Energy and Buildings, 15 - 16 (1990/91) 837 - 849
C l i m a t e a n d H o u s i n g F o r m - - a Case S t u d y of N e w D e l h i
ASHOK B. LALL, MADHU PANDIT,.NAVEEN KULSHRESHTA and PAUL APPASAMY
B-25 Chiragh Enclave, New Delhi 110048 (India)
ABSTRACT
New Delhi's climate is a difficult climate to
design for, being composite in nature: it experi-
ences a d r y - h o t summer with temperatures up
to 45 °C and winters with temperatures down to
3 °C and an in-between h o t - h u m i d season. The
city of Delhi has a long continuous history and
each stage of its development, from medieval
times through the colonial period until the New
Delhi of today, is to be found intact as a stand-
ing record. Each period of the city's historical
development has been marked by a distinct
pattern of urban growth. It is interesting to
note that while climate has been an important
and constant factor, the overlaying of cultural,
socio-economic and technological changes re-
sulted in widely different forms of urban struc-
ture being adopted.
The changes in housing form that occurred
through the three stages of the city's develop-
ment were analysed systematically keeping cli-
mate as a constant factor with the variables of
construction, urban structure, social patterns
and symbolic language being seen as dynamic
counterpoints to understand the resultant built
form. This was used to identify principles of
housing design of the traditional and colonial
forms of housing which could be adopted to
serve present-day needs and to identify those
irreversible developments which make our
present situation significantly different from the
past.
The lessons learnt from the analysis com-
mended: (a) from the traditional housing
form - - the value of a tightly knit urban struc-
ture that shelters both outdoor and indoor
spaces, and the street and court as socially
meaningful spatial configurations; (b) from the
colonial example - - the use of vegetation as a
microclimate modifier combined with a relax-
ation of built density to respond more fa-
vourably to humid and cold seasons. The
factors that distinguish the present situation
0378-7788/91/$3.50
837
from the traditional and colonial situations are
motorized vehicular access, relatively low mass
of building construction materials and tech-
niques, and the pressure on land causing high
population densities and high-rise construc-
tion.
The lessons of this research are applied to
two housing design projects for the middle-
income group category of housing. These archi-
tectural solutions, which aim at optimizing en-
vironmental qualities for housing along with
climatic comfort and energy utilization, suggest
some limits of density and land-utilization be-
yond which environmental quality and energy
efficiency would decline. It is recommended that
such design exercises be undertaken to estab-
lish both the lower and upper limits of density
and land-utilization for housing so as to
provide a more holistic basis for fixing town
planning norms.
BACKGROUND
New Delhi is a city undergoing rapid
growth and change. The increasing pressures
on urbanization are leading to progressive en-
vironmental degradation. Whether it is with
respect to natural ecology, energy efficiency,
societal integration, or meaningful commu-
nity expression in built form, there is a grow-
ing sense of breakdown in the urban fabric of
the city. There is a pressing need to evolve
urban development parameters and principles
for the design of the urban environment that
are based on a holistic logic while recognizing
contemporary realities. This paper presents
some work towards evolving such parameters
and design principles in the area of housing
for the middle-income groups of the city's pop-
ulation. Though the work described here has
specific reference to New Delhi, it should be of
value for other urban centres located in the
same climatic region of North India.
~ Elsevier Sequoia/Printed in The Netherlands
838
Our approach has been qualitative rather
than quantitative. We started by trying to
understand the dynamics of housing design
through an analysis of the development of
housing form in the history of the city. On the
basis of this analysis we were able to define
some guiding principles which have then been
tested in two designs for contemporary hous-
ing in New Delhi that were prepared in re-
sponse to housing design competitions. The
designs serve as illustrations of the potential
of the principles being proposed and also
provide empirical information for defining
quantitative parameters on town planning
norms - - such as density, floor-area ratios and
ground coverage.
METHODOLOGY
The city of Delhi has a long, continuous
history and we are fortunate that complete
built environments from each stage of its de-
v e l o p m e n t - from medieval times through
the colonial period until the New Delhi of
today - - are to be found intact as a standing
record. This provides an ideal opportunity for
a comparative study of the architecture and
planning of successive periods. Now it is in-
teresting to note that while climate has al-
ways been an important and constant factor,
the urban forms that developed in the suc-
ceeding periods differed widely. Each period
of the city's historical development is marked
by a distinct urban pattern. It is the inevitable
march of cultural, socio-economic and techno-
logical change overriding the imperatives of
climate that accounts for the differences. Evi-
dently, climate by itself does not determine
the form of the built environment.
In our search for guiding principles appli-
cable for our needs today, we recognized that
the present-day technological and cultural
context precludes housing solutions that sim-
ply imitate the past. We also recognized that
although design strategies which must ad-
dress today's critical issues of ecology and
energy conservation do have to be designed
around the locus of climate, they would neces-
sarily have to evolve a symbiotic relationship
with the contemporary 'way of life'. They have
to integrate social and cultural patterns and
be economically and technologically feasible.
So our framework for analysis of the devel-
opment of housing form through the three
main historical periods -- the traditional city
of Shahjahanabad, the colonial capital of New
Delhi, and the post-independence new city
was designed to help us identify:
(a) principles of planning and design of the
traditional and colonial forms of housing
which could be adopted to serve present-day
needs;
(b) irreversible developments which make
for our present situation being significantly
different from the past.
We should then be better able to state prin-
ciples of planning and design that take advan-
tage of lessons learnt from our past while
recognizing present realities.
We selected representative buildings and
neighbourhoods from each historical period
and analysed them through a matrix of deter-
minants of building design. Climate was
placed as a central constant whereas the vari-
able factors of technology and socio-cultural
change were seen as dynamic counterpoints.
The broad headings under which these deter-
minants were organized were:
(a) c l i m a t e - the ways in which the built
environment interacts positively with climate
through the cycle of seasons;
(b) c o n s t r u c t i o n - the implications of ma-
terials, construction techniques, and organiza-
tion of skills on the design of buildings;
(c) urban structure - - the rationale for uti-
lization of land, systems of access and routing
of services;
(d) social patterns the relationship of
buildings and spaces to the patterns of living,
work and leisure, both in the home and at the
community level;
(e) symbolic l a n g u a g e - specific forms of
spatial and object design that embody social
and cultural meanings.
Each of these headings in turn yielded a
cluster of sub-headings. Thus, the matrix was
formed by arranging these determinants ac-
cording to their headings and sub-headings
vertically, and arranging the examples of
housing from the succeeding periods, in a
chronological order, horizontally (refer to Ap-
pendix 1). The observations entered in each
coordinate of the matrix were then read as
horizontal and vertical sets. The horizontal
sets gave some understanding of the direc-
tions of change and development that have
been taking place. The vertical sets, on the
 839
Mar ADr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb

