tionate t o the size of the problem.
a n d Annie S h e k h a r ' s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the
With regard to utilisation of T B beds
in the G T B H o s p i t a l it h a s not signi-
ficantly changed in the last one decade
(Table 3).
It is clear f r o m table 3 t h a t the n u m b e r
of patients using each bed of the G T B
Hospital a n d the average stay of the
patient in the hospital has n o t shown any
radical c h a n g e since 1975.
M o r e t h a n 13 patients of 100 admitted
in G T B H o s p i t a l , die. O n e - f i f t h of all
registered deaths due to T B in Bombay are
in G T B Hospital. C a n it be said then that
the needy a n d serious T B patients are not
seeking h o s p i t a l i s a t i o n in the G T B
Hospital? Or, is the registration of T B
deaths o u t s i d e the hospital so b a d that
hospital d e a t h s figures are getting in-
flated? O n b o t h the c o u n t s the p e r f o r -
m a n c e of M C G B in- domiciliary treat-
ment, i n f o r m a t i o n collection a n d pro-
viding better hospital care t u r n s out to be
poor.
Further, if we take into account the long
waiting list of patients seeking hospitalisa-
tion a n d the Municipal M a z d o o r Union
Does National Housing Policy Answer
'the Housing Question'?
Amitabh Kundu
While all the arguments for boosting housing activities are set
forth in terms of the needs of the poor; all the benefit invariably
favour the so-called middle-class, largely the petty bourgeoisie.
A B O U T one h u n d r e d a n d twenty years
ago Friedrich Engels wrote that " t h e so-
called h o u s i n g shortage" in our m o d e r n
big cities is o n e of the " i n n u m e r a b l e
smaller a n d s e c o n d a r y evils which results
f r o m the present day capitalist m o d e of
production". Reacting sharply to a series
of articles a p p e a r i n g o n t h e subject of
'Housing in Volksstaat' (people's state), in
a German radical newspaper, Engels came
up with three essays that were subsequent-
ly reprinted in a volume entitled Zur
Wohnungsfrage (The H o u s i n g Question)
in 1887. Engels argued f u r t h e r that hous-
ing in m o d e r n societies is n o t a problem
of the workers in particular. It is o n e
which the w o r k i n g class shares with other
classes, particularly the petty bourgeoisie.
It is, therefore, not very surprising that
npost of the petty bourgeois states prefer
to 'occupy themselves' with this or related
problems. There is a n elitist interest as well
behind the s t r o n g housing lobby. Engels
observed t h a t the " p o o r districts" within
which the workers are crowded together
h a p p e n to be " t h e breeding places of all
epidemics which f r o m time to time afflict
o u r t o w n s . . . H e r f r t h e g e r m s hardly ever
die out c o m p l e t e l y . . . the angel of death
Economic and Political Weekly September .24, 1988
private sectors, euphemistically described
G T B Hospital authorities are deliberately
refusing admission to needy patients, etc,
the a r g u m e n t that hospitalisation has
declined, h o l d s n o water at all.
W h o c a n d i s p u t e the need for a n oc-
cupational diseases research centre in
B o m b a y ? T h e r e is n o denying t h e
thousands of pneumoconiosis cases which
are passed off as T B cases. T h e collusion
between the government a n d the indus-
trialists in keeping a veil over the occupa-
tional diseases is glaring. But does this
mean that such a centre should be started
at the cost of beds for T B patients?
It would be quite a n o t h e r matter If the,
M C G B were p l a n n i n g to decentralise the
T B bed strength by building T B hospitals
in all suburbs a n d by attaching an occupa-
tional diseases diagnostic centre to each
one. N o d o u b t , c o n c e n t r a t i n g two-thirds
of all T B beds in B o m b a y in the G T B
Hospital at Sewree is an irrational public
health policy. But to r e d u c e the total
n u m b e r of T B beds in B o m b a y a m o u n t s
to c o m p o u n d i n g one irrationality with
another.
rages in its (capitalists) r a n k s as ruthles-
sly as in the ranks of the workers. As soon
as this fact is scientifically established, the
philanthropic bourgeois b e c a m e i n f l a m -
ed with a noble spirit of competition in
their solicitude for the health of their
workers!'
