi nullus est lapsus? —, 30
9 Jn. 14.6 12 Ps. 22.6 13 Ps. 4.6; Ps. 26.13 15 Ps. 64.5 18
Act. 17.28 22 Act. 9.15 23 Philem. 15 25 Philem. 6
and then promise, he promised as the giver of a gift, conscious of

his power, but asked of his Father as an interpreter of piety. And
he promised first, that you might recognize his power, and asked
afterward, that you might recognize his piety. He did not ask
first and then promise, lest he would seem to have promised what
he had asked for and obtained rather than to have granted what
he had promised. Do not think it superfluous that he asked, since
he expresses to you his union with his Father's will, in which
there is a sign of unity, not an increase of power.
55 We follow you, Lord Jesus, but summon us that we may follow,
because without you no one will ascend. For you are the way,
the truth, the life, the possibility, the faith, the reward. As the
way receive your own, as truth strengthen them, as life vivify
them. Open that good of yours, which David, dwelling in the
house of the Lord, desired to see, and so he said: who will show
good things to us? and in another place: I believe that I shall see
the goods of the Lord in the land of the living. The goods are
where eternal life is, life without sin. In still another place he
says: we will be filled with the good things of your house. There
fore, he repeated this so that you might know that it was from
here that philosophers took that good which they assert is the
highest good. Open, therefore, that good of yours, that divine
good, in which we live, and are, and move. We move, as it were,
on the way, we are in the truth, we live in eternal life. Show
us what is good, like unto itself, always indissoluble and immu
table, in which we may be eternal in recognition of every good,
as Paul, the vessel of your election, testified, saying: perhaps,
indeed, he departed for a time that you might receive him forever.
He said, therefore, when writing to Philemon, that the minister
of God is eternal, whose faith in the acknowledgement of every
good which is in the saints he prayed would become more evident
in Christ Jesus. In this good there is pure rest, immortal light,
perpetual grace, the pious inheritance of souls and secure tran
quillity, not subject to death but rescued from death, where there
are no tears, there is no weeping — for how can tears be from
there, where there is no sin? — where your saints are freed from
ubi sancti tui erroribus et sollicitudinibus, insipientia atque

ignorantia, timore ac metu, cupiditatibus atque omnibus cor-
poreis conluvionibus et passionibus absoluti, ubi regio viventium,
et ut adsertioni huic adiungamus auctoritatem, de quo bono pro-
pheta dicit: convertere, anima mea, in requiem tuam, quia do- 5
minus benefecit mihi, quoniam eripuit animam meam de morte,
oculos meos a lacrimis, pedes meos a lapsu. placebo domino in
regione vivorum. placebo dixit, non placeo, hoc est de tempore
sibi blanditur futuro. contraria sunt autem praesentibus futura
et temporalibus aeterna, et ideo quoniam ibi vivorum regio, 10
56 hic utique mortuorum. an non mortuorum haec regio, ubi
umbra mortis, ubi porta mortis, ubi corpus est mortis? denique
donatur Petro, ne portae inferni praevaleant ei. portae inferni
istae sunt terrenae, unde et ille ait: qui exaltas me de portis
mortis. sicut enim portae iustitiae, in quibus sancti domino 15
confitentur, ita sunt criminum portae, in quibus impii dominum
negaverunt. audi quoniam regio ista mortuorum: si quis igitur
mortuum tetigerit, inmundus erit; inmundus autem in conspectu
domini omnis iniquus. si quis igitur tetigerit iniquitatem, in
mundus erit, si quis in deliciis, mortuus, quoniam quae in deliciis 20
vivens mortua est. et qui infideles sunt descendunt in infernum
viventes: etsi nobiscum videntur vivere, sed in inferno sunt.
si quis usuram accipit, rapinam facit, vita non vivit, ut habes in
Ezechiel. si quis autem iustus iustificationes domini custodit,
ut faciat eas, 'vita' inquit 'vivet et vivet in eis'. ipse est ergo in 25
regione vivorum, in illa regione, ubi vita non abscondita, sed
libera, ubi non umbra, sed gloria; hic enim nec ipse Paulus vive-
bat in gloria. denique in corpore mortis ingemescebat. audi
dicentem: nunc enim vita nostra abscondita est cum Christo in
deo; cum autem Christus apparuerit, vita nostra, tunc et nos cum 30
illo apparebimus in gloria.
57 Festinemus ergo ad vitam. si quis vitam tangit, vivit. deni
que tetigit illa mulier, quae tetigit fimbriam eius et a morte
5 Ps. 114.7-9 12 Mt. 4.16 13 Mt. 16.18 14 Ps. 9.14 17 Num.

19.11 20 1 Tim. 5.6 23 Ezech. 33.18, cf. 33.13 28 2 Cor. 5.4;
Rom. 7.24 29 Coloss. 3.34
moral lapses and anxieties, from foolishness and ignorance, from

fear and dread, from evil desires and every bodily impurity and
lust, where the land of the living is, and, that we may add au
thority to this assertion, concerning which good the prophet says:
turn, my soul, to your rest, because the Lord blessed me, because
he snatched my soul from death, my eyes from tears, my feet from
falling. I will please the Lord in the land of the living. He said
"I will please" not "I please", that is, he is consoling himself
with respect to a future thing. But future things are contrary to
56 present ones, and eternal to temporal. And so, because the region
of the living is there, that of the dead is certainly here. Or is not
this the region of the dead, where the shadow of death is, where
the gate of death is, where the body of death is? Accordingly, it
is granted to Peter that the gates of hell shall not prevail against
him. The gates of hell are those earthly gates. Wherefore, he also
says: you are the one who lifts me from the gates of death. For
just as there are gates of justice in which the saints trust in the
Lord, so there are gates of sin in which the impious denied the
Lord. Understand that that region is of the dead: /-/ anyone should
touch a dead man, he will be unclean; but every evil man is unclean
in the sight of the Lord. If, therefore, anyone should touch
iniquity, he will be unclean; if anyone is in pleasure, he is dead,
because the soul living in pleasure is dead. And those who are
unfaithful descend into hell; although they seem to be living with
us, they are in hell. If anyone accepts usury, or commits theft,
life does not live in him, as one reads in Ezechiel. If, however,
the just man guards the justifications of the Lord, that he may do
them, life lives in him, and he will live in them. He him
self is, therefore, in the land of the living, in that region where life
is not hidden but free, where there is no shadow but glory. Not
even Paul himself, while here on earth, was living in glory. Ac
cordingly, he was groaning in this body of death. Hear him saying:
for now our life is hidden with Christ in God; but when Christ our
life appears, then we also will appear with him in glory.
57 Let us, therefore, hasten to life. If anyone touches life, he
lives. Accordingly, that woman touched lived who touched the
dimissa est, cui dicitur: fides tua te salvam fecit. vade in pace.
si enim qui mortuum tangit inmundus est, sine dubio qui viven-
tem tangit salvus est. quaeramus ergo viventem. sed iterum
videamus ne eum quaeramus inter mortuos et dicatur nobis sicut
mulieribus illis: quid quaeritis viventem cum mortuis? non est 5
hic, sed resurrexit. ipse quoque dominus ubi quaeri vellet osten-
dit dicens: vade ad fratres meos et dic eis: ascendo ad patrem
meum et patrem vestrum, deum meum et deum vestrum. ibi
ergo quaeremus eum, ubi quaesivit Iohannes et invenit. ille eum
in principio quaesivit et invenit viventem apud viventem, filium 10
apud patrem. nos eum in temporum fine quaeramus et con-
plectamur pedes eius et adoremus eum, ut dicat et nobis: nolite
timere, id est nolite timere a peccatis saeculi, nolite timere ab
iniquitatibus mundi, nolite timere a fluctibus corporalium pas-
sionum: ego sum peccatorum remissio. nolite timere a tene- 15
bris: ego sum lux. nolite timere a morte: ego sum vita. qui-
cumque ad me venit mortem non videbit in aeternum, quoniam
ipse est plenitudo divinitatis et ipsi est decus gloria perpetuitas
a saeculis et nunc et semper et in omnia saecula saeculorum.
1 Luc. 8.44 (Mt. 9.20) 5 Luc. 24.5-6 7 Jn. 20.17 9 Jn. 1.18
12 Mt. 28.9 17 Jn. 8.51
hem of his garments, and was freed from death, as it was said to
her: your faith has saved you, go in peace. For if the one who
touches a dead man is unclean, beyond doubt the one who touches
the living man is saved. Let us, therefore, seek the living man.
But let us again be on guard not to seek him among the dead
and not to have it said to us as it was to those women: why do
you seek the living among the dead. He is not here, he has risen.
The Lord himself shows us where he wants to be sought, saying:
go to my brethern and say to them: I am ascending to my Father
and your Father, to my God and your God. We shall, therefore,
seek him where John sought and found him. He sought him in
the beginning and found the living one with the living one, the
Son with the Father. Let us seek him at the end of time and
embrace his feet and adore him, that he may say to us also: do
not fear, that is, do not fear because of this world, do not fear
because of the iniquities of the world, do not fear because of the
waves of bodily passions: I am the remission of sins. Do not fear
because of darkness: I am the light. Do not fear because of
death: I am the life. Whoever comes to me will not see death
fovever, because he is the fulness of divinity, and honor, and glory,
perpetuity is to him forever from the beginning of time both now
and always and forever and ever.
COMMENTARY
Chapter 1
1.1 de anima superiore libro.

An allusion to the De Isaac vel anima. The relationship be
tween the two works is very close. The De Isaac vel anima
explains the marriage of Isaac and Rebecca as symbolizing the
union between Christ and the soul; it relies heavily on portions
of the Canticle of Canticles. In the closing lines of the treatise
Ambrose says: "ergo non timeamus mortem, quoniam requies est
corporis, animae autem vel libertas, vel absolutio" (8.79), an
anticipation of the De bono mortis, which itself refers back
to the De Isaac vel anima. The Maurists in their admonitio to the
De bono mortis see the connection between the two works so close
that one could rightly speak of but one treatise made up of two
books: "Quanta libro De bono mortis cum superiore De Isaac et
anima cognatio intercedat, prima illius verba satis declarant: quae
quidem si quis strictius voluerit interpretari, forte non inconsulto
unum esse affirmaverit operis contextum et quasi corpus cuius
liber primus alter dici debeat, alter secundus."
1.2 si ergo vita bonum putatur, quomodo mors non est mala?
Ambrose states the theme of the present treatise in the form
of a question, a literal translation of Plotinus Enn. 1.7.3:
'AXX' el ayocOt) y) £oW), 7tw? 6 &avaToc ou xax6v ;
In answering this question Ambrose elaborates his doctrine of
death.
1.2 ecce dedi ante faciem, etc.
Deut. 30.15. The Old Latin version (Sabatier) here agrees with
the text of Ambrose. In two other places where Ambrose cites
Deut. 30.15 (Fug. saec. 7.37; In psalm. 40.42.22) his text is:
"posui ante te bonum et malum." Here he seems to be translat

ing the Septuagint: tSou SeSwxa Ttp6 7rpoaa>7tou erou enr)(xepov
Ty)v £wy)v xal t6v &avaTOV, to aya&ov xal to xaxov.
1.2 illa sibi priora et haec sibi conferens.
Schenkl's text reads: "illa sibi propria et haec sibi <contraria>
conferens." contraria is Schenkl's own addition. I have prefered
the Maurist reading. Two MSS not used by Schenkl — the Codex
Ragyndrudis, collated by J. Huhn (Der Tod - ein Gut 12), and
MS 142 of the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin, collated by V. Ussani
("Per un codice ignoto de De Bono Mortis de S. Ambrogio,"
Rivista storico-critica scienze theologice 5 (1909) 934-943), both
have the reading priora. The reading propria plus the conjecture
contraria creates more difficulties than it solves.
1.2 in paradiso est positus homo . . . morte moreretur.
An allusion to Gen. 2.16-17 which reads, according to the Old
Latin (Sabatier): "et praecepit Dominus Adae dicens: ab omni
ligno, quod est in paradiso, edes ad escam: de ligno autem
cognoscendi bonum et malum non manducabitis de illo: qua die
autem ederitis ab eo, morte moriemini."
1.2 malum igitur mors, quae pretio damnationis infertur.
This sentence is presented as an objection to the proposition that
death is a good. Since death is a punishment as a consequence
of Adam's sin, it is an evil. Ambrose will answer the objection
by distinguishing three kinds of death; only the death of the
soul to sin is evil; natural death is a good since it frees us from
the evils of this life. In Exc. Sat. 2.37-38 he analyses the sin of
Adam and its consequences. When Adam sinned one thing was
given as a punishment, another as a remedy. The sufferings and
cares of this life were the punishment, while the end of these
evils, death, was the remedy. "Non enim pro poena dominus
sed pro remedio dedit mortem" (Exc. Sat. 2.37). In Exc. Sat.
2.47 the same thought is expressed: "et mors quidem in natura
non fuit, sed conversa est in naturam; non enim a principio Deus
mortem instituit, sed pro remedio dedit;" and in Cain et Ab.
2.10.35: "ut ista mors remedium esse videatur, non poena." See
COMMENTARY 159
also De sacramentis 2.6.17 where stronger emphasis is placed on

resurrection as the remedy, and death seems to be considered as
the punishment of sin.
Chapter 2
2.3 mortis tria sunt genera, etc.

Ambrose presents the doctrine of the three kinds of death in
three other passages. Because of the central importance of this
doctrine in this treatise, the three parallel passages are set out
here in full:
DExc.Sat. 2.36-37
"sed hoc secundum communem opinionem, secundum scripturas
autem triplicem esse mortem accipimus, unam, cum morimur
peccato, deo vivimus; beata igitur mors, quae culpae refuga,
domino dedita a mortali nos separat, inmortali nos consecrat.
alia mors est vitae huius excessus, qua mortuus est patriarcha
Abraham, patriarcha David, et sepulti sunt cum patribus suis,
cum anima nexu corporis liberatur. tertia mors est, de qua
dictum est: Dimitte mortuos sepelire mortuos suos. ea morte
non solum caro, sed etiam anima moritur: Anima, enim, quae
peccat, ipsa morietur. moritur enim domino, non naturae infir-
mitate, sed culpae. sed haec mors non perfunctio huius est vitae,
sed lapsus erroris. una ergo est mors spiritalis, alia naturalis,
tertia poenalis. sed non, quae naturalis, eadem poenalis; non
enim pro poena dominus, sed pro remedio dedit mortem."
2) Parad. 45
"sicut autem figuras multas vitae diximus, ita etiam mortis
inveniemus. dicitur enim mors mala secundum illud: anima
quae peccat ipsa morietur. dicitur mors communiter, sicut habes
verbi gratia quia Adam vixit tot annos et mortuus est et adpositus
est ad patres suos. dicitur etiam mors per baptismatis sacramen-
tum, sicut habes: consepulti enim sumus cum Mo per baptismum
in mortem et alibi: si autem mortui sumus cum Christo, credimus
COMMENTARY 161
etiam quia simul vivemus cum Mo. vides quia mors quidem
appellatione dicatur, sed haec vita sit nostra."
3) In Luc. 7.35-38
"quomodo autem mortui sepelire mortuos possunt nisi gemi-
nam hic intellegas mortem, unam naturae, alteram culpae? est
etiam mors tertia, in qua peccato morimur, deo vivimus sicut
Christus, qui peccato mortuus est; quod enim mortuus est peccato
mortuus est semel, quod autem vivit vivit deo.
"una est igitur mors, qua copula corporis et animae separatur,
non formidabilis, non timenda, cum discessio quaedam nostri
videatur esse, non poena, non metuenda fortibus, desideranda sa-
pientibus, miseris expetenda, de qua dictum est: quaerent homines
mortem et non invenient eam. est et alia, quae saecularium adfe-
rat interitum voluptatum, in qua non natura, sed delicta moriuntur.
hanc mortem subimus consepulti in baptismo et mortui cum
Christo ab elementis huius mundi, cum actus patimur prioris oblivia.
hanc mortem mori voluit, cum prophetaret, Balaam, ut deo viveret,
et ideo dixit: moriatur anima mea in animis iustorum et fiat semen
meum ut semen eorum. est et tertia mors, quando Christus,
qui est vita nostra, nescitur; scire autem Christum vita est sempi-
terna, quae nunc iustit praesto est in umbra, in futurum autem
erit faciem ad faciem."
H. Puech and P. Hadot ("L'Entretien d'Origene avec Heraclide
et le commentaire de saint Ambroise sur L'Evangile de saint Luc,"
VigChr 13 (1959) 204-234) have shown that Ambrose's doctrine
of the three deaths depends on Origen's Dialogue with Heraclides,
discovered at Toura, near Cairo, in 1941 and edited for the first
time in 1949 by M.J. Scherer (Publications de la Societe Fouad
I de Papyrologie, Textes et Documents IX, Cairo 1949). The
pertinent passage from Origen's Dialogue with Heraclides is as
follows: TOXpaaTâai TCip aao[xai 8aa ery)[xaiveTai. oii xa&' "Ea-
Xy)va?, aXX5 8aa ery)(xaiveTai xogtoc [tt)]v &e[av <pyjv ... eyw (aevtoi
ye inl toG 7tap6vTo<; olSa Tpei? &avaxou<;. uobui; toutou? 7tpei<;
&avaTOUi;; Zfj zic, tcji &etji xat araOavev ttj apiapTia xaTa t6v 'AT:6ct-
toXov. OStoc (xaxapio<; 6 O-avaTo? - a7tO&vf]ctXSi ti? tyj ajxapTta.
toutov t6v &avaTov 6 [xtipi6<;] u,ou a7te&avev. *0 y*P aê&avev,
Tyj dc(xapTi<x a7te&avev (Rom. 6.10). OlSa xal aXXov &avaTov

xa&' 8v dato&vfiaxei tu; tw few rapl o5 eipy)Tat ' <\>uxh ^ a(xapTa-
vouaa ai»Ty) dbro&aveiTai (Ezech. 18.4). OZSa xal TpiTov O-avaTOv
xa$' 8v xotvai; vo[xi£o[xev to&c, aTtaXAayevTai; tou cnou-aTO? ooto-
Tedvavai ' S£y)aev yap 'ASa(x ^ty) TpiaxovTa xal evaxoaia, xal
a7r£&avev (Gen. 5.5).
By comparing this passage with those of Ambrose several
similarities appear, especially the identity of Scriptural citations:
Rom. 6.10 to define death to sin; Ezech. 18.4 to define the death
of sin; and death in the sense of natural death illustrated by
texts from Genesis.
Both Origen and Ambrose speak of the three types of death
being according to Scripture. In other places Origen analyses
the meanings of the word death in Scripture but this is the only
one where he lists three types. In his Commentarius in Romanos,
for example, he distinguishes five different meanings of the
word in Scripture: 1) separation of body from soul; 2) separation
of soul from God: 3) the author of death, the devil; 4) the place
where souls are detained by death; 5) the death by which one
dies to sin. The passage can serve as a commentary on Ambrose
so I quote it here: "mors in Scripturis unum quidem nomen
est, sed multa significat. etenim separatio corporis ab anima mors
nominatur. sed haec neque mala, neque bona dici potest: est
enim media, quae dicitur indifferens. et rursus separatio animae
a Deo mors appellatur, quae per peccatum venit. haec aperte
mala est, quae et peccati stipendium nominatur. hanc mortem
Deus non fecit, neque laetatur in perditione vivorum: sed invidia
diaboli mors haec introivit in orbem terrarum. et iterum ipse
auctor mortis huius diabolus mors appellatur, et ipse est qui
dicitur inimicus Christi novissimus destruendus. sed et inferni
locus in quo animae detinebantur a morte, etiam ipse mors appel
latur. dicitur vero et illa mors laudabilis qua peccato quis moritur,
et Christo consepelitur, per quam emendatio fit animae et vita
aeterna conquiritur." (Origen, Comm. in Rom. 6.6).
2.3 anima quae peccat ipsa morietur. In his commentary on Psalm 1,
Ambrose, when explaining this verse from Ezech. 18.4, is careful
COMMENTARY 163
to point out that the substance of the soul does not die: "quod
accidens est perit, quod substantivum, manet. pereunt autem ita
impii, quomodo dicitur: anima quae peccat ipsa morietur, ut pec-
cati aculeo, non omni substantiae suae dissolutione moriantur,"
(In psalm. 1.58).
2.3 peccato moritur et deo vivit. This second type of death, spiritual
or mystical death, besides being elaborated on in the parallel
passages referred to above, is also mentioned in the De mysteriis
where Ambrose emphasizes the spiritual death and resurrection
symbolized by baptism: "tu baptizatus es in nomine trinitatis,
confessus es patrem — recordare quid feceris! — confessus es
filium, confessus es spiritum. tene ordinem rerum! in hac fide
mundo mortuus es, deo resurrexisti, et quasi in illo mundi con-
sepultus elemento, peccato mortuus ad vitam es resuscitatus aeter-
nam," (Myst. 4.21).
The De fuga saeculi has a beautiful passage on this same theme
but the emphasis in on imitation of Christ's crucifixion so that
we can be buried in the likeness of his death and thereby take
on the image of his life: "mortuus est tibi Princeps sacerdotum,
tibi crucifixus est, ut clavis eius adhaereas. te enim in illa carne,
et tua peccata suscepit: adfixa sunt illi patibulo tuorum delictorum
chirographa; ut iam mundo nihil debeas, cui semel renuntiasti. et
recte nihil debes, cui suppetit dicere: mihi enim mundus cruci
fixus est, et ego mundo; ut iam mortem non timeas, si geras
Christum, in quo potes dicere: ubi est mors victoria tua? ubi est
mors aculeus tuus? etenim cum vetus ille homo noster adfixus
est cruci, destructum est peccatum, obtusus aculeus, vacuata culpa;
ut ulterius servire flagitiis desinamus. abiit enim vetus homo.
nunc autem iam non vetus homo in nobis: sed nova est creatura,
habens in se similitudinem Christi, cuius mortis similitudini con-
sepulti imaginem vitae eius adsumsimus, alas gratiae spiritalis
accepimus." [Fug. saec. 9.57).
2.3 animae corporisque secessio. See also Bon. mort. 8.31 "separatio
animae et corporis;" 8.33: "absolutio et separatio animae et
corporis." The notion of death as a separation is a very common
164 S.AMBROSII DE BONO MORTIS
one in Ambrose: Cain et Ab. 1.3.8: "mors enim secessio quaedam

est animae et corporis;" ibid. 2.8.35: "mors enim una est in se-
cessione animae et corporis et in fine istius vitae;" Patr. 9.39: "de
hac morte qua per animae et corporis secessionem venit; " Exc. Sat.
2.35: "mors ipsa non aliud quam corporis atque animae secessio
definitur." cf. Plato, Phaedo 64C; tt)v tyj<; if^xy)? ato tou ao>-
(xaTo? aTOxXXay^v; 67D: Xixn? xal x«pia[jio<; <Jûx% *™ <"Vato<;
and Origen, In Rom. 6.6: "separatio corporis ab anima mors no-
minatur;" In Joh. 13.23 xaTa t6v x^pia[jiov t^<; <Jûx^C <*Tto tou
2.3 tertia mors media sit.

Ambrose explains that this third type of death holds a middle
position because it seems good to righteous men but is feared
by most. The term media ( (xeaa or aSia<popa in Greek) is,
in the Stoic tradition, a technical term meaning neither good or
bad. Cf. Seneca, Epistle 82.13-14: "vides mortem nec malum
esse nec bonum ... sic istis, quae a nobis indifferentia ac media
dicuntur, divitiis, viribus, formae, honoribus, regno, et contra
morti, exilio, malae, valetudini, doloribus;" and Aulus Gellius,
Noct. Att. 2.7.18: "quae vero in medio sunt et a Graecis tum
(xeffix, tum aSia<popa appellantur . . . quoniam et haec et his similia
per sese ipsa neque honesta sunt neque turpia, sed, proinde ut
a nobis aguntur, ita ipsis actionibus aut probanda Hunt aut
reprehenda." So Origen in the passage quoted above (In Rom.
6.6) speaking of death as a separatio says: "haec neque mala,
neque bona did potest: est enim media, quae dicitur indifferens."
It is in this sense that Ambrose here uses the term.
2.3 sapientes viri, qui longavitatem peregrinationis huius ingemescebant.
That men long to be free from the toils of this life, which is only
a pilgrimage, is a commonplace of ancient philosophy and ancient
consolation literature. So Seneca: "nec umquam magnis ingeniis
cara in corpore mora est; exire atque erumpere gestiunt, aegre has
angustias ferunt . . . inde est quod Plato clamat: sapientis animum
totum in mortem prominere, hoc velle, hoc meditari, hac semper
cupidine ferri in exteriora tendentem." (Ad Marciam 23). cf. Plato,
Phaedo 64A
COMMENTARY 165
xivSuveuouffi y*P 6ffoi TUyx*VoUfflv op^? aTCTOu-evoi <piXoaotpia?

XeXy)&evou tou? <SXXou<; 8ti ouSe-< &XXo auTol i7ttTy)Seuouctiv ?j duo-
&vy)ctxeiv Te xal xe&vavai.
Ambrose here concentrates on the same theme but takes his
examples from biblical wise men, like the author of Ecclesiastes,
Simeon, and David. A similar passage occurs in his second
funeral oration on his brother Satyrus: "unde non immerito
etiam sancti viri prolongatum incolatum suum saepe doluerunt:
doluit David, doluit Jeremias, doluit Elias. si sapientibus creditur,
et hi in quibus divinus Spiritus loquebatur, et meliora properabant:
si reliquorum iudicia sciscitamur, ut cognoscamus omnes in unam
convenire sententiam; quanti mortem moereri, quanti mortem
formidini protulerunt? iudicantes videlicet graviorem metum
mortis esse, quam mortem. adeo suis malis mors non timetur, sed
vitae miseriis antefertur! cum expetitur morientis exitus, et
evitatur formido viventis" (Exc. Sat. 2.125).
2.3 dissolvi et cum Christo esse.
A direct quotation, not noted as such by Schenkl, from Philipp.
1.23, a verse Ambrose will return to and elaborate on in para
graphs 6 and 7.
2.3 pereat dies illa, in qua natus sum.
A quotation from Job 3.3. Sabatier has: "pereat dies ille in
quo natus sum." Ambrose's choice of the feminine gender may
have been influenced by the Septuagint: dbtoXoiTO y) ^(xepa, ev
-f\ 6yevvy)O-/)v. The same thought with the same quotation can be
found in other places in Ambrose, e.g. Exc. Sat. 3.32: "legerat
sanctum dixisse Job: pereat dies illa, qua natus, et cognoverat
nasci malorum omnium esse principium et ideo diem, qua natus
est, perire optavit, ut tolleretur origo incommodorum, et optavit
perire diem generationis suae, ut diem resurrectionis acciperet."
See also In Luc. 4.40 and In psalm. 118 18.3.
2.4 non est qui eos consoletur.
A reference to Eccl. 4.1 which in Sabatier is: "et non est qui
consoletur eos," and in the Septuagint: xal oux eaTiv ai>Toti;
7tapaxaAtov. Compare Lam. Ier. 1.2, not mentioned by Schenkl:
"plorans ploravit in nocte et lacrimae illius in maxillis eius: non

est qui eam consoletur."
2.4 laudat Ecclesiastes defunctos.
A reference and partial quotation of Eccl. 4.2-3: "et laudavi ego
mortuos qui iam mortui sunt, super viventes, quicumque ipsi
usque nunc: et melior super hos duos qui nondum natus est,
qui nondum vidit opus malum." (Sabatier). Ambrose's quotation
is quite similar. cf. the Septuagint: xal aya&o<; u7rep tou? Suo tou-
tou? 6<m? ofow eyeveTO 8? oux etSev auv Ttocv to 7tob)(xa to itovqpov.
Note the use of ofew (nondum) in one phrase and oux in the
other, a distinction that is preserved in Ambrose's text. The same
verses can be found quoted in Ambrose's In psalm. 118.18.3,
were he adds a comment which sums up the present paragraph:
"mortuus praefertur viventi, quia peccare desivit, mortuo praefertur
qui natus non est, qui peccare nescivit."
2.4 alibi idem Ecclesiastes, etc.
An allusion to Eccl. 6.3-5: "dixi melius ab eo esse abortivum.
in vanitate quippe venit, et in tenebris vadit, et in tenebris
nomen eius abscondetur. Et quidem solem non vidit, nec cognovit
requies huic magis quam illi." (Sabatier).
2.4 requiem hic magis habebit, etc.
The emphasis on the misery of this life is strong in Ambrose.
See, for example, Exc. Sat. 2.30: "qui tamquam spoliati et nudi
proicimur in hanc vitam, corpore fragili, corde lubrico, inbecillo
animo, anxii ad sollicitudines, desidiosi ad labores, proni ad
voluptates?" This notion of the miseries of life is a commonplace
in consolation literature. Seneca, for example, has an expression
of the theme: "omnis agedum mortalis circumspice, larga ubique
flendi et adsidua materia est. . . . non vides, qualem nobis vitam
rerum natura promiserit, quae primum nascentium hominum fletum
esse voluii?" (Ad Polyb. 4.2-3). Much the same thought can be
found in Gregory of Nyssa (De mortuis PG 46.516B: : "Qor7rep
toIvuv Ei <pCi)v^j ti? 3)v Tcj> Tpeq>O[iivw ev tt) [rqTptoa Vy)Sui, y)yavaxTy)-
aev av Sta yew/jaew? twv cntXayj(vmv e£otxi£6(jtevo!;, xal Seiva
7taffêtv e(36a tyj<; xaTarh>[xfou §tayti>yy)i; a7rooTra>(xevo<;, Srrep Sy)
COMMENTARY 167
xal 71oi6i, Tfl TtpwTy) avaTCvo9) ffuvexj3aXXcov au.a ty) yevvV)aei To

Saxpuov, a>ff7rep ayavaxT&v Te xal 6Sup6;xevo<; em tw xupia(xci
1% auvy)&ou? £w^<; * outw (xoi Soxouaiv ol 7tpo<; ty)v (xeTa(3oXy)v
tou 7rap6vTo? SuaxepaivovTe<; (3iou, to twv e[x(3piiwv 7taay_etv,
ev tw Sta navTO? efliXeiv tw ywpia(xw tî; uXtx^<; TauTy)? ay)Siai;
e(xPtOTSiietv.
Ambrose takes over this commonplace of consolation literature
but christianizes it by taking his examples and much of his material
from the Scripture.
2.4 qui in umbra vivit.
A possible allusion to Lk. 1.79.
2.5 adlevamentum .
That death is a remedy, a release from the burdens of this life,
and therefore good, is brought out clearly by Ambrose in Cain
et Ab. 2.35: "mors enim una est secessione animae et corporis
et in fine istius vitae, quae simul ut venit, omnes corporis dolores
auferre, non augere consuevit. metus vero, qui hanc vitam
viventibus frequenter ingruunt, maestitiae, dolores, gemitus diversis-
que cruciatus, gravitatum et aegritudinum vulnera plurimas mortes
generi humano inferunt, ut ista mors remedium videatur, non
poena." See the commentary on 1.2 for a further treatment of
death as a remedy.
2.5 Symeon, etc.
A reference to Lk. 2.26: "et responsum acceperat ab Spiritu
Sancto non visurum se mortem nisi prius videret Christum Domini
et venit in Spiritu in templum et cum inducerent puerum Iesum
parentes eius ut facerent secundum consuetudinem legis pro eo et
ipse accepit eum in ulnas suas et benedixit deum et dixit ..."
(Wordsworth and White) Ambrose's phrase "non visurum se
mortem nisi prius videret Christum Domini" should, therefore,
be treated as a direct quotation. Compare the Greek: (i.y) iSeiv
&avaTov 7tplv y) av tSy) t6v Xpiaxov xupfou.
2.5 nunc dimittis servum tuum in pace.
A somewhat abbreviated quotation from Lk. 2.28-29: "nunc dimit
tis servum tuum, Domine, secundum verbum tuum in pace."
(Wordsworth and White) St. Basil interprets Simeon's 'Nunc

dimittis', like Ambrose, as the release of Simeon from the chains
of this body so that his soul might escape the prison of the body.
cf. Basil Hom. in martyr. Julittam 5 (PG 31.249A): ti 8k Zu-
(xewv, 6xe eve-ptaXiaaxo tov Kupiov- y)[awv ; Ttoiav 9wviqv aip^xev ;
O&x 6xi Nuv omokieu; tov SouXov aou, AeffTtot<x; ra yip inei-
yo(jievw 7rp6<; tt)v <Sva> 8ixyu>yr^ (3apUTlpa 7taay)i; xoXaaew? xal
Seff(jiwTy)piou toxvt6<; y) (xetoc tou at!>u.aT6<; eaTi StaTpiJ3y).
See also Cyril, Mortal. 3 where a similar thought is expressed.
2.5 quadam lege peccati.
The phrase, not reported as a Scriptural allusion by Schenkl, seems
to me to refer to Rom. 7.23-24. The passage serves as an excellent
commentary on Ambrose: "video aliam legem in membris meis
repugnantem legi mentis meae et captivantem me in lege peccati,
quae est in membris. infelix ego homo! quis me liberabit
de corpore mortis huius? gratia Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum
nostrum. igitur ego ipse mente servio lege Dei, came autem
lege peccati."
2.5 vincula corporis.
The soul bound by the chain of the flesh and freed from it by
death is a common theme of ancient philosophy and consolation
literature. cf. Cicero, De amic. 4.14: "animus in morte . . . evolet
tamquam e custodia vinclisque corporis;" Tusc. disp. 1.75: "hoc,
et dum erimus in terris erit, erit illi caelesti vitae simile, et cum
illuc ex his vinclis emissi feremur, minus tardabitur cursus ani-
morum . . . quo cum venerimus, tum denique vivemus. nam
haec quidem vita mors est."
2.5 evolet tamquam carcereo corporis: P. Courcelle traces the develop
ment of the body-prison metaphor through the Platonic and
Christian traditions and cites numerous passages from both pagan
and Christian literature. (P. Courcelle, "Tradition platonicienne
et traditions chretiennes du Corps-Prison," RevttLat 43 (1966)
406-443, esp. 423-26). Ambrose develops fully the body-prison
metaphor: the body as a prison of darkness with light coming
only from the eyes {Exam. 5.9.55); but in spite of the darkness
COMMENTARY 169
of its prison body the soul can see hidden and higher things
(Exc. Sat. 1.73); it seeks to escape this prison and fly away
(Exc. Sat. 2.20); Joseph in prison in Egypt is a figure of the
soul that, in spite of its imprisonment in the body, can neither
be terrified nor led to evil (Joseph 6.31). See also: Exam. 5.53.1;
In psalm 114.4.6; Cain et Ab. 2.9.36; Farad. 12.55; Isaac 6.52;
Bon mort. 9.48; In Luc. 2.59, 8.48, and 9.29. Courcelle traces
the origin of the doctrine to Orphism. From Orphism it came
through Pythagoreanism to Athens. Plato knew the image: e.g.
Phaedo 62B w? e'v -uvi <ppoupa ea(xev ol Styftponoi Phaedo
67D exXou[iiv/)v &anep kv. Sea[i.wv ex tou ffw[xaTo<; From Plato
the tradition came through Neo-Platonism and Stoicism to the
Greek Fathers and was transmitted to the Christian West by
Fathers who, like Ambrose, borrowed much from Neo-Platonism
and the Greek Fathers.
2.5 advena ego sum.
Ambrose connects the Platonic image of the body-prison with the
biblical image of man as a pilgrim and a stranger on earth, quoting
in this connection Ps. 38-13. The Old Latin has: "quod incola
ego sim apud te in terra, et peregrinus, sicut omnes patres mei."
Both the Old Latin and Ambrose are close to the Septuagint:
6ti TOxpoixoi; eyw ei[ai 7tapa aoi xal ncupenlSfmoe; xa&d)? tc&vtec,
oi 7taTepe<; (xou. but add the phrase in terra. Ambrose quotes the
verse in the same way in Abr. 2.9.62, and In psalm. 48.18. In his
commentary on Psalm 118 (In psalm 118.3.31) he defines the qual
ities the advena in hac terra must have: "ille est in hac terra advena,
qui potest dicere: nostra autem conversatio in caelis est, qui suam
habet in domino portionem, qui potest dolere, quod diutius vivat
in terris, qui vitae huius longaevitate lassatur, cui prolixitas habi-
tationis huius fastidio sit, quam sanctus aversatur et dicit: vae his
qui habitant in terra, qui dissolvi non timet et, si solvatur,
prasumit se cum Christo futurum, hic vere peregrinus in terra
est, qui sanctorum est civis et domesticus dei et thesaurum sibi
condit in caelo."
2.5 remitte mihi, etc.

