Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Mlchele Fratlannl
Indiana Unrverxty, Graduate School of Busmess, Bloommgton, IN 47405, USA and Fondo
lnterbancarro dl Tutela der Deposrtz, Rome, Italy
The paper focuses on the mam pohcy Issues facmg a future EMU, m particular the determmants
of mflatlon Monetary umon 1s a form of collusion among central bankers, which 1s clearly bad
If It IS compared with an Ideal competltlve scenario with Independent central banks We argue,
however, that EMU could contnbute to tmprovmg the quahty of monetary pohcy m Europe
The greatest benefit from EMU stems from Its potential as a commitment mechamsm to price
stablhty which many countries may not have available domestically It IS paramount that the
European monetary authority be independent of the political system, m general, and the fiscal
authorities, m particular Unless EMU IS interpreted as leading to pohtlcal union m Europe,
there IS no need for any greater coordmatlon or centralization of government spending m the
monetary union Fiscal coordmatlon and centrahzatlon run contrary to the establishment of a
low-inflation EMU because they weaken the relative strength and independence of the monetary
authority Finally, we reject the call for fiscal restraints m a EMU
1. Introduction
There IS very httle m the Rome Treaty of 1957 to suggest that the
foundmg fathers of the European Community were planning for a European
Monetary Union (EMU) Altogether there are SIXarticles m the Treaty that
may be construed as having some bearing on EMU Article 104 states that
each Member State - and not the Community as a whole - shall pursue the
three objectives of economic pohcy overall balance of payments, high
employment and stable prices Article 103 blandly states that ‘Member States
‘For a detaded view of the Delors Report and Its strategy to achieve EMU, see Fratlanm and
von Hagen (19904
‘For a detaded account read Fratlanm et al (1992a) For example, Maastricht drops
altogether the prmclple of parallehsm and envIsIons, at the begmnmg of Stage Two, the creation
of a new European Monetary Institute, which would admmlster the EMS and would prepare
the ground for the European Central Bank (ECB) The European Monetary Institute would
disappear when the ECB begms operations m Stage Three
404 M Fratlanm and .I van Hagen, European monetary won and central bank rndependence
3To be eligible for EMU, a country’s mflatton rate must not exceed the lowest three EC
milatlon rates by more than 1 5 percentage pomts, Its mterest rate on long-term government
bonds must not exceed those of the three Member States with the best mflatlon performance by
more than 2 percentage pomts, Its total government deficit must not be above 3% of GDP,
while Its outstandmg government debt must not exceed 60% of GDP For at least two years, the
country’s exchange rates v1s-a-v1s other EMS currencies must have remained wlthm Its EMS
band wlthout a devaluation of Its central parltles Finally, the statutes of national central banks
must be compatible with the statutes of the European System of Central Banks For more
details refer to Fratlanm et al (1992a)
4The relevance of the entry condltlons m solvmg end-game problems IS discussed m Fratlanm
et al (1992a, pp 19-21)
M Frattanm and J van Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank mdependence 405
5Thls sectlon draws from Fratlanm and van Hagen (1990~) and von Hagen and Fratlanm
(1990)
406 M Fratlannl and J von Hagen, European monetary won and central bank mdependence
have shown that, If nominal wages are rlgld and markets understand
pohcymakers’ mcentlves, the unenforceablhty of pohcy announcements biases
monetary pohcy outcomes towards higher inflation Equlhbrmm mflatlon 1s
positive although it generates no output or employment gains, because a
zero- or low-Inflation pohcy rule IS not time-consistent and its announcement
therefore IS not credible
The inflation bias and the lack of credlblhty stem from a deficiency m the
pohtlcal mstltutlons, namely the lack of an effective commitment mechanism
These failures cannot be simply rectified by appomtmg a ‘conservative’
central banker - as Rogoff (1985) and Thompson (1981) propose - because
such appomtments would be equivalent for pohtlclans to precommlt m-
directly to a low-inflation strategy The inflation bias must be viewed as the
result of a struggle between the confllctmg interests of elected government
pohtmans, who are mostly concerned with using monetary pohcy to ensure
levels of output and employment favorable for re-election, and central bank
offlclals who are concerned with price stability The more the central bank
has to give m to pohtlcal pressure, the less credible 1s the commitment to
price stability and the higher IS the inflation rate
Tabelhm (1988) has formalized these ideas using a two-period model where
the central bank Identifies with the interest of the private sector, whereas the
fiscal authorities (elected pohtlclans) behave like Buchanan’s Leviathan, that
IS, they care only about public expenditures The fiscal authorities are
interested m extracting as much selgmorage as possible but are limited by
the wlllmgness of the central bank to monetize a portion of the government
debt The higher the leverage of the fiscal authority on the central bank the
lower is the cost of financing a given government deficit Inflation, not
surpnsmgly, IS a positive function of the outstandmg volume of debt and the
degree of fiscal dominance The central bank (and by assumption the private
sector) benefits from more independence The optimal monetary arrangement
calls for complete monetary independence 6 In turn, complete monetary