The above observations are extremely
relevant in u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e nature and
class composition of the housing lobby in
-India and several other less developed
countries. Recently, the ministry of urban
development, has introduced two i m p o r -
tant d o c u m e n t s for the approval of the
parliament, viz, the National Housing
Policy ( N H P ) a n d Delhi Rent C o n t r o l
( A m e n d m e n t ) Bill. These have been
prepared, we are informed by the ministry,
on the basis of the wisdom and recom-
mendations of the committee of petitions,
economic administrative reform c o m m i t -
tee, c o m m i t t e e of secretaries a n d the na-
tional c o m m i s s i o n on u r b a n i s a t i o n . T h e
concerted e f f o r t in the u r b a n land a n d
housing field, as a p p a r e n t f r o m the set-
ting u p of several high power committees
by the government reveals that strong
vested interests are active here. T h e
organised working class in the public a n d
as the middle class, c o m p r i s i n g less than
ten per cent of the total w o r k f o r c e in this
c o u n t r y has succeeded in cornering the
m a j o r concessions a n d incentives offered
by the government for h o u s i n g a n d con-
tinues to exert pressure for larger benefits.
There are, on the supply side, a h a n d f u l
of local leaders with political connections,
land owners a n d private builders in every
city w h o have discoverd a n extremely
lucrative i n d u s t r y ' in land speculation.
T h e large m a j o r i t y of a g r i c u l t u r a l
labourers and those in the unorganised
sector, on the other land, assign a low
priority to the housing problem, which in-
deed is considered by them as a small and
secondary evil.
It is interesting that while arguments for
boosting the housing activities are set
forth in t e r m s of the needs of the poor,
the concessions and incentives invariably
turn out to be those favouring the so-
called middle class, comprising largely the
petty bourgeoisie. It is also true that the
present interest a m o n g the elites for im-
proving the living c o n d i t i o n s of the poor
is rooted in their concern for the general
health, physical and social environment in
the cities as a whole. It is believed that
slums and shanty settlements, besides be-
ing the breeding places of epidemics, also
shelter a large n u m b e r of anti-social per-
sons and activities a n d are responsible for
the deterioration of law a n d order situa-
tion and o u t b r e a k of riots. T h o u g h the
validity of such postulates remains to be
scientifically established, these gaining
currency a m o n g the elite class which may
explain its ' p h i l a n t h r o p i c solicitude' for
the health of the poor.
A l t h o u g h Engels had perceived petty
bourgeois a n d big b o u r g e o i s interest
behind the 'housing lobby in the then Ger-
many, England and France, he was aware
that high rentals hit the p o o r harder than
the rich. H e noted with concern that "the
expansion of big m o d e r n cities gives the
l a n d . . . particularly in . . . centrally
situated (areas), an artificial a n d often
enormously increasing v a l u e . . . the result
is that the workers are forced out of the
towns towards the outskirts". H e argued
f u r t h e r that the demolition of working
class t e n e m e n t s is often occasioned by
consideration of "public health and
beautification or d e m a n d s of centrally
located business premises by t r a f f i c re-
quirements". But n o matter how "different
the reasons m a y be, the result everytime
is the same. T h e most s c a n d a l o u s alleys
and lanes (of the p o o r ) d i s a p p e a r to the
accompaniment of lavish self-glorification
by the bourgeoisie."