The condition of a sucessful pilgrimage to the fatherland is the
remission of sins, so he adds the following verse of psalm 38.
Compare Ambrose's version with the Septuagint: ave<; (xoi, iva
avaû^w 7tpo toG u,e a.nek&eZv xal ouxeTi (jiy) u7tapi;G).
The same verse is quoted in the same way in De lapsu virg. 10.51
and in In psalm. 38-37 where it is connected with Mt. 16.19:
"remitte mihi ut refrigerem, priusquam eam, et amplius non
ero, hoc est: hic mihi remitte ubi peccavi, nisi hic remiseris mihi,
ibi remissionis requiem invenire non potero; quod enim ligatum
in terra manserit, ligatum manebit in caelo, quod solutum in
terra fuerit, solutum erit in caelo."
2.6 sufficit diet malitia sua.

Mt. 6.34. The Old Latin is the same. Compare the Greek:
apxeTov ty) y)uipa y) xaxia auT7j<;.
2.6 dies annorum vitae meae, etc.
Gen. 47.9. The Old Latin has: "dies annorum vitae meae quibus
moror anni centum triginta pusilli et maligni." Compare the
Septuagint: At y)[iipai xwv etwv ttj<; £w^<; (xou, a<; 7rapotxw,
exaTov TpiaxovTa er/) . (xixpai xal Ttovy)pal.
The habeo of Ambrose's text is a weak translation of 7tapoixw.
In Exam. 4.5.22 he has: "omnes dies vitae meae quos ago, breves
et maligni."
2.7 mihi enim vivere Christus.

PhiL 1.21. The Old Latin is the same; compare the Greek:
e[xol yap to £9}v XptaTo;; xal to dbto&avetv xeSpo?. Ambrose will
return to this verse at the end of the paragraph. This verse from
Philippians was a popular one in Christian consolation literature.
Cyprian, for example, says: "beatus apostolus Paulus in epistula
sua ponit et dicit: mihi vivere Christus est et mori lucrum,
lucrum maximum computans iam saeculi laqueis non teneri iam
nullis peccatis et vitiis carnis obnoxium fieri, exemptum pressuris
augentibus et venenatis diaboli faucibus liberatum ad laetitiam
salutis aeternae Christo vocante proficisci" (Mortal. 1).
COMMENTARY 171
2.7 nunc dimittis servum tuum.

Lk. 2.29. See comentary on this verse in paragraph 5 above.
2.7 Christus enim rex noster est.
Schenkl considers this an allusion to Mt. 21.5: "ecce rex tuus
venit tibi mansuetus et sedens super asinam;" but the sentence
of Ambrose is so general that it is better not to consider it as
an allusion to any specific verse. In a beautiful passage in his
commentary on Luke Ambrose brings out Christ's kingship
by describing Christ's passion as a triumph; the cross is his
tropaeum, he wears regalia vestimenta, etc. (In Luc. 10.105-109).
2.7 inconsulto imperatore.
Ambrose seems here to be answering an implied objection that
if death is such a desirable thing, why is it not permitted to
take one's own life. The same objection is raised in the Phaedo
and Socrates answers that God is our keeper, we his possessions,
and we must not put an end to ourselves until God sends some
compulsion (Phaedo 62 A-CJ. In the De virginibus, when asked
by Marcellina whether those suffering persecution can take their
own life, Ambrose answers: "scriptur divina vim sibi Christianus
prohibet inferre." (Virg. 3.7.32) Here he uses the image of
God as an emperor who stationed us in this life and says we
cannot leave our post without his permission. (cf. Cicero, De
senectute 83: "vetat Pythagoras iniussu imperatoris, id est dei,
de praesidio et statione vitae decedere.") The image of God as
emperor is drawn in more detail by Ambrose in his Commentary
on Psalm 118: "merito quaerit eum, merito desiderat, quia bene
omnia in hoc cursu atque itinere disposuit imperator noster.
primum omnium fidei fundamento tabernaculum hoc confirmandum
putavit; deinde, si qua est nobis aspera atque arida et praerupta
mansio, imperator tamen iste turbata discernit, arida inrigat,
deserta fecundat. si quid amaritudinis, si quid temptationis, si
quid infirmitatis est, ductor noster et amara temperat et sollicita
mitigat, dura dissolvit et invalida confirmat" (In psalm 118 5.13).
2.7 quanto amplius est divinis parere quam humanis.
Schenkl's text has the reading placere instead of parere. The
Codex Ragyndrudis collated by Huhn has parere, and the Turin

MS 142 clearly has parere although Ussani did not report the
reading in his collation. The Maurist text also has parere. Mo-
rover, the notion of obedience fits the context of the emperor
commanding us to take a station and not to leave it without
consulting him. The line may be an allusion to Acts 5.29 where
Peter before the Sanhedrin says: "obedire oportet Deo magis
quam hominibus."
2.7 vivere sancto Christus est et mori lucrum.
Phil. 1.21. Ambrose here adds sancto. In the following lines
he expands on the word lucrum, as he does in his funeral oration
on Valentinian. Speaking of Valentinian's death he says: "quam
beata fuisset res publica, si eum diutius servare potuisset! sed
quid vita sanctorum non hic in terris est, sed in caelo — iustis
enim vivere Christus et mori lucrum, quia dissolvi et cum Christo
esse multo melius, — dolendum est, quod nobis cito raptus sit,
consolandum, quod ad meliora transient" (Ob. Val. 46).
2.7 dissolvi et cum Christo esse, etc.
Phil. 1.23-4, which reads: "dissolvi et cum Christo multo magis
melius, permanere autem in carne necessarium est propter vos."
Ambrose, perhaps influenced by the Greek text, has enim after
multo, and does not have est after necessarium. cf. the Greek text:
to avaXuaou xal auv Xptotcji elvai toXXw yap u-aXXov xpeiaaov.
to 8k e7U[iiveiv ev ty) aapxi. avayxoaoTepov St u[icit;.
Chapter 3
3.8 scriptura docente.

Ambrose says that the definition of death that he is about to
give is derived from Scripture. In defining the three types of
death (2.3) he gave scriptural authority for his definition of the
death of sin (Ezech. 18.4), and for mystical death (Rom. 6.11),
but not for natural death. However, in the parallel passages
quoted above (2.3) he does give scriptural evidence for natural
death. In Exc. Sat. 2.36 he says: "alia mors est vitae huius
excessus qua mortuus est patriarcha Abraham, patriarcha David,
et sepulti sunt cum patribus suis, cum anima nexu corporis
liberatur;" and in Parad. 9.45 he says: "dicitur mors commu-
niter, sicut habes verbi gratia: quia Adam vixit tot annos et
mortuus est (Gen. 5.5) et adpositus est ad patres suos." In this
paragraph he gives a definition of natural death, quite similar to
Plato's, as we shall see, and then quotes Ps. 115.16: "disrupisti
vincula mea" as evidence. His phrase scriptura docente, then,
refers to this verse.
3.8 mors absolutio est animae et corporis.
See above (2.3) for other passages in Ambrose that define natural
death. cf. Plato, Phaedo 64C: apa (rf) aXXo ti if) r/)v t^? <Jwx^?
dato tou ffw(xaTOi; a7taXXayif)v ; xal elvai touto to Te&vavaa, /wpk
[lev OLTzb T?j<; <J>uxî; a7taXXayev auTO xa8' auTO to aw[xa yeyovEvai,
xwpk $e tJ)v iJ/uxV [&to] toG cyw(xaTo? aTOxXAayeisav ocutt)v xa&'
auTy)v elvoa ; apa (ay) aXXo ti ^ 6 &avaTo<; if) touto ;
The implication here is that man is made up of body and soul,
something he states explicitly in other places. In De Isaac vel anima
he says: "intuere igitur, o homo, qui sis, quo salutem tuam,
vitamque tuearis. quid est itaque homo? utrum anima, an caro,
an utriusque copula? aliud enim nos sumus, aliud nostrum:

alius qui induitur, et aliud vestimentum . . . homo dicitur et de
anima et de carne" (Isaac 2.3). In his commentary on Luke he
says: "nam cum ex duabus naturis homo, id est ex anima subsistat
et corpore, visibile per visibilia, invisibile per invisibile mysterium
consecratur" (In Luc. 2.79).
3.8 disruptsti vincula mea, etc.
Ps. 115.16-17. The Old Latin is the same; compare the Septuagint:
Sieppy)£a<; too? Seau.ou<; u.ou,
ctoI Oiiaw &uffiav aiveaewi;.
Ambrose here interprets the vincula mea as the bonds of the
body. Only when released from them can one make a perfect
sacrifice of praise, as he explains later in the paragraph.
3.8 pretiosa in conspectu domini, etc.
Ps. 115.15. The Old Latin is the same; compare the Septuagint:
ti(xio<; evavTiov xupiou
6 &avaTO<; tc5v oaiwv auToG.
3.8 adversus Golian singulari certamine dimicaret, etc.
An allusion to 1 Kings 17.40ff, where the battle between David
and Goliath is described. Ambrose's text is somewhat corrupt.
Schenkl added a cum before adversus, so that his text read:
"obtulit se fideliter pro dei populo, <cum> adversus Golian sin
gulari certamine dimicaret." The Maurists added a cum after
Golian: "obtulit se fideliter pro dei populo adversus Golian,
cum singulari certamine dimicaret." With the collation of Turin
MS 142 there is now MS evidence for a cum, but it is before
dimicaret, so that the text reads: "obtulit se fideliter pro dei
populo adversus Golian singulari certamine, cum dimicaret ..."
This is the reading I have preferred.
3.8 ante mortem nulla est perfecta laudatio, etc.
As long as we are held by the bonds of the body, our sacrifice
of praise cannot be perfect. In his commentary on Psalm 118
22.25 Ambrose expresses the same thought but emphasizes the
fact that this life is the region of the shadow of death where
COMMENTARY 175
perfect praise is impossible: "in regione umbrae mortis sumus,

abscondita est vita nostra, non libera; erit enim libera in regione
vivorum, in qua fiduciam conplacendi iustus adsumit, ut placeat
domino in regione vivorum. ibi ergo vivet anima nostra, ubi
nihil mortale, nihil infirmum amicta sit, nihil debitum poenae.
ibi laudabit dominum, ubi deposito infirmitatis corpore conformis
esse coeperit gloriae corporis Christi. nam dum in peccato
sumus, plene laudare qui possumus? peccatori enim dixit deus:
quare tu enarras iustitias meas? in umbra sumus hic positi, in
umbra vivimus, in umbra laudamus; perfecte in umbra laudare non
possumus. in terra aliena sumus; denique audisti in posterioribus
dicentem: quomodo cantabimus canticum domini in terra aliena?"
3.8 dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo melius.
Phil. 1.23, see above (2.7).
3.9 speciem mortis imitatur.
The theme of imitation of death which Ambrose will develop
here is one that is dear to patristic spirituality. If baptism plunges
the new Christian into the death of Christ, this death must be
rendered effective by the exercise of the Christian life. This
theme is especially well developed by Gregory of Nyssa in his
Commentary on the Canticle of Canticles, where he stresses the
need for voluntary mortification if the force of Christ's death
and resurrection is to be effective in us: see Gregory of Nyssa,
In Cantica Cantic. Hom. 12 (PG 44.1016C-1020B): ou yap avevfa-
yif)ffev y) avacrnxai.?, (xy) 7tpoxaO7)yy)aa[iivy)<; t^? exouaiou vexp6Ty)-
to?. (PG 44.1016D) "EXa|3ov SiSvot(xw avacrraaetoi; S'.a tou
vexp&aai xa (xeXy) [xou xa hzl ttji; yyj?i exou<nw<; [xoi ttj<; twv
(xeXSv twv Toioirrwv 6v/)pyy)&eiffy)? vexpaxTeax;. (PG 44.1017A)
'£}<; xal 6 riauXo? aTO&avwv ££/), xal ao&evwv iviayue, xal SeSe-
[iivo<; ev^pyei Tiv Sp6[xov, xal 7rra>)(eu{ov e7rXouTt£e, xal uavTa
xaTsT/ev e/wv ouSev, rcavTOTS tt)v vexpwaiv tou 'I^ffou ev tu <tw-
{xocti 7tepi<p£ptov. (PG 44.1020A)
Ambrose develops the same thought in Exc. Sat. 2.40: "vi-
demus itaque, quod et mors haec lucrum est et vita poena est.
unde et Paulus ait: mihi enim vivere Christus et mori lucrum.
quid est Christus nisi mors corporis, spiritus vitae? et ideo

commoriamur cum eo, ut vivamus cum eo. sit quidam cottidianus
in nobis usus adfectusque moriendi, ut per illam, quam diximus,
segregationem a corporeis cupiditatibus anima nostra se discat
extrahere et tamquam in sublimi locata, quo terrenae adire libidines
et eam sibi glutinare non possint, suscipiat mortis imaginem, ne
poenam mortis incurrat."
3.9 mundus crucifixus est et ego mundo.
Galat. 6.14 The Old Latin is the same; compare the Greek:
e(xol xoct(ao? eoraupwTai xdyw xoa[xo).
The same verse is quoted by Ambrose in Fug. saec. 9.57 , In Luc.
10.7, Epist. 78.10, and Spir. 3.8.50.
3.9 mortem Iesu in corpore nostro circumferamus.
An allusion to 2 Cor. 4.10: "semper mortificationem Iesu in
corpore nostro circumferentes." The same thought is expressed
in Fug. saec. 7.44: "mortui ergo saeculo sumus: quid adhuc de
saeculo decernimus? mortui sumus cum Christo: quid adhuc
vitae huius actus requirimus? mortem Christi in corpore nostro
circumferimus, ut et vita Christi in nobis manifestetur. non ergo
iam nostram illam vitam, sed Christi vitam vivimus, vitam inno-
centiae, vitam castimoniae, vitam simplicitatis omniumque virtutum.
cum Christo resurreximus, in ipso vivamus, in ipso adscendamus."
3.9 qui enim habuerit in se mortem Iesu, etc.
An allusion to 2 Cor. 4.11: "semper enim nos, qui vivimus, in
mortem tradimur propter Iesum; ut et vita Iesu Christi mani
festetur in came nostra mortali."
3.9 operetur igitur mors . . . cum corpore mortis contenth.
This sentence is quoted by St. Augustine: Contra duas epist.
Pelag. 4.11.31.
3.9 operetur igitur mors in nobis, etc.
An allusion to 2 Cor. 4.12: "ergo mors in nobis operatur, vita
autem in vobis."
3.9 lex carnis legi mentis repugnare.
An allusion to Rom. 7.23: "video autem aliam legem in membris
COMMENTARY 177
meis, repugnantem legi mentis meae, et captivantem me in lege

peccati, quae est in membris meis."
3.9 ergo mors in nobis operatur, vita autem in vobis.
A direct quotation from 2 Cor. 4.12. The Old Latin is the
same; compare the Greek: &ate 6 ftavaTo? ev y)[uv evepyei/ract,
-q Se J^wy) ev ujuv.
3.9 conrumpitur exterior ut renovetur interior homo noster.
An allusion to 2 Cor. 4.16: "propter quod non deficimus sed
licet is qui foris est noster homo corrumpitur tamen is qui intus
est renovatur de die in diem."
3.9 imitatur igitur mortem, etc.
Ambrose has expressed the need for imitating death in our lives
by dying to the flesh, and he has concentrated on the doctrine
of St. Paul. A similar thought can be found in Plato, Phaedo
64A, where he speaks of philosophers freely preparing themselves
for dying: xivSuveuouai yap 6aoi Tuyxavouaiv op&wi; arcTouevoi
«piXoao<piai; XeXy)&evai tou? aXXoix; 8ti ouSev aXXo auTol e7UT7)Seuou-
aiv -J) d7TO&v)r)<Txeiv te xal Te&vavai.
And in 64E a sentence occurs that is quite similar to Ambrose,
especially the a7toXua)v 8-n. u,aX«rra rJ)v <J/uj^v omb 1% tou aw(xaTO?
xotvwv[a<; corresponding to "a communione carnis huius abducit":
'Ap* oSv 7tpcjTov uiv ev toi? toioijtou; Sy)Xoi; efftiv 6 <piXoa<xptx;
aTCoXiiwv 8ti (jiaXiorTa tt)v ^xV ^7^ -^? ToU ff^(xaTo<; xoivwvlai;
Sia<pep6vtci)<; twv oXXojv av&pwTtwv ;
3.9 sed solve omnem conligationem, etc.
A quotation from Isaias 58.6. The Old Latin shows several
differences: "sed solve omnem colligaturam iniquitatis, dissolve
obligationes violentarum cautionum; dimitte fractos in remissio-
nem, et omnem scripturam iniquam conscinde." But in spite of
the differences in choice of words both Ambrose and the Old
Latin depend closely on the Septuagint: aXXa Xoe toxvtix <n$vSea(xOv
aSixiai;, StaXue erTpayyaXia? (3iaiwv auvaXXay[xaTwv, a7t6ffTeXXe
Tefrpaueruivoix; ev aipeaei xal 7taaav auyypaipy)v SSixov Suxamz.
Ambrose quotes the same passage in Hel. 10.34 and in Nab. 10.44;
in both of these places he has conscriptionem for circumscriptionem.
12
It seems to be a favorite text of his for listing the various forms

of fasting. At the end of the De helia et ieiunio passage he adds:
"vides quae species sit et forma ieiunii, qui mentis habitus ut
orationi voces, ut in lege dei die et nocte meditare" (Hel. 10.34).
3.10 lmitatur Me qui se voluptatibus exuit, etc.
Imitation of death by divesting oneself of pleasures is a theme
found in the Phaedo (cf. above 3.9); Cicero in his Tusculan
disputations has a similar expression of the theme: "nam quid
aliud agimus, cum a voluptate, id est a corpore, . . . sevocamus
animum, quid, inquam, tum agimus, nisi animum ad se ipsum
advocamus, secum esse cogimus maxime a corpore abducimus?
secernere autem a corpore animum, nec quicquam aliud, est mori
discere. quare hoc commentemur, mihi crede, disiungamusque nos
a corporibus, id est, consuescamus mori." (Tusc. disp. 1.31.75).
Here, as always, Ambrose returns to Scripture.
3.10 nostra autem conversatio in caelis est.
Phil. 3.20 The Old Latin has: "in caelis constituta est;" Words
worth-White and the Vulgate have in caelis est. constituta est is
a closer rendering of the Greek: y)(xwv yap to 7toXiTeu(xa ev
oupavoii; UTtapêi
3.10 sapiens enim cum Mud divinum requirit, etc.
P. Hadot has analyzed this paragraph from this point on and
has discovered a dependence of Ambrose on Plato's Phaedo 65A-B
and 83A. Besides the general parallel of thought he has noted
specific parallels of phrases and words. He sees in the questions
preserved in Ambrose's text a vestige of the Platonic dialogue
form. (P. Hadot, "Platon et Plotin dans trois sermons de saint
Ambroise," RevEtLat 34(1956)202-220, esp. 213-14) What he
has failed to note, however, are the scriptural passages integrated
into the text by Ambrose. One in particular, missed by Schenkl,
has not been noted, namely Schenkl p. 711, line 14: "quoniam
quae videntur temporalia sunt, quae autem non videntur aeterna,"
which is a direct quotation from 2 Cor. 4.18. This quotation and
the ones appearing later in the paragraph (Coloss. 2.21-22 and
Phil. 3.20) are important because they indicate Ambrose's
COMMENTARY 179
method of integrating Platonic with Christian elements. The

following is Hadot's presentation of the Platonic parallels:
65 a-b: Tl 8k M) itcpl III 10. Sapiens enim cum illud
auTy)v ty)v t% <ppovif)ffewi; xttj- diuinum requirit, absoluit animam
cxv ; 7toTepov iy.n68iov to aw- suam corpore et eius ablegat con-
(xa y) ofi, edv ti? auTo ev
tubernium cum illam ueri tractat
Ty) £ y) T y) ct S l XOIVCOVOV ctU[l-
7tapaXa[ji6dvy) ; OIov to toiov- scientiam, quam uelut nudam sibi
Se Xeyw - Spa eêi dXy)&eidv et apertam desiderat demonstrari et
Tiva SiJ/ii; te xal dxoy) toi? ideo retibus quibusdam et nebulis
avO-ptoTtoi!;, t) toc ye ToiaGTa huius corporis se quaerit exuere. Ne-
xal ol 7toi7)Tal y)(xtv del &pu- que enim manibus istis aut oculis
Xouaiv, 8ti out' axouo-
ize v ax p i 6e <; ouSev atque auribus comprehendere super-
o{>te 6 p w [x e v; ... — nam illam possumus ueritatem, quo-
IUte ouv, t) S* «<;, nam quae uidentur temporalia sunt,
y) <|)Uxy) Ty) ? aXy)&eia? quae autem non uidentur aeterna.
a 7U t e t a i ; 6xav (xev yap Denique saepe fallimur uisu et ali-
(xST<i tou crw[xaTO? e7uxeip7)
ter pleraque quam sunt uidemus.
Tt axo7teiv, StjXov 6ti tote
e i; a 7r a t a t a i U7t'ai- fallimur etiam auditu et ideo con-
to u. templemur non illa quae uidentur
83a: ' A 7r d t y) <; (xSV
sed quae non uidentur, si nolumus
(x e er t 7) 7)
y) ota
Sid t wto v 6 \l falli. Quando igitur anima nostra
(xaTwv aXeijd;, a n a non fallitur, quando solium ueritatis
Ty)? Se t) Sid TtOV adtingit nisi quando se ab isto
&twv xal twv dXXwv
secernit corpore neque ab ipso de-
aiff&âewv, Ttei&ouaa Se ex
toutwv ulv ava/wpeLv cipitur et inluditur? Inluditur enim
fiaov [xy) dvdyxy) auTot? XPêr" uisu oculorum, inluditur auditu au-
&ai, auT7jv Se e I c, a 6 - rium et ideo relinquat illud se dese-
Ty)v ûXXeyea&ai xal rat . . . Ibi igitiur quaerat quod ue-
a&poi£ea&ai Ttapaxe- rum est, quod est et manet, seque
Xeuotxev7), TtiaTeuetv 8k
(xy)Sevl a X X to dXX' yJ in sese colligat et congreget omnem
auTy)v auTjj, 8 ti dv aciem uirtutis suae neque aliis com
voy)ay) auTy) xa&' a u - mittat et credat, sed ipsum se co-
t 7) v auTo xa&' auTo Twv goscat et intellegat et quod sibi ui-
oVrwv, 6 ti o° av Si dXXwv detur uerum esse hoc sequendum
axo7tyj ev dXXoi*;, 6v aXXo
nouerit, quod delectione carnali eli-
H y) S e v y)yeia&ai a X y)
& e <;, eZvai Se to [xev toiou- gendum aestimauerit, hoc sciat fal-
tov aict&y)Tov Te xal opaTov, sum, ab eo fugiat et recedat quia

8 U aid) 6PS. voy)t6v te xal fraudis est plenum.
aeiSei;.
3.10 ne tetigeritis, etc.
Col. 2.21.-22. Wordsworth and White give the Old Latin as:
"ne tetigeris neque gustaveris neque contrectaveris quae sunt
omnia. in interitu ipso usu." The Greek preserves the singular
verbs: (jiy) a<j/fl p)Se yeuffy) (xy)Se &iyy)<;, a ecmv 7tavTa el? <p&opav
Tyj a7to^py)ctet.
When Ambrose quote sthe same text in Paenit. 2.10.97, he quotes
it differently: "ne tetigeritis, nec attaminaveritis, quae sunt omnia
ad corruptelam ipso uso." As in the De bono mortis, he adds a
comment on corruptelam: "eo quod ipse vitae huius usus corrup-
tela sit integritatis." He refers to the same text in Inst. virg.
16.103: "semel mundo mortua, ne quaeso, tetigeris, ne attamina-
veris quae sunt istius saeculi, sed semper in psalmis et hymnis et
canticis spiritalibus abducas te ab huius saeculi conversatione, non
homini, sed Deo cantans."
3.11 merito ergo depretiavit et dehonestavit hoc corpus.
A reference to Phaedo 65C: ^) tou <piXoct6<pou ij^xy) [i-aXiaTa
aTi(xa£ei to tjufxa.
3.11 corpus mortis appellans.
An allusion to Rom. 7.24: "infelix ego homo, quis me liberabit de
corpore mortis huius." Note how Ambrose again integrates Pla
tonic with Christian elements. Clement of Alexandria (Strom 3.3;
PG 8.1121a) connects the same two texts in much the same way.
After quoting the Phaedo 65C he immediately adds that the same
thing can be found in the Apostle Paul and he quotes Rom. 7.24.
3.11 Quis enim oculis potuit videre virtutum splendorem, etc.
A reference to Phaedo 65D: ^Sy) o5v Ttwtote ti twv toioutwv
(Sbcmov, xoXov, aya&ov) idle, o<p&aXu.otc elSe<;;
3.11 quando aliquid cogitamus, etc.
Philo [Leg: alleg. 2.25) has much the same thought; he speaks of
the man who wants to understand something running off to a lonely
spot, closing his eyes, stopping his ears, so that he can think clearly:
COMMENTARY 181
8Tav Ti (3ouXw[xe&a axpi(3t5<; vomeral, eic. epy)uiav a7toStSpaaXO[i.ev,

xaTau-uo(xev Ta<; 6<\>eu:. Ta &Ta e7u<ppaTTo(xev, a7toTaTT6[i.e&a Tai?
Ambrose adds the Psalm verse (Ps. 4.5) to illustrate his point.
3.11 quasi semita quaedam.
The same expression occurs in the Phaedo (66B) — &anep aTpaTOi;
Tt<; — but Plato uses the image in a different way. Plato con
siders thinking without the hindrance of the senses to be, as it
were, a bypath leading to the right track. Ambrose reverses the
image and considers the hindrance of the senses a bypath leading
the soul away from concentration on the truth.
3.12 multas igkur occupationes nobis corporis, etc.