CLIMATE ,I
COMFORT
ZONE

[ ~l I[ II II I
PASSIVE STRATEGY
FOR COMFORT

Built
Space

Open
Space
FAIR
Figure I

Built
Space
FAIR GOOD GOOD
Open
Space
POOR GOOD FAIR
Figure 2

( ~[llt'l)l])ttl ~11"x,
11[)t~[~%l Viii I II1"('

Space
FAIR FAIR GOOD
Open
POOR

Fig. 1, Summary of climatic performance of traditional, colonial and contemporary housing forms.

o t h er hand, gave an understanding of how an Passive strategies to obtain comfort need to

a r c h i t e c t u r e evolves towards solutions that respond to h o t - d r y , h o t - h u m i d as well as
satisfy a number of determinants simulta- c o l d - d r y conditions. They are of four main
neously. kinds. First is shading and protection from
exposure to external environment, i.e., control
of insolation and insulation against heat and
CLIMATE PROFILE cold. Second is the use of thermal mass to
dampen diurnal t e m p e r a t u r e variations. Third
New Delhi's climate is a composite climate is the control of air movement. And the fourth
(see Fig. 1). Temperatures range from a maxi- is the use of vegetation as a modifier of micro-
mum of ar o u n d 45 °C to a minimum of about climate (Fig. 1).
3 °C. The diurnal variation of temperature, The climatic performance of the representa-
which is substantial (20- 25 °C) for most of the tive examples of housing from the three his-
year, is dampened during the humid monsoon torical periods along with conclusions drawn
season. A two-month h o t - d r y season is the from the analytical matrix are summarized
hottest. This is succeeded by a longer h o t - below.
humid period. A period of comfortable
w eath er follows before winter sets in. The
winter, which is mostly c o l d - d r y is of a longer TRADITIONAL CITY
d ur atio n th an the h o t - d r y season. The
weather turns pleasant once again before the As representative of the traditional city
beginning of summer. we picked a small section of the city of
840