It is indeed t r u e that the housing situa-
tion for the p o o r has b e c o m e extremely
critical in India in recent years. Despite
the claims of impressive p e r f o r m a n c e in
the housing sector in the N H P document,
1997
the percentage of houseless p o p u l a t i o n
has gone u p d u r i n g the sixties a n d seven-
ties as per t h e p o p u l a t i o n census esti-
mates. Micro-level studies indicate that the
p o p u l a t i o n living in slums, shanties a n d
pavements in metropolitan a n d other large
cities is growing at a much faster rate than
their total p o p u l a t i o n . T h e r e is a distinct
process of 'degenerated peripheralisation'
which pushes the p o o r out of the central
parts of the cities into the peripheries a n d
neighbouring towns a n d villages. This is
achieved through both the market mecha-
nism as well as the g o v e r n m e n t p r o g r a m -
mes of resettlement under which sites and
services are provided for the p o o r at
respectable distances f r o m . the posh
localities.
The responsibility of shifting to the
peripheries a n d living u n d e r i n h u m a n
conditions, was, however, placed at the
doorsteps of the p o o r by the philosopher
Proudhon and his followers like Emil Sax,
of w h o m Engels was highly critical.
Engels had argued that d r u n k e n n e s s and
other social evils among the poor working
class was a necessary product of their liv-
ing conditions a n d could not be changed
through exhortations. He also pointed out
that the habit of wasteful expenditure for
'idle pleasures 1 was not restricted to the
p o o r since it was well k n o w n that " t h e
c o m m o n p e o p l e go to the pubs and the
p : o p l e of quality go to clubs".
P r o u d h o n i s t philosophy has, however,
survived now over one h u n d r e d years. An
almost uncritical acceptance of his view-
point can be seen in the writings of several
eminent sociologists, economists and ur-
ban planners of today,'who argue that the
p o o r save on rent by moving into ' ' d a r k ,
d a m p and i n a d e q u a t e dwellings" a n d
s o m e t i m e s d i s t a n t localities d u e to
ignorance a n d short-sightedness, a n d
" s q u a n d e r their income in truly fashion
o n drink and all sorts of idle pleasures"
(Emil Sax).
It is within this perspective that the
World Bank a n d the ministry of urban
development have organised a n u m b e r of
seminars over the past c o u p l e of years on
the t h e m e of generating saving f r o m the
i n f o r m a l settlements a n d the N H P has
pleaded for the p r o m o t i o n of saving
schemes for the people in these settle-
ments. This, it is argued, would increase
the investible resources in the country and
at the s a m e time, help in creating a n
organisational base for improvement and
upgradation schemes of slums to be laun-
ched t h r o u g h "self-help a n d c o m m u n i t y
approach". It is indeed ironical that
serious a r g u m e n t s to boost u p the na-
tional savings rate by reducing the con-
sumption of t h e p o o r should be advanced
in the early eighties—a p e r i o d which saw
a p h e n o m e n a l growth of c o n s p i c u o u s
c o n s u m p t i o n a m o n g t h e rich a n d near
stagnation in the income levels of the
poor.
1998
Engels had emphasised again and again
that the h o u s i n g problem arises basically
because of m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of existing
dwelling units a m o n g people. H e believed
that "there is already a sufficient quantity
of houses in big cities to remedy all real
housing shortage* provided they are used
judiciously!' Studies o n l a n d utilisation
pattern bring out quite clearly that large
chunks of vacant and underutilised land
are available even within the metropolitan
cities that c a n easily a c c o m m o d a t e the
present houseless p o p u l a t i o n , pavement
dwellers and even more. P o p u l a t i o n cen-
sus reveals that the p r o p o r t i o n of vacant
houses has been increasing alarmingly,
specially in large cities. All of this tends
to support the contention of Engels that
the housing problem is basically not one
of increasing the stock of dwelling units
but their distribution.
T h e N H P , on the o t h e r hand, has
focused primarily on issues relating to
total supply. It has m a d e a strong case for
"reviewing and modifying entire gamut of
legal provisions that inhibit housing in-
dustry", while Engels had noted that "in
England building legislation is reduced to
a minimum, the building trades arc as free
as the birds in the air; nevertheless, the
housing shortage exists". T h e N H P would
like to accelerate the t e m p o of housing
activity by creating a specialised housing
finance system with "a widespread
resource mobilisation strategy". Private in-
vestment has been sought to be increased
by making urban land and housing
market function freely and efficiently. The
N H P recommends various other measures
to increase the supply of serviced land.