In part, a direct translation of Phaedo 66B: Mupta? ulv yap y)(xtv
our/pklxc, 7tap£)£ei zb aio[i.a Sta x"$)v avayxaiav Tpo<pif)v, STi Se, Slv
Tive? v6aoi npocmeaaiaw, ![x7toSt£ou<nv y)[awv xtjv Tou 8vTo? &y)pav.
Again Ambrose returns to Scripture, this time to Job.
3.12 memento quia lutum me finxisti.
Job 10.9. The Old Latin reads: "memor esto quod de luto finxisti
me." Ambrose's text is much closer to the Septuagint: (xvyja&y)Ti
5Ti 7ry)Xov (xe £nkcn.ax<;. He quotes the text in the same way in lob
1.16.18.
3.12 corium et carnem inquit me induisti, etc.
Job 10.11. The Old Latin shows some difference: "pelle et
came me induisti; ossibus et nervis me inseruisti." The Old
Latin reflects the Greek in its double use of me, while Ambrose
reflects it in the two accusatives corium et carnem:
Sep(xa xal xpea? [xe IveSuffa?
oazioic, 8i xal veupoi<; (xe evetpai;.
When Ambrose quotes the text in lob. 1.16.18, he gives a quite
literal rendering of the Greek: "corium et carnem me induisti,
ossibus et nervis me inseruisti."
3.12 distenditur anima nostra istius corporis nervis.
The theme of the soul tied down, as it were, and constricted
within the body only to be freed from it at death is a common
one in consolation literature. Compare, for example, Seneca, Cons.

marc. 24: "haec quae vides circumdate nobis ossa nervos et
obductam cutem vultumque et ministras manus et cetera quibus
involuti sumus, vincula animorum tenebraeque sunt. obruitur his,
offocatur, inficitur, arcetur a veris et suis in falsa coiectus. omne
illi cum hac gravi came certamen est, ne abstrahatur et sidat;
nititur illo, unde demissus est. ibi illum aeterna requies manet
ex confusis crassisque pura et liquida visentem."
3.12 ab iniquitate innocentem, etc.
A quotation from lob 10.14, 15,17. The Old Latin shows several
differences: "ab iniquitate autem non impunitum fecisti me. quod
si et impie fecero, vae mihi. est si iustus fuero, non possum re-
spirare; plenus enim sum opprobio . . . importasti mihi tentationes. "
Both are close to the Septuagint: arco Se avo(xiai; oux a&tjiov [ae
7tE7toh)xa<;, edv Te yaP aae^*)? &, ol'(x(xoi . lav te & Sixaio<;, oO
Suva[xai avaxiiâi, 7rT^py)? yxp dmuiai; el(xt . . . inr^yxyec. Se etc'
eu.e 7teipaT/jpia.
The same text is quoted by Ambrose in lob 1.6.19.
3.12 inter laqueos ambulamus.
An allusion to Sir. 9.20: "communionem mortis scito: quoniam in
medio laqueorum ingredieris, et super dolentium arma ambulabis."
In his commentary on Psalm 118 (In psalm. 118.6.22) Ambrose
recalls this same verse and comments on it adding the reflection
that it is Christ alone who can set us free: "plena erant omnia
retibus, referta laqueis. audi dicentem: in via hac qua ambulabam
absconderunt laqueum mihi, et in libro Sapientiae Sirach moneris,
ut cognoscas quia in medio laqueorum ambulas. quot vitia, tot
retia, quot peccata, tot laquei; hereditarii iam te nexus tenebant.
venit ad laqueos Iesus, ut Adam solveret, venit liberare quod
perierat. omnes retibus tenebamur, nullus alium eruere poterat,
cum se ipsum non posset exuere. talis ergo necessarius fuit, quem
vincula generationis humanae delictis obnoxia non tenerent, non
cepisset avaritia, non ligasset dolus. is solus erat Iesus, qui cum
huius carnis se circumdedisset vinculis, captus non erat, non erat
alligatus, sed disrumpens ea atque dissolvens ad se magis vocavit
COMMENTARY 183
ecclesiam, prospiciens per laqueos, eminens super retia, ut et ipsa

disceret vinculis non teneri. denique eo usque non longe a vin-
culis fuit, ut pro nobis subiret et mortem, sed tamen non servus
mortis effectus, sed liber inter mortuos; liber enim erat, qui sol-
vendae mortis potestatem habebat."
3.12 numquid non temptatio est vita hominis in terra?
Job 7.1 The Old Latin is: "numquid non tentatio est vita hu-
mana super terram?" Ambrose's text is much closer to the Septu-
agint: 7toTepov ouyi 7teipaTy)pi6v ecmv 6 (3to? av&pa>7tou enl t9)? y?j;.
3.12 sicut mercennarii inquit merces vita eius.
Job 7.1 The Old Latin is: "et sicut quotidiani mercenarii, vita
eius." Again Ambrose is closer to the Septuagint: &anep (xia&iou
au&y)[xepivou y) £a>y) auTou.
3.12 levior fabulis et fluitans et natans verbis.
An allusion to Job 7.6: "et vita exilior est quam loquela, et periit
in vacuum spes." Ambrose quotes the verse in Exhort. virg. 3.16
in this way: "vita autem mea levior quam favilla; periit autem in
vana spe," and in lob 1.2.5 as: "vita autem mea levior est fabula,
in spe vacua perit."
3.12 in die nox desideratur, in node dies quaeritur.
An allusion to Job 7.4: "si dormiero, dico: quando dies? et si
surrevero, rursum: quando vespera?" In lob 1.2.5 Ambrose
quotes the verse as: "si quiescam, dico: quando dies? si surgam,
iterum: quando vesper?" and in Exhort. virg. 3.16 as: "si dormiero,
dico: quando dies? cum surrexero, iterum: quando vesper?" At
the end of the section from his Exhortation to virginity in which
these verses from Job are quoted, Ambrose concludes, in much
the same spirit as this passage, by saying that a fallen tree can
sprout forth again, but only sorrows fall upon man: "arbor si
excidatur, repullulat, et floret ab aquae odore: homo cum ceciderit,
nihil est, ingruunt super eum dolores."
Chapter 4
4.13 deus mortem non fecit.

Sap. 1.13 In his commentary on Psalm 1 Ambrose uses this same
verse to show that man, although made to the image of God, made
himself subject to death by sin: "omnia deus salva vult esse. unde
et Salomon dixit: deus mortem non fecit nec laetatur in perditione
vivorum. fecit animam ut sit, creavit hominem in incorruptionem
quem ad imaginem sui fecit; sed homines a naturae munere de-
viantes obnoxios fecere se morti, ut quasi terreni corrumpantur.
sed deus per tribulationes ad paenitentiam cogit, ut per paeniten-
tiam uratur et consumatur illud accidens malum inprobitatis et
pereat et locus ille animae, qui erat accidentis impietatis possessio,
pateat ad receptionem virtutis et gratiae" (In psalm 1.48).
4.13 vita erat in paradiso, ubi lignum vitae.
An allusion to Gen. 2.9: "lignum etiam vitae in medio paradisi
lignumque scientiae boni et mali."
4.13 et vita erat lux hominum.
A direct quotation, not noted by Schenkl, of John 1.4.
4.13 secundum gentiles sensu caret.
Ambrose seems to be referring to Cicero's Tusculan disputations
(1.11.25) "quomodo igitur aut cur mortem malum tibi videri dicis?
quae aut beatos nos efficiet animis manentibus aut non miseros
sensu carentis." Compare also Tusc. disp. 1.37.89: "ne tum qui-
dem post spiritum extremum; nec enim potest esse miser quisquam
sensu perempto. at id ipsum odiosum est, sine sensu esse. odio-
sum, si id esse carere. cum vero perspicuum sit nihil posse in eo
esse qui ipse non sit, quid potest esse in eo odiosum qui nec careat
nec sentiat?"
COMMENTARY 185
4.13 secundum apostolum lucrum Christus est, etc.

An allusion to Phil. 1.21: "mihi enim vivere Christus est, et mori
lucrum;" and to Phil. 1.23: "desiderium habens dissolvi et cum
Christo esse multo magis melius."
4.13 quomodo igitur nobis mors malum, etc.
P. Courcelle ["Plotin et saint Ambroise," Rev. Phil. 24 (1950)
29-56] has examined the De bono mortis and found several close
parallels between it and the Enneads of Plotinus. This and the
following paragraph of the De bono mortis contain several parallels
to Ennead 1.7. The lines in question — quomodo igitur nobis
malum . . . dolor sensus est. — he finds to be parallel, at least in
thought, to 1.7.3: "H tivi: to yap xaxov erU(x(3e(3y)xevai Sei tti) .
o S' oux eaTtv ext 6v, -?), ei £:crn.v, effTepy)[xevov £«t)<;, ouS' o(5tw
xaxov xcj> Xidtp.
4.13 aut quia est . . . quam usui est.
Compare Plotinus 1.7.3: el S' eaTi £wy) xal <\>uxh (xeTa &avaTov'
i)Sy) av ety) aya&6v, oaut [i.aXXov evepyei xa auT^? aveu ffci(xaTOi;.
4.13 sed operatur magis.
Schenkl's text reads: "sed operator ea magis; " Schenkl himself added
the ea. P. Courcelle (art. cit. p. 42, note 1 ) says that the 6aw (xaXXov
of Plotinus demands the Latin equivalent: eo magis. I have
returned to the Maurist reading: sed operatur magis. The Codex
Ragyndrudis, collated by Huhn, and the Turin MS 142, collated
by Ussani, both have sed operatur magis. Courcelle 's parallel to
Plotinus would have more force if Ambrose were translating Plo
tinus literally, but at this point he is merely paraphrasing.
4.13 maiori oneri quam usui est.
Compare Sallust, Bell. lug. 14.4: "ad vos confugi, Patres conscripti,
quibus, quod miserrimum, cogor prius oneri quam usui esse."
4.13 quid igitur est mali animae . . . non mors malum, sed vita.
Plotinus 1.7.3: ei Se ttj? SXtqi; yweTai, Tt av exei. oCot) efrq xaxov ;
xal 8Xw<; &mzep tolc. &eot<; aya&ov (xev ecm, xaxov Se ooSev, outw<;
ouSe tt) 4,Ux7)-T7) a(xZ.ouay\ to xaOapov auTyj? - ei Se (xy) aw£ot,
ouX 6 &avaTO<; av eiy) xaxov auTyj, aXX' y) £wt).
4.14 aut si iudicium post mortem . . . absolvite et liberat.

This whole paragraph is parallel to Plotinus 1.7.3: Ei Se xal ev
"AiSou Siy.cu, toxXiv auxyj y) £wy) xdcxei xaxov, 8Ti (xt) £«-/) [xovov.
'AXX' ei ffiivoSo? (xev 4*Ux% xal aw(xaToc £wr), &avaTo? Se Sia-
Xutne ToiiTwv, y) 4*Ux*3 â"1*i a[i/poTepwv SexTixy). 'AXX' ei aya&y)
-J) £wr), tzGk; 6 &avaTo<; ou xaxov ; *H aya&y) (iiv y) £mt) ol? eaTiv,
aya&ov ou xa&oaov auvoSo<;, aXX' oTi Si' apeTyjc a(xuveTai to xaxov -
6 Se O-dcvaTo? (xaXXov aya&ov. *H XexTeov auTy)v (jiev Ty)v ev aw(xaTt
£o>y)v xaxov 7rap' auT%, ttj Se apeTyj ev aya9-w yivea&ai Ty)v <JwxV
ou £waav T6 auv&eTov, aXX' y^Sy) /wpôuaav eauT-r)v.
As Courcelle points out, Ambrose had little difficulty Christian
izing the Neo-Platonic thought of this paragraph from Plotinus.
The almost total lack of scriptural references in these paragraphs
is noteworthy. Ambrose only adds the verse from Philippians. He
suppresses Plotinus' reference to the universal soul and the com
parison of the goodness of the gods with the goodness of souls.
He does not mention the punishments of Hades. For the rest,
Plotinus and Ambrose agree both in the general development of
the thought and in some of their expressions.
4.15 portus quidam.
The image of death as a port of repose occurs elsewhere in the
De bono mortis. See De bono mortis 8.31: "mors quietis est
portus," and 8.35: "si laudari ante gubernator non potest quam in
portum navem deduxerit, quomodo laudabis hominem, priusquam
in stationem mortis successerit?" Ambrose develops the same
metaphor of death as a port of rest in Exc. Sat. 2.22: "his igitur
nobis adoriendus disputandi locus mortem malum non esse, quia
sit aerumnarum omnium malorumque perfugium, fida statio secu-
ritatis, portus quietis. nam quid in hac vita non experimur adversi?
quas non procellas tempestatesque perpetimur? quibus non exagi-
tamur incommodis? cuius parcitur meritis?" Cicero knows the
same metaphor in Senec. 19.71: "quae (maturitas) quidem mihi
tam iucunda est, ut, quo proprius ad mortem accedam, quasi terram
videre videar aliquandoque in portum ex longa navigatione esse
venturus." See commentary on Bon. mort. 8.31 below for addi
tional references.
COMMENTARY 187
4.15 frustra homines mortem timent quasi finem naturae.

See Exc. Sat. 2.46-47 where Ambrose expands the thought that
death is not an end of nature and so must not be feared: "non
igitur maerenda mors, quae causa salutis est publicae, non fugienda
mors, quam dei filius non dedignatus est, non refugit. non resol-
vendus ordo naturae; quod enim commune est omnibus, exceptum
in singulis esse non potest. et mors quidem in natura non fuit,
sed conversa in naturam est; non enim a principio deus mortem
instituit, sed pro remedio dedit."
4.15 recolamus quod deus mortem non fecerit.
A reference to Sap. 1.13 quoted and commented on by Ambrose
in 4.13. See also Psalm 1.48 and Exc. Sat. 2.47.
4.15 ut in terram suam terra remearet.
An allusion to Gen. 3.19: "in sudore faciei tuae edes panem tuum,
donec convertaris in terram ex qua sumptus es; quia terra es, et in
terram ibis."
4.15 per resurrectionem autem perpetuaretur natura.
Here the emphasis is placed on resurrection as the reformation
and perpetuation of nature. The doctrine of death and resurrec
tion is carefully stated in De sacramentis 2.6.17 where it is stated
that Adam's sin brought death on man but to preserve God's
perpetual grace for man, Christ brought resurrection, which re
formed man's nature: "in principio dominus deus noster hominem
fecit, ut si peccatum non gustaret, morte non moreretur. peccatum
contraxit, factus est obnoxius morti, eiectus est de paradiso. sed
dominus, qui sua vellet beneficia permanere et insidias omnes
obolere serpentis, rescindere quoque omne, quod nocuit, primo
quidem sententiam tulit in hominem: terra es et in terram ibis,
et morti hominem fecit obnoxium. erat divina sententia, solvi
humana condicione non poterat. remedium datum est, ut homo
moreretur et resurgeret. quare? ut et illud, quod ante damnationis
loco cessarat, loco cederet beneficii. quid illud est nisi mors?
quaeris quomodo? quia mors interveniens finem facit peccati.
quando enim morimur, utique peccare desistimus. satisfactum
ergo sententiae videbatur, quia homo, qui factus fuerat, ut viveret,
si tamen non peccaret, incipiebat mori. sed ut dei perpetua gratia

perseveraret, mortuus est homo, sed Christus invenit resurrec-
tionem, id est: ut redintegraret caeleste beneficium, quod fraude
fuerat serpentis amissum. utrumque ergo pro nobis, quia et mors
finis est peccatorum et resurrectio naturae est reformatio."
See also Ob. Val. 45: "mors metuenda sit, eo quod finis sit
peccatorum, vita autem desperanda non sit, quae resurrectione
reparatur." The whole of Ambrose's second funeral oration on
his brother Satyrus is also devoted to a consideration of the doc
trine of the resurrection (the second oration is, in fact, sometimes
entitled De fide resurrectionis).
4.15 mors est transitus universorum est.
Compare Abr. 2.64: "patitur nos discedere ex hoc saeculo, ut
secessione animae hoc corpus resolvatur in terram suam et fiat
finis peccati, deinde per resurrectionem reformetur divinae libera-
litatis gratia . . . transit enim qui de hac vita recedens ad vitam
demigrat alteram, quam vivit mens sapientis et iusti viri, qui
nutritur in pace."
4.15 transitus a corrupt ione ad incorruptionem.
An allusion to I Cor. 15.42: "seminatur in corruptione surgit in
incorruptione." In Exc. Sat. 2 Ambrose develops at length the
image of the seed (Exc. Sat. 2.57-64), and connects in with this
verse of St. Paul: "tu semen fuisti et corpus semen est resurrecturi.
audi Paulum et disce, quia semen est: seminatur in corruptione,
surgit in incorruptione, seminatur in ignobilitate, surgit in gloria . . .
et tu ergo seminaris ut cetera: quid miraris, si resurgis ut cetera?"
(Exc. Sat. 2.60).
4.15 moriatur anima mea in animis iustorum.
Num. 23.10. Compare the Septuagint: dbro&xvoi y) tyuyy) V-ou ev <pu-
Xctic, Sixaitov. The same verse is quoted by Ambrose in Ep. 50.10
(where he has in animis eorum), in Exhort. virg. 1.7, In Psalm
1.48, and in Exc. Sat. 2.43. In Exc. Sat., as here, he interprets
the verse as a reference to mystical death in Christ. After quoting
the verse from Numbers he adds: "et vere hoc secundum prophe
COMMENTARY 189
tiam optat; qui enim viderat ortum Christi, vidit eius triumphalem
mortem, vidit in eo perennem hominum resurrectionem et ideo
mori non timet resurrecturus. non moriatur ergo anima mea in
peccato neque peccatum in se recipiat, sed moriatur in anima iusti,
ut eius recipiat aequitatem. denique qui moritur in Christo, fit
eius gratiae particeps in lavacro." Here in the De bono mortis
Ambrose connects, by the word consepeliatur, the verse from Num
bers with Coloss. 2.12: "consepulti ei in baptismo, in quo et
resurrexistis per fidem operationis Dei, qui suscitavit illum a
mortuis."
4.15 quid autem de bono mortis plenius possumus dicere.
In the Exc. Sat. 2, after speaking of the good of death, Ambrose
adds a thought on redemption through Christ's death. He says:
"quid plura? unius morte mundus redemptus est? potuit enim
Christus non mori, si noluisset, sed neque refugiendam mortem
quasi ignavam putavit neque melius nos quam moriendo servasset.
itaque mors eius vita est omnium. morte eius signamur, mortem
eius orantes adnuntiamus, mortem eius offerentes praedicamus.
mors eius victoria est, mors eius sacramentum est, mors eius annua
sollemnitas mundi est. quid praeterea de eius morte dicamus, cum
divino probemus exemplo, quia inmortalitatem mors sola quaesivit
atque ipsa se mors redemit?"
Chapter 5
5.16 dum in corpore sumus . . . de isto exsurgamus sepulchro.

A reference to the Platonic metaphor of the body as the tomb of
the soul. Plato in the Gorgias 493A refers to the teaching of the
philosophers that our body is a tomb — aw[xa efftiv y)(juv <nj[i.a. In
the Cratylus 400C he analyzes the word body (aw(xa) and says it
could mean tomb (<rij(xa) of the soul because the soul is buried in
it, or it could mean sign (<nj(xa) because it gives signals to the
body; he thinks, however, that the better explanation is that of
the Orphic poets who derive the word from ac5(xa because the
soul is like a safe or prison for the body. Clement of Alexandria
(Strom. 3.17) refers the notion of the soul as buried in the tomb
of the body to Philolaus and the Pythagoreans: d£wv Se xal tt)?
<I>iXoXaou Xeêwi; [xvqvoveuaai, Xeyei yap nu&ayopeio? &Se: (xapxu-
peovTai 8k xal oi racXaiol &eoXoyoi te xal [xavTei<; w? Sta Tivai;
Ti(xo)piai; a tyw/u. to ffw(xaTi ffuve£euxTai xal xaO«7rep ev aoîxri
TOtJTtO T&9UUTMI
5.16 cum venerit adversarius, nihil in nobis inveniat suum.

An allusion to John 14.30: "venit enim huius mundi princeps, et
in me non habet quicquam."
5.16 evolemus pinnis dilectionis et remigio caritatis.
The image of wings of the soul is derived from Scripture, e.g. Is.
40.31: "qui sperant in Domino mutabunt fortitudinem, adsument
pennas sicut aquilae, current et non laborabunt, ambulabunt et
non deficient." and Ps. 102.5 quoted below. It is also derived
from pagan sources, e.g. Plato, Phaedrus 246A-249 where he likens
the soul to a pair of winged steeds, and the story of Daedalus and
Icarus, especially as related by Ovid (Metam. 8.183-235) and
COMMENTARY 191
Vergil (Aen. 6.14-40). The phrase remigium alarum is Vergilian,

found in Aen. 6.19. In the De virginitate (18.115-116) Ambrose
refers to the wings of the soul and to Icarus: "habet igitur alas
anima suas, quibus se possit libera levare de terris. alarum autem
remigium non materialis compagno pennarum, sed continuus ordo
bonorum factorum est; qualis ille Dominicus, cui bene dicitur: et in
umbra alarum tuarum sperabo . . . ergo quia volandi nobis data
est copia, excitet in se unusquisque gratiam Dei ac posteriora
obliviscens, priora appetens, ad destinata contendat. procul a
militiae honoribus, procul ab aestibus mundi, ne quod fabulae ferunt,
aestu solis cera resoluta Icareos volatus penna relabente destituat.
nam licet gravitas dictorum absit, poetico tamen sale declare vo-
luerunt prudentium maturitati tutos esse volatus per saeculum,
iuvenilem vero levitatem obnoxium cupiditatibus mundi, refluenti-
bus pennis, et per oblivia veritatis, meritorum compage resoluta,
maiore pernicie in terram relabi."
See the commentary below for further Ambrosian references.
See also A. d'Ales, "Les ailes de l'ame," Ephemerides theologicae
Lovanienses 10 (1933) 63-72, and P. Courcelle, "Symboles fune-
raires du Neo-Platonisme Latin," RevEtAnc. 46 (1944) 65-93.
5.16 surgite, eamus hinc.
Ambrose allegorically interprets this line from John 14.31 to mean
that we should free our souls from the bonds of the body and fly
away from temporal and wordly affairs.
5.16 renovabitur sicut aquilae iuventus tua.
Ps. 102.5, a verse frequently referred to by Ambrose: In psalm
118.14.39: "avis es, o homo, qui sicut avis in quandam aquilae
renovatus es iuventutem, et ideo non iniuste tenduntur retia avibus,
quid enim te in terram deicis, qui iam caelum petebas? non
inuste renovato tenduntur retia, quia iam Christi esse coepisti,
venantium esse dedisti." Epist. 29.17: "ut supra nubes volet, sicut
aquilae renovetur, sicut pennas emittat ut renovatis alarum remi-
giis, alta petere non reformidet, hanc habitationem relinquat;" In
Luc. 8.55: "iustorum enim animae sicut dicit: renovabitur sicut
aquilae iuventus tua. si igitur intelleximus aquilas de corpore iam
dubitare non possumus;" Fug saec. 5.31: "qui non potest ut aquila
volare volitet ut passer, qui non potest ad caelum volet ad montes,

fugiat ante valles, quae cito corrumpuntur umore, et ad montes
transeat;" and Virginit. 18.115 where he compares Christ's hands
extended on the cross to wings: "non solum enim manus illae
Domini affixae cruci in modum volantis extentae, sed etiam facta
caelestia, velut umbra refrigerante salutis aeternae, mundi ferventis
incendia temperarunt."
5.16 alta petat.
A phrase common in Vergil: Aen. 5.507-8." post acer Mnestheus
adducto constitit arcu/ aha petens pariterque oculos telumque
tetendit;" 7.361-2: "nec matris miseret, quam primo aquilone
relinquet / perfidus alta petens abducta virgine praedo?;" 9.563.4:
"qualis ubi aut leporem aut leporem aut candenti corpore cycnum/
sustulit alta petens pedibus Iovis armiger uncis." See Sister
Dorothea Diedrich, Vergil in the works of St. Ambrose (CUAPS
32, Washington 1931). The Vergilian allusions are not mentioned
by Schenkl.
5.16 supra nubes volet.
cf. Vergil, Georg. 1.364: "altam supra volat nubem."
5.16 avis enim quae descendit ex alto.
Having discussed the ascent of the soul, using the image of wings,
Ambrose now turns to the descent of the soul, using the images
of the snare, the bird-lime, and the nail.
5.16 aut laqueis capitur aut visco fallitur.
A close allusion to Vergil, Georgics 1.139, not mentioned by
Schenkl: "tum laqueis captare feras et fallere visco."
5.16 laqueus.
For the same image, see Plato Phaedo 82E: Yiyvwaxoixn yap, 3)
S' 6?, ol <piXo(xa&eii; 8ti TOxpaXx(3ouffa auTcov t^v <WxV y) <piXoao<pia
aTE^vw? StaSeSe(xevy)v ev xai aw(xaTi xal 7rpoffXeXoXXy)[jiv/)v, avayxa-
£o[iiv/)v Se &ff7tep Sia eipy(xou Sia toutou ctxotcoct&ou toc 6vTa
aXXa p) auTy)v Si' auT^<;, xal ev 7taa7) a(xa&ia xuXivSou(iivy)v, xal
tou elpy(xoG ttjv SeivoT^Ta xaTiSoutia.
5.16 quid enim prodest homini . . .
A direct quotation from Mt. 16.26 which, in the Old Latin, is the
COMMENTARY 193
same as Ambrose's text with the exception of the word universum

added before lucretur. Schenkl's reference is to Lk. 9.25, the
parallel passage, but it differs considerably from Ambrose and
Matthew: "quid enim profkit homo si lucretur universum mundum
se autem ipsum perdat et detrimentum sui faciat."
5.16 non auro redimitur, non argento.
An allusion to I Pet. 1.18, not mentioned by Schenkl: "scientes
quod non corruptilibus argento vel auro redempti estis de vana
vestra conversatione paternae traditionis."
5.16 clavus est libido, etc.
The image of the passions as nails penetrating the soul and fasten
ing it to the body is derived from Plato, Phaedo 83D: 6ti exaa-n)
t)Sovt) xal Xu7ty) axxrcep -JjXov HypuaoL 7tpocnr)Xoi au-ri)v 7rpoi; to aw(xa
xal 7tpotnrepova xal 7toiei ff6)[aaToeiSyj.
Compare this passage with Ambrose: "clavis est libido . . . visce-
ribusque eius adnectunt." See Hadot, art. cit. Rev£tLat. 34
(1956) 213.
Ambrose refers to this image in Virginit. 16.99: "omnia igitur
habemus in Christo. omnia anima accedat ad eum sive corporalibus
aegra peccatis sive clavis quibusdam saecularis cupiditatis infixa;"
In Luc. 4.65: "tunc tribulos et spinas animo caro, hoc est cura-
rum morsus sollicitudinumque generat aestusque, quos sibi per
concupiscentiam carnis animus ipse circumdedit. etenim quasi
clavis quibusdam suffigitur anima corporeis voluptatibus et, cum
semel adhaeserit cupiditatibus demersa terrenis, difficile in altum
potest, unde descendit, sine Dei favore revolare. actum enim
suorum vincta laqueis et deliciarum saecularium inlecrebris obnoxia
iam tenetur;" In psalm 118.15.37.2: "est quidam clavus spiritualis,
qui patibulo dominicae crucis adfigat has carnes." In this last
quotation Ambrose has developed a new conception of the nail-
image. As there is the nail of our passions which pierces the
soul and fixes it to the body, so there is a spiritual nail, in oppo
sition to the nail of the passions, which for the Christian
crucifies his flesh so that with Christ and in imitation of him he
is nailed to the cross.
5.16 velut veru.

veru signifies a skewer or spit used for roasting meat (cf. Aen.
1.212, 5.103, Georg. 2.396). It may correspond to the ^Xov in
Phaedo 83D, quoted above. See Hadot, art. cit. RevEtLat 34
(1956) 213.
5.16 infigunt.
Schenkl added se before infigunt; I have removed it. An exami
nation of the parallel passages in Ambrose on the image of the
nail quoted above will show that his meaning is that the nails
penetrate the soul and fasten and connect the soul, not themselves,
to the body. Compare especially: In Luc 4.65: "quasi clavis
suffigitur anima corporeis voluptatibus." Furthermore, there is no
MS evidence for the se, nor have the Maurists added se.
5.17 fugiamus ergo haec mala, etc.
Both Plato and Plotinus refer to flight from this world and becom
ing like the divine. Plato in the Theaetetus 176B says: Sib xal Ttei-
pao&ai y$y\ ev&evSe exeiae yeuyew 6ti Taxuxra. <puy/) Se o(xoitoau;
&ew xaTa t6 SuvaTov - o(xofewn<; Se Sbcaiov xal 8<nov [aetoc <ppovy)-
ffew<; yeveff&ai.
And Plotinus in Ennead 1.2.1: eraiSy) TaxaxaevTauda... (3ouXeTai
Se V) ifoyr\ <puyeiv Ta xaxa, ipeuxTôv evteu&ev. t'u; o5v t) <puy>);
&ecji, <py)ctiv, o(jiotaj&rivai, touto Se, ei Sixaioi xal 8<noi (xetoc <ppo-
v^ffeax; yevoi(xe&a xal oXw? ev apeTyj.
Ambrose has, in part, derived his doctrine on the flight from
the world and the image of God from these sources. A comparison
of the above sentence of Ambrose with those of Plato and Plotinus
shows even a verbal dependence. But Ambrose also depends in
this doctrine as in many others on Origen. In his thirteenth
homily on Genesis Origen speaks of the divine image in the soul
of man as a picture painted by the Son of God: "haec ergo imago
est, de qua dicebat pater ad filium: faciamus homines ad imaginem
et similitudinem nostram. Filius Dei est pictor huius imaginis. et
quia talis et tantus est pictor, imago eius obscurari per incuriam
potest, deleri per malitiam non potest. manet enim semper imago
Dei, licet tu tibi ipse superducas imaginem terreni." Ambrose
COMMENTARY 195
depends on this passage from Origen when he writes in the

Hexameron 6.7.42: "illa est enim plena sapientiae, plena pietatis
atque justitiae; quoniam omnis virtus a Deo est. cui dicit Deus:
ecce ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos. illa anima a Deo pingitur,
quae habet in se virtutum gratiam renitentem, splendoremque
pietatis. illa anima bene picta est, in qua elucet divinae opera-
tionis effigies. illa anima bene picta est, in qua est splendor
gloriae, et paternae imago substantiae. secundum hanc imaginem
quae refulget, pictura pretiosa est. secundum hanc imaginem Adam
ante peccatum: sed ubi lapsus est, deposuit imaginem caelestis,
sumsit terrestris effigiem. . . . anima igitur nostra ad imaginem Dei
est. in hac totus es, homo, quia sine hac nihil es, sed es terra, et
in terram resolveris." Ambrose develops at length this image of
God as a painter drawing man to his image. Like Origen he
speaks of man being painted by Christ: "ipsa est ad imaginem Dei
conformis domini Jesu" (Exam. 6.8.46) and: "pictus es ergo, o
homo, et pictus a Domino Deo tuo" (Exam. 6.8.47). The verse
from Is. 49.16: "ecce ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos" and
the references to the imago dei and the fuga malorum connect this
paragraph of the De bono mortis with a whole tradition of Platonic
and Christian Neo-Platonic imagery.
5.18 ecce ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos.