~o~ 2 4 6

(a) (b)

/ \.

(c)
Fig. 2. Examples of traditional housing, (a) Typical haveli. (b) Part plan of city showing dense contiguous construction
with narrow streets and small courtyards. (c) Cutaway axonometric view of a typical haveli.

S h a h j a h a n a b a d , a n d l o o k e d closely a t two the effect of d a m p e n i n g the v a r i a t i o n s in daily

h a v e l i s (Fig. 2).
T h e c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the b u i l t f o r m
are c o n t i g u o u s b u i l d i n g s w i t h small court-
y a r d s a n d n a r r o w streets, w h i c h m i n i m i z e ex-
p o s u r e to the e x t e r n a l e n v i r o n m e n t a n d
provide well-shaded interior and outdoor
spaces, a n d a h e a v y b u i l d i n g m a s s w h i c h h a s
temperatures.
T h i s d e n s e e n v i r o n m e n t p e r f o r m s well for
the h o t - d r y season. It does not, h o w e v e r , per-
f o r m as s a t i s f a c t o r i l y for the h u m i d a n d cold
s e a s o n s since by the v e r y n a t u r e of its density,
it i n h i b i t s free a i r m o v e m e n t a n d p e n e t r a t i o n
of sunshine. P e r h a p s the m o s t significant