But it does not bring in the distributional
considerations to determine the thrust of
the policy.
T h e N H P indeed talks of "shelter for
the houseless' 1 , "equitable distribution of
land", "access of the poor t o institutional
finance", etc. But it makes n o attempt to
indicate how these objectives would be
achieved t h r o u g h a government acting
only as a facilitator in the housing scene;
nor does it spell out the role of private
sector for this purpose. It d o e s not men-
tion how the scheduled caste/tribe, freed
b o n d e d l a b o u r and other socially and
economically vulnerable sections of popu-
lation can be assured of the m i n i m u m ac-
c o m m o d a t i o n , to meet the objective of
shelter for the homeless, w h e n the public
sector agencies are expected to withdraw
f r o m house-building activity. How would
an equitable distribution of land be
achieved if t h e g o v e r n m e n t is c o n t e m -
plating relaxation in the U r b a n Land Ceil-
ing (and Regulation) Act and thereby have
very little land at its disposal? By what
arrangement would an access of the p o o r
to institutional finance be ensured if the
National Housing Bank has to function
strictly within the Reserve Bank of India
framework with "special attention being
Economic and Political Weekly
paid to commercial viability a n d timely
recovery of loans". Unless the distribu-
tional aspects are built i n t o the housing
strategy, these laudable objectives would
remain as n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n mere
slogans.
In discussing the solutions, Engels
disagreed with the scholars w h o believed
giving in " s e r m o n s to the capitalists" or
appealing to their "sense of justice" for
getting houses built for the working class.
H e argued that "there is no room for sen-
timents in money matters" and, therefore,
any hope to' solve the housing crisis
through industrialists would be a delu-
sion. Bourgeois philanthropy knows that
factory housing can be used as an instru-
ment to control the working class and
consequently its interest in sheltering the
workers is extremely p r a g m a t i c and
limited. The society, he argued, is governed
by economic laws and if these run con-
trary to anyone's sense of justice, the situa-
tion cannot be remedied by a "pious wish"
or exhortations to the capitalist class. "If
toads had tails they would no longer be
toads."
T h e N H P too has expressed a "pious
wish" that the economically weaker
families must have a m i n i m u m plot size
and certain basic amenities. It hopes I hat
luxury housing would be curbed by tinker-
ing the ceilings for financial assistance and
perhaps moral appeals to the builders. Ii
recommends conferring tenurial rights on
slum dwellers, improving residential en-
vironment for the poor, etc, while insisting
on " a f f o r d a b l e credit" and "switch over
f r o m subsidy to loan".
The N H P claims to envisage a " m a j o r
role" for the government as a facilitator
and encourages cooperatives and non-
governmental organisations in the housing
scene. The only point it d o e s not state ex-
plicitly anywhere in the d o c u m e n t is the
i m p o r t a n c e to be assigned to the private
builders and housing companies, although
almost all its r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s are likely
to p r o m o t e their growth. Instead of ad-
mitting unhesitatingly that henceforth the
responsibility of h o u s e c o n s t r u c t i o n
would be passed on almost totally to the
private entrepreneurs, the N H P only notes
that "housing agencies a n d area develop-
ment authorities in the public sector will
be r e o r i e n t e d " and they would gradully
cease to be builders of h o u s i n g units. In
the absence of a p p r o p r i a t e institutional
controls a n d incentives, it would be naive
to expect that the private individuals and
companies would start building for the
poor. Engels had warned quite clearly that
" t h e building industry which is offered a
much better field for speculation by more
expensive dwelling units, b u i l d s workers
dwelling only by way of exception". N o
a p p e a l to the "conception of r i g h t " or
" d e m a n d s of justice 1 ' w o u l d m a k e the
capitalist class go against the e c o n o m i c
laws.
September .24, 1988