Is. 49.16. Ambrose has altered this text somewhat. The Old
Latin is: "ecce super meas depinxi muros tuos et coram me es
semper." Compare the Septuagint: iSou em tov xeiP"v (xou
e£wya<py)aa ffou xa Tefy-fy xal eva>7u6v (aou el Sia 7ravTo<;.
He has omitted the reference to hands and has added Hierusalem.
When he quoted the verse in the next paragraph he quotes in full
in a version that is very close to the Septuagint. Besides the
reference in the Hexameron given above, where Ambrose quotes
this verse in reference with the image of God in man, he quotes
it in other places, in its abbreviated form, and likewise in connec
tion with the image of God: In psalm. 118.14.43: "ecce ego,
inquit, pinxi muros tuos, dicit dominus ad Hierusalem, hoc est
ad animam studiosam tranquillitatis et pacis quam fecit ad imagi-
nem suam. noli, inquam, auferre imaginem caelestem et imaginem

mortis imponere;" lob 3.8.24: "dominus enim pinxit nos ad ima
ginem et similitudinem suam, sicut ipse docet dicens: ecce ego,
Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos. si bene egerimus, manet in nobis
ista imago caelestis; si male quis agit, deletur in illo haec imago,
illius utique qui descendit e caelo, et est in eo imago terreni."
5.18 ego civitas munita, ego civitas obsessa.
The Old Latin for this verse (Is. 27.3) is somewhat different:
"ego civitas fortis, civitas quae oppugnatur: " Compare the Septua-
gint: eyo> 7t6Xi? iayupoi, -kqXu; 7roAiopxouuivy). The verse is inter
preted to mean that the soul is the city that is fortified with walls
against attack. In the Hexameron and the De Isaac the verse is
interpreted in much the same way. In the Hexameron the soul or
the church says: "ego civitas munita, ego civitas obsessa, munita
per Christum, obsessa per diabolum. sed non debet obsidionem
vereri cui Christus aduiutor est; munitur enim gratia spiritali et
saecularibus periculis obsidetur (Exam. 6.8.49). In De Isaac the
soul is also described as a city fortified by Christ: "est et anima
quae dick: ego civitas munita, ego civitas. est civitas munita per
Christum, est civitas illa Hierusalem in caelo, in qua abundent
divinae legis interpretes et disciplina periti: per eos verbum dei
quaeritur." (Isaac 5.39).
5.18 ego murus et ubera mea ut turris.
Cant. 8.10. In Exam. 6.8.49 this verse is interpreted to mean that
the wall is the church and the tower are the priests; both of them
are protections for the soul: "ego murus, et ubera mea turres.
murus est ecclesia, turres eius sunt sacerdotes, quibus abundat et
de naturalibus verbum et de moralibus disciplina. cognosce ergo
te, decora anima, quia imago es dei. cognosce te, homo, quia gloria
es dei." Compare this passage with Ambrose's interpretation of the
verse later in this paragraph: "bonas turres habet quae habet et de
intellegibilibus verbum et de moralibus disciplinam."
5.18 sicut anima prophetica, quae in manus domini commendatur.
An allusion to Ps. 30.6: "in manibus tuis commendo, Domine, spi
ritual meum, redimisti me, Domine Deus veritatis." Ambrose
COMMENTARY 197
adds scriptural quotations, from Ps. 33.1 and Cant. 8.10, to

illustrate the fact that God is the soul's watchman.
5.18 haec anima . . . ingreditur in hortos, etc.
An allusion to Cant. 6.1: "frater meus descendit in hortum suum
in phialas aromatis, pascere in hortis, et colligere lilia;" and to
6.10: "in hortum nucis descendi videre in nativitate torrentis."
5.18 qui sedes in hortis, etc.
A quotation from Cant. 8.13: "qui sedes in hortis, amici inten-
dentes sunt voci tuae, vocem tuam insinua mihi. Ambrose omits
the phrase: amici intendentes sunt voci tuae." Compare the
Septuagint: 6 xa87)(xSvo<; ev Xy)7toi? - eTaipoi 7rpoffexovTe<; tfl
<pwv9) aou axoufiwSv (xe.
Ambrose adds: "mihi" inquit, "non amicis." He then adds the
following verse; "fuge, frater meus," which seems to be the point
that Ambrose wishes to make, namely, that the soul should flee
earthly things, should avoid the snares of this world.
5.19 Hinc hortum illum sibi Plato conposuit, etc.
In the Symposium 203B Plato described in allegorical terms the
origin of Love (Eros). On the birthday of Aphrodite there was a
banquet at the palace of Zeus. The god Plenty (Poros) had been
invited. Plenty drank deeply of the nectar and wandered into the
garden of Zeus where he fell into a deep sleep. Need was also
there, and thinking that to have a child of Plenty would relieve
her poverty, entered the garden and laid down beside Plenty. From
the union of Plenty and Need Love was born. This Platonic myth
was variously interpreted by those influenced by Neo-platonism.
Origen, for example, in his Contra Celsum 4.39 uses this passage
from Plato's Symposium as an argument against Celsus in favor
of allegory. He connects the myth with the garden of paradise
spoken of in Genesis, but says that he will not go into either the
explanation of Plato's myth or the account of the garden of paradise
and the serpent, since he had treated them in his exposition of the
book of Genesis (no longer extant). Eusebius of Caesarea (Prepa-
ratio evangelica 12.11) also recounts the myth of the Symposium and
connects it with the garden of paradise. Ambrose connects the
garden of Jove with the garden of the Canticle of Canticles as

well as with the garden of paradise.
Schenkl was of the opinion that the passage in question depended
on Plato's Symposium and explained the differences by saying that
Ambrose read the Symposium so quickly that he confused the
meaning: "festinanter autem Platonis librum Ambrosium legisse
atque in eis quae retulit omnia miscere et turbare non est quod
multis exponam (CorpScriptEcclLat 32.1.xxxi). W. Wilbrand
("Ambrosius und Plato," Romische Quartalschrift 25(1911)42*-49*)
says that Ambrose here depends on Origen's commentary on Genesis,
now lost. He establishes that Ambrose knew this commentary
and made use of it in writing the De paradiso. From Origen's
Contra Celsum 4.39, mentioned above, he shows that in his com
mentary on Genesis Origen connected the garden of the Symposium
and the garden of paradise. P. Courcelle ("Plotin et Saint Am-
broise," RevPhil 24 (1950) 29-56), however, shows that neither
negligent reading of Plato by Ambrose nor dependence on
Origen can adequately explain the details of Ambrose's use of Plato's
myth. Origen identified the garden of Jove as paradise, Need
(Penia) as the serpent, and Plenty (Poros) as man struggling against
the serpent. These identifications cannot be found in Ambrose.
Courcelle finds the source of Ambrose's treatment in Plotinus'
Ennead 3.5 on Love, (see p. 44-45 of Courcelle's article for the
text of Ambrose and sections of Ennead 3.5 set out in parallel
columns with verbal dependence indicated). Plotinus' allegorical
interpretation of the myth makes Jove universal Intelligence, Venus
universal Soul; Plenty (Porus) is the Logos, the rational principle
of all things, and Need (Penia) is matter. From the union of Logos
and matter Love (Eros) is born. Ambrose takes from Plotinus
the references to Jove as the god of all and as the mind of all;
he says the soul is called Venus. Ambrose mentions Porus as being
in the garden filled with riches and abundance and himself filled
with nectar, a point elaborated on in Plotinus' allegory, but makes
no reference to Penia or to Eros. Ambrose's principal difference
with Plotinus is that he interprets the birth of the soul as its
entrance into the garden. In this way he obtains a connection with
COMMENTARY 199
the Canticle of Canticles. His main object in mentioning Plato's

myth is to show that Plato derived it from Scripture and so it
contains some truth since it comes from revelation, or as he himself
says later in the De bono mortis: "ut cognoscant gentiles ea quae
in philosophiae libris mirantur translata de nostris." (10.45)
5.19 ex paradiso Mo, quem legimus in Genesi, etc.
An allusion to Gen. 2.9: "et eiecit Deus adhuc de terra omne lignum
pulchrum aspectum, et bonum ad escam, et lignum vitae in medio
paradisi, et lignum scientiae dignoscendi bonum et malum."
5.18 hortus clausus, etc.
Cant. 4.12-13. In De Isaac 5.48 Ambrose quotes the same verses,
but somewhat differently. The quotation from the De Isaac forms
the basis for the Old Latin: "hortus conclusus soror mea sponsa,
hortus conclusus, fons signatus; emissiones tuae paradisus." In
the De Isaac the verse is also interpreted as referring to the soul.
In a letter to Sabinus (Epist. 45.4), written about the same time as
the De bono mortis (387), he refers to the same verses; he says that
they show that paradise is within man and that they refer to the
soul or to the Church, and adds a comment on the uses of hortus
and paradisus in the Latin texts: "Salomon in spiritu paradisum in
homine esse evidenter declaravit. et quia mysteria exprimit vel
animae et Verbi, vel Christi et Ecclesiae, ideo ait de virgine anima,
vel Ecclesia quam volebat virginem castam assignare Christo: para
disus clausus, soror mea sponsa, paradisus clausus, fons signatus.
Paradisus Graece, Latine hortus dicitur. . . . ergo non te moveat
quod alii codices Latini hortum habent, alii paradisum. "See also
Epist. 63.36 where the verse is interpreted as Christ speaking to
the Church, exhorting it to be a chaste virgin.
5.18 exsurge, aquilo, veni, auster, etc.
Cant. 4.16 Ambrose quotes all or part of this verse in several places:
Epist. 1.45; Epist. 35.20; Epist. 47.5; In psalm 118.12.24; Exc.
Sat. 2.118; Virg. 8.47; Myst. 58. Sometimes borea is found tor
aquilo, aspira is frequently used instead of perfla. The text from
Virg. 8.47 is the basis for the Old Latin: "exsurge aquilo, et veni
auster, adspira hortum meum, et profluant aromata mea. descen
dat fraternus meus in hortum suum. In his commentary on Psalm 1

(In psalm. 1.45) Ambrose interprets the verse allegorically to refer
to the soul: "exsurge, borea, et veni, auster, hoc est: tu borea,
recede, et veni, auster, adspira hortum meum, ut flores non discutias,
sed reserves. anima igitur plena pietatis hortum habet vel ipsa
hortus est, qui fructus ferat, anima quae impietati patet pulverem
habet, qui est infecundus ad fructum." In other places, e.g. Myst.
56, Exc. Sat. 2.118, he interprets the verse as referring to the
Church. Here the word of God comes to the soul, watering it with
its rains and causing it to bear fruit and to have the fragrances
of wholesome words flow from it. In Plotinus' allegorical inter
pretation of the garden of Jove myth, Plenty (Porus) was identified
as the Logos, the rational principal of all things. After connecting
the garden of Jove with the garden of the Canticle and with
paradise, Ambrose now returns to the identity of Porus as the
word of God, thus christianizing Plotinus' thought. The word
of God descends into the soul and from the union the fragrances
of wholesome words are produced.
5.20 sponsus autem animae deus verbum est, etc.
The marriage union between the word of God and the soul is,
according to Ambrose, forshadowed in Plato as interpreted by
Plotinus and in the Canticle of Canticles. Here he makes the
nature of the union explicit: "sponsus autem animae deus verbum
est, cui anima legitimo quodam conubii foedere copulatur." In
his commentary on Psalm 118 (6.8) Ambrose develops further the
relationship between the soul and the word: "dicamus de anima
et verbo. anima iusti sponsa est verbi. haec si desideret, si cupiat,
si oret adsidue et oret sine ulla disceptatione et tota intendat in
verbo, subito vocem sibi videtur eius audire quem non videt et in-
timo sensu odorem divinitatis eius agnoscit, quod patiuntur plerum-
que qui bene credunt. replentur subito nares animae spiritali gratia
et sentit sibi praesentiae eius flatum adspirare, quem quaerit, et
dicit: ecce iste ipse est quem requiro, ipse quem desidero." Ter-
tullian in the De resurrectione carnis 63 also speaks of the soul as
the spouse of Christ; "utrumque (caro et spiritus Christi) iam in
COMMENTARY 201
semetipso foederavit, sponsam sponso et sponsum sponsae com-

paravit. nam et si animam quis contenderit sponsam, vel dotis
nomine sequetur animam caro."
5.20 ingressus sum in hortum meum, etc.
Ambrose quotes this verse from Cant. 5.1, and then in the rest
of the paragraph offers an allegorical interpretation: the myrrh is
death to sin; the spices are the medicines to cure the wounds of the
soul; bread is the strong word that strengthens man's heart; honey
the persuasive word stinging his conscience; wine the fervent word
inebriating man's heart with joy; and milk is the pure word. After
the soul partakes of this banquet, it sleeps to the world but is awake
to God. Similar allegorical interpretations of this verse can be
found in De sacramentis and De Cain et Abel: Sacr. 5.3.16: "vin-
demiavi myrram cun unguentis meis: quae est ista vindemia?
cognoscite vineam et agnoscetis vindemiam. vineam, inquit, ex
Aegypto transtulisti, hoc est populum dei. vos estis vinea, vos estis
vindemia, quasi vinea plantati, quasi vindemia, qui fructum de-
distis. vindemiavi myrram cum unguentis meis, hoc est in odorem,
quem accepistis. manducavi panem meum cum melle meo: vides,
quod in hoc pane nulla sit amaritudo, sed omnis suavitas sit. bibi
vinum meum cum lacte meo: vides huiusmodi esse laetitiam, quae
nullius peccati sordibus polluatur;" Cain et Ab. 1.5.19: "in horto,
hoc est in paradiso est convivium ecclesiae, ubi erat prius Adam
quam peccatum committeret. ibi recumbebat Eva, priusquam
culpam crearet et pareret. ibi vindemiabis murram, hoc est Christi
sepulturam, ut consepultus cum illo per baptismum in mortem
quemadmodum ille surrexit ex mortuis et tu resurgas. ibi man-
ducabis panem, qui confirmat cor hominis, mel gustabis, quo tua-
rum dulcescat meatus faucium. vinum bibes cum lacte, hoc est
cum splendore ac sinceritate, sive quod pura simplicitas sit sive quod
inmaculata gratia quae in remissionem sumitur peccatorum, sive
quod parvulos consolationis suae lactet uberibus, ut ablactati in
deliciis in plenitudinem perfectae aetatis adolescant."
5.20 fortiore cibo verbi velut pane, etc.
The image of food — bread, wine, milk, honey — as the word
has its fundament in Scripture, e.g. Ps. 103.15: "educas panem
de terra, et vinum laetificet cor hominis; ut exhilaret faciem in

oleo, et panis cor hominis confirmet;" and 1 Cor. 3.2: "lac vobis
potum dedi non escam, nondum enim poteratis; sed nec nunc qui-
dem potestis, adhuc carnales estis." Both of these verses are
alluded to frequently throughout the paragraph. Ambrose also
quotes directly from Proverbs 16.24: "favi mellis sermones boni."
Other Scriptural allusions are given below. After quoting Prov.
16.24 and Cant. 5.1 in his commentary on Psalm 118 (In psalm.
118.13.23) Ambrose adds this comment relative to the image of
food as word: "mysticus sermo caelestium scriptuarum sicut panis
est, qui confirmat cor hominis velut fortior cibus verbi; suasorius
autem ethicus dulcis et mollior, eo quod ethica praedicatione mentis
interna mulcentur, amara febribus, id est paenitentia delictotum,
miti corda sermone dulcescunt. stillant mel labia praedicantis,
quando conlisa duris casibus vel minis lapsae animae membra re-
foventur. est etiam vis ferventior verbi sicut vini, est etiam in
lactis specie sermo lucidor."
5.20 curantur quaedam vulnera delictorum.
The image of the word as a medicine which heals the wounds
of the soul is clearly brought out by Ambrose in In Luc. 7.75:
"multa medicamenta medicus habet iste, quibus sanare consuevit.
sermo eius medicamenta est. alius eius sermo constringit vulnera,
alius oleo fovet, alius vinum infundit: constringit vulnera auste-
riore praecepto, fovet remissione peccati, sicut vino conpungit de-
nuntiatione iudicii."
5.20 hos cibos . . . epulandos sponsus proximis suis dicit.
A reference to the final part of Cant. 5.1, which Ambrose quoted
above: "edite, proximi mei, et bibite et inebri animi fratres mei."
5.20 bibit enim unusquisque aquam de suis vasis, etc.
An allusion to Prov. 5.15: "bibe aquam de tuis vasis, et de
puteorum tuorum fontibus."
5.20 sicut posteriora docent, aperiri sibi deus verbum eius ianuam postu-
labat.
The phrase sicut posteriora docent suggests that some scriptural
passage is being alluded to, but Schenkl gives no reference. In view
COMMENTARY 203
of the context — Ambrose's allegorical interpretation of Cant.

5.1. — the passage referred to is clearly Cant. 5.2.: "vox fratris
mei pulsat ad ianuam: aperi mihi soror mea sponsa, columba mea,
perfecta mea." Therefore, posteriora refers to later words of the
Canticle. I have translated the phrase: as later words of the
Canticle teach.
5.21 hinc ergo epulatores Mi Platonici.
Ambrose again returns to Plato's myth in the Symposium 203B,
but only to point out that it was from the Canticle of Canticles that
Plato derived the myth. See 5.19 above and the introduction.
5.21 quia Christus est vita.
An allusion to Jn. 14.6: "ego sum via, et veritas, et vita."
5.21 talium sermonum semtnibus animae eius repletus est venter.
An allusion to Ps. 16.14: "de absconditis tuis adimpletus est venter
eorum."
5.21 quae autem exit anima servitio isto.
Compare Vergil, Ecl. 1.40: "neque servitio me exire licebat."
Chapter 6
6.22 principatus aerii et potestates mundi.

The phrases are Pauline, for example Eph. 6.12: "quoniam non est
nobis colluctatio adversus carnem et sanguinem, sed adversus prin-
cipes et potestates, adversus mundi rectores tenebrarum harum,
contra spiritualia nequitiae in caelestibus;" and Eph. 2.2: "secun
dum principem potestatis aeris huius." See also: 1 Cor. 2.6, 15.24;
Rom. 8.38; Coloss. 2.15. In the rest of the paragraph Ambrose
specifies what these principatus aerii et potestates mundi are,
namely: saecularia; cupiditas auri, argenti, vicinae possessions; and
adpetentia honoris. In the following paragraph he mentions
thoughts that distract from prayer, carnal passions, lustful images,
evil words and thoughts.
6.22 excuses a cena illius, qui ad nuptias verbi te invitavit, etc.
An allusion to the parable of the marriage feast (Mt. 22.1-14 and
Lk. 14.16-24). Ambrose combines elements from both accounts
to illustrate his point. From Matthew he takes the detail that it
was a marriage feast, thereby continuing the imagery of the
previous chapter where he discussed the Platonic myth and the
Canticle of Canticles. From Luke he takes the excuses offered by
various men; because of their possessions — a farm, an oxen, a
wife — they are unable to attend the marriage feast.
6.22 ut te extollas sicut Adam.
An allusion, not mentioned by Schenkl, to Gen. 3.5 where the
serpent tempts man to be like God: "dixit enim Deus quod in
quocumque die comederitis ex eo aperientur oculi vestri, et eritis
sicut dii scientes bonum et malum."
COMMENTARY 205
6.23 qui enim non habet et quod habet auferetur ab eo.

A direct quotation, not noted as such by Schenkl, from Mt. 13.12.
The Old Latin is the same, with the exception of autem instead
of enim.
6.23 quotiens inimicus cordi nostro conatur inserere.
That our thoughts are not entirely under our control and can be
influenced by temptations of the enemy is a theme expressed by
Ambrose in the introductory paragraph of the De fuga saeculi (1.1):
"non enim in potestate nostra est cor nostrum et nostrae cogitatio-
nes, quae inproviso offusae mentem animumque confundunt atque
alio trahunt quam tu proposueris, ad saecularia revocant, mundana
inserunt, voluptaria ingerunt, inlecebrosa intexunt, ipsoque in tem
pore quo elevare mentem paramus insertis inanibus cogitationibus
ad terrena plerumque deicimur;" and in De fuga saeculi 1.3 where
the theme of the death of sin is added: "quis inter tot passiones
huius corporis, inter tot illecrebras huius saeculi tutum atque inte-
meratum servare potest vestigium? respexit oculus, et sensum
mentis avertis; audivit auris, et intentionem inflexit; inhalavit odor,
et cogitationem impedivit; os libavit et crimen retulit; tactus conti-
git, et ignem adolevit. intravit mors per fenestram, dixit propheta.
fenestra tua est oculus tuus. si videas mulierem ad concupiscen-
dum, intravit mors; si audias sermones meretricios, intravit mors; si
luxuria sensus tuos capiat, penetravit mors."
6.23 attende tibi, etc.
A quotation from Deut. 15.9. The Old Latin is similar: "attende
tibi ipsi ne fiat verbum occultum in corde tuo iniquitas." Both
are close to the Septuagint: 7tp6aexe aeauTw \p\ yivqToa p^(xa
xpurtTov ev Tfj xapSia <Tou, dv6(xy)[xa.
In his commentary on Psalm 118 (In psalm. 118.2.13) Ambrose
comments on this verse from Deuteronomy and adds the obser
vation that the philosophical proverb nosce te ipsum, attributed by
the pagans to Apollo, really has its source in this verse of
Deuteronomy written by Moses: " adtende tibi, ne fiat verbum
absconditum in corde tuo. tibi, inquit, adtende; non utique dicit
pecuniae tuae, non possessionibus tuis, non viribus corporis, sed
animo tuo ac menti tuae, unde omnia consilia, facta cogitationesque

manant. tibi ergo adtende ibi, ubi potiorem esse te nosti. nosce
te ipsum, quod Apollini Pythio adsignant gentiles viri, quasi ipse
auctor fuerit huius sententiae, cum de nostro usurpatum ad sua
transferant et longe anterior Moyses fuerit, qui scripsit librum
Deuteronomii, quam philosophi qui ista finxerunt."
6.23 quid cogitas mala in corde tuo.
Ambrose here uses the singular cogitas and in corde tuo for this
quotation from Mt. 9.4. The Old Latin has the plural: "ut quid
cogitatis mala in cordibus vestris," which corresponds to the Greek:
Evocti evfl-u(xei.cF&e 7tovy)pa ev zoic. xapStau; u(xwv ; In other places
where the verse is quoted Ambrose also uses the plural (cf. In
psalm. 1.52; In psalm. 45.4; Apol. Dav. 12.69; Parad. 14.68; Cain
et Ab. 1.9.37; Sp. sanct. 3.19.146).
6.23 virtus mea dedit mihi haec.
An abbreviated quotation from Deut. 8.17: "ne dicas in corde tuo:
virtus mea, et potentia mea fecit mihi virtutem hanc magnam."
Compare the Septuagint: r\ iayuQ [xou ... iizolr\alv (xoitt)v Suva(juv
Ty)v (xeyaXy)v tocutt)v. Compare also Cain et Ab. 1.27 where Am
brose quotes the verse as it is in the Old Latin, and Exam. 6.8.53
where it is considerably different: "virtus mea et manus mea
hanc mihi possessionem paravit."
6.24 obluctare quasi bonus miles Christi lesu.
A quotation, not mentioned by Schenkl, from 2 Tim. 2.3: "labora
sicut bonus miles Christi lesu."
6.24 volupfates saeculi escae quaedam sunt.
The image of the pleasures of the world being baits to ensnare the
soul is found in Plato. In the Timaeus 69D he is speaking of
god creating within man not only an immortal principle of the
soul but also a mortal one, subject to terrible affections: pleasure,
pain, rashness, fear, anger, etc. He speaks of pleasure as the
greatest bait of evil: t)Sovy)v [a6ykTtov xocxou SeXeocp.
In the De senectute 13.44 Cicero refers to this image of the
bait when speaking of pleasure: "sed si aliquid dandum est vo-
luptati, quoniam eius blanditiis non facile obsistimus, divine enim
COMMENTARY 207
Plato 'escam malorum' appellat voluptatem quod ea videlicet homi

nes capiantur ut pisces, quamquid immoderatis epulis caret senectus,
modicis tamen conviviis delectare potest."
Augustine (Contra Julian. Pelag. 5.8.33) refers to the same image
as if it were the common teaching of philosophers: "si autem in
quibusdam veris sententiis saltem philosophorum litteris cederes,
non surdo corde illud audires, quod voluptates illecebras atque
escas malorum, et viciosam partem animi dixerunt esse libidinem."
Ambrose, after mentioning the image of the bait of evil, does not
develop it but passes on to the image of the snare (cf. above, De
bono mortis 5.16, for the same image).
6.24 laqueus est etiam sermo meretricis, etc.
The image of the words of the harlot being sweet for a time and
then irritating the throat with their bitterness is based on Proverbs
5.3: "mel enim distillat a labiis mulieris meretricis, quae ad tempus
impinguat fauces tuas; novissime autem amarius felle invenies."
6.24 in via hac, quam ambulabam, absconderunt laqueos mihi.
Ps. 141.4 The same idea is expressed in Isaac 4.34: "cum homines
in medio laqueorum ambulemus, per adpetentiam escae retibus
simul et laqueis obnoxii sumus, ille in corpore retibus positus retia
non timebat, sed eminebat super retia, id est supra temptamenta
mundi et corporis passiones, immo et alios eminere faciebat."
6.24 ego sum via et veritas et vita.
Since this road is full of snares, let us follow, Ambrose says, that
which is the way, the truth, and the life. This quotation from
Jn. 14. Ambrose will return to at the end of the treatise: "ingre-
giamur hanc viam, teneamus veritatem, vitam sequamur. via est
quae perducit, vertas quae confirmat, vita quae per se redditur"
(Bon. mort. 12.54). See also In psalm. 1.24: "in via es, o homo;
ambula, ut pervenias, ne te nox in via occupet, ne consumatur dies
vitae, antequam progressum virtutis acceleres. viator es vitae
huius, omnia transeunt, omnia post te fiunt, omnia in hac via
cernis et transis."
6.24 animam meam convertit . . . propter nomen suum.
Ps. 22.3. The Old Latin has only one difference: propter nomen
tuum instead of propter nomen suum. The Vulgate has propter

nomen suum. Compare the Septuagint: ty)v tyuyrp jzou &k-
EffTpeêv caSy)yy)ctev (xe km Tpi(3ou<; Sixaioffuvir)<; evexev tou 6v6[xaTO<;
ccutou.
6.25 carnis istius sapientia, quae inimica est deo.
A quotation from Rom. 8.7. The Old Latin has: "sapientia carnis
inimicitia est in deum, but some MSS have inimica est Deo."
Compare the Greek: Si6ti to <pp6vy)(xa ttj<; aa.py.bc, £x&pa ei?
0e6v.
In Parad. 12.54 Ambrose quotes the verse as: "sapientia huius car
nis inimica est deo," and in Fid 5.13.170 as: "sapientia carnis
inimica in deum." The De bono mortis is close enough to the
Old Latin and to the other direct quotations of the verse in Ambrose
to be considered also as a direction quotation of Rom. 8.7.
6.25 nonne deo subdita est anima mea?
Ps. 61.2. Note that Ambrose here interprets the deo as referring
to Christ, for he says: "subiciamus animam nostram soli Christo."
An underlying principle of his exegesis of the psalms is that much
in them refers to Christ. In his commentary on Psalm 1 (In psalm.
1.8) he says: "in psalmis nobis non solum nascitur Iesus, set etiam
salutarem illam suscipit corporis passionem, quiescit, resurgit, ascen-
dit ad caelum, sedet ad dexteram patris."
6.25 anima, habes multa bona, etc.
A quotation from Lk. 12.19. The Old Latin reads: "anima habes
multa bona posita in annos plurimos; requiesce, comede, bibe, epu-
lare." Ambrose differs only in his use of multos for plurimos,
the position of posita, which Ambrose places after multos, and in
his use of manduca instead of comede. Compare the Greek:
tyuxhi ^xei? TCoXXa dya&a xei(xeva etc, eTir) noKKx - dva7tauou, <paYe>
roe, eu<ppaivou.
6.25 anima utitur corpore ut instrumento aut organo, etc.
As Hadot (art. cit. RevEtLat 34 [1956] 214) has shown, this
passage in Ambrose depends closely on Plotinus, Ennead 1.1.3:
Xpw(xevy) [ilv o5v ffCO[xaTi oEa 6pYavci) oux avayxa£eTai. Se£aa&ai
toc Sia tou <KO(xaTOi; 7tix&yj[xaTa, &<mep ouS£ Td twv opydvwv 7ta
COMMENTARY 209
9-q[xaTa oi Te/viTa'. atffib)aiv 8k Ta^' av avayxaiwi;, eircep Sei

xP^ff&ai tw 6pyavco yivwffxouaT) toc eâ>&ev 7raS^[xaTa si; aia<h^-
aewi; - 67rel xal to xpO\a&a.i 8(X[xaaiv effTiv opav. 'AXAa xal (3Aa(3ai
7tepi to opav.
Plotinus uses the image of the craftsman, ot TexviTai, as the soul
which uses the body as a tool, ola opyavoj. Ambrose also compares
the soul to a craftsman, praeclara artifex, which uses the body as
an instrument or tool, "utitur corpore ut instrumento aut organo."
The word organum suggests to Ambrose its meaning of musical
instrument, and so he develops the image of the body as a musical
instrument on which the soul plays various melodies. In Bon. mort.
1 21 he will return to this image; see the commentary on 7.27 for
a discussion of this image.
6.25 facit in eo resonate virtutes.
The word virtutes translates the -ko^thiix.xx of Plotinus. This
usage is explained by Cicero, Tusc. Disp. 2.18.43: "omnes rectae
animi affectiones virtutes appellantur. "
6.25 oculi tui recta videant; ne multus fueris ad alienam.
Because we are affected by sight and hearing, it is important that
we see and hear wholesome things, and avoid evil ones. To
illustrate this Ambrose quotes two verses from Proverbs, 4.25 and
5.20, and then recalls the image of the harlot which he had
mentioned in 6.24. In Bon. mort. 9.40 Ambrose will again quote
Prov. 4.25 and connect it with the harlot. See 9.40 and the
commentary for a discussion of Ambrose's use of the image of the
harlot.
i«
Chapter 7
7.26 cum amico misce animam tuum, etc.

Apparently a reference to Sir. 6.13: "ab inimicis tuis separare,
et ab amicis tuis attende." cf. also Prov. 25.9: "causam tuam
tracta cum amico tuo et secretum extraneo ne reveles."
7.26 corpus est tuum, quod repugnat menti tuae.
An allusion to Rom. 7.23: "video autem aliam legem in membris
meis repugnantem legi mentis meae et captivantem me in lege
peccati, quae est in membris meis."
7.26 nam si miscetur, ergo melior fit caro, etc.
This passage is closely dependent on Plotinus, Ennead 1.1.4, being
almost a literal translation of parts of it. (See Hadot, art. cit.
RevEtLat 34 [1956] 215) 4. 0«[xev toivuv [iepiy&oii. 'AXX' ei \ti-
(ZixTou, to (xev xe^PoV ecttoti (3eAtiov, to aw[xa, to Se yei?mi y)
tyuyy\ " xal (3eXtlov (iiv to aw[xa £w^<; [xeTaAa(36v, /eipov Se t)
<\>uXh &avaTou xal aXoyia?. To Sy) a<paipe&ev 6rai>aouv £co?}i; 7rw?
«v TipoG&v\xrfJ Aafiot to oda^-oiMeaQxi ; TouvavTiov S'av to ac5(xa
£wy)v Xa(3ov touto av eit) to aia8âew? xal tSv e^ aiaO-/)aew? 7rocfry)-
(xaTwv (xeTocXa[i.pavov.
Plotinus' thought is that by the mixture of the soul and body
the body benefits. He argues that it must be this way because
by the union the body acquires the additional faculty of sense
perception. Ambrose goes further and states that the operation
of both are confounded and neither benefit because by the union
the body, which would be dead without the soul, gives the soul its
own incapacity to sense. Note that here too the word virtutes
translates Plotinus' 7ta&^(xaTa and means the affections that come
from sensation. (see above 6.25)
COMMENTARY 211
7.26 exemplo nobis sit huius luminis gratia.

Plotinus, Ennead 1.1.4, uses the same image of light to describe
the soul's presence in the body — ciarap xal to <pw<;. The soul can
pass through the body without being touched by its affections, just
as light can pass through the air. The same image is developed by
Plotinus in Ennead 4.3.22: op' o5v outw <paTeov, 8Tav <fyuxh a^(xaTt
TOxpyj, TOxpeivai ocuty)v a>? to 7tup TOxpeari tw aepi; xal yap a3 xai
touto roxpov ou 7tapectti xal oV 8Xou racpov ouSevl (xiyvuTai xal
effTy)xe [a^v auTO, to Se 7tapappet. xal §Tav ££« yev/)Tai tou ev
& tpwi;, a^X&ev ouSev e^wv, ea»? Ss Ifftiv uTto to <pw;, TC<pa>TiaTai ;
wctt' 6p&w? e/eiv xat evTau&a Xeyew, J)? 6 ay)p ev tw <p«oti, y)TCp
to tpc5? ev tu aepi.
7.26 anima in corpore, ut vivificet corpus, hoc gubernet, inluminet.
That the body serves and is subject to the soul, and the soul rules
and governs is expressed by Plato in the Phaedo 80A: 8pa $y) xal
T?jSe 8ti eTCiSav ev Ttp auTw &ai tyuxh xo" aw[xa, ttIS (xev SouXeiieic
xal Sp/ea&ai y) <p0ffi? 7tpoffTaTTei, Tfl Se O-pxew xai Sea7to£ei.v.
Compare also in L«c. 4.62: "cum anima corpus agat, vivificet, et
gubernet, quemadmodum in eius ihlecebras captiva raperetur, nisi
et ipsa superioris alicuius potestatis vinclis stringeretur? and Noe
38: altior autem sensus provocat nos, ut hoc putemus vigorem
mentis in anima esse et animam in corpore quod est pater familias
in domo sua. quod enim in anima mens, hoc anima in corpore. si
mens tuta est, tuta est domus, tuta est anima: si anima incolumis,
incolumis caro. mens enim sobria passiones omnes cohibet, sensus
gubernat, sermonem regit. ideo bene dicit dominus iusto: intra tu,
hoc est: in te ipsum intra, in tuam mentem, in tuae animae prin
cipale. ibi salus est, ibi gubernaculum, foris diluvium, foris peri-
culum."
7.27 tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem.