advantage of this built form is t h a t the out-
door spaces function as open rooms which are
used for every kind of hum a n activity at all
times.
These characteristics of the built form can
be said to have evolved in response to the
climate, but they were equally the results of
other important factors. The continuity of
buildings expresses a close-knit social struc-
ture and the mutual dependence within social
groups for security. Compactness of urban
s tr u ctu r e is also a function of the limitations
of traditional modes of transport; proximity
was a necessity for city functions. The mesh-
ing together of a variety of activities into a
dense s tr u ctu r e is a result of the overlapping
relationships between work, home, and
leisure.
It can n o t be said t ha t the traditional city of
S h a h j a h a n a b a d provided an ideal solution for
climatic comfort, nor can one say categori-
cally t h a t climate was the primary factor in
determining its form. Its validity lies in the fact
t h a t it was a balanced synthesis t ha t served
sociological and cultural needs as much as it
dealt with a complex and variable climate to
produce a fairly liveable environment.
(a)
a i
ff" -Tl ~ , 1 =
(c)
Fig. 3. Colonial housing. (a) Two-room flat. (b) Three-room flat. (c) Part plan of housing estate showing ar-
rangement of housing blocks to form garden courts and streets. (d) Typical elevation.
841
COLONIAL CITY
In contrast to the dense, tightly knit struc-
ture of Shahjahanabad, the colonial capital of
New Delhi is expansive and spread out with
buildings set amongst lawns and broad tree-
lined avenues. The colonial city would appear
to be a complete contradiction to the wisdom
of the traditional city! But it must be remem-
bered t hat for the British, comfort in the In-
dian climate was a major concern and t hat it
was carefully provided for.
For our analysis we selected a housing es-
tate t hat was built for middle-level govern-
ment employees (Fig. 3). Here, the buildings
are of a heavy mass, inner rooms are shaded
by ample verandahs, and windows are pro-
tected by projections. This provides a fair
measure of protection to the indoor spaces
against climatic extremes. In addition, the
garden setting becomes a means of modifying
the microclimate of the estate; avenues of
trees, shrubs and lawns control dust and bring
down temperatures appreciably. Homes group
around the gardens to form garden courts and
the surrounding roads and paths are designed
as tree-shaded avenues. The garden is seen as
(b)
D
(d)
842
an integral component of the spatial s t r uct ure
of the housing environment.
In terms of indoor comfort, the colonial
buildings perform better for the cold and hu-
mid seasons when compared with the tradi-
tional city, as the openness of the
environment allows easier access to winter
sun and a freer passage for natural breeze.
Round-the-year climatic performance of the
built spaces is perhaps more satisfactory than
in Shahjahanabad. But the open spaces
around the homes being more exposed to the
weather are usable only as recreation spaces
during mild weather.
But the garden was not merely a device to
modify microclimate. For the planners and
designers of the time it was an expression of a
cultural predilection to celebrate nat ur e as an
extension of the home. It was a part of the
utopian dream of the Garden City which
sought a r e t u r n to a meaningful relationship
with nature. The garden became a signifier of
civilized living and of status. While bunga-
lows, which were built for the top end of the
social heirarchy, emulated the villa sur-
rounded by gardens, collective housing for the
middle and lower ranks was modelled on the
squares of English towns where the garden
courts with their symmetrical arrangements of
the enclosing housing blocks were formal sym-
bols of a social group.
Coupled with the idea of the garden was
the arrival of the motor car. Motorized trans-
port overcame the constraint of distance and
encouraged horizontal dispersal of city func-
tions. At the same time it imposed a new
discipline of roads, junctions and roundabouts
as a r atio n ale for s t r uc t ur i ng space.
The colonial city structure therefore was
an expression of a new set of cultural values
on the one hand, and a function of motorized
t r a n s p o r t on the other. The city plan imposed
an order whereby functions were segregated
into discrete elements as opposed to the or-
ganic continuity witnessed in the traditional
city. The imposition of these abstractions on
city life brought about a complete change in
the n a t u r e of public open space. Where the
extension of the home had once been the nar-
row lane and the bazaar, it was now replaced
by the garden court, the tree-shaded avenue
and the park.
This colonial legacy has influenced our val-
ues and life-styles significantly. Our placing a
high value on the garden and the park as an
essential component of the housing environ-
ment has been one of its most significant as-
pects. This value became embodied in much of
the town planning legislation and designs of
post-independent India, especially for new ur-
banization, irrespective of climate or culture.
In the context of the climatic region typ-
ified by Delhi, incorporating vegetation inte-
grally in the city fabric has certainly proven
its merit as a means of modifying microcli-
mate, (apart from its inherent aesthetic ap-
peal). But the extension of the garden idea
toward an "openness" that results in the loss
of a habitable public realm for the city is not
appropriate.
CONTEMPORARY CITY
Today's housing environment is condi-
tioned by many recent developments:
• The availability of electricity and electri-
cally operated devices has meant both a rise
in the acceptable standards of comfort and the
ability to obtain comfort without relying on
the building's st ruct ure and envelope as a
sensitive foil against climate.
$ T h e new technologies of cement, steel,
glass, etc., have resulted in buildings whose
mass is as little as 60% of the mass of tradi-
tional or colonial construction for the equiva-
lent volume enclosed. This reduces the
capability of the buildings to dampen the
effect of t em perat ure variations.
• The privately owned vehicle is now occupy-
ing more of the open ground. The park and
garden located next to the home are being
eaten up by roads and parking.
• The economics of scarcity are beginning to
create pressures on land which demand higher
and higher densities of development.
Climatologically, due to their lighter con-
struction, buildings now deal only moderately
with the extremes of winter and summer (Fig.
1). By and large, it is found t hat open spaces
have lost much of their value. The space be-
tween buildings is being given over to the
motor car. The green areas tend to be pro-
vided as segregated entities or as undefined
patches without meaningful or functional in-
tegration with the homes. They cease to func-
tion as microclimate modifiers of the housing
environment. The need for open or public