independence forces the fiscal authorities to balance the budget at each point
in time
So we can conclude that the more submissive IS the central bank the less
credible is its commitment to price stability and the higher 1s the inflation
% recogmtlon of this prmclple, the Maastricht Accord grants full Independence to the ECB,
furthermore, the ECB will have price stablhty as Its prtmary objective [Fratlanm et al (1992a,
Table 2)] A central bank wtth such characterlstlcs may mcur the risk of placmg too much
weight on the objective of prxe stablhty and too little weight on the oblective of output growth
stabthty [Alesma and Summers ( forthcommg)] However, Independent central banks understabl-
hze output growth If they are too conservattve [RogoB (19831 Frattanm et al (1992b) show
that optimal Independent central bankers need not be too conservative m pursuing the price
stabthty ObJectWe, whtle Lohman (1992) reduces the risk of too much conservattveness by lettmg
the pohcymaker retam the rtght to overrtde the central banker’s dectslons
M Fratlannr and J von Hagen, European monetary unron and central bank mdependence 407
‘The recent EMS hterature that views the Bundesbank ds the hegemon of the system [e g
Gldvazzl and Glovanmm (1989)] 1s an extension of the older hterature on ‘hegemomc stablhty
theorem’ [e g Kmdleberger (1973) and Keohane (1984)] The leader-follower pdradlgm comes
out of single-shot models of monetary pohcy games When the game IS repedted this paradigm
breaks down, unless the cost of returnmg to d flexible exchange rate regime falls entirely on the
high-Inflation country [van Hagen (1992)] Furthermore, Elchengreen (1989) shows that both
the Umted Kmgdom, during the gold standard, and the United States, durmg Bretton Woods,
behaved much less hegemomcally than the earlier literature recogmzed
M Fratlanm and .I uon Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank independence 409
of such controls erga omnes (that IS, with respect to all countries) as part of
the process of financial Integration In a monetary umon, their relmposltlon,
although legally possible, would likely be SubJect to the consent of all
members, and therefore be removed at least partly from the discretion of
national pohtlclans By opening mdlvldual financial markets to more outside
competltlon, EMU actually strengthens the force of and opportumtles for
‘exit’
mt-p,=at-Rt, (1)
where m IS the log of the monetary base, p the log of the Italian price level, a
the growth rate of Italian output, t IS time and R the market rate of interest
m Italy Italy 1s financially integrated with Germany If debt IS growing faster
(slower) than real output m Italy, bra-denominated assets bear a risk
premium
R,=R:+E,s,+, -s,+rl,,
where R* IS the interest rate m the rest of the union, E 1s the expectation
operator, s the log of the exchange rate (the bra price of one DM) and r] the
risk premium As to what constitutes the source of the risk premium, there
are several posslblhtles In addition to direct capital levies, governments can
resort to debt consohdatlon (Italy m the 1920s and the 193Os), admmlstratlve
constraints on the banking system (Italy m the 1970s and the early 1980s) or
debt repudiation [Alesma (1988), Spmelh and Fratlanm (1991)] Risk
premium evolves according to the followmg equation
Pt = P: + St+ i,
(6)
and
We set p: = s, = 0 for analytlcal convenience and solve for the monetary base
where Def = the primary budget deficit, Y= nominal GNP, z = tax rate on
M Fratlanm and J von Hagen, European monetary umon and central banh Independence 411
Interest Income, B=nommal value of debt, b,= the ratio of debt to GNP,
and m,,=the ratio of the monetary base to GNP In long-run eqmhbrmm,
Italian real government debt cannot grow faster than real GNP, so that the
debt/GNP ratlo must be constant The steady-state solution of debt to GNP,
6,, 1s
6y = [&f/Y - my( M/M)]/[a - R( 1 - z)] (10)
Monetary dominance means that, m the monetary union, the fiscal authority
has to accept the growth rate of the monetary base as given Therefore, the
money growth rate, p1 =a, imphes that the budget deficit must adjust as
follows
Note that an increase m the domestic interest rate forces the fiscal
authority to reduce its deficit Suppose now that the Itahan Treasury chooses
a debt growth rate which exceeds the growth rate of real GNP From eqs
(S), the central bank will respond by reducing the monetary base so as to
raise the domestic interest rate and prevent contmuous capital outflows In
turn, the ensuing rise m the domestic interest rate induces the Treasury to
reduce its deficit In this sense, monetary dominance, coupled with a risk
premium, exerts dlsclplme on fiscal pohcy
The risk premium 1s proportional to the difference between real debt
growth and economic growth In a non-inflationary monetary union this
translates mto a money rule that sets the growth rate of the monetary base
equal to the growth of output Fig 1 plots the average value of this
difference for the period 1984-1988 for mne countries of the Community The
graph can be interpreted either as an index of country risk or as a measure
of the deviation from steady-state equlhbrlum Systematic differences between
real debt and output growth are not sustainable Either money adJusts to
debt or debt adlusts to money
Table 1 explores the budgetary lmphcatlons of an independent and
dominant monetary pohcy The question we try to answer is the following
Suppose the monetary authorities (1) were to follow a money rule consistent
with the average of the output growth for the period 1984-1988 and (11)
wanted to stabilize the debt-to-output ratio at the 1990 value - subject to
1989 values of m4 and T How would the fiscal authorities have to adjust?