Ambrose shows that the soul is attuned to the body by citing two
passages from Scripture which refer to Christ's experience of human
emotion, Mt. 26.38, quoted above, and Jn. 12.27: "anima mea
turbata est."
7.27 ut modulator modulis, etc.

The image of the body as a musical instrument on which the soul,
the musician, plays the various emotions and affections is again
taken up by Ambrose and developed even further. He first men
tioned the image in 6.25 when discussing the body as the instrument
(organum) of the soul. The image is not without precedent in
ancient literature. Cicero in his Tusculan disputations 1.10.19
speaks of it in connection with Aristoxenus: "ut multo ante veteres,
proxime autem Aristoxenus, musicus idemque philosophus, ipsius
corporis intentionem quaedam, velut in cantu et fidibiis quae dicitur,
sic ex corporis totius natura et figura varios motus cieri tamquam
in cantu sonos." Aristoxenus was a philosopher and musician of
Tarentum who flourished about 330 B.C.; he was a pupil of
Aristotle. Lactantius (Inst. 7.13) explains his theory in greater
detail: "sicut in fidibus ex intentione nervorum effici concordem
sonum atque cantum, quem musici harmoniam vocant, ita in cor-
poribus ex compage viscerum ac vigore membrorum vim sentiendi
exsistere." Cicero speaks of Aristoxenus as only the most recent
example of those who held this theory of the soul. In the Phaedo
85E-92D Simmias explains the doctrine of the attunement of the
soul and body as coming from the Pythagoreans. After a discussion
of the theory with Socrates, both Simmias and Socrates reject it as
an inadequate explanation because just as attunement, something
invisible and incorporeal, and located in the tuned instrument (which
is material) cannot exist apart from the instrument, so the soul
would cease to exist when the body is destroyed. Ambrose, it is
true, does not propose this theory of the soul, but he did know
the Phaedo and so was aware of the musician and his musical
instrument as an image of the relationship between soul and body.
Ambrose also knew the image in Plotinus. In Ennead 1.4.16
Plotinus argues that the life of soul and body united cannot be one
of well-being. Man can give to this bodily life as much as it needs,
but he is free to abandon it and take up another and more perfect
life. He is like a musician with his lyre — olov ei (xouaixtx; Xupa?.
If he cannot use the lyre he will abandon it, let it lie beside him,
while he sings without it. As A. Solignac shows ('Nouveaux
COMMENTARY 213
paralleles entre saint Ambroise et Plotin,' ArchPhil. N.S. 19.3

[ 1956] 148-56) Ambrose is dependent on this passage from Plotinus
when he writes in the De Jacob 1.8.39: "tamquam ille qui cithara
canere solitus, si eam dissipatam resolutis nervis et confractam
viderit et usum eius interruptum. abiciat eam atque eius numeros
non requirat, sed voce ipse se mulceat, ita et iste citharam corporis
sui otiosam iacere patietur, corde se oblectabit, bonae conscientiae
recordatione mulcebit, divinis oraculis et scriptis propheticis adle-
vabit, suave illud et iocundum animo tenens, mente conplectens, cui .
nihil possit triste accidere, cum semper ei divinae praesentiae adspi-
ret gratia et ipse sibi summa animi tranquillitate perfusus." See also
De Jacob 2.9.39: "qui licet membra resolutus tamen adtollens se
animo et erigens spiritu corporis sui tamquam citharae harmoniam
dissoluta membrorum conpage destructam alte mente despiciens
non requirebat, sed otiosam iacere humi patiebatur, ipse autem
cantu se mulcebat interno et prophetico se modulamine delectabat."
In these passages from the De Jacob Ambrose concentrates on
setting aside the lyre of the body and singing with the interior
and spiritual lyre of the soul. In the De bono mortis the body
is the musical instrument on which the soul harmoniously plays the
various affections of the body. Compare In Luc. 6.10: "sume et
tu citharam, ut pulsata spiritus plectro corda venarum boni operis
sonum reddat. sume psalterium, ut armonia dictorum factorumque
tuorum concinat. sume tympanum, ut organum tui corporis spiritus
moduletur interior factisque operantibus dulcis morum tuorum sua-
vitas exprimatur."
7.27 anima est ergo quae utitur, corpus quod usui est, etc.
For Ambrose man consists principally in a soul; it is his soul, not
his body, that is made in the image of God: Exam. 6.1 A3: "anima
nostra ad imaginem Dei est. in hac tota es, homo; quia sine hac
nihil es, sed es terra, et in terram resolveris. . . . quam enim dabit
homo commutationem pro anima sua, in qua non exigua sui portio,
sed totius humanae universitatis substantia est? haec est per quam
caeteris ferarum aviumque dominaris animantibus; haec est ad imagi
nem Dei, corpus autem ad speciem bestiarum. in hac pium divinae
imitationis insigne; in illo cum feris ac belluis vile consortium."
Isaac 2.3: "cum utrumque in se concertantem hominem declarasset,

hoc est interiorem et exteriorem, in animae magis quam in corporis
parte se maluit constituere. " For Ambrose, as expressed here in
the De bono mortis, the soul is what we are, the body is something
we have, use, and are clothed with: Isaac 3: "intuere, o homo, qui
sis, quo salutem tuam vitamque tuearis. quid est itaque homo?
utrum anima an caro an utriusque copula? aliud enim nos sumus,
aliud nostrum, alius qui induitur et alius vestimentum;" Exam.
6.6.39: "non igitur caro tu es. quid enim est caro sine animae
gubernaculo, mentis vigore? caro hodie sumitur, cras deponitur.
caro temporalis, anima diuturna. caro amictus est animae, quae se
induit quodam corporis vestimento. non igitur tu vestimentum es,
sed qui vestimento uteris;" Exam. 6.7.42: "aliud enim sumus nos,
aliud nostra, alia quae circa nos sunt. nos sumus, hoc est anima
est mens, nostra sunt corporis membra et sensus eius, circa nos
autem pecunia est, servi sunt et vitae istius adparatus." This last
quotation, in itself quite similar to the sentence in the De bono
mortis under consideration, points to St. Basil as the direct source
of this teaching on the soul and body, because the quotation (Exam.
6.7.42) is practically a literal translation of a part of Basil's homily
Ilpoaexe aeauTw, paragraph 3 (PG 31.203A): "AXXo yap eaêv
-J)u.ei<; auTov, xal dXXo toc y)(iiTepa, xal aXXo toc rapt y\\J.a.Q. y)(xeZ<;
(xev o5v ect[xev V) tyuyy] xal 6 vou<;, xa&o xoct' eixova tou XTiaavTo?
yeyevf\y.eôi. ' y)[iiTepov Se to ffw(jia xal al Si auTo5 alaahf)aei!; nepl
-?)(xai; Se, xpy)!i.aTa, Te/vai xal y) Xowa) tou fiiou xaTaaxeuf).
Because there is this tension between soul and flesh there is
constant need, according to Ambrose, for the mortification of the
flesh; man must strive for harmony and peace between the two, a
peace that can only be attained through Christ: Abr. 2.28: "caro
atque anima velut quadam lege sociantur coniugii, ex quibus homo
constat. homo igitur velut portiones suas foederare debet atque
ad pacem cogere. sed quia nemo erat tantus qui carnem vinceret,
ideo venit pax nostra."
7.28 qui non accepit in vanum animam suam.

A quotation from Ps. 23.4. The Old Latin has: "qui non accepit
COMMENTARY 215
in vano animam suam." In Paenit. 1.41 Ambrose uses the phrase

in vano, but here and in Exc. Sat. 1.61 he has in vanum. Compare
the Septuagint: 8? oux £Xa(kv bm. (jiaTait») tt)v <J^xV mjtou.
7.28 in vanum acceptt animam suam . . . qui saecularia struit, etc.
Ambrose frequently attacks the abuses of greed and avarice. The
whole of his treatise De Nabuthae is devoted to this theme; the
De Tobia attacks the abuse of usury. One passage, from De officiis
1.49.241, 244, will have to be sufficient to illustrate the point.
Ambrose considers it vain to heap up riches, spending all of ones
time amassing them and having no time to use them. He compares
them to things hung on a spider web, of no use to anyone, and says
that they destroy the image of God in us: "quid est congregare
opes, nisi vanum; quia caduca quaerere vanum est satis? cum
autem congregaveris, qui scias an possidere liceat tibi. . . . quid
ergo vane araneam texis, quae inanis et sine fructu est, et tamquam
casses suspendis inutiles divitiarum copias: quae etsi fluant, nihil
prosunt; immo exuunt te imaginem Dei, in induunt terreni ima-
ginem. "
7.28 non satiabitur oculus videndo nec auris auditu.
A somewhat abbreviated quotation from Eccl. 1.8. The Old Latin
has: "non satiabitur oculus videndo, et non implebitur auris audi
tu." Compare the Septuagint: xal oux einzkrââeTx 6<p&aX[x6<;
tou 6pav xal ou 7rXy)pwO-âeTai o5<; dbto dxpoaaeax;.
7.28 nihil sub sole est novum, etc.
Ambrose is here quoting in part and in part reporting the content
of Eccl. 1.9-10 and 2.17. Compare the Old Latin: "quid est quod
fuit? ipsum quod erit; et quid est quod factum est? ipsum quod
fiet. et non est omne recens sub sole quod loquatur, et dicat: ecce
hoc novum est; iam fuit in saeculis, quae fuerunt ante nos. ..."
2.17: "et odivi vitam."
7.28 laudavit mortuos magis quam viventes, etc.
An allusion to Eccl. 4.2-3: "et laudavi mortuos qui iam mortui
sunt, super viventes, quicunque ipsi vivunt usque nunc, et melior
super hos duos, qui nondum natus est; qui nondum vidit opus
malum, quod factum est sub sole."
216. S. AMBROSII DE BONO MORTIS
7.28 circumivit cor meum, etc.

A quotation from Eccl. 7.26-27 but it differs considerably from the
Old Latin; which reads: "circumivi ego, et cor meum, ut scirem, et
considerarem, et quaererem sapientiam, et rationem; et ut cognosce-
rem impietatem stulti, et imprudentium errorem et invenio ego ama-
riorem morte mulierem." Compare the Septuagint: exuxXoiaa eyto,
xal y) xapSia u.ou tou yv&vaLi xal tou xaTaaxeâa&ai. xal ^TyJaai
aotpiav xal t|l^<poV *al T°S yvwvai affe(3ou<; a<ppoauvy)v xal ctxXy)-
piav xal rapupopav. xal eupiffxa> eyw mxpoTepov uuep 9-avaTOv.
Ambrose has the curious addition of impii laetitiam and per im-
pium laetitiam. The Roman edition of the De bono mortis sug
gests that the words impii laetitiam should be omitted and the words
per impium should read impii. Note that before both phrases
are the words ut scirem. It is possible that because of the similarity
of the clauses some confusion developed in the copying.
7.28 impii quamdiu vivit peccatum auget, si moriatur, peccare desinit.
Ambrose returns to this theme several times in the De bono mortis.
See Bon. mort. 2.6-7, 4.15, 9.38. Compare also lob 2.2.6: "vivendo
ergo damna contrahimus innocentiae, morte finem erroris adipisci-
mur. lucrum ergo morte acquiritur, vitae autem usu tamquam
miseris debitoribus usurarii nominis ad reatum foenus augetur;"
Cain et Ab. 2.10.35: "si nocentes moriuntur, qui gradum a peccatis
revocare noluerit; vel inviti tamen finem non naturae, sed culpae
adipiscuntur, ne plura delinquant, quibus vita foenus est delicto-
rum." In psalm. 118.18.3: "mortuus praefertur viventi, quia
peccare desivit. mortuo praefertur qui natus est, quia peccare
nescivit."
7.29 sublimis apostoli sententia.
This section is a paraphrase of Rom. 1.32-2 .4. St. Paul in this
section first speaks of the pagans who, given up to a reprobate
sense, commit all sorts of crimes. They, he says, will be punished,
as will those who condone their actions: "qui talia agunt digni
sunt morte; et non solum qui ea faciunt, sed etiam qui consentiunt
facientibus. propter quod inexcusabilis es, o homo omnis qui
iudicas; in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas, eadem
COMMENTARY . .217
enim agis quae iudicas. scimus enim quoniam iudicium Dei est
secundum veritatem in eos qui talia agunt. existimas autem hoc,
o homo qui iudicas eos qui talia agunt et facis ea, quia tu effugies
iudicium Dei? an divitias bonitatis eius et patientiae et longani-
mitatis contemnis? ignoras quoniam benignitas Dei ad paeniten-
tiam te adducit?"
7.30 nam neque viventes mors est neque apud defunctos, etc.
Ambrose here argues that death is not an evil because it does not
exist, neither for the living nor for the dead. It does not exist for
the living because they are still alive, and does not exist for the •
dead because they are no more. This same argument can be found
among ancient philosophers, especially among the Epicureans. The
pseudo-platonic dialogue Axiochus 369B has it; Socrates says to
Axiochus: 6 &avoc.To<; outs rcepl toui; £wvta? ecttiv oSte 7tepl Toug.
(xSTy)XXa.xoTa<; ... 6ti 7tepl (xev tou? £wvto.<; oux ecttiv, oi Se amo-
$av6vTei; oux etalv. axrre oute 7tepl ae vuv effTiv - ou y*p Te&Vy)xa<; -
oute ei ti 7ra&oi<;, iazcr.i 7repi as - ah y^P oux &av\.
Epicurus set forth the same argument in words that closely
parallel those of Ambrose: t6 qjpixwSsffTaTov ouv twv xaxwv 6 9-a-
vocto<; ou&ev tzphc, y)(xa<;, eTCiSy)7tep 8Tav ulv y\[ielc, aiu-ev, 6 &avocTo? -
ou 7tapeffTiv " 6Tav S' 6 &avaTo; TOxpyj, i6&' y)(xeii; oux ea[iiv. oute
OUV TCp6? TOU? £COVTa? SffTlV OUTS TCpOi; TOU? TSTeXeUTyJXOTa?, STtSt-
S/qrap 7tepl ou? (xev oux lffTtv, ot S' ouxet' etaxv.
(A/ Menoeceum 125).
Cicero in the Tusculan disputations 1.38.91 says: "in quo quid
potest esse mali, cum mors nec ad vivos pertineat nee at mortuos."
See also Lucretius, De rerum natura 3.830 ff. Ambrose certainly
knew the argument of Epicurus, as can be seen from Letter 63 to the
church at Vercelli, written in 396. In that letter he takes up many
of the doctrines of Epicurus, among them his doctrine on death;
Epist. 63.17: "denique Epicurei dicunt assertores voluptatis, quia .
mors nihil ad nos; quod enim dissolvitur, insensibile est: quod
autem insensibile, nihil ad nos. quo demonstrant corpore se tan-
tum, non mente vivere: nec animae fungi, sed carnis solius munere,
qui secessione animae corporisque dissolvi munus suae vitae omne
existiment, perire merita virtutum, atque animae omnem vigorem,

totos se deficere cum corporis sensu, nihil reliquiarum superesse
animae, cum ipsum corpus non statim resolvatur. prius ergo
dissolvitur anima quam corpus; cum secundum suam opinionem vel
carnem et ossa considerare debeant, quae post mortem supersunt:
secundum veram autem assertionem negare non debeant resur-
rectionis gratiam?" Ambrose, then, rejects the doctrine of Epicurus
on death because it is a materialistic view of man which does not
take into consideration the soul. In the De bono mortis he takes
over the argument but understands it differently. He says that
death does not exist for the living because they are still alive, nor
does it exist for the dead. But he does not say that death does not
exist for the dead because they are no more — 61 8' ouxet' eioiv —
which is Epicurus' argument, but because they have passed to
another existence: "apud alios enim non est, quia adhuc vivunt,
alii transierunt." He also adds the distinction between body and
soul, and says that whereas man feels nothing according to the body,
according to the soul he is liberated: "secundum corpus nihil
sentiunt et secundum animam liberati sunt." See below, 8.31,
where Ambrose again returns to this argument.
Chapter 8
8.31 non mors ipsa terribilis, sed opinio de morte.

Compare Epicteti Enchir. c. 5 which expresses the same thought,
that death itself is not frightening but opinion about it: Tapdcaaei
toui; av$-pa>Ttou<; ou Ta 7ipaY[jiaTa, aXXa Ta Ttepl tuv 7rpay(jiaTWv
Siy[jiaTa. olov 6 &avaTOi; ouSev Seiv6v, hnei xal SwxpaTei Sv kytxi-
veTo, aXXa to S6y(xa to Ttepl tou &avaTou, Si6ti Seiv6v, exeivo to
Seiv6v effTiv.
8.31 wor5 quieties est portus, nocentibus naufragium.
For the image of death as a port of repose see also: Bon. mort.
4.15: "mors . . . portus quidam est eorum qui magno vitae istius
iactati salo fidae quietis stationem requirunt;" 8.35: "nam si lau-
dari ante gubernator non potest, quam in portum navem deduxerit,
quomodo laudabis hominem, priusquam in stationem mortis suc-
cesserit?;" 9.38: "quis dubitet de bono mortis cum id quod in-
quietum, id quod erubescendum, ... id quod procellosum et ad
omnia vita inlecebrosum est, conquiescat et iaceat et quasi fera
in cavea claudatur sepulcri;" Jacob 1.6.24: "adde quia nescit nau-
fragia qui semper in portu tranquillitatis est;" Exc. Sat. 2.22:
"mortem malum non esse, quia sit . . . fida statio securitatis, portus
quietus. C. Bonner ('Desired haven,' Harvard theological review
34 [1941] 49-67) traces the image of the port in Greek and Latin
literature, and cites many passages from pagan and Christian writers.
By an extension of the physical meaning of the image death is
often spoken of as the harbor in which all human voyaging ends.
To give just a few examples: Epict. 4.10. 27: ei outw TaXa<; ei(xi,
Xi[i.y)v to a7ro&aveiv, o5to? S' ecttiv 6 Xip.-f)v 7tavTwv, 6 $avaTo?,
auTy) y) xaTaipuy^-
Cic. Tusc. disp. 1.49.118: "portum potius paratum nobis et

perfugium putemus; quo utinam velis passis pervehi liceat;" Seneca
Ad Polyb. 9.6-7: "omnis vita supplicium est; in hoc profundum in-
quietumque proiecti mare, alternis aestibus reciprocum et modo
adlevans nos subitis incrementis, modo maioribus damnis deferens
asidueque iactans numquam stabili consistimus loco. pendemus
et fluctuamur et alter in alterum inlidimur et aliquando naufragium
facimus, semper timemus. in hoc tam procelloso et in omnes tem-
pestates exposito mari navigantibus nullus portus nisi mortis est;
"Seneca Epist. 70.3, of death: "portus est, aliquando petendus,
numquam recusandus." Ambrose, by using this image of the port
in his consolation literature, is part of a long tradition beginning
with Homer. In the passage under consideration he adds the
image of death as a naufragium for the sinner. This image is close
to the simile in Plotinus Enn. 4.3.17-. Plotinus is speaking about
the fall of the soul into the body. He compares this descent to
the pilot of a ship who is so intent on saving the ship that he is
unaware that he is in danger of going down with the shipwrecked
vessel.
8.31 mors autem nihil ad nos.
See 7.30 above. The sentence mors nihil ad nos is an Epicurean
statement of indifference to death. Compare: Epicurus' Kupior.
S6S;ou 2: 6 &ocvocto? ouSev 7rp6i; y)[xa<; " to y*P SiaXuOlv avaia-
&r\i£i - to S' avoua&^TOuv ouSev 7rp6? ^[xa?.
Lucretius, De rerum natura 3.830: nil igitur mors est ad nos;
Stobaeus' Florilegium 118.30: repeats Epicurus' statement. The
Epicurean argument is based on the philosophical presupposition
that since the soul, like everything else, is a temporary combination
of atoms, death, a dissolution of this combination, is a complete
and final end of consciousness. Although the atoms continue to
exist, the soul as an individual existence is no more. Since there
is nothing after death, no consciousness, no feeling, no reward or
punishment, there is nothing to fear from death. Ambrose does
not, of course, follow the Epicurean doctrine of the mortality of
the soul, but here he adopts the Epicurean formula, at least in
reference to the body. By a kind of play on words he says that at
COMMENTARY 221
death the soul is freed (absolvitor) but the body is dissolved (dis-
solvitur) into dust. Then he adds: "quae absolvitur gaudet, quod
resolvitur in terram suam nihil sentit." And then he returns to
the Epicurean formula: "quod nihil sentit nihil ad nos."
8.32 iuvenes non timent fieri senes.
A similar thought is expressed in Stobaeus' Florilegium 4.81:
avoy)[xove? ftavaTOv SeSoixote?, yy)paaxeiv e&eXouax. Plato in
the Phaedo 67D speaks of how ridiculous it would be for
the man who had lived close to death all his life to fear it when
it finally came: yeAoiov av eiy) SvSpa 7tapaaxei)a£ov&' eauxov
ev Tci (3t« oTt syyuTixTCi) Svtoc tou xe&vavai outw £?jv, x&7rei&'
t)xovto? auTw toutou ayavaxTeiv ;
8.32 neque enim nisi qui mortui fuerint possunt resurgere.
A specifically Christian argument is introduced here: just as it is
through life that we pass to death, so it is through death that
we return to life, for unless we first die we cannot rise. This
same theme is developed in greater detail in Ob. Val. 45: "quod
si gentes, qui spem resurrectionis non habent, hoc uno se con-
solantur, quo dicant quod nullus post mortem sensus sit defuncto-
rum, ac per hoc nullus remaneat sensus doloris, quanto magis nos
consolationem recipere debemus; quia mors metuenda non sit, eo
quod finis sit peccatorum, vita autem desperanda non sit, quae
resurrectione reparatur?;" and in Exc. Sat. 1.71: "certe si illi sibi
aliqua solacia reppererunt, qui finem sensus defectumque naturae
mortem arbitrati sunt, quando magis nos, quibus meliora post
mortem praemia bonorum factorum conscientia pollicetur! habent
gentiles solacia sua, quia requiem malorum omnium mortem existi-
mant, et, ut vitae fructu carent, ita etiam caruisse se putant omni
sensu et dolore poenarum, quas in hac vita graves et adsiduas susti-
nemus. nos vero, ut erectiores praemio, ita etiam patientiores
solacio esse debemus; non enim amitti, sed praemitti videntur, quos
non adsumptura mors, sed aeternitas receptura est."
8.33 duabus autem ex causis mortem insipientes verentur.
Ambrose sets forth two reasons for fearing death and shows
how they are without foundation. The first reason, that death
is an annihilation, is quickly rejected by saying that the soul

survives after death and the body awaits resurrection. The second
reason for fearing death, the punishments of death spoken of
by poets, is taken up in greater detail. Schenkl says that in
enumerating the punishments of the underworld Ambrose used
Cicero and Vergil, CSEL 32.1.xxxiii: "in descriptione infernorum
s. 33 praeter Ciceronem disp. Tusc. disp 1.10 ante oculos habuit
Vergilii Aeneidis librum sextum, unde res singulas et colores
orationis petiit.; P. Courcelle ("Nouveaux aspects de Platonisme
chez S. Ambroise," RevEtLat. 34 [1956] 236), however, thinks
Macrobius could be a source of the passage: "Dans le meme
developpement de Macrobe, nous trouvons un long tableau des
peines du Tartare, qui pourrait avoir inspire un page du De bono
mortis d'Ambroise: tous deux suivent, selon un ordre analogue,
la description virgilienne qu'ils qualifient 'fabuleuse', et tous
deux modifient de facon identique une expression de poete."
We will return to Ambrose's relation to Macrobius later in the
commentary, after the commentary on the specific Ciceronian and
Vergilian allusions.
8.33 latratus Cerberi et Cocyti fluminis . . . Charonem tristiorem.
Cicero (Tusc. disp 1.5.9-1.6.13) takes up the same argument as
Ambrose, namely, that the terrible punishments of the under
world have no existence apart from the fables and poetic tales
in which they are recounted. Compare Tusc. disp 1.5.10: "dic,
quaeso; num te illa terrent, triceps apud inferos Cerberus, Cocyti
fremitus, travectio Acherontis." Compare also Verg. Aen. 6.417-8:
"Cerberus haec ingens latratu regna trifauci / personat adverso
recubans immanis in antro."
8.33 Furiarum agmina aut praerupta Tartara.
Compare Verg. Aen. 6.572: "intentans anguis vocat agmina saeva
sororum;" Aen. 6.577-9: "tum Tartarus ipse / bis patet in praeceps
tantum tenditque sub umbras / quantus ad aetherium caeli suspec-
tus Olympum."
8.33 quibus hydra saevior sedem habeat.
Compare Verg. Aen. 6.576-7: "quinquaginta atris immanis hiatibus
Hydra / saevior intus habet sedem."
COMMENTARY 223
8.33 Tityi quoque viscera reparandis fecunda suppliciis, etc.

Compare Verg. Aen. 6.595-60:
nec non et Tityon, Terrae omniparentis alumnum
cernere erat, per tota novem cui iugera corpus
porrigitur, rostroque immanis vultur obunco
immortale iecur tondens fecundaque poenis
viscera, rimaturque epulis, habitatque sub alto
pectore, nec fibris requies datur ulla renatis.
8.33 Ixionii quoque orbis perpetuam . . . vertiginem, etc.
Compare Verb. Aen. 6.601-606:
quid memorem Lapithas, Ixiona Pirithoumque,
quos super atra silex iam iam lapsura cadentique
imminet adsimilis? lucent genialibus altis
aurea fulcra toris, epulaeque ante ora paratae
regifico luxu; Furiarum maxima iuxta
accubat et manibus prohibet contingere mensas.
Courcelle cites Macrobius Som. Scip. 1.10.9-15 as a possible pa
rallel to this passage. Macrobius is relating the opinion of some
philosophers who think that the punishments of the underworld
are really references to our present life: "pari interpretatione
Phlegethontem ardores irarum et cupiditatum putarunt, Acherontem
quidquid fecisse dixisseve usque ad tristiam humanae varietatis
more nos paenitet, Cocytum quidquid homines in luctum lacrimas-
que conpellit, Stygem quicquid inter se humanos animos in gurgitem
mergit odiorum. ipsam quoque poenarum (Aen. 6.616) descriptio-
nem de ipso conversationis humanae sumptam crediderunt, vultu-
rem iecur inmortale tondentem nihil aliud intellegi volentes quam
tormenta cosicentiae obnoxia flagitio viscera interiora rimantis et
ipsa vitalia indefessa admissi sceleris admonitione (Aen. 6.619)
laniantis, semperque curas, si requiescere forte temptaverint, exci-
tantis tamquam fibris renascentibus inhaerendo (Aen. 6.597-604)
excruciari fame et inedia tabescere, quos magis magisque adquirendi
desiderium cogit praesentem copiam non videre et in affluentia
inopes egestatis mala in ubertate patiuntur nescientes parta respi-
cere, dum egent habendis. illos radiis rotarum pendere districtos
(Aen. 6.616-607), qui nihil consilio praevidentes, nihil ratione

moderantes, nihil virtutibus explicantes, seque et omnes actus
suos fortunae permittentes, casibus et fortuitis semper ratantur;
saxum ingens volvere (Aen. 6.616) inefficacibus laboriosisque
conatibus vitam terentes; atram silicem lapsuram semper et cadenti
similem illorum capitibus imminere (Aen. 6.602-603), qui arduas
potestates et infaustam ambiunt tyrannidem numquam sine timore
victuri, et cogentes subiectum vulgus 'odisse dum metuat', semper
sibi videntur exitium quod merentur excipere."
Courcelle sees in this passage an order analogous to the passage
in the De bono mortis. Compare the successive words in Macro-
bius: fabulosa; Cocytum; poenarum; vulturem; viscera, epulis,
saxum; capitis imminere; and Ambrose: poenas Cocyti; viscera;
vultur; saxi desuper inminentis super capita; epulas; fabularum.
Especially significant is the identical way in which the two writers
modify Vergil; Vergil refers to the black crag which hangs, about
to fall, over Ixion (Aen. 6.601-602), both Macrobius and Ambrose
modify this in the same way: "capitibus imminere" (Macrobius)
and "imminentis super capita" (Ambrose), whereas Vergil has
simply: "quos super . . . imminet."
Se also: P. Courcelle, 'Les Peres de l'Eglise devant les enfers
virgiliene', Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen
Age 22 [1955] 25-29; M. Fuhrmann, 'Macrobius and Ambrosius',
Philologus 107 [1963] 301-308.
8.33 quid ad mortem id quod post mortem est? etc.
Ambrose admits that there are punishments after death, but argues
that these should not be referred to death, but to life. This
same argument can be found in Plotinus, Enn. 1.7.3: el^k (tyuxt\)
(xy) atj>£oi, o&x 6 &avaTo; av ety) xaxiv auTyj aXX' f\ £cW). ei Se xal
ev "AiSou Staou, TtoXiv au-rij y) £wf) xaxet xax6v, 6ti u.t) £wy)
u.6vov. 'AXX' ei auvoSo? [iiv i|'ux^? xal ffw[i.aTo<; £wt), &avaTo<; Se
SiaXucn!; toiItwv, y) ûxy) SffTai a(x<poTepo>v Sextixt). 'AXX' et iy<x.^y\
y) £coy), 7tw? 6 &avaTOi; ou xax6v ;
8.33 dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo melius.
Ambrose adds to his argument this quotation from Phil. 1.23.
COMMENTARY 225
Again he integrates this Christian element into an argument taken

essentially from Plotinus. Death in itself, then, is not an evil.
Ambrose distinguishes the death of the sinner and of the just,
and argues that only the death of the sinner is evil, not, however,
because it is death, but because the death is the death of a sinner.
Compare Bon. mort. 2.3 where Ambrose distinguishes the three
kinds of death and shows that only mors peccati is evil. To sup
port his argument he quotes Ps. 33.22: "mors peccatorum pes-
sima," and Ps. 115.15: "pretiosa iustorum," an abbreviated
quotation of the whole verse: "pretiosa in conspectu Domini mors
sanctorum eius."
8.34 Graeci finem mortem appellaverunt.
The Greeks use the word teXeuty)v of death as the end of life.
Sometimes it is used with (3fou, e.g. Plato, Gorgias 516A
67tl TeXeuTTJ tou (3iou; sometimes without tou (3iou as in Plato,
Phaedo 118, where the last lines of the dialogue speak of the
death of Socrates as a teXeuty)v.
8.34 somnum mortem scriptura nuncupat.
Ambrose speaks of the use of the word sleep in Scripture to
refer to death. The image is common in all of literature. Ci
cero, for example, uses it in Senect. 22.81: "iam videtis nihil
esse morti tam simile quam somnum;" Tusc. 1.38.92: "habes
somnum imaginem mortis eamque cotidie induis."
8.34 Lazarus amicus noster dormit; sed vado ut suscitem eum.
John. 11.11 The Old Latin has a somno exsucitem in place of
suscitem. The phrase a somno would have helped Ambrose make
his point more effectively, but he prefers to use a version that
is closer to the Greek: Aa£apo<; 6 <piXo? -f)(jiwv xexoip)Tai - aXXa
7topetio(xai fox e£o7rv[ffa> aut6v.
8.34 ego dormivi et quievi et resurrexi, etc.
Ps. 3.6 The Old Latin reads: "ego dormivi, et soporatus sum,
et exsurrexi, quoniam Dominus suscipit me." Ambrose is some
what closer to the Septuagint in his use of suscipiet to reflect
the avTiXyjuêTat of the Septuagint: eyw exoi[x^&y)v xal G7rvwaa
e^y)y^pS-ylv) 6Tt Kiipio<; ivTik^êzi: u.ou.
Ambrose refers the dominus of the second part of the verse

to Christ. Because the Lord receives (suscipit) man, he will also
raise (suscitat) him, because he is the resurrection. (cf. John
11.25: "ego sum resurrectio et vita.") A similar reference to
Christ and resurrection in the context of this Psalm verse can
be found in Ambrose, Nab. 15.63: "qui somnum Christi non
dormiunt non habent Christi quietem, non surgunt Christi resur-
rectione, qui ait: ego dormivi et quievi et surrexi, quoniam do
minus suscipiet me." In Tobia 20.73 he refers to the sleep of the
poor man, who, in contrast to the rich man, can sleep the rest
of Christ: "ipse enim est pauper spiritu, qui dormire possit; nam
satiato divitiis, non est qui sinat eum dormire. dormire enim
pauper somnum resurrectionis, quem dives dormire non potest,
quia a divitiis et voluptatibus suffocatur. dormit Christi quietem
dicentis: ego dormivi et quievi et surrexi."
8.35 ante mortem non laudaveris quemquam.