space to give cohesion and continuity to the
city fabric, and the desirability of a useable
outdoor environment are virtually forgotten.
The performance of contemporary housing
construction is generally less satisfactory
than the traditional or colonial forms for in-
door as well as outdoor spaces. Poor microcli-
mate control means that, for the extreme
conditions of both summer and winter, there
is a greater dependence on electrically oper-
ated devices to obtain comfort. This is a sig-
nificant area for energy conservation.
The above-mentioned weaknesses are
amenable to a fair degree of correction by
careful design, as argued below, but when
densities are driven high by pressure on land
(say above 120 dwelling units/hectare) it is
found that the environmental optimum be-
comes irretrievable.
LESSONS
(1) The lessons offered by the traditional
architecture suggest that a tightly knit built
form is called for, to reduce exposure to the
external environment and to compensate for a
relatively lighter mass of building fabrics/ma-
terials. Continuity and mutual sheltering and
shading must be achieved. And the open
spaces should also be contained and protected
by the building forms.
(2) The colonial example suggests two fur-
ther principles. Firstly, vegetation, which can
be integrated at every scale of the housing
environment (the home, the cluster and the
neighbourhood), to become an individual as
well as social asset serving both environmen-
tal and aesthetic values. Secondly, while
achieving a sense of protection to the open
space, sufficient openness is still to be re-
tained to enable insolation during the winter
season and to promote adequate air movement
during the h o t - h u m i d season. This calls for a
well-judged balance between closure and
openness to optimize round-the-year perfor-
mance.
(3) From the social and cultural points of
view, the street and court character of the
public spaces, which is employed in tradi-
tional as well as colonial examples, suggest
themselves as spatial patterns t h a t provide a
sense of community identity, have a human
scale, and are functionally useful.
843
(4) Looking at present-day realities, the
following factors are to be accounted for in
the design of housing environments; these are
factors that distinguish the contemporary sit-
uation from the past.
• The legacy of the colonial experience which
places a positive value on greenery requires
integration into the urban structure. Homes
within a setting of lawns, flowers and trees,
and with the preference for a 'green' aspect as
an extension of indoor spaces are equated
with a wholesome environment for living.
• The motor car needs to be given its appro-
priate place. The conflict between vehicular
access, pedestrian movement and recreational
space needs a balanced resolution.
• The third factor is the growing pressure on
land. It is to be ensured that progressive in-
crease in this pressure, which is caused chiefly
by the short supply of land, does not attain
levels beyond which a decline in environmen-
tal quality will be inevitable. Design experi-
mentation would need to establish limits of
densities of development within which opti-
mal environmental conditions can be ob-
tained.
TWO DESIGN PROPOSALS
Two designs for housing environments
which draw upon the lessons learnt above, are
presented here for discussion.
The first design (Figs. 4 and 5) gave pri-
macy to the application of the science of cli-
matology. Each and every dwelling unit in the
entire development, be they multi-storey flats,
town houses, or walk-up apartments, had an
ideal orientation which ensured insolation
into the homes during winter and protection
from the sun during the summers. The shallow
depth plans in all buildings ensured good
cross-ventilation. The spatial pattern that
combined the homes, circulation routes, and
recreational space with gardens and trees
emerged from staggering identically oriented
blocks to form court-like spaces of varying
dimensions. These courts were protected from
the eastern and western sun by virtue of their
n o r t h - s o u t h displacement. The north sides of
the buildings which were constantly under
shade took the function of paved access paths,
whereas the south sides had balconies and
terraces with planters, looking onto gardens
844

Fig. 4. DDA housing: part plan showing clusters forming courts and gardens. Joint competition 1 entry by Ashok B. La11
and M. N. Ashish Ganju for a competition for middle-income group housing called by the Delhi Development Authority,
1987.

which would receive the winter sun. The repetitive urban form. The court spaces and
north-south distance between buildings was the paths lack clear definition and symbolic
determined by the angle of incidence of the significance.
midday sun in mid-winter. The single orienta- The second design (Figs. 6 and 7) for
tion, although ideal from a climatological another housing project placed primary im-
standpoint, both for outdoor as well as for portance on creating socially and culturally
indoor spaces, resulted in a regimented and meaningful forms. It also made a deliberate
 845

~ V 7

! i

¢ou.~ COURT " O U S E 5 ©OUmT C0URT .OUSTS now .ouses

Fig. 5. DDA housing: typical cross section. All residents face southwards such t h a t main rooms, balconies and gardens
receive the winter sun. The area adjacent to the n o r t h face of buildings is paved and used for circulation of pedestrians
and vehicles. J o i n t competition entry by Ashok B. Lall and M. N. Ashish G a n j u for a competition for middle-income group
housing called by the Delhi Development Authority, 1987.