This endogenous behavior of the fiscal authorities [cf eq (1 l)] 1s called m
table 1 the required primary deficit The last row of the table computes the
size of the adjustment from the actual to the required primary deficit
Belgium, Greece, Italy and the Netherlands have been the high-debt coun-
tries of the Community Belgium, Denmark, France and the United
Kingdom had a primary surplus m 1990, an mdlcatlon of rather conservative
fiscal pohcles m the mid-1980s Italy has reduced its primary deficit since
412 M Fratlantn and J oon Hagen, European monetary union and central bank Independence
TT-----
-7--
,B DK F D GR I NL ES UK,
Countries
Fig 1 Real debt growth mmus money rule Average 1984-1988 B=Belgmm, DK=Denmark,
F = France, D =Germany, GR = Greece, I = Italy, NL =The Netherlands, ES = Spam, UK =
Umted Kingdom
Table 1
Required primary deficit to stablhze the debt ratio at 1990 values (%)
B DK D F GR I NL ES UK
Money rule = a 2 28 2 11 2 52 214 200 2 96 2 34 3 50 3 40
(avg 1984-1988)
Net debt/GNP 11960 2350 2360 2470 8240 9720 6000 3050 3070
1990 value
Short-term real 4 89 5 96 5 13 645 -210 6 38 5 89 8 06 490
rate of interest
1990 value
Wthholdmg tax 2s 00 000 000 2700 2500 12 50 000 2000 2500
Money base/GNP 118 4 72 10 50 600 2000 1560 960 2240 4 30
1989 value
Reqmred DEF/GNP -150 -080 -035 -051 335 -209 -191 -012 006
Primary DEF/GNP -400 -260 090 -100 7 60 0 30 060 090 -220
1990 value
surplus = -
AdJustment -250 -180 125 -049 4 25 2 39 251 102 -226
tightness = +
Notes B = Belgmm, DK = Denmark, D = Germany, F = France, GR = Greece, I = Italy,
NL=Netherlands, ES =Spam, and UK = United Kingdom Primary DEF refers to general
government primary balance
Sources OECD, Economic Outlook, no 45 data chskettes and Econormc Outlook, no 48 and
IMF, International Fmanclal Statlstlcs
M Fratrannr and .I von Hagen, European monetary unwonand central bank independence 413
Table 2
Required primary deliclt to stabdlze the debt ratlo no risk premium (%)
B DK D F GR I NL ES UK
Money rule = a 2 28 211 2 52 2 14 200 296 2 34 3 50 3 40
(avg 19861988)
Net debt/GNP 11960 23 50 2360 24 70 8240 9720 6000 3050 30 70
1990 value
Short-term real 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500
mterest rates
no risk premla
Wlthholdmg tax 2s 00 000 000 2700 25 00 1250 000 2000 2500
Money base/GNP 118 472 1050 600 2000 1560 960 2240 4 30
1989 value
Reqmred DEF/GNP -159 -058 -032 -024 -104 -091 -1 37 063 004
Primary DEF/GNP -400 -260 090 -100 7 60 0 30 060 090 -220
1990 value
surplus = -
Adjustment -241 -202 1 22 -076 8 64 121 197 027 -224
tightness = +
Notes B = Belgium, DK = Denmark, D = Germany, F = France, GR = Greece, I = Italy,
NL = Netherlands, ES = Spain, and UK = Umted Kingdom The value of my for Italy comes from
1987 and that for the UK from 1986 Primary DEF refers to general government primary
balance
Sources OECD, Economw Outlook, no 45 data diskettes and Economic Outlook, no 48 and
IMF, International Fmanctal Statistics
The Delors Committee 1s very skeptical about the ability of the markets to
dlsclplme the fiscal authorltles Indeed the Report speaks of ‘effective upper
limits on budget deficits of mdlvldual member countries’ and ‘the definition
of the overall stance of fiscal pohcy over the medmm term including the size
and the financing of the aggregate budgetary balance’ (para 33) Fiscal
restraints are regarded as one of the ‘basic elements’ of an ‘economic union
m conJunction with a monetary union‘ (para 25) Its reasoning