Sir. 11.28. The Old Latin and the Vulgate have: "ante mortem
ne laudes hominem quemquam." Compare the Septuagint: 7tpo
teXeutî; (ay) (xaxapt£e p)Seva. Cf. Bon mort. 3. 8. for a similar
thought: "ante mortem nulla est perfecta laudatio neque quisquam
in hac vita possit definito praeconio praedicari." See also In
psalm. 118 22.25 quoted in the commentary on 3.8, and In psalm.
1.16: "dum in hac vita quisquam est, non potest definita prae-
dicatione laudari, cum patere adhuc possit errori."
8.35 Abraham mortuus est in bona senectute.
Ambrose argues that it is not the length of ones life but its
goodness that merits a reward. He expands this thought in Abr.
2.9.64: "iustus in senectute bona vivit. non dixit longa, sed
bona; quia iustus bene senescit, iniustorum autem nemo, quamvis
cervis vivacibus diuturniore vita vixerit. nam diu vivere com
mune sapientibus atque insipientibus est; bene autem vivere
speciale sapientis est, cuius senectus venerabilis, et aetas senectutis
vita immaculata: non diuturna, inquit, rieque numero annorum
computata, nec capillis canis in capite, sed sensibus. ille ergo bene
senescit, qui bene senserit."
COMMENTARY 227
8.35 si laudari ante gubernator non potest, etc.

See the commentary on 8.31 below for parallels to this image in
Ambrose and in other ancient writers. To the image of the
gubernator Ambrose adds that of the dux who does not receive
the laurel crown until the battle is over, and of the miles who
receives his pay only after the battle is won. A parallel can be
found in Cyprian's De mortalitate 12: "nisi praecesserit pugna,
non potest esse victoria, cum fuerit in pugnae congressione victo
ria, tunc datur vincentibus et corona. gubernator in tempestate
dignoscitur, in acie miles probatur."
8.35 mors igitur stipendiorum plenitudo, summa mercedis, gratia
missionis.
These three expressions refer back, in reverse order, to the
gubernator, dux, and miles. Death as a plenitudo stipendiorum
is suggested by the image of the soldier, death as a summa mer
cedis by the image of the general, and death as a gratia missionis
by that of the pilot.
8.36 benedictio morituri in me veniat.
Job. 29.13. The Vulgate has: "benedictio perituri in me veniebat."
In section 37 at the end Ambrose has "benedictio perituri," which is
in accord with his rather free use of variants when the meaning
is not changed, as he states in In Luc. 2.42: "nihil apud me distat
in verbo, quod non distat in sensu." In other places (Off. 1.30.148;
Off. 1.36.179; Nab. 13.57) he has benedictio perituri. Further
more, Ambrose uses the subjunctive veniat instead of veniebat of
the Vulgate, thereby reflecting more faithfully the Septuagint:
EuXoyia a7toXXu(xevou in iy.k £X&oi. Ambrose alludes to Isaac
blessing his sons (Gen. 27.27ff ) and to Jacob blessing the patriarchs
(Gen. 49. Iff) but contrasts these instances of blessing with the
blessing Job sought. The benefit of the blessings of Isaac and
Jacob, he argues, was derived from their merit or paternal piety,
whereas the benefit of the blessing Job sought could only be
attributed to the death itself.
8.37 si quam viderimus debilem, non deseramus, etc.
In the passage from which Job 29.13: "benedictio morituri in
is taken, Job is speaking of his past happiness. He

lie had aided the widow, the poor, the blind, the lame,
so his former life was happy in contrast to his present
In the spirit of these verses Ambrose here exhorts Chris-
help the poor and afflicted. In Off. 1.30.148 a similar
ion is connected with the quotation from Job 29.13:
s culpa, si sciente te, fidelis egeat; si scias eum sine sumptu
amem tolerare, aerumnam perpeti, qui praesertim egere
cat; si in causam ceciderit aut captivitatis suorum, aut calum
et non adiuves; si sit in carcere, et poenis, et suppliciis
er debitum aliquod iustus excrucietur (nam etsi omnibus
tur misericordia, tamen iusto amplius); si tempore afflictionis
nihil a te impetret; si tempore periculi quo rapitur ad mortem,
> apud te pecunia tua valeat, quam vita morituri. de quo pulcre
j dixit: benedictio perituri in me veniat."
usquisque depositus aevo.
ompare Verg. Aen. 12.395: "ille ut depositi proferret fata
arentis."
'.ripe etiam eum qui ad mortem ducitur.
An exhortation in In psalm. 118.8.41 is quite similar to this, even
in its wording: "eroga pauperibus, debeles elevato, redime captivos,
et solvisti vincula tua; elemosyna enim a morte liberat. eripe eum
qui dicitur ad mortem, hoc est: eripe eum intercessione, eripe
gratia tu, sacerdos, aut tu, imperator, eripe subscriptione indul-
gentiae, et solvisti peccata tua, exuisti te e vinculis tuis."
Chapter 9
9.38 quis dubitet de bono mortis, cum id quod inquietum . . . con-

quiescat.
Ambrose again returns to the theme of the good of death, good
because it frees man from the trials of this life so that his soul
can fly up to that place where it can be united with the pure,
perpetual and immortal good. See Bon. mort. 3.9-12 for similar
expressions of this theme.
9.38 ad Mud sublime evolet et cum Mo puro et perpetuo bono atque
inmortali maneat, ipsi adhaereat et cum ipso sit de quo cognatio-
nem ducit.
This is very close to Phaedo 79D. Plato speaks of the soul
passing into the realm of the pure and everlasting and immortal,
and of the soul being of a kindred nature: exeiae otyexca ei?
t6 xa&apov te xal del 5v xal d&dvaTov xal ataxbroic. e'xov, xal w?
auffevf)? o5aa auTou, del [xeT' exeivou Te ytyVETal"
9.38 cuius et genus sumus.
The mention of the soul being related to the pure good (de quo
cognationem ducit; in Plato: ffUyyevJn; ), reminds Ambrose of
the verse from Paul's speech to the Athenians in which he quotes
from one of the pagan poets (from the <pouv6(xeva of Aratus, a
3rd cent. B.C. poet of Cilician origin), Acts 17.28: "cuius et genus
sumus." Compare the Greek text: tou yap xal yivot; ea(xev.
This verse, and the verses surrounding it, formed part of Ambrose's
course of instruction to pagans who wanted to become Christians,
as can be seen from In Luc. 6.104: "ordo igitur disputationis est
ordo tractatus, et ideo etiam nos, cum aliqui ex gentibus vocantur
ad ecclesiam, ita praeceptorum seriem formare debemus, ut primo
unum deum auctorem mundi omniumque esse doceamus, in quo

vivimus et sumus et movemur, cuius et genus sumus, ut non solum
propter cognationem quandam generis diligendus a nobis sit." In
the Hexameron Ambrose connects the verses from Acts with the
image of the seed, saying that we should plant seed according
to kind, and since we are not carnal but spiritual, our planting
should be of spiritual seed: Exam. 3.7.31: "seminemus igitur
semen secundum genus. quod sit genus, audi dicentem oportere
nos quaerere illud divinum, si quomodo illud tractare possimus
aut invenire: quamvis non longe sit ab unoquoque nostrum, in
ipso enim vivimus, et sumus, et movemur; sicut quidam vestrum,
inquit, dixerunt cuius seminemus semen non in came, sed in
spiritu. non enim carnalia, sed spiritualia seminare debemus, qui
ad vitam pervenire volumus aeternam. quae sit autem similitudo,
non ignoras, qui ad imaginem et similitudinem dei factus es." On
the importance of this citation for Ambrose and its influence on
Augustine, see P. Courcelle, "Plotin et Saint Ambroise," RevPhil
24 (1950) 38-39, 52-54.
9.38 non enim mori animam cum corpore.
Ambrose will return to the question of the immortality of the
soul in Bon. mort. 9.41-10.44. Here he merely wants to emphasize
that the soul does not die with the body. In the later passages
he will set forth arguments both from reason and from Scripture
for the immortality of the soul.
9.38 spiritum vitae et factus est homo in animam viventem.
Gen. 2.7. In Isaac 2.4 Ambrose explains the meaning of the
verse as it relates to the definition of the soul: "non ergo sanguis
anima, quia carnis est sanguis, neque armonia anima, quia et
huiusmodi armonia carnis est, neque aer anima, quia aliud est
flatilis spiritus, aliud anima, neque ignis anima, neque entelechia
anima, sed anima est vivens, quia factus est Adam in animam
viventem, eo quod insensibile atque exanimum corpus anima vivi-
ficet et gubernet." In Bon. mort. 9.42 Ambrose will return to this
definition of the soul as life and base his argument for its immor
tality on it: "anima ergo vita est. quomodo potest mortem
recipere, cum sit contraria?"
COMMENTARY 231
9.38 convertere, anima mea, in requiem tuam, etc.

In Ob. Theod. 28 Ambrose gives a brief exegesis of this verse
(Ps. 114.7): "pulchre dick animae 'convertere' quasi diuturno
cursu usque exercitae, ut a labore convertatur ad requiem. con-
vertitur equus ad stabulum, ubi cursum inpleverit, navis ad portum,
ubi ad stationem fidam a fluctuum mole subducitur. sed quid est,
quod ait 'ad requiem tuam', nisi secundum illud intellegas, quod
ait dominus Iesus: venite, benedicti patris mei, hereditate pos-
sidete paratum vobis regnum a constitutione mundi?" Note the
use of the image of the port of refuge.
In the passage in the De bono mortis under consideration Am
brose adds the reason for the blessing contained in the following
psalm verse (Ps. 114.8): "quia liberavit pedes meos a lapsu," i.e.
because death put an end to his wandering.
9.39 placebo domino in regione vivorum.
Ps. 114.9. The Old Latin reads: "complacebo ante Dominum
in regione vivorum;" the Vulgate is the same as Ambrose's text,
compare the Greek: Euapear/)ac) evavTtov xupiou iv x^Pf
£wvtwv. In Ob. Theod. 30 Ambrose refers to this same psalm
verse and interprets in regione vivorum in the same way, namely,
as a reference to the soul's continued life when freed from the
body by death: "si ergo mors non erit, lapsum sentire non poterit
in illa requie constitutus, sed 'placebit deo in regione vivorum'.
non enim, ut hic homo involutus est 'mortis corpore' obnoxio
lapsibus atque delictis, ita et illic. ideoque regio illa vivorum est,
ubi anima est, quae 'ad imaginem et similitudinem' dei facta est,
non caro figurata 'de limo'. ideo caro in terram revertitur, anima
ad requiem festinat supernam."
9.39 animarum requiem dicit terram esse viventium.
An allusion to Ps. 26.13: "credo videre me bona Domini in
terra viventium."
9.39 relinque mortuos sepelire mortuos suos.
Mt. 8.22. The Old Latin has dimitte instead of relinque; Ambrose
uses dimitte in Exc. Sat. 2.36, but elsewhere (In psalm. 118.3.11;
In psalm 48.26) he quotes the verses as here. Ambrose is con
trasting the regio vivorum, the place where the soul lives freed
from the body, with this present life, which is a regio mortuorum.
The same theme is developed in In psalm. 118.3.11: "haec vita
non est loco praemii, quae in loco mortis est. . . . omnia hic plena
mortis sunt. intrat mors per fenestram, intrat per ostium; nisi
dominus ostio tuo ponat custodiam. . . . quantos tangimus mor-
tuos! inter quantos mortuos versamur! ideo tibi auctor vitae
dicit: relinque mortuos sepelire mortuos suos. ideo tibi alibi
dicitur: surge qui dormis, et exsurge a mortuis. quomodo
tibi diceretur; surge a mortuis, nisi inter mortuos viveres?"
See also In psalm. 118.3.18: "hic in umbra vivimus. ergo ista
vita in corpore, umbra est vitae atque imago, non veritas. denique
in imagine ambulat homo, et in regione umbrae mortis consistimus."
9.39 anima eius in bonis demorabitur, etc.
Ps. 24.13. The Old Latin has: "anima eius in bonis demorabitur;
et semen eius haereditate possidebit terrain." Ambrose renders
the xXy)povo[i.y)ffei of the Septuagint by the verb hereditabit,
instead of the phrase haereditate possidebit.
9.40 ne trahatur a corpore, etc.
This passage is reminiscent of Plato, Phaedo 79C: gXxeTai unb tou
aw[xaTO<; el$ toc ouSotote xaTa TauTa eôvTa, xal au-n) 7tXavaTou
xal TapaTTETai xal ekiyy1^ <&<"rSP (xe&uouaa.
Compare especially: "ne trahatur a corpore et tamquam ebria
perturbationibus eius vacillet." See P. Hadot, art. cit. RevEtLat
34 (1956) 216.
9.40 oculi tui recta videant; lingua tua non loquatur perversa.
These two quotations from Scripture, the first from Prov. 4.25
and the second from Ps. 33.14, shows that the external senses
are prone to err, for, Ambrose argues, these commands would
not have been given unless they did err frequently. Then he
gives the example of the harlot: she is seen by the external senses
as beautiful, but if they had seen truly, they would have seen
ugliness. This example was perhaps suggested to Ambrose by
Prov. 5.2: "noli intendere fallaci mulieri." cf. Cain et Ab. 1.5.15
where Ambrose quotes this verse immediately after Prov. 4.25.
COMMENTARY 233
9.40 qui viderit mulierem ad concupiscendum eam.

This verse from Mt. 5.28 is used to show that man's senses and
affections deceive. This was a popular verse with Ambrose; see,
for example, In psalm. 118.1.12; 8.34; 16.3; Paenit. -1.14.70; In
Luc. 6.91.
9.40 neque capiaris oculis . . . mulier enim virorum pretiosas animas
capit.
Prov. 6.25-26. The Vulgate has: "nec capiaris nutibus illius . . .
mulier autem viri pretiosam animam capit." Ambrose, who has
the plural instead of "viri pretiosam animam," follows the Sep-
tuagint:
ywy) 8i avSpwv Ti(xia? ^x*? Aypeiki.

9.40 multo blandimento sermonis . . . seduxit.
An allusion to Prov. 7.21: "seducens eum multo blandimento
sermonum."
9.41 non laqueis credamus et retibus.

See Bon. mort. 3.10 where Ambrose also considers the senses
as deceptive: "saepe fallimur visu, et aliter pleraque quam sunt
videmus, fallimur etiam auditu;" and Bon. mort. 3.12 and 5.16
where he takes up the theme of the snare. See also Fug. saec.
5.27: "umbra vita est, umbra enim est nostra haec vita in terra,
sicut lob dixit. quid insuper hic nisi tentationes? omne tempus
in sollicitudine, omnis vita in molestiis. in medio, inquit, laqueo-
rum ambulamus."
9.41 eum sancto sanctus eris, etc.
This verse from Ps. 17 is used by Ambrose to show that constant
contact with the good colors our conduct and makes us like the
good. The Old Latin for Ps. 17.26-27 reads: "cum sancto sanctus
eris, et cum viro innocente innocens eris, et cum electo electus eris;
et cum perverso subverteris." Note that the Ambrose has omitted
"et cum viro innocente innocens eris," and has transposed the last
two clauses. Compare the Septuagint:
(XCTOt OfflOU octi0^<7y)

xal [aetA dvSpo<; aO-wou a&oio<; lay)
xal (xetoc exXextou sxXexto;; Sctt)
xal [xeTa ffTpej3Xou SiaffTpe<];ei<;
See also Epist. 27.8 and y4£r. 1.9.84 where Ambrose also quotes
the same verse but somewhat differently.
Ambrose here adds vs. 29 of the same psalm: "quoniam tu inluminas
lucernam meam, domine," and interprets it to refer to the eternal
light which illumines us more the nearer we are to it.
9.41 ergo anima, quae adhaeret bono . . . fit illius similis, etc.
Compare this whole sentence, especially "fitque illius similis quod
desiderat et in quo vivit et pascitur," with Plato, Phaedo 84 A-B:
to aXy)&e? xal to &eiov xal to aS6£aaTov &ew(xevy) xal uTt' exeivou
Tpe<po (iivq, £^v Te otexai outw Seiv Son; av £yj xal, e7teiSav te-
Xeutôt), eic, to ^.uyye^kc. xal ei? To toioutov a<pixo(xevy).
See Hadot, art. cit., RevEtLat 34 (1956) 216.
9.41 quae peccat moritur.

An allusion to Ezech. 18.4: "anima, quae peccat, ipsa morietur,"
a verse which is quoted by Ambrose in Bon. mort. 2.3 in connection
with the death of sin.
9.42 quomodo substantia eius interire potest.

Ambrose's argument for the immortality of the soul is based on
the proposition that the soul is life and, as life, cannot admit its
contrary, death. This is the argument presented by Plato in the
Phaedo 105 C-D: a7toxplvou Sy) ... cji av ti eyy^Vy)T0a ffci>(xaTi
£wv £aTai; — & av ^x^\ -.. — 4,Ux^3 ^pa ^ti *v dut"*) âTao-xy))
ael yjxei in exelvo <pepouaa £wy)v ; — y)xei (xevToi I<py) — ...
ouxouv û/y) to evavTiov & auTy) S7u<pepei del ou (xt) noie Se-
£/)Tai, a)? ex twv itp6ff&ev w(xoXoy/JTai ; ...
9.42 jfc«/ e#z>z nix calorem non recipit, etc.
The simile of snow in the presence of heat to illustrate the immor
tality of the soul is taken over by Ambrose from Plato's Phaedo
106 A-B: ouxouv, ei xal to 5&ep[jiov dvayxaiov 3)v avwXe&pov
elvai oTtote tic. inl yioîx &ep[Xov eTtayayOt xme^foei av y) J}.&m, oiSaa
COMMENTARY 235
a&q xal 5t/)xto?; — &avaxov (xev yap Sy), ex twv 7tpoeip)uivwv,

ou Sevexal ouS' Icrrai Te&vy)xuta.
See also Phaedo 103 D where the same simile is used. Ambrose
has simplified the argument somewhat and has added the example
of light in the presence of darkness. He argues that just as fire
destroys snow and light destroys darkness so the soul destroys
death, its contrary. Plato's argument is more subtle: just as the
non-heat of snow is necessarily indestructible by fire, so the non-
mortal of the soul cannot be destroyed by death. because life is
of the essence of the soul.
Chapter 10
10.43 habemus ergo rationem.

Ambrose has given the rational explantion of Plato for the soul's
immortality. He now proceeds from human arguments to the
divine arguments of Scripture.
10-43 potestatem habeo ponendi, etc.
For his argument from Scripture Ambrose chooses the text from
John 10.18 and alludes to Luke 23.46: "in manus tuas commendo
spiritum meum." His argument is that the soul is, as it were,
on deposit, and at death it is given back to God. He thus
gives the phrases "deponere animam" and "commendatio animae"
a legal interpretation. The same interpretation is given in In
Luc. 10.126 where he speaks of the souls as a 'pignus' and a 'depo-
situm: "in manus tuas, domine, commendo spiritum meum. et
unde commendatur spiritus, qui reservatur; quod enim commen-
datur utique non amittitur. bonum ergo pignus est spiritus, bo-
num depositum." The soul, then, is a deposit which is given back
at death; but what is given back, Ambrose argues, must still exist.
10.43 sed forte dicas: 'specialiter .
He raises the objection that this is a special case because the words
of John 10.18 and Luke 23.46 refer to Christ alone. He answers
the objection only in passing by saying that Christ took on himself
what pertains to man: " ille quae sunt hominis susceperit." Rather
than give a detailed answer to the objection, he presents another
scriptural passage.
10.43 node a te tua anima reposcatur.
Lk. 12.20. The Old Latin has: "hac nocte animam tuam repetunt
a te." Ambrose seems to know the reading "repetunt a te" as
COMMENTARY 237
well as "reposcatur" because he says: "quae data est reposcitur

vel repetunt a te." He continues his same argument with this
text: what is asked for again has not been destroyed and must
continue to exist. .
10.43 non timendum quemquam, qui potest corpus occidere, etc.
An allusion to Mt. 10.28: "nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus,
animam autem non possunt occidere." This verse, together with
the one that follows (Ps. 118.109), necessarily implies, according
to Ambrose, that the soul continues after death.
10.43 anima mea in manibus tuis semper.
Ps. 118.109. In the Hebrew text and in the Septuagint the reading
of the verse is "in manibus meis." The verse was variously inter
preted by the Latin Fathers. Jerome (Epist. 106.75) says of it:
"sciendum et apud Hebraeos, et apud Septuaginta, et omnes alios
interpretes scriptum esse 'in manibus meis', et non 'in manibus
tuis' . . . et est breviter sensus: quotidie periclitor, et quasi in
manibus meis sanquinem meum porto; et tamen legem tuam non
obliviscar." On the other hand, Augustine (Enarr. in psalm.
118.23.5) says: "nonnulli codices habent 'in manibus meis', sed
plures 'in tuis'; et hoc quidem planum est. iustorum enim animae
in manu Dei sunt; in cuius meum sunt et nos et sermones nostri.
. . . 'anima vero mea in manibus meis' quomodo intellegatur igno
re. " Ambrose also knows both readings; in In psalm. 118.14.29
he says: "aliqui habent 'anima mea in manibus meis semper', hoc
est, in actibus meis, hoc est, in operibus meis. quamvis in periculis
positus dicit iustus ad dominum: propter te quotidie morior, quoti
die periclitor. . . . ego tamen non periculis territus, tuae legis oblitus .
sum; propterea 'in manibus meis anima mea'. Sed quia plerique
habent 'anima mea in manibus tuis semper', hoc latius explanandum
arbitror. scit propheta, scit ubi animae sua praesidium locet, unde
opem speret; in manibus Dei constituere vult animam suam, quia
cor regis in manu Dei est. . . . huius anima non perit in aeternum,
nec quisquam rapit eam de manu Patris omnipotentis aut Filii.
manus enim Dei quae solidavit caelum, quos tenuerit, non amittit."
But here in the De bono mortis Ambrose is concerned only
with the reading "in manibus tuis", because it alone is pertinent
to his argument for the immortality of the soul The passage

from In psalm. 118 quoted above is a good commentary on the
verse as a testimony for the soul's immortality.
10.44 cor regis in manu domini.
Prov. 21.1. Ambrose argues that if the heart is in God's hands,
then the soul is, and if the soul is in God's hands, then it does
not remain in the tomb with the body but lasts forever. Heart,
he says, is filled with mind, which is the chief function of the
soul. See also Ambrose, Epist. 43.14: "in quo (homine) ad si-
militudinem aeterni Dei vou? esset invisibilis, humana specie amic-
tus. his est vou? animae vigor, principatum animae et corporis
sibi quasi rector vindicans."
10.44 frustra homines pretiosa struunt sepulchra, etc.
Compare Cicero, Tusc. disp 1.43.104: "totaque de ratione humatio-
nis unum tenendum est, ad corpus illam pertinere sive occiderit
animus sive vigeat." The mention of tombs as the dwelling places
for bodies serves as a transitional thought from the immortality
of the soul to the dwelling places of the soul.
10.45 in Hesdrae libris.
Ambrose likes to make use of the Fourth Book of Esdras. In
his first oration on his brother Satyrus (Exc. Sat. 1.64-69) he quotes
from it extensively, especially from chapter 10. He quotes from
4 Esdras 7.2830 in his comentary on St. Luke (In Luc. 2. 31).
In Epist 34.1-2 he replies to a question put to him by Horontianus
about the soul being a heavenly substance by recommending that
he read the Book of Esdras: "quaesisti a me utrum anima coelestis
esse videatur substantiae. . . . de quo tibi Esdrae librum legendum
suadeo, qui et illas philosophorum nugas despexerit; et abditiore
prudentia, quam collegerat ex revelatione, perstringerit eas substan
tiae esse superioris." In the De bono mortis Ambrose refers to
4 Esdras as Scripture (10.46), calls the author a prophet (11.48),
and speaks of the work as revelation (11.51: "Hesdra revelavit
secundum conlatum in se revelationem") and as having divine
authority (11.51: "nos divini praecepti habemus auctoritatem").
He was of the opinion that the work was written before Plato
COMMENTARY 239
(11.51) and that the pagans borrowed from it (10.45: "Hesdrae

usus sum scriptis, ut cognoscant gentiles ea quae in philosophiae
libris mirantur translata de nostris").
Fourth Esdras was, however, given its final form in the middle
of the second contury A.D. Its central portion (ch. 4-14) was
written sometime after 70 A.D. by a Palestinian Jew. It is
an apocalypse which answers the question why Israel is afflicted
and the messianic age delayed. It reveals the signs of the ap
proaching end, and the 'woes' which precede the messianic coming.
The general resurrection, the final judgement, and the heavenly
Jerusalem are described, as well as the state of the soul between
death and judgement. This last point is what interests Ambrose
in this and the following paragraphs of the De bono mortis.
The text with which I have compared the quotations in Am
brose is B. Violet, Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra). The discovery
in 1875 by Bensly of a missing fragment of chapter 7 (vs. 36-105)
has changed the verse numbering. I have revised the verse
numbering given by Schenkl to conform to that of Violet's edition.
For a complete introduction to Fourth Esdras, a translation and
commentary, see R.H. Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha
of the Old Testament, vol. 2, p. 542-624.
10.45 reddet terra defunctorum, etc.
A quotation from 4 Esdras 7.32-33. Compare the text by Violet:
"et terra reddet, qui in eam dormiunt, et pulvis, qui in eo silentio
habitat, et promptuaria reddent, quae eis commendatae sunt animae.
et revelabitur Altissimus super sedem iudicii." Although Ambrose
here uses the word 'habitacula' for dwellings, he also knows the
term 'promptuaria -, because at the beginning of the next paragraph
he refers again to this verse and says: "scriptura illa animarum
promptaria nuncupavit."
10.45 dicit dominus multas mansiones esse apud patrem suum, etc.
An allusion to John 14.2-3: "in domo Patris mei mansiones multae
sunt. si quo minus dixissem vobis, quia vado parare vobis locum.
et, si abiero et praeparavero vobis locum."
10.45 Hesdrae usus sum scriptis, etc.

Ambrose uses the book of Esdras so that the pagans may know
that what they consider excellent in their books of philosophy
has been taken over from the sacred writings. The same idea is
expressed in reference to Sophocles in Epist. 37.28: "quis est qui
Sophoclea in medium ferat carmina dicentia: Iupiter mihi praeest,
nullus autem hominum? quanto antiquior lob, quanto vestustior
David? agnoscant ergo de nostris se habere, quaecumque praestan-
tiora locuti sunt." The De officiis has several references to the
fact that the pagan philsophers drew some of their ideas from
Scripture. See, for example, Off. 1.10.31: "numquid prior Pa-
naetius, numquid Aristoteles, qui et ipse disputavit de officio,
quam David; cum et ipse Pythagoras, qui legitur Socrate antiquior,
prophetam secutus David, legem silenti dederit suis?" In reference
to the Stoics Ambrose remarks in Off. 1.28.33: "unde hoc, nisi
de nostris Scripturis dicendum assumpserunt? Moyses enim
scriptis. . . . ergo omnia subiecta esse homini de nostris didicerunt."
For additional references and a fuller treatment of the question
of Ambrose's attitude toward pagan learning, see G. L. Ellsper-
mann, The attitude of the early Christian Latin writers toward
pagan literature and learning, CUAPS 82; Washington 1949,
113-125.
10.45 animas hominum pariter ac bestiarum esse communes, etc.
Ambrose here rejects the idea of metamorphosis of souls into
the bodies of animals. He returns to this same theme in his
second oration on his brother Satyrus; he argues that if the pagans
can accept such an incredible and monstrous doctrine as the
transmigration of human souls into the body of beasts, then the
doctrine of the resurrection should be no obstacle to them. Exc.
Sat. 2.127: "an vero illorum sententia placet, quis nostras animas,
ubi ex hoc corpore emigraverint, in corpora ferarum variarumque
animantium transire conmemorant? at certe haec Circeis medi-
camentorum inlecebris conposita esse ludibria poetarum ipsi phi-
losophi disserere solent, nec tam illos, qui perpessi ista simulentur,
quam sensus eorum, qui ista confinxerint, velut Circeo poculo
ferunt in varia bestiarum monstra conversos. quid enim tam
COMMENTARY 241
simile prodigii quam homines credere in habitus ferarum potuisse

mutari? quanto maioris est prodigii gubernatricem hominis animam
adversa humano generi bestiarum suscipere naturam capacemque
rationis ad inrationabile animal posse transire quam corporis
effigies esse mutatas? vos ipsi haec destruitis, qui docetis. nam
magicis incantata carminibus portentosae huius conversionis genera
tradidistis." Ambrose goes on to explain the doctrine of the
philosophers who hold that each man becomes the animal for which
his aptitudes have fitted him. One becomes a raging lion, another
a howling wolf, a cow, or a bird. He then continues, Exc. Sat.
2.130: "haec quam incredibilia, quam deformia! quanto illud
convenientius, ut credas secundum naturam, credas secundum usum
fructum ceterorum, credas secundum exempla gestorum, oracula
prophetarum Christi caeleste promissum! quid vero praestantius,
quam ut opus dei iudices non perire et secundum imaginem et
similitudinem dei factos transferri non posse in effigies bestiarum,
cum utique ad similitudinem dei non corporis sit imago, sed ratio?"
One of the few passages of Ambrose's De philosophia which
has survived is also concerned with this same question. The
passage is preserved by Augustine, Contra Julian. Pelag. 2.7.19-20:
"an forte ipsum quoque Ambrosium scisse ac docuisse dubitabis
deum esse hominum conditorem, et animae et corporis? audi
ergo quod dicat in libro De philosophia contra Platonem phi-
losophum, qui hominum animas revolvi in bestias assueverat, et
animarum tantum modo deum opinatur auctorem, corpora autem
diis minoribus facienda decernit. ergo sanctus Ambrosius: 'miror,
inquit, tantum philosophum, quomodo animam, cui potestatem con-
ferendae immortalitatis atribuit, in noctuis includat aut ranulis,
feritate quoque induat bestiarum, cum in Timaeo eam Dei opus
esse memoraverit, inter immortalia a deo factam; corpus autem
non videri opus summi dei asserit, quia natura carnis humanae
nihil a natura corporis bestialis differt. si ergo digna est quae
dei opus esse credatur, quomodo indigna est, quae dei opere
visitatur?' ecce non solum animam, quod et illi dicunt, verum
etiam corpus, quod illi negant, contra Platonicos dei opus esse
defendit Ambrosius."
In the De bono mortis Ambrose refers to the souls of great

philosophers transmigrating into bees and nightingales; in the
two passages quoted above references are made to frogs, owls,
wolves, lions, etc. Plato in various places throughout his works,
refers to classifications of this kind. In the Republic 10.620A
Orpheus chooses the life of a swan, Thamyras a nightingale, and
Ajax a lion. In the Phaedo 82B Plato speaks of the lawless and
irresponsible becoming wolves and hawks, while those who have
cultivated the goodness of ordinary citizens pass into social and
disciplined creatures like bees, wasps, and ants. See also Timaeus
91E where wild animals become the resting-place for those who
had no use for philosophy. Tertullian (De anima 23.5 and 28.1;
see also the commentary of Waszink on these passages) also refers
to these passages in the Phaedo and the Timaeus, and Chalcidius
(In Timaeum 196) and Augustine (Civ. Dei 12.27.1) refer to
the Timaeus when they consider the question of metempsycosis.
This leads P. Courcelle to conclude that Ambrose's source was
some commentary on Plato by a Christian apologist according to
which the souls of philosophers where changed into bees and
nightingales, and others souls into frogs, owls, etc. For a fuller
discussion of the matter with full citation of the pertinent sources,
see P. Courcelle, "Anti-Christian arguments and Christian Platon-
ism," The conflict between paganism and Christianity in the fourth
century 151-192.
10.45 atS^v id est locum, qui non videretur.
Ambrose is probably alluding to Phaedo 80D where Plato speaks
of the soul going away to a place that is, like the soul, glorious,
pure, and invisible, the true Hades: t) Se 4,uxy) &pa, to aeiSe?,
to eic, toioutov To7tov Sxepov oixo(xevov yevvaôv xai xa&apov
xal aeiS^, eic, "AiSou a><; aXy^S?.
On the etymology of Hades see also Plato, Crat. 404B, Gorgias
493B; Plotinus, Enn. 6.4.16: to Se eic, "AiSou yiveo&ai, ei (xev
ev Tcp aiSei, to X^p^ ^yStou.
Hermes, Asclepius 17: "ab eo itaque, quod visu priventur,
graece "AiS^c, ab eo quod in imo sphaerae sint, latine inferi
COMMENTARY 243
nuncupantur;" Chalcidius, In Tim. 133: "nonnulli regionem hanc