Fig. 6. NTPC housing: site plan. Tight knit clustering of dwelling units to form community garden courts (9). Controlled
vehicular access (shown shaded) along an internal street and a peripheral motorable road. Competition entry by Ashok
B. Lall, for NTPC Housing at NOIDA, near New Delhi, 1989.
846
6
L
Fig. 7. NTPC housing: part plan showing clustering of houses around small garden plots and forming definite streets.
Competition entry by Ashok B. Lall, for NTPC Housing at NOIDA, near New Delhi, 1989.
attempt to see the housing design as a comple-
ment to the surrounding urban develop-
m e n t s - so as to complete the formation of
streets and avenues to make well-defined
neighbourhood elements.
Drawing upon the analysis of both tradi-
tional and colonial examples, where orienta-
tion as a principle to govern the planning is
rarely followed, we sacrificed the theoretical
ideal for the most advantageous orientation.
Not having the design fix of identical orienta-
tion enabled a freer modulation of building
mass to achieve:
• contiguity of s t r uct ur e and mutual shading;
• a definite formation of streets, courts, en-
trances and enclosures to give a richly ex-
pressed h i e r a r c h y of socially significant and
functional spaces;
• a h i e r a r c h y of green spaces, from the small
private garden to the shared c our t yar d and
finally, to the public park; an intimate inte-
gration of these with the buildings provided
h u man scale and a sense of protected and
sheltered open space.
We assumed in this design t hat the treat-
ment of wall surfaces and window openings
would be varied according to the dictates of
the orientation of each location. As was cus-
tomary in traditional and colonial architec-
ture, devices such as screens and awnings
would be used to control sunlight.
Scale and intensity of development
The vertical scale of the designs is worth
discussing briefly (Figs. 8 and 9). If one looks
at the relationship between the volumes of
built and open spaces, it will be seen t hat a
scalar balance between horizontal and verti-
cal dimensions of the protected open
s p a c e s - the streets and c o u r t s - is to be
maintained. The volumes should provide a
sense of shade and shelter, without completely
cutting out the winter sun from the lower
parts of buildings and the ground. The closure
of space should also permit a reasonable per-
meability for air movement. The houses need
to remain close to the ground in order to
benefit from the microclimate generated by

Fig. 8. First design.
Fig. 9. Second design.
vegetation. And, very importantly, human
scale, which is a function of an intimacy of
open spaces without an overpowering domi-
nance of surrounding buildings, is to be en-
sured.
We believe that the two projects illustrated
here optimize this overall balance, and that
any further densification of development and
increase in heights of structures would have a
negative impact. The designs do indicate cer-
tain limits of density and floor-area ratios if
holistically optimized environments are to be
planned.
The indicated upper limits are around a
density of 120 dwelling units per hectare, per-
mitting an average construction height of four
stories, with 70% of the ground kept open to
the sky.
Apart from the loss in environmental qual-
ity that results when these limits are ex-
ceeded, the impact on energy consumption is
also negative. The consumption of energy em-
bodied in building materials increases dramat-
ically for tall structures. Whereas four- to
847
five-storey construction can be managed using
load-bearing brickwork and stabilized mud-
block construction, taller structures become
dependent on an extensive use of steel and
cement, which are energy-intensive construc-
tion materials.
The greater height of buildings distances
the indoor spaces from the advantageous
microclimate generated by vegetation. They
are more exposed to the elements, resulting
in a higher dependence on electricity for
comfort. Needless to say, taller constructions
also become dependent on electricity for
the transport of piped services, people and
goods.
An increase in population density is accom-
panied by an increase in vehicular density.
Here again, we feel that beyond the limits
of density indicated above, the problems of
protecting recreational and pedestrian areas
from the intrusion of the motor car, will
require more expensive and energy-intensive
solutions such as underground or multi-storey
parking.
The designs shown here concern them-
selves with the upper limits of the intensity of
development for housing environments. This
paper deals with urban housing for the mid-
dle-income groups with the average dwelling
unit size approximately 80 m 2. We recommend
that similar exercises in design need to be
performed to determine the lower limits. At
lower densities too, costs of transportation
and distribution of services become uneco-
nomic. Microclimate control becomes less
effective, apart from losing the potential of a
public realm that forms a meaningful city
structure. Operational limits defining the de-
sirable intensity of housing development suit-
able for the urban expansion of Northern
Indian towns of the composite climate belt
can be arrived at by conducting prototypical
design studies. The limits so arrived at should
be used to guide future urban development
plans, thereby redressing the balance in fa-
vour of a humane and ecologically sound envi-
ronment for our homes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
S. Prasad, A study of courtyard houses in hot-dry and
hot humid regions of Northern India, Unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis, Royal College of Art, London, 1987.
848

APPENDIX 1

Shahjahanabad Lodi Estate Sheik Scrai Anandgram Comments

{Traditionall ( G o v t staff quarters} {Group housing b~, (Advocacy for aided self-
(Colonial} housing agencyl help community housing}
{Contemporar))

Climate
• Shading Narrow access routes Roadside trees for shade Partial mutual shading of Trees
shaded by buildings and units. Shaded access
contiguous development
• Air Movement Needs specific research
• Modif3,ing 3-storey dense carpet of Greenery for shade and
microclimate buildings dampens temper- cool
ature variations within the
urban fabric

Urban structure
• Open space
Public Garden grounds at "town" Housing blocks form Housing blocks forming No parks within neighbour- For the middle class, imme-
level garden court pedestrian streets, and, hood diacy of playground and
Small "chowks' at neigh- Broad planted avenues paved green or parking Hierarchy of spaces from symbiotic relationship be-
bourhood level courts 'family' to 'extended family' tween house and garden
Narrow streets to outsiders seen as integral components
of housing form
Private Courtyards, terraces, few None? Private front court, bal- Transitions along the hier-
For the poor citizens, home-
gardens Roof terrace? conies, terraces archy implied rather than making encompasses open
physically marked rooms for living, work and
play
No 'parks' needed
• Movement and Tree-like hierarchic strut- Network hierarchy Broad network with cul- Pedestrianized environment Motor car ownership and
transportation ture of streets, cul-de-sacs Primaryimportancegiven de-sac for vehicles but accessible by emergency vehi- desire for direct access by
Predominantly pedestrian to authorized transport diffused network for pede- cles vehicle enforces its own spa-
with quiet vehicles But with shaded pave- strian movement tial order
ments No service lanes A pedestrian precinct at the
Segregation of service Clear separation and ex- community level connects to
functions service lanes pression of pedestrian motor transport system at
No conflict seen between movement and vehicular higher level
vehicular movement and movement The degree of motor in-
play area trusion permitted into a
housing environment is a
variable
• Allocation of Only salient social func- Single function Single function Salient social functions pre- Mix of activities was natural
functions tions pre-determined: city determined, occupation of to traditional settlements
market, mosque, palace land according to km Present-day attitude assumes
Occupation of land accord- No distinction between home a need to protect housing
ing to social sets of varied and workplace environment from interfer-
functions although func- ence by all other activities
tions are distinguished This attitude springs from
by building type those who may be well to do
with means of transport and
servants etc.
Does that permit the luxury
of seclusion?