nostram "AiSy)v merito, quod sit aeiSy)c, hoc est obscura, cogno-
minatam putant."
10.46 scriptura habitacula illa animarum promptaria nuncupavit.
An allusion to 4 Esdras 7.32: "et promptuaria reddent, quae eis
commendatae sunt animae." Note that Ambrose refers to 4 Esdras
as scriptura. In view of the fact that Ambrose is showing that
Scripture spoke of dwelling places for souls before the pagans, he
is probably also thinking of the end of the Phaedo (114C) where
Plato speaks of the souls who have sufficiently purified them
selves by philosophy living without bodies in dwellings more
beautiful than the regions of the earth: eic. obd)aeu; £ti toijtwv
xoeXXiou? atpixvouvTai.
10.46 coronae esse similem iudicii diem, etc.
To answer the objection that the just seem to be cheated of their
reward until the day of judgement, Ambrose quotes 4 Esdras
5.42. The text of Violet's edition reads: "coronae assimilabo
iudicium meum; sicut non novissimorum tarditas, sic nec priorum
velocitas." In 4 Esdras the seer inquires about the status of
those who have died before the messianic age, and he is told,
in effect, that the last shall be as the first, and the first as the
last. Judgement is likened to a crown. The image is that of a
ring or circle; just as a ring has no beginning or end, so God's
judgement will reach all generations at the same time. Ambrose,
on the other hand, interprets corona as the day of coronation on
which the conquered will be brought to shame, and the victors
will receive the palm of victory: "et victi erubescant et victores
palmam adipiscantur victoriae."
10.46 comparavit enim utero mulieris partus saeculi huius, etc.
4 Esdras 5.50-55 speaks of the earth as a mother that in her youth
brought forth strong and vigorous children, but that now brings
forth children of less vigor and of smaller stature. Compare
Ambrose with 4 Esdras 5.53-55, part of which he quotes directly,
part of which he alludes to: "alii sunt, qui in iuventute virtutis
nati sunt; et alii, qui sub tempore senectutis deficiente matrice
nati. considera ergo et tu, quoniam minori statura estis prae

his qui ante vos et qui post vos. minori quam vos quasi senescentes
creaturae et fortitudinem iuventutis praetereuntes."
The theme of the world gradually losing its vigor and of earlier
days being a time when men were greater is a commonplace of
ancient literature. Plato in Philebus 16C speaks of the men of old
being better and more god-like: ol (xev itaXaioi, xpeiTTovei;
y)(xtov xal iyyUTepw &ewv oixouvtei;.
Philo (De mundi opif. 49.140-141) considered the first man the
most excellent of all, and successive generations were progressively
weaker; just as the original of a painting or a sculpture is more
excellent than the copies, just as the iron ring nearest the magnet
is held most forcibly and additional rings are held with progres
sively less force, so the powers of successive generations of men
are weaker: 8u.oiov Sy) ti TC7tov&&vai xal to yevo? Twv av&pwrcwv
<paiveTai, xafl-' exacmr)v yeveav d(xuSpoTepac Xa(x(3avovTtov xa? t£
tou ctti[jiaTo? xal Ta? tyji; t^Xî; Suvaa-ei? xal 7toi6Ty)Ta?.
Lucretius also saw the powers of the world waning: De rerum
natura 2.1150-53: "iamque adeo fracta est aetas effetaque tellus
/ vix animalia parva creat quae cuncta creavit / saecula deditque
ferarum ingentia corpora partu;" 2.1173-75: "nec tenet omnia
paulatim tabescere et ire / ad capulum spatio aetatis defessa
vetusto." Among Christian writers Cyprian (Epist. ad Demetria-
num 3-4) develops the same theme: "illud primo in loco scire
debes iam senuisse saeculum, non illis viribus stare quibus prius
steterat nec vigore et robore ipso valere quo antea praevalebat.
. . . haec sententia mundo data est, haec Dei lex est, ut omnia
orta occidant et aucta senescant et infirmentur fortia et magna
minuantur et cum infirmata et deminuta fuerint finiantur. ... sic
in ortu ad huc suo ad finem nativitas properat, sic quodcumque
nunc nascitur mundi ipsius senectute degenerat, ut nemo mirari
debeat singula in mundo deficere coepisse, cum ipse iam mundus
totus in defectione sit et in fine."
10.47 servantibus legem dei repositam esse mercedem gloriae.

An allusion to 2 Tim. 4.8 where St. Paul speaks of running the
COMMENTARY 245
course of this life and thereby receiving a crown of glory: "in

reliquo reposita est mihi corona iustitiae."
10.47 sicut praevaricatio Adae.
Ambrose compares the state of sinners to the state of Adam after
the fall; just as Adam was ashamed to look on the face of God
and so hid himself, so the sinner will be unable to bear the
splendor of God's shining light. The allusion is to Gen. 3.8:
"et audierunt vocem Domini Dei deambulantis in paradiso ad
vesperam, et absconderunt se Adam et mulier eius a facie Domini
Dei in medio ligni paradisi."
Chapter 11
11.48 iustarum vero animarum per ordines quosdam digesta laetitia.

4 Esdras 7.75-101 describes the state of the soul immediately after
death. This paragraph of the De bono mortis is a paraphrase of
its contents. The inquirer in 4 Esdras is told that the spirit enters
into a state of misery or joy after leaving the body (7.75-80).
Then the seven degrees of torment for the wicked are described
(7.81-87). Following that description the seven orders of the spirits
of the righteous are described. The righteous are filled with joy a)
because they have tried to overcome their evil thoughts; b) because
they see the punishment of the ungodly; c) because they see the
divine witness to their goodness; d) because they understand their
rest as an intermediate state and understand the glory they will
have after the final judgement; e) because they know the evil from
which they have been delivered and hope for immortality; f)
because they await incorruptible radiance and glory; g) because they
will be joyous when they behold the face of the One whom they
served in their lifetime (7.88-99). At the end of the section one
detail is added. The soul will be free for seven days after death
to realize the things that have been described, after which they
will enter into their habitations (7.100-101).
Ambrose begins by describing the seven orders of the just.
Compare his paraphrase with the Latin text of 4 Esdras 7.91-88:
"ordo primus quoniam cum labore multo certati sunt, ut vincerent
cum eis plasmatum cogitamentum malum, ut non eas seducat a
vita ad mortem. secundus ordo: quoniam vident complicationem,
in quo vagantur impiorum animae et quia in eis manet punitio.
tertius ordo: videntes testimonium, quod testificatus est eis, qui
plasmavit eas, quoniam viventes servaverunt, quae per fidem data
COMMENTARY 247
est lex. quartus ordo: intellegentes requiem, quam nunc in promp-

tuariis eorum congregati requiescent cum silentio multo ab angelis
conservati et quae in novissimis eorum manet gloriam. quintus ordo:
exultantes, quomodo corruptibile effugerunt nunc, et futurum,
quomodo hereditatem possidebunt; adhuc autem videntes angustum
et labore plenum, a quo liberati sunt, et spatiosum quod incipient
recipere fruniscentes et immortales. sextus ordo: quando eis
ostendetur, quomodo incipiet vultus eorum fulgere sicut sol et
quomodo incipient stellis adsimilari lumini amodo non corrupti.
septimus ordo, qui est omnibus supradictis maior: quoniam
exultabunt cum fiducia et quoniam confidebunt non confusi et
gaudebunt non reverentes; festinant enim videre vultum eius, cui
servierunt viventes et a quo incipient gloriosi mercedem recipere."
11.48 sicut enim in Adam omnes moriuntur, etc.
Ambrose adds this quotation of 1 Cor. 15.22-24 to the fifth order
of joy for the righteous. He follows the Old Latin and the Greek
closely, except for the last verse: "deinde qui sunt Christi, qui in
adventum eius crediderunt." The Old Latin reads: "deinde hi,
qui sunt Christi in adventu eius." Compare the Greek: £7rciTa
oi TOO XpMTTOU hi vf\ mxpouaicic auxou.
11.48 ordo diversus claritatis et gloriae, sicut erit ordo meritorum.
An analogous theme is developed by Ambrose in his commentary
on Luke 5.61. There he is concerned with the beatitudes. He
considers the beatitudes and their corresponding rewards as pro
gressing from lesser to greater: "hos quidam gradus volunt esse
virtutum, per quos ab ultimis ad superiora possimus ascendere.
denique sicut incrementa virtutum ita etiam incrementa sunt
praemiorum; plus est enim dei esse filium quam possidere terram
et consolationem mereri."
11.48 'hic ordo' inquit 'animarum, quae sunt iustorum.'
A reference to 4 Esdras 7.99: "hic ordo animorum iustorum."
11.48 inmortales non dubitavit dicere in quinto ordine.
A reference to 4 Esdras 7.96 which speaks of the spacious liberty
the just are destined to receive with joy and immortality: "et
spatiosum quod incipient recipere fruniscentes et inmortales."
11.48 'haec est' inquit 'requies earum per septem ordines', etc.
A reference to 4 Esdras 7.91: "inprimis vident cum exultatione
multa gloriam eius, qui suscipit eas; requiescent enim per septem
ordines."
11.48 ergo dabitur tempus animabus, etc.
From 4 Esdras 7.100-101. Compare Violet's text: "et respondi
et dixi: ergo dabitur tempus animabus, postquam separatae fuerint
de corporibus, ut videant de quo mihi dixisti? et dixit mihi: septem
diebus erit libertas earum, ut videant septem diebus, qui praedicti
sunt sermones, et postea congregabuntur in habitaculis suis." In
Violet's text the first sentence is treated as a question, and the
second as a reply to it. In accord with this interpretation I have
revised Schenkl's text so that the first sentence is a question. The
only revision necessary is the change of punctuation. Ambrose,
following Esdras, teaches that after death the souls of the righteous
have an interval of seven days before they are gathered together
in their dwellings, so that they may consider what has been
spoken to them. This interval applies to the just alone; 4 Esdras
7.80 speaks of the impious not entering into dwellings at all, but
wandering about in torment: "haec inspirationes in habitationes
non ingredientur; sed vagantes erunt amodo in cruciamentis, do-
lentes semper et tristes per septem vias." Presumably Ambrose
also undertands the interval of seven days to apply to the just
only. For Ambrose there is certainly no interval for conversion
after death. See, for example, In psalm. 118.2.14: "venit dies
mortis, et iam nullum conversionis remedium est;" and Bon. mort.
2.5: "qui hic non acceperit remissionem peccatorum illic non erit."
11.48 plenius de iustorum ordinibus . . . quam de passionibus impiorum.
4 Esdras 7.81-87 described the seven ways of torment for the
impious r a) consume with remorse; b) know the past is irre
vocable; c) see the rewards of the just; d) see the torments for
them after the last judgement; e) see dwelling places of the just;
f) see their future torments; g) consumed with remorse, confusion,
shame. Ambrose chooses not to discuss the torments of the impious,
because it is better to know how the just will be saved than
how the wicked will be punished.
COMMENTARY 249
11.49 lumen Mud, quod inluminat omnem hominem.

An allusion to John 1.9: "erat lux vera, quae illuminat omnem
hominem venientem in hunc mundum."
11.49 hic inperfecta, illic perfecta omnia.
The same theme is developed by Ambrose in In psalm 118.3.18
where he uses the image of the shadow to show that our life and
our seeing are imperfect as long as we continue in the body: "ista
vita in corpore umbra est vitae atque imago, non veritas; denique
in imagine ambulat homo et in regione umbrae mortis consisti-
mus. . . . omnes ergo etiam sancti in umbra sunt, quamdiu sunt in
corpore; non perfecte vident, non perfecte, sed ex parte cognoscunt.
ipse Paulus ait: ex parte enim cognoscimus, ipse vas electionis,
cui Christus oculos reddidit et sua inluminavit gratia, non facie
ad faciem, sed per speculum videbat."
11.49 videmus nunc per speculum, etc.
A quotation from 1 Cor. 13.12. The verses preceding this one
are also alluded to by Ambrose, especially in such phrases as "ex
parte hic cognovimus" and "hic inperfecta illic perfecta." 1 Cor.
13.9-12: "ex parte enim cognoscimus et ex parte prophetamus;
cum autem venerit quod perfectum est, evacuabitur quod ex parte
est. cum essem parvulus sapiebam ut parvulus, cogitabam ut par-
vulus; quando autem factus sum vir, evacauvi quae erant parvuli.
videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate, tunc autem facie ad
faciem." Note that the Vulgate has "facie ad faciem." Ambrose
consistently used the phrase "faciem ad faciem;" compare the
Greek: t6te 8k 7tp6<Ki>7rov 7tpo<; 7rp6<KD7tov.
11.49 quis enim inquit videbit vultum meum et vivet.
Exodus 33.20. The Old Latin reads: "non enim videbit homo
faciem meam et vivet." When Ambrose quotes this verse in other
places (In psalm 43.91; In psalm 118.8.16 and 8.20) he uses
'faciem meam' instead of 'vultum meum'.
11.49 si solis radios oculi nostri ferre non possunt.
The image of the sun doing harm to the eyes is also in the Phaedo
99D; Plato says that he runs the risk of doing harm to himself
by his investigations into the concept of causality, just as someone

can harm his eyes by looking directly at the sun: £Soi;e... (xoi
(xt) 7ta0-oi(xi 6nep oi tov y)Xtov exXeiTtovtix &ECOpouvTS<; xai axonou-
(i.evoi TCaa/oumv. StatpfreipovTai yap 7tou e'vioi Ta 6[x(i.aTa lav u.y) ev
uSaTi ^ tivi toiouto) axo7rwvTai t/)v eix6va auToo.
See also Cicero, Tusc. disp. 1.30.73: "iis saepe usu venit qui
cum acriter oculis deficientem solem intuerentur, ut aspectum
omnino amitterent; sic mentis acies se ipsa intuens non numquam
hebescit ob eamque causam contemplandi diligentiam amittimus."
Ambrose again uses this image in Luc. 7.17 when speaking of the
transfiguration: "premit enim inconprehensibilis splendor divini-
tatis nostri corporis sensus. nam si solis radium e regione oculorum
contuentium corporea nequit acies sustinere, quomodo dei gloriam
humanorum ferret corruptela membrorum?"
11.49 quis enim iustificatur in conspectu dei.
An allusion to Ps. 142.2: "quia non justificatur in conspectu tuo
omnis vivens."
11.49 ««/«5 diei infans mundus a peccato esse non potuit.
Job 14.4. The Old Latin reads: "quis enim erit mundus absque
sorde? nec unus quidem etiam si unius diei fuerit vita eius super
terram." Ambrose follows the Septuagint:
-zic, yap xa&apo? ectTai octco pirnou ; aXX' ou&eic..
eav xal {iLx y)(xepa 6 (3io<; auxou kl tt\c, y^?.
Compare the Vulgate: "quis potest facere mundum de immundo
conceptum semine? nonne tu qui solus es?" For Ambrose's use
of this verse in his doctrine on the transmission of original sin,
see H. Dudden, Saint Ambrose, his life and times 620.
11.49 nemo possit de sui cordis integritate, etc.
An allusion to Prov. 20.9: "quis gloriabitur castum se habere
cor? aut quis gloriabitur mundum se esse a peccato?"
11.50 tu enim recipieris ab hominibus, etc.
4 Esdras 14.9. Violet's text reads: "tu enim recipieris ab hominibus
et converteris residuum cum filio meo et cum similibus tuis."
'Cum filio meo' refers to the preexistent heavenly Messias; 're
COMMENTARY 251
siduum' refers to Esdras' life after death and is best translated

by the adverb 'henceforth.'
11.51 quis utique prior Hesdra an Platon?

Ambrose clearly believes that Esdras was prior to Plato. His view
was that Plato visited Egypt and there came into contact with the
Scriptures from which he borrowed some of his teachings. This
view is expressed by Ambrose in In psalm 118.18.4: "discite unde
Plato haec sumserit. eruditionis gratia in Aegyptum profectus, ut
Moysis gesta, legis oracula, prophetarum dicta cognosceret; audivit
consolationem populi, qui supra peccati modum videbatur fuisse
punitus: et hunc locum quadam adopertum dote verborum in
dialogum transtulit, quem scripsit de virtute."
11.51 nam Paulus Hesdrae, non Platonis secutus est dicta.
In Bon. mort. 11.48 Ambrose quotes from 1 Cor. 15.22-24 in
connection with the fifth order of joy described in 4 Esdras 7.
Ambrose must here be referring back to this quotation from 1 Cor.
as a place where Paul depended on Esdras.
11.51 Socrates Me festinare se dicit ad illos suos deos.
Ambrose is here referring to Phaedo 63B-C where Socrates expres
sed the expectation of being with good and wise men, with men
better than himself: ei (xev (x-J) êiv 7tp£>Tov y.kv &eoui; aXXou<;
aoipou? Te xal aya<)-ou<;, IrctTa xal rcap' av&pw7tou? tetSXsuty)x6to<;
a[xeivoui; twv Iv&aSe, t)Sixouv av oux ayavaxToiv tw Q-avaTtp. vuv
Se e5 tcrre, 8ti 7rap' avSpa? te eX7u£w atpêa&ai ayaO-ou?. xal touto
uiv oux av 7tavu Siiffx'Jpia-ai[i.^v* 6ti (xevtoi 7rapa &eovk; SeaKOTa?
7tavu aya&oui; y)êiv, su lctte 8ti elnep Tt SXXo twv toioutwv Suffû-
ptaai(xt)v av xal touto.
In the Apology 41 A Socrates also refers to the desire of meeting
good and wise men in the afterlife; he mentions Orpheus,
Musaeus, Hesiod, Homer, and Ajax, and expresses the desire to
be with them in the next life. Cicero expresses a similar desire in
the De senectute 23.83: "equidem efferor studio patres vestros
quos colui et dilexi videndi, neque vero eos solum convenire aveo,
quos ipse cognovi, sed illos etiam, de quibus audivi et legi et
ipse conscripsi; quo quidem me proficiscentem haud sane quid
facile retraxerit; " and 23.84: "o praeclarum diem cum in illud
divinum animorum concilium coetumque proficiscar cumque ex hac
turba et colluvione discedam!"
11.51 nos divini praecepti habemus auctoritatem.
Although Plato merely expressed the desire and expectation of
being with good and wise men in the afterlife, we Christians,
Ambrose argues, have proof for our belief from the authority
of Scripture. He cites the example of Moses and Elias appearing
with Christ at the Transfiguration, an allusion to Mt. 17.3: "et ecce
apparuit illis Moyses et Helias cum eo loquentes." He also cites
the examples of Abraham, who received the Lord together with
two others as guests (Gen. 18.2), and of Jacob, who saw the
camp of God (Gen. 32.3). Finally, the example of Daniel is
cited; Daniel (12.3) reports a vision of the just shining like the
stars of heaven: "et intelligentes fulgebunt sicut claritas firma-
menti et ex iustis multis, sicut stellae in saecula."
Chapter 12
12.52 etiamsi opera desint, fides nostrae opituletur.

The relation between faith and works is also expressed in In
psalm. 118.22.26: "et iuvabunt me iudicia; quoniam qui credit
in Domino, non iudicatur. proderit illi fides, et suffragabitur ad
veniam, etiam si qua in operibus offensa sit." Ambrose here adds
the idea that faith gives us a claim to our inheritance: "defendatur
hereditas." For Ambrose's theology of faith and works, see
Dudden, Saint Ambrose, his life and times 627-631.
12.52 ibimus et ubi sinum suum Abraham.
The expression 'Abraham's bosom' is a favorite one with Ambrose.
It is used to signify the rest of paradise as a reward for faith: In
psalm. 38.11: iusti in Abrahae sinu requiescere leguntur, quod
in eius gratia, in eius requie, in eius placiditate requiescant, qui
conformem ei induerint fidem et eandem in bonis operibus fecerint
voluntatem;" Interpell. lob 3.19: "qui vivit enim non inter mor-
tuos quaeritur, sed in Abrahae sinu vitam carpit aeternam." See
also Ob. Val. 72 where the expression is expanded to include the
patriarchs: "veni in illum agrum, qui est odor Iacob, hoc est veni
in gremium Iacob, ut sicut Lazarus pauper in Abrahae sinu, ita
etiam tu in Iacob patriarchae tranquillitate requiescas; sinus enim
patriarcharum recessus quidam est quietis aeternae; "and In psalm.
118.15.26 where being received into the bosom of Abraham is
identified with reception by Christ: "si vivit qui in sinu est pa
triarchae Abrahae ut ille Lazarus pauper, quanto magis vivit qui
suscipitur a Christo! quomodo enim potest non in aeternum vivere
quem sempiterna vita suscepit, quem totum sibi Christus adsumpsit,
qui totus verbi est, cuius vita abscondita est in Christo Iesu? sed
et qui in sinu Abrahae sedet susceptus a Chisto est."
Here in the De bono mortis Abraham's bosom signifies rest for

those who have endured the hardships of this life. Allusion is
made to the poor man Lazarus in Lk. 16.23 who was taken by
the angels into the bosom of Abraham: "factum est autem ut
moreretur mendicus et portaretur ab angelis in sinum Abrahae."
In the following paragraph of the De bono mortis Ambrose directs
a prayer to Father Abraham that many be received by him: "aperi
gremium tuum, expande sinus tuos, ut plures suscipias, quia plurimi
in dominum crediderunt."
12.53 recumbunt in regno dei cum Abraham, etc.
An allusion to Mt. 8.11: "dico autem vobis, quod multi ab oriente
et occidente venient, et recumbent cum Abraham, et Isaac, et
Iacob in regno caelorum."
12.53 rogati ad cenam non excusaverunt.
An allusion to the parable of #the great supper in which those
invited excused themselves, as related in Lk. 14.15-24. Compare
especially Lk. 14.18: "et coeperunt simul omnes excusare." In
contrast to those who excused themselves from the supper, the
just in heaven are those who accepted the invitation.
12.53 ibimus eo, ubi paradisus iocunditatis est.
An allusion to 4 Esdras 7.36. Violet's text reads: et apparebit
lacus tormenti, et contra illum erit locus requietionis et clibanus
gehennae ostendetur, et contra eam iocunditatis paradisus."
12.53 ubi Adam, qui incidit in latrones, etc.
An allusion to the parable of the Good Samaritan, especially to
Lk. 10.30: "homo quidam descendebat ab Ierusalem in Iericho et
incidit in latrones." The explanation for Ambrose's reference to
Adam is to be found in his commentary on Luke (written at
about the same time as the De bono mortis) where the parable is
given an allegorical interpretation. Jericho becomes a figure of
this world, Jerusalem of paradise; the robbers are figures of the
angels of night and darkness. Adam, the "homo quidam," is
cast out of paradise into this world and falls among robbers. See
In Luc. 1 .1J>: "quae si altius consideretur, admiranda signat my-
steria. Hiericho enim figura istius mundi est, in quam de paradiso,
COMMENTARY 255
hoc est de Hierusalem illa caelesti eiectus Adam praevaricationis

prolapsione descendit, hoc est de vitalibus ad inferna demigrans,
cui non loci, sed morum mutatio naturae suae fecit exilium. longe
enim mutatus ab illo Adam, qui inoffensa beatitudine fruebatur,
ubi in saecularia peccata deflexit, incidit in latrones, in quos non
incidisset, nisi his mandati caelestis devius se fecisset obnoxium.
qui sunt isti latrones nisi angeli noctis atque tenebrarum, qui se
nonumquam transfigurant in angelos lucis, sed perseverare non
possunt?"
12.53 ubi et latro ipse regni caelestis consortio gratulatur.
The mention of "latrones" reminds Ambrose of the good thief
crucicified next to Christ on the cross, who was promised heaven.
cf. Lk. 23.43: "amen dico tibi quod hodie mecum eris in paradiso. "
12.53 ubi nullae nubes, nulla tonitura, etc.
A paraphrase of 4 Esdras 7.39-42. Violet's text reads: "haec
talis, quae neque solem habet neque lunam neque stellas, neque
nubem neque tonitruum neque coruscationem, neque ventum neque
aquam neque aerem, neque tenebras sero neque mane, neque
aestatem, neque verem neque aestum, neque hiemen neque gelum
neque frigus, neque grandinem neque pluviam neque ros, neque
meridiem neque noctem neque ante lucem neque nitorem neque
claritatem, neque lucem." Ambrose added some style and variety
to the monotony of the text of 4 Esdras by varying the negatives
from nulla to neque to non.
A similar description of heaven can be found in Lucretius, De
rerum natura 3.18-24:
apparet divum numen sedesque quietae,
quas neque concutiunt venti, nec nubila nimbis
aspergunt, neque nix acri concreta pruina
cana cadens violat, semperque innubilus aether
integit, et large diffuso lumine rident.
omnia suppeditat porro natura neque ulla
res animi pacem delibat tempore in ullo.
12.53 sed sola dei fulgebit claritas.
Schenkl considers this as a direct quotation from 4 Esdras. Because
t of the above paraphrase of 4 Esdras and because it is

dcularly close to the reading of the best critical edition of
as, I prefer to consider it merely an allusion to 4 Esdras
"neque noctem neque ante lucem, neque nitorem neque
tem neque lucem; nisi solummodo splendorem claritatis al-
i." The conception of heaven as a place where there will be
irthly light but only the new light of the Lord is developed
Vmbrose in In psalm. 38.18: "sanctus ergo in die domini
tat, in die novo in quo deus dominus inluxit nobis et dedit
am lucem innoxiam vitam et integram reformatis. ideo vir
tus securus novae lucis et gratiae dei dick: erit mihi caelum
vum et terra nova et novum lumen. non enim lucerna et lumen
-lis illic lucebit aut lunae, sed dominus inluminabit super populum
jum.
llud lumen verum, quod inluminat omnem hominem.
A quotation from Jn. 1.9; the Old Latin has: "erat lux vera, quae
illuminat omnem hominem," but lumen is a common variant.
ibimus eo, ubi servulis suis dominus Iesus mansiones paravit.
An allusion to Jn. 14.2-3: "in domo patris mei mansiones multae
sunt. . . . iterum venio et accipiam vos ad meipsum, ut ubi ego sum
et vos sitis." Ambrose quotes both of these verses in the lines
immediately following.
54 ex omnibus partibus venient et recumbent in dei regno.
An allusion to Mt. 8.11: "dico autem vobis quod multi ab oriente
et occidente veneint et recumbent cum Abraham et Isaac et Iacob
in regno caelorum."
2.54 et quo vado vos scitis et viam meam scitis.
A quotation from Jn. 14.4 The Old Latin is: "et quo ego vado
scitis et viam scitis." Ambrose has added the pronoun 'vos' and
the adjective 'meam'. Compare the Greek: xal 5to>u [6yw] wayta
oiSaTe Ty)v 6S6v.
12.54 ego sum via, et veritas, et vita, etc.
Jn. 14.6. Note that Ambrose is following closely a part of Christ's
farewell address to his disciples, John 14.2-6. In this and the
COMMENTARY 257
preceding paragraph he has quoted successive verses from this

passage in John and has added his own commentary.
12.54 pater, quos dedisti mihi, etc.
A quotation from Jn. 17.24. Ambrose adds to this verse an
additional 'pater so that his quotation begins and ends with
the word. He adds the comment: "repetitio ista confirmatio. "
Ambrose seems to have taken the additional 'pater added at the
end from the following verse in John. Verse 24 ends: "ut videant
claritatem meam, quam dedisti mihi, quia dilexisti me ante con-
stitutionem mundi; verse 25 begins: "pater iuste ..." Ambrose
skips the last part of verse 24 and adds the additional 'pater
from the beginning of verse 25 to make the point that what
Christ wills he accomplishes. He adds two other instances in
Scripture of similar repetitions, one from Gen. 22.1: "Abraham,.
Abraham" (of this he comments in Abram. 1.67: "repetitione
nominis mentem excitat, ut esset paratior," the other from Isaias
53.25: "ego sum, ego sum qui deleo inquitates tuas."
12.54 quod supra promisit hic poposcit.
Ambrose is referring to the fact that in John 14.3 Christ promised
that he would call his disciples to him, and in John 17.24 he
prays to his Father that they many be with him. Ambrose dwells
on this fact, that Christ first promised and then asked, that by
his promise we might recognize his power, and that we might
recognize his piety by is asking. Notice the use of alliteration
and the plays on words in this passage, involving promisit, pote-
stas, poposcit, pietas, postea, pater, praestitisse, putes, and
paternae.
The theme of the Son asking the Father even though all power
had been given to the Son is also developed in In Luc. 5.42: "orat
ergo dominus non ut pro se obsecret, sed ut pro me inpetret;
nam etsi omnia posuerit pater in potestate filii, filius tamen ut
formam hominis inpleret, obsecrandum patrem putat esse pro
nobis, quia advocatus est noster. noli insidiatrices aperire aures,
ut putes filium quasi infirmum rogare, rogare ut inpetret quod
inplere non possit potestatis auctor. obedientiae magister ad prae
17
cepta virtutis suo nos informat exemplo. advocatum inquit

habemus apud patrem. si advocatus est, debet pro meis intervenire
peccatis. non ergo quasi infirmus, sed quasi pius obsecrat. vis
scire quam omnia quae velit possit? et advocatus et iudex est.
in altero pietatis officium, in altero insigne est potestatis."
12.54 exprimat paternae voluntatis consortium, in quo unitatis iudicium.
For a similar expression of the union of Christ's will with the
will of the Father, see In Luc. 10.60: "non alia voluntas patris,
alia filli; una enim voluntas, ubi una divinitas."
12.55 tu enim via es, veritas vita possibilitas fides praemium.
An allusion to Jn. 14.6: "ego sum via, et veritas, et vita." Note
Ambrose's effective use of asyndeton.
12.55 David inhabitans in domo domini.
An allusion to Ps. 22.6: "ut inhabitem in domo domini in longi-
tudinem dierum." Ambrose speaks of David's desire to see the
highest good, which is Christ. He illustrates by quoting from
three psalms: Ps. 4.6: "quis ostendit nobis bona" (Ambrose has
ostendet instead of ostendit); Ps. 26.13: "credo videre bona do
mini in terra viventium," and Ps. 64.5: "replebimur in bonis domus
tuae." Ambrose then observes that David refers so often to his
desire for the highest good so that we might know that the philo
sophers derived their teaching on the highest good from him.
Ambrose's Letter 29, addressed to Irenaeus, consists in a long
meditation on Christ as the "summum bonum." See especially
Epist. 29.8: "ipse est ergo dominus Iesus summum bonum, quod
nobis annuntiatum a prophetis, praedicatum ab angelis, promissum
a patre, evangelizatum est ab apostolis;" 29.9: "ipse est summum
bonum, qui nullius indiget, et abundat omnibus. facile abundat, in
quo plenitudo divinitatis habitat corporaliter. facile abundat, de
cuius plenitudine omnes accepimus, et in illo repleti sumus; "and
29.14: "ergo anima nostra, quae deo vult appropinquare, elevet
se a corpore, semper illi summo adhaereat, illi bono quod est
divinum, quod est semper, et quod erat ab initio, et quod erat
apud deum, hoc est, dei verbum. ipsum est illud divinum, in quo
vivimus, et sumus, et movemur."
COMMENTARY 259
12.55 pande ergo Mud vere bonum tuum . . . in quo vivimus, etc.
An allusion to Acts 17.28: "in ipso enim vivimus, et movemur, et
sumus." Note that in Ambrose's paraphrase of this verse from
Acts, as well in Epist. 29.14 quoted above, he places "sumus"
before "movemur." Compare the Greek text: ev ocutw yap £&[xev
xal xivou[i.e&a xal ea[xev.
For a similar exhortation to direct our souls to the divine
good, see Fug. saec. 36: "ad illud igitur bonum erigamus animos
et in illo simus atque in ipso vivamus, ipsi adhaereamus, quod est
supra omnem mentem et omnem considerationem et pace utitur
perpetua ac tranquillitate, pax autem supra omnem mentem est
et supra omnem sensum. hoc est bonum, quod penetrat omnia,
et omnes in ipso vivimus atque ex ipso pendimus, ipsum autem
nihil supra se habet, sed est divinum."
12.55 vas elections tuae Paulus.
Ambrose now turns from the testimony of David in the psalms
to St. Paul. He refers to Paul as the "vas electionis," an allusion
to Acts 9.15, and quotes Philemon 15: "forsitan enim ideo disces-
sit ad horam, ut aeternum illum reciperes." The verse as written
by Paul refers to the fact that Onesimus, the slave, has left Phi
lemon, Paul writes to ask Philemon to take Onesimus back, and in
this verse Paul suggests that perhaps Onesimus left for a while so
that Philomen could receive him back for good, and no longer as
a slave but as a freedman. Ambrose interprets the verse to mean
that the minister of God is eternal.
12.55 Philemonem, cuius fidem in agnitione omnis boni, etc.
An allusion, not noted by Schenkl, to Philemon 6: "communicatio
fidei tuae evidens fiat in agnitione omnis operis boni, quod est in
vobis in Christo Iesu."
12.55 ubi nullae lacrimae, nullus est fletus.
A similar description of the 'rest' of heaven is given in Ob. Theod.
37: "'dilexi' et ideo prosequor eum usque ad regionem vivorum
nec deseram, donec fletu praecibusque inducam virum, quo sua
merita vocant, in montem domini sanctum, ubi perennis vita, ubi
corruptelae nulla contagio, nullus gemitus, nullus dolor, nulla con
sortia mortuorum."
12.55 convertere, anima, mea, in requiem tuam, etc.

A quotation from Ps. 114.7-9; the Old Latin reads: "convertere
anima mea in requiem tuam; quia dominus benefecit mihi, quia
eruit animam meam de morte, oculos meos a lacrimis, pedes meos
a lapsu. complacebo ante dominum in regione vivorum." The
psalmist understands this verse as applyng to the present life,
but Ambrose applies it to the life to come. He notes that
"complacebo" refers to the future, and contrasts the "regio mor-
tuorum," which is in this life, with "regio viventium," which is
the life to come.
12.56 mortuorum haec regio, ubi umbra mortis.
That this life is the "region of death" and that we live here in
the "shadow of death" is a common theme with Ambrose. See,
e.g. In psalm. 118.3.18: "ergo ista vita in corpore umbra est vitae
atque imago, non veritas; denique in imagine ambulat homo et
in regione umbrae mortis consistimus . . . omnes ergo etiam sancti
in umbra sunt, quamdiu sunt in corpore; non perfecte vident, non
perfecte sed ex parte cognoscunt . . . regionem autem hanc mor
tuorum esse quis dubitet, cum sanctus ipse dicat: placebo domino
in regione vivorum, quia perfecte hic placere nemo potest, ubi,
etiamsi fieri possit ut sua peccata non habeat, in ipsa tamen mor
tuorum regione vivendo purificatione indiget, quae a contagio eum
regionis huius absolvat?"
12.56 donatur Petro, ne portae inferni praevaleant ei.
An allusion to Mt. 16.18: "et portae inferi non praevalebunt ad-
versus eam." Ambrose interprets the "gates of hell" as gates of
sin by which the impious deny the Lord. These gates of sin did
not prevail against Peter, and so he did not die the death of sin.
This section in Ambrose is a brief summary of a longer treatment
of the theme in In Luc. 6.99: "portae inferi portae mortis sunt,
portae autem mortis portae esse ecclesiae non possunt. quae au
tem sunt portae mortis, hoc est portae inferi nisi singula quaeque
peccata? si fornicatus fueris, portas mortis ingressus es. si fidem
laeseris, portas penetrasti inferi. si peccatum mortale commiseris,
portas mortis intrasti. sed potens est deus, qui exaltet de portis
mortis, ut adnunties omnes laudes eius in portis filiae Sion. portae
COMMENTARY 261
autem ecclesiae portae castitatis sunt, portae iustitiae, quas iustus

intrare consuevit dicens: aperite mihi portas iustitiae et ingressus
in eas confitebor domino. sed ut porta mortis porta inferi ita et
porta iustitiae dei porta est." In Luc. 7.5: "neque enim Petrus
mortuus est, cui iuxta dominicam sententiam inferi porta praeva-
lere non potuit . . . esto ergo et tu Petrus, devotus fidelis pacificus,
ut portas ecclesiae aperias, portas mortis evadas." Death here is
to be taken as ethical death, death to sin; we should strive to be
like Peter against whom the gates of hell did not prevail, so that
he did not die the death of sin.
12.56 si quis mortuum tetigerit, inmundus erit.
A quotation from Num. 19.11 regarding the legal uncleanness
contracted by touching a dead man: "qui tetigerit mortuum, omnis
anima hominis immunda erit septem diebus." Ambrose interprets
this verse allegorically to mean the moral uncleanness contracted
by the evil man who seeks pleasures, accepts usury, commits
theft, etc.
In reference to the one who seeks pleasures he quotes 1 Tim. 5.6:
"in deliciis est vivens mortua est." In reference to usury he alludes
to Ezechiel 18.13: "ad usuram dantem et amplius accipientem,
numquid vivet? non vivet." Ambrose's treatise De Tobia is on
the evils of usury; for a summary of his teaching on the subject,
see Dudden, Saint Ambrose, his life and times 470-74.
12.56 vita inquit vivet et vivet in eis.
An allusion to Ezechiel 33.-19: "cum recesserit impius ab impietate
sua feceritque iudicium et iustitiam, vivet in eis." Compare also
Ezechiel 33.13: "et si dixero iusto: vita vives, et recessit post
haec a iustitia sua: vivo ego, dicit dominus, quia morte morietur."
12.56 ipse Paulus ... in corpore mortis ingemescebat.
An allusion to 2 Cor. 5.4: "qui sumus in hoc tabernaculo ingemi-
scimus gravati." Ambrose also quotes Coloss. 3.3-4 but has the
quotation in the first person ("vita nostra . . . vita nostra ... ap-
parebimus") so that it refers to Paul's life and future glory. The
Old Latin, following the Greek more closely, uses the second
person ("vita vestra . . . apparebitis"). Compare the Greek text:
dbre&aveTS yap, xal y) £w/) u[xwv xexpimTixi auv tw XpiaTw ev tw
0eqi. 6tixv 6 Xpi<rr£><; <pavepo>t)-yj, y) £wt) u[xwv, tote xal u(xei!? aw

auTw 9avepw&y)ffeff9-e ev So^t).
12.57 5/ #«*5 vitam tangit, vivit.
In this concluding paragraph Ambrose gives an exhortation to
touch life, the life that is Christ. If uncleaness comes from
touching the dead, then salvation comes from touching the living
man, Christ the life. He recalls the story of the woman with the
issue of blood who touched the hem of Christ's garment, and
quotes the verse that gives the reason for her cure, Lk. 8.48: "fides
tua te salvam fecit, vade in pace." Ambrose frequently presents
faith as a direct apprehension, a 'touching' of Christ. See, for
example, In psalm. 40.39 where the same gospel incident is
recalled: "est et interior tactus, quo Christum tetigit mulier illa
in evangelio, quae per duodecim annos sanguinem profluebat, nec
a medicis acceperat sanitatem; sed accepit a Christo. fidei tactus
est, quo tangitur Christus." See also In Luc. 6.57: "non enim
credunt qui conprimunt, credunt qui tangunt. fide tangitur Chri
stus, fide Christus videtur, non corpore tangitur;" and In Luc.
10.155: "non enim corporali tactu Christum, sed fide tangimus."
12.57 quid quaeritis viventem cum mortuis?
A quotation from Lk. 24.5-6 which reads, according to the Old
Latin and the Vulgate: "quid quaeritis viventem cum mortuis?
non est hic, sed surrexit."
12.57 vade ad fratres meos et dic eis: ascendo ad patrem, etc.
Jn. 20.17. the Old Latin has: "vade ad fratres meos et dic eis:
ascendi ad Patrem meum et ad Patrem vestrum, et ad Dominum
meum et ad Dominum vestrum." After this quotation Ambrose
concludes the paragraph with a final exhortation to seek Christ,
embrace his feet, and adore him (an allusion to Mt. 28.9: "illae
(Maria Magdelene et altera Maria) accesserunt et tenuerunt pedes
eius et adoraverunt eum"), so that Christ may say to us, as he
did to them, "nolite timere" (Mt. 28.10). Do not fear the iniqui
ties of the world, or bodily passions, or darkness, or death, because
Christ is the remission of sins, is light and life, and whoever comes
to him will not see death forever (Jn. 8.51).
INDICES
INDEX LOCORUM SANCTAE SCRIPTURAE
OLD TESTAMENT
Genesis 7.32-33 136, 239

2.7 130 7.36 146, 254
2.9 100, 184, 199 7.39-42 146, 255
2.16-17 86, 158 7.42 256
3.5 . 112, 204 7.75-101 246
3.8 138, 245 7.80 248
3.19 104, 187 7.81-87 142, 148
18.2 144 7.91 142, 248
22.1 146 7.91-96 138
25.8 126 7.91-98 246
27.27 126 7.96 140, 247
27.39 126 7.96-98 140
32.1 144 7.99 140, 247
47.9 90 7.100-101 142, 248
49.1 .126 14.9 144,250
Exodus I Kings
33.20 142, 249 17.40 92
Numbers U Kin&s
19.11 150, 261 12.13 . 92
23.10 104, 188 24.17 92
Deuteronomy Job
8.1.7 114, 206 3.3 ... . 88
15.9 114, 205 3.19 253
30.15 86 7.1 ... . . . . 100,
7.4 ... . 100
IV Esdras 7.6
7.6 ... . . . . 100,
100, 183
5.42 136, 243 10.9 .... . . . 100.
100, 181
5.53-55 138, 243 10.11 . . . . . . 100.
100, 181
7.32 136, 143 10.14-17 . . 182
I INDICES
14.4 250 5.2 130, 233

14.5 142 5.3 114, 207
14.17 100 5.15 112, 202
29.13 126. 227 5.20 116
6.25 132
«*»» 6.26-27 132, 233
3.6 126, 225 7.21 132, 233
4.5 98 16.24 110, 202
4.6 148 20.9 142, 250
9.14 150 21.1 134
16.14 112, 203 25.9 116, 210
17.26-27 132, 233
17.29 132 Ecclesiastes
20.5 112
1.8 120, 215
22.3 116, 207
1.9-10 120, 215
22.6 148, 258
2.17 120
23.4 118, 214
4.1 88
24.13 130, 232
4.2-3 120, 166, 215
26.13 .... 130, 148, 231
6.3-5 88, 166
30.6 108, 196
7.25 120
33.1 197
7.26-27 216
33.14 130
33.16 108
33.22 126, 225 Canticle of Canticles
38.13 90 4.12-13 110
38.14 90 4.16 110
61.2 116, 208 5.1 110, 112, 202
64.5 148 5.2 112, 203
102.5 190 6.1 108, 197
103.15 .... 110, 112, 201 6.10 197
114.7 130 8.10 13, 108, 197
114.8 130 8.13 108
114.9 130, 231 8.14 108
114.7-9 150, 260
115.15 .... 92, 126, 225 Wisdom
115.16-17 92
1.13 100, 104
115.18 94
118.109 134, 237
Sirach
141.4 114, 207
142.2 142, 250 6.13 116, 210
9.20 100, 182
Proverbs 1L28 126, 226
4.25 116, 130 40.20 112
INDICES 267
Isaias Ezechiel
27.3 13, 108, 196 18.4 88, 132, 234
40.30 190 33.13 150, 261
49,16 ... 13, 106, 108, 195 33.18 150
53.25 146 33.19 216
58.6 96, 177
Lamentations Daniel
1.2 88 12.3 144, 252
NEW TESTAMENT
Matthew 16.23 144, 254

4.16 150 17.18 112
5.28 132 23.43 146, 255
6.34 90 23.46 134, 236
8.11 144, 146, 256 24.5-6 262
8.22 130, 231
9.4 114, 206 J°hn
9.20 152 1.4 100, 146
10.28 .... 104, 134, 237 1.9 ... . 142, 146, 249, 256
13.12 114, 205 118 152
16.18 150, 260 8.51 152
16.19 170 10.18 134
16.26 106, 192 11.11 126, 225
17.3 252 11.25 126
22.11-12 112 12.27 118, 211
26.38 118, 211 14.2 146
14.2-3 . . . 136, 146, 239, 256
Luke 14.3 146
1.79 88 14.4 146, 256
2.26 90, 167 14.6 112, 116, 146, 148, 203, 258
2.28-29 90, 167 14.30 104, 190
2.29 92 14.31 191, 106
8.44 152 17.24 146
8.48 262 20.17 152, 262
9.25 193
10.30 146, 254 Acts of the Apostles
12.19 116, 200 5.29 92
12.20 134, 236 9.15 148
14.18 144 17.28 . . . 128, 148, 229, 259
268 INDICES
Romans Galatians
1.32 120 2.19 88, 94
1.32-2.4 216
2.1-3 120 Ephesians
2.4 122 2.2 204
6.2 88 6.12 112, 204
6.4 88
Philippians
7.23 .... 94, 116, 176, 210
7.23-24 168 1.21 92, 100, 185
7.23-25 90 1.23 88, 94, 100, 124, 185, 224
7.24 98, 150, 180 1.23-24 92, 172
8.7 116, 208 3.20 96, 98
8.18 140 Colossians
2.12 104, 189
I Corinthians 2.21-22 98
3.2 110, 202 3.3-4 150, 261
13.9-12 142, 249
I Timothy
13.12 142
5.6 150, 261
15.22-24 140, 247
15.42 104, 188 II Timothy
2.3 114, 206
II Corinthians 4.8 138, 244
4.10 ....... 94, 104
Philemon
4.11 94, 176
6 148, 259
4.12 94, 96, 176
15 148, 259
4.16 96, 177
4.18 . . 96 I Peter
5.4 150, 261 1.18 . 193
INDEX LOCORUM OPERUM SANCTI AMBROSII
De Abraham 7.28 79, 81

1.1.2 47 7.29 76
2.7.37 47 8.31 ... 69, 74, 78, 81, 186
2.9.64 188, 226 8-32 81
8.33 69, 81
De bono mortis 835 67, 186, 219
8.37 70, 82
1.1 10, 31, 73, 79
9.38 68, 219
1.2 31, 77, 79
9.39 75
2.3 69, 80, 81
9.40 71, 75
2.4 ....... . 74, 75
9.41 72, 75
2.5 .... 19, 67, 71, 78, 79
9.42 ... 68, 72, 77, 79, 230
2.6 74, 75
10.43 73, 77
2.7 73, 79
10.44 69
3.8 69, 71, 79, 226
3.9 72, 79 10.45 44, 45, 48
3.10 . . 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 78 10.47 79
3.11 67,69,79 1148 45,46,74
3.12 . . 19, 69, 73, 74, 75, 81 U-49 72, 81
4.13 .... 69, 71, 76, 77, 81 H-50 79
4.14 19, 71, 77 11.51 45, 47
4.15 67, 73, 74, 75, 78, 80, 219 12.52 ... 69, 70, 76, 79, 81
5.16 .... 67, 72, 74, 75, 78 12.53 .... 12, 69, 74, 75
5.17 67 12.54 63, 72, 73, 77, 78, 81
5.18 44, 69 12.55 .... 69, 75, 76, 80
5.20 44, 70 12.56 71
5.21 81 12.57 .... 69, 70, 72, 74
6.22 75, 76, 77, 79
6.23 70, 76 De Cain et Abel
6.24 67, 72, 81 1.3.8 164
6.25 19, 80, 81 1.5.19 201
7.26 79 2.8.35 164, 167
7.27 68, 70, 72, 74 2.10.35 158, 216
270 INDICES
Epistulae De fide
20.9 18 1.5.42 60
20.27 158 1.13.84 60
29.14 258 5.13.170 208
29.8 . 258
29.17 191 De fuga saeculi
34.1-2 45, 238 1.1 205
37.28 48, 240 1.3 205
43.14 238 5.27 233
45.4 199 5.31 191
63.17 217 6.36 . 259
63.36 199 7.44 176
63.78 42 9.57 163
65.1 21 De Iacob et vita beata
65.10 20 1.6.24 219
1.8.39 213
Exameron 2.9.39 213
1.6.39 214
3.7.31 230 De incarnationis dominicae sacramento
6.7.42 .... 118, 195, 214 82 43
6.7.43 213 89 60
6.8.46 195 De interpellatione lob
6.8.47 195 12.25 183
6.8.49 196 1.16.18 181
2.2.6 216
De excessu fratris Satyri
3.8.24 196
1.31 16
1.61 215 De Isaac et anima
1.71 .... 221 2.3 174, 214
2.22 186, 219 2.4 230
2.30 166 4.17 10
2.32 165 4.23 11
2.35 164 4.34 207
5.39 196
2.36 173
5.41 12
2.36-37 88, 160
5.48 199
2.37 158
8.65 11
2.40 175
2.4647 187 Expositio Evangelii sec. Lucam
2.57-64 188 2.79 174
2.125 165 4.62 211
2.130 241 4.65 6, 193, 194
INDICES 271
5.42 257 De paradiso

6.10 118, 213 9.45 88, 160, 173
6.57 262 12.54 208
6.99 260
6.104 229 De patriarchis
7.5 261 9.39 .164
7.17 142, 250
7.35-38 161 Explanatio psalmorum xii
7.73 146, 254 1.8 208
7.75 202 1.16 226
10.10 16 1.24 207
10.60 258 1.33 46
10.126 236 1.45 200
10.155 262 1.48 184
10.159 12 1.58 163
36.1 43
De mysteriis 38.11 253
4.21 163 38.18 256
De Nabutbe Expositio in ps. cxviii

15.63 226 1.3 11
2.13 205
De obitu Theodosii
2.34 11
28 231 2.14 248
30 231 3.11 232
37 259 3.18 232, 249
De obitu Vdentiniani 5.13 200
6.8 200
45 188, 221
6.22 182
46 172
8.41 228
72 253
9.13 43
De officiis 11.7 43
1.10.31 240 12.45 43
1.28.33 240 13.23 202
1.49.241 215 14.29 237
1.49.244 215 14.39 191
2.2.6 48 14.43 195
15.26 253
De paenitentia 15.37 193
1.41 215 18.3 216
272 INDICES
18.4 47, 251 De Tobia

22.10 ........ 60 20.73 226
22.25 174, 226
22.26 253 De virginibus
22.27 42 8.47 . . 199
De sacramentis De virginitate
2.6.17 187 16.99 . 193
5.3.16 ........ 201 18.115-116 191, 192
De Spiritu Sancto Exhortatio virginitatis

2.46 .... 43 3.16 .... . 183
INDEX LOCORUM
CETERORUM AUCTORUM ANTIQUORUM
Ammianus Marcellinus Cicero

Rerum gestarum 31.31.18 . . 17 De amicitia
4.14 . . .... 168
St. Augustine
De beata vita 1.4 ... . 22 De senectute
13.44 . . . . 114, 206
Confessiones
19.71 . . .... 186
5.13.23-24 65
22.81 . . .... 225
8.2.3 20
23.83 . . . . . 144, 251
Contra Iulianum 23.84 . . .... 252
2.6.19-20 241
Tusculanarum disputationum
5.8.33 207
1.5.9. - 1.6.1 3 .... 222
Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum . . 124, 222
1.5.10 . .
4.11.31 .... 94, 142 1.10.19 . . 118, 212
Ennarationes in psalmos 1.11.25 . . . 100, 184
118.23.5 237 1.30.73 . . . 142, 250
1.31.75 . . 168, 178
Aulus Gellius 1.34.82 .... 100
Nodes Atticae 2.7.18 ... 164 1 37.89 .... 184
St. Basil 1.38.91 . . . 122, 217
1.38.92 .... 225
Homilia in martyrum Iulittam
5 (PG 31.249A) . . 90, 168 1.43.104 .... 238
1.49.118 .... 102
77pdoe/e aeavroi 1.49.118 .... 220
3 (PG 31.203A) . . 118, 214 2 18 43 .... 209
3.31.75-76 .... 26
Cassiodorus
Institutions 1.20 ... . 66 Claudius Claudianus
Chalcidius Panegricus Manlio Theodoro
In Timaeum 133 . . . . 243 5.253 22
18
274 INDICES
Clement of Alexandria 2.1173-75 244

Stromateis 3.820 124
3.3 98 3.18-24 255
3.17 190 3.820 124
3.830 ..... 217, 220
St. Cyprian
Macrobius
De mortalitate
7 170 Somnium Scipionis
12 227 1.10.9-15 .... 124, 223
Epistula ad Demetrianum Origen

3A 244 Commentarius in Romanos
6.6 162, 164
Epictetus Contra Celsum 4. 39 . . . 197
Enchiridion Dialogus cum Heraclides
4.10.27 . . . . . .219
168.2-12 88
5 122, 219
Homilia in Genesin 13 . . 194
Epicurus Ovid
Ad Monoeceum 125 . . 122, 217 Metamorphoses 8.183-235 190
Kvgiai Sofru 2 . . . 124, 220
Philo
Eusebius of Caesarea De mundi opificio 49.140-41 244
Preparatio Evangelica 12.11 . 197 Leges allegoricae 2.25 98, 100
Gregory of Nyssa Plato
De mortuis (PG 46.516B) . . 166 Apology 41A . . . . 144, 251
In Cantica Canticorum 12 . 175
Cratylus
Hermes
400C . 190
Asclepius 17 242 404B 242
St. Jerome Gorgias
Epistula 106.75 237 493A 190
Interpretatio Didymi de Spi- 516A ..... 126, 225
ritu Sancto 64 Phaedo
Lactantius 63C 144, 251
Divinae Institutiones 64A ... 96, 164, 177
7.13 212 64C 92, 164
64E 96
Lucretius 65AB 96
De rerum natura 65C 98
2.1150-53 244 65D 98, 180
INDICES 275
66B 98, 181 1.4.16 118, 212

67D 124 1.7.3 86, 100, 102, 124, 157,
79C 130, 232 185, 186, 224
79D 128, 229 3.5 108, 198
80A 118, 211 4.3.17 122, 220
80D 136, 242 4.3.22 118, 211
82B 136, 242 6.4.16 136, 242
82E 106, 192
83A 96 Sallust
83D 106, 193 helIum lugurthinum
84AB 132, 234 14.4 102, 185
85E - 92D 212
99D 142, 249 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus
103D 134, 235 Ad Marciam
105CD 132, 234 23 164
106AB 134, 234 24 182
114C 136, 243
118 126, 225 Ad Polybium
4.2-3 166
Pbaedrus 9.6-7 220
246A - 249 190
Epistulae
Philebus 16C 244 70.3 220
Republic 82.13-14 164
10.620A .... 136, 242
Stobaeus
Symposium
Florelegium
203B 46, 108, 112, 197, 203
4.81 124, 221
Theaetetus 118.30 124, 220
176B 106, 194
Tertullian
Timaeus
69D 114, 206 De anima
23.5 242
91E 136
28.1 242
ps. - Plato De resurrectione carnis
Axiochus 63 200
369B 122, 217
Plotinus :gil
Enneads Aeneid
1.1.3 116, 208 5.507-8 . . . . 106, 192
1.1.4 . . 118, 145, 210, 211 6.14-40 . . .... 191
1.2.1 106, 194 6.417-18 . . . . 124, 222
276 INDICES
6.572 . . . . . 124, 222 12.395 128, 228

6.575-76 . . .... 124 Eclogues
6.577-79 . . . . 124, 222
1.40 112, 203
5.595-600 . . . . 124, 223
6.601-606 . . . . 124, 223 Georgics
7.361-62 . . . . 106, 192 1.139 106, 192
9.563-64 . . . . 106, 192 1.364 106, 192
INDEX NOMINUM RERUM LOCUTIONUM
d'Ales, A., 191 Codex Augiensis, 4

Alfaric, P., 59 Codex Bonifatianus, 3
Allegorical exegesis, 44 Codex Parisiacus, 4
Alliteration, 74 Codex Ragyndrudis, 3
Anadiplosis, 72 Courcelle, P., vii, 5, 10, 11, 13, 14,
Anastrophe, 71 22, 23, 50, 51, 59, 168, 185, 186,
Antistrophe, 71 191, 198, 222, 224, 242.
Antithesis, 80
Autonomasia, 80 Death: as an adlevamentum, 167;
Apostrophe, 76 imitation of, 175-178; as a port
Aristoxenus, 212 of refuge, 186, 219; as sleep,
Arsis-thesis, 68 225; three type of, 158, 160
Assonance, 74 Delaney, Sister M. Rosella, 82
Asyndeton, 74 Dialektikon, 76
Dudden, H, 10, 15, 61, 250, 253,
Baits of the soul, 206 Diedrich, Sister Dorothea, 192
Basilica Portiana, 18 261
Beyenka, Sister M. Melchior, 25
Body as musical instrument, 209, Ellespermann, G.L., 47, 240
212-13 Epanaphora, 69
Body as a tomb, 190 Escae, 206
Bonner, C, 219 Esdras, Fourth Book of, 44-45, 238-
Brown, P., 66 239
Exclamatio, 76
Carcer: body as a prison, 168
Chain of the flesh, 168 Favez, C, 29
Charles, R.H., 239 Fern, Sister M. Edmund, 25
Chiasmus, 80
Clausulae, accentual, 83 Gilson, E., 59
Clausulae, metrical 82 Gratian, 17
Consolation literature, history of, 23- Gregory of Nyssa, 166
30.
Codex Audomarpolitanus, 3 Hades, 242
278 INDICES
Hadot, P., 51, 59, 161, 178, 193, Paronomasia, 73

208, 210, 232, 234 Passions as nails, 193
Hannan, M. L., 28 Plato, a source of the De bono mor
Homioteleuton, 80 tis, 46-50
Huhn, J., viii, 3, 158, 172, 185 Pleonasm, 69
Hyperbaton, 78 Philemon, 259
Pilgrim, man as a, 169
Irenaeus, 258 Plotinus, a source of the De bono
Isocolon, 80 mortis, 51-54
Polyptoton, 73
Polysyndeton, 75
Justina, 18
Porphyry, 54
Portalupi, F., viii
Kuklos, 71 Portus, 186, 219
Prokataleipsis, 77
Laqueus, 182, 192, 207 Prosopopiia, 78
Lowe, E. A., 3 Puech, H„ 59, 161
Macrobius, Commentary on Somnium Rhetorical Questions, 75

Scipionis as source of the De Rockwood, F., 55
bono mortis, 59 Rozynski, F., 28
Marcellina, 171
Maurists, 5,157,158,172,174
Satyrus, 165, 188
Maximus, 17
Schenkl, C, vii, 3, 158, 165, 168,
Metaphor, 66
171, 174, 178, 194, 198, 222, 225,
Mohrmann, C, 14, 23, 51
259
Mornay, P., viii
Scherer, M. J., 59, 161
Scripture, theerefold sense of, 43
Nail holding soul to earth, 194 Septuagint, Ambrose's use of, 43
Norden, E., 80 Simile, 67
Simplicianus, 20
O'Meara, J. J., 51 Snare: body a snare for the soul,
Onesimus, 259 182, 233
Origen, 162 Solignac, A., 19, 22, 51, 61, 212
Origen, Dialogue with Heraclides a Soul: contubernium of the body, 49;
source of the De bono mortis, 59 immortality of, 234; as light, 211;
Oxymoron, 79 as painting, 195; transmigration
of, 240, 242; wings of, 190-191;
Palanque, J.-R., vii, 10, 13
Parachesis, 73 Taormina, L., 22, 51
Paredi, A., 15 Testard, M., 55
Parison, 80 Teiler,W., 14, 23, 54
INDICES 279
Theodoras, 21 Valentinian, 172

Transmigration of the soul, 242 Verus, 194
Tusculan Disputations, outline of, 55- Victorinus, Marius, 19
56 Vinculum, 168, 174
Violet, 6, 239
Ussani, V., 4, 158, 172, 185
Waszink, H. J., 242
Valens, 17 Wilbrand.W., vii, 10, 13, 198
h^ VJ ADDDDOfllBab?!

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s. Ambrose de bono mortis

WILLIAM THEODORE WIESNER, CM., MA.

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

July 19, 1969

All Rights Reserved

Printed in Rome, Italy

In 1950 P. Courcelle's Recherches sur la Confessions de saint

The De bono mortis has been recently translated into German

further to express my gratitude to Dr. Martin R. P. McGuire, the

II. The Prose Rhythm of the De bono mortis ... 82

Text and Translation 85

A. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS OF ST. AMBROSE

J. du Frische and N. le Nourry, Sancti Ambrosii opera omnia (2 vols. Paris

ArchPhil — Archives de Philosopbie

Vol. 78.8: De fide, ed. O Fuller (Vienna 1962).

B. WORKS ON SAINT AMBROSE

Jahrbucb 41 (1921) 1.19.

Charles, R. H., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament

D. WORKS ON LANGUAGE AND STYLE

(Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge 1923).

"Tradition platonicienne et tradition chreUenne du corps-prison,

I have used C. Schenkl's text of the De bono mortis,1 but in

'C. Schenkl, CSEL 32.1 (Vienna 1897) 702-53.

marpolitanus, 9th cent. (A), and sometimes with Codex Parisiacus,

3 V. Ussani, "Per un codice ignoto di De Bono Mortis di S. Ambrogio," Riv.

and, with the exception of variants due to orthography, has listed

equivalent: "eo magis." Courcelle's parallel to Plotinus would

«B.Violet, Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra) (CGS 9) Leipzig 1910.

4 Esdras 7.42 reads: "neque noctem neque ante lucem, neque

19) 714.13 Cic, Tusc. disp. 1.11.25; Tusc. disp. 1.36.88

51) 733.7 for Psalm. 115.6 read Psalm. 115.15

In any consideration of the date of the De bono mortis its

1 W. Wilbrand, "Zur Chronologie einiger Schriften des hi. Ambrosius,"

the chariot of Aminadab which expands the thought of In Psalmum

1 In Luc. 10.159: "denique Iohannes ubi te quaereret scivit. apud patrem

49.16: "ecce, ego, Hierusalem, pinxi muros tuos" , is followed by

them presumably Courcelle's correction of his opinion on the date

An understanding of the political and religious situation in which

Political and Religious Background

Ambrose the bishop had a profound knowledge of and deep con

In August of 378 A.D. the Emperor Valens was killed in a

4Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gest. 31.13.18: "constat vix tertiam evasisse

Ambrose realized that the fate of orthodoxy was at stake in the

6 Epist. 20.9: "hortebam quippe animo, cum armatos ad basilicam ecclesiae

1 For a useful summary see: A. Solignac, Les Confessions (Bibliotheque

the conversion to Augustine.2 Before his conversion he had

2 Aug. Confes. 8.2.3-5.

able to show how the works of the philosophers have deviated

praetorian prefect of the Gauls, of Spain and Britain. In the same

9 Claudianus, Paneg. Manl. Theod. 5.253: "qualem te legimus teneri primordia

Christian Neo-Platonists in Milan at the time, and whatever the

Ambrose, as a member of Roman society educated in the same

13 P. Courcelle, Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (Paris 1950),

of the death of their bishop, Acholius; Episle 39, addressed to a

consolatory considerations on life and death which philosophers had

These therefore are the duties of comforters: to do away with

1 For an historical introduction on the development of the consolation from

feverish state and I attempted every means of curing its

sophy furnished many of the themes, but the philosophy of the

3 M. L. Hannan, Thasci Caecili Cypriani De Mortalitate, a commentary, with

tions of the Greek rhetoricians, and in particular Menander, in the

true, but Scripture remains its most important source. It is from