Construction (process)
• Relationship Household
1 built housing is now a real
M~ister mason, craftsmen
Common pool of crafts
people used by all members
of neighbourhood
• User's role Each household directly
involved in building its
own home. Neighbour-
hood environment formed
by accretion of individual
building acts
Institution
Engineer/architect
Contractor
,~
User
Centralization of design
Household becomes pas-
sive consumer with no
involvement in produc-
tion process
Design determines 'total'
environment housing as
employment benefit
I. Employer and promoter-
Promoter Community
need arising from mobility
MarkTeet "NArchitect
[ User} User Crafts of employment
Promoter 2. Construction process in-
Y %, J
volving centralized design
Promoter ~ Contractor Designer and large-scale capital-inten-
sive building methods are a
consequence of ( I ) above
Centralization of design Each household to be directly 3. User needs require ratio-
Household become passive involved in building its own nalization into 'standard'
consumer with no involve- home profiles
ment in production pro- Community-level design
guided by architect 4. Increasing alienation of
cess but user can exercise
user from processes of de-
some choice
sign and construction mili-
tate against (3) above being
sensitive

Construction (labour) 5. Need to devise methods

O Organization Common pool of master Contractor-based Contractor-based C o m m o n pool of designer/ of interaction to return 'con-
of labour masons and craftsmen used construction construction organization craftsmen to b e used by all trol' to user Anandgram
by all members of neigh- organization members of neighbourhood model?
bourhood
• Selection Masons/craftsmen selected Selection on basis of Selection on basis of tom-
on basis of reputation competitive rates petitive rates
Increasing scale and complexity of construction organization
 849

Skills Skills of applied decoration
integral part of architec-
rural meaning
Shared architectural lan-
guage with individual ex-
pression
Decorative crafts relied Construction systems Technology of decentralized
upon marginally more capital-intensive low-capital crafts
Decorative crafts not Decorative crafts sought to be
required provided
Institutional image con- Deliberately structured rela-
veyed in architectural tionships and intense interac-
form tion
~Design' resulting from above
process seen as articulation of
aspirations and demands

Social patterns
• Security Individual security = Security not a concern Security not a concem for Extended family security Social conflict--fear of riots
( Social collective security for designers designers Caste group security due to communal and class
conflict) tensions and organized crime
(drugs. burglary) exist to-
day. though not always ac-
knowledged by the planner
• Community Caste identity = neighbour- Uniform employee status Social groupings not re- Community = neighbourhood New urban housing tends to
hood andcommon employer = lated to neighbourhood Nuclear identity within ex- have only the one dimension
neighbourhood Disperate community tended family grouping of class for community
The exception being employ-
ers and cooperative housing
• Home and Close interweaving of resi- Residencesseparated Residences separated from Home = work In present metropolitan so-
livelihood dence and trade from work/shops work/shops ciety, work for majority is
away from home
• Leisure Leisure for men Evening walk Evening walk Two-in-one For the middle classes, T.V.
streets conversation Play in garden Play in garden is a major group activity
shops conversation Radio Radio, T.V. Individual leisure activity at
Reading home more common due to
audio gadgetry and maga-
zines
• Play Within house Planned children's play- Planned children's Within houses Organized sport, e.g.,
Streets grounds playgrounds Between houses cricket, football, etc., require
Open areas in city fabric? Open grounds Maidan more grounds
• Maintenance Private land by residents Maintenance by Maintenance by resident's Maintenance by residents Shift in sense of responsibil-
Public areas by state (dry employer association and public ser- ity for maintenance of corn-
latrines, etc.) Social segregation of vice agencies mon property toward an
"menial' class/work impersonal "authority'
provision of service lane

Symbolic language
• Expression Individual status finds ex- Collective status defined Individual units are ex-
of status pression within a cohesive by the institution with- pressed but without dis-
urban structure out room for individual tinction of status
expression
Individual homes are
subsumed under the in-
stitutional image of the
'block'
• Expression of Sense of community Sense of community ex- Sense of community ex- Extended family clustered
community expressed by: pressed as court around pressed as streets and around its own open space
(1) Character of street green courts away from the street which
(2) Integrating work and is a place for exchange be-
living quarters tween different groups within
Anandgram and between
Anandgram and the city

Signs
• Entrance Significant Breakdown of language Important
• Boundaries Strong signals, e.g.. Garden as symbol of Courts and streets clearly Highly developed sense of
Windingness of streets community defined as symbols of boundaries, closure and prox-
--Width of streets Front (proper), back community imity
---Hierarchical access sys- (dirty)
tem
Formation of mohallas,
sometimes with gates

Icon[paradigm Collective palace Wants to be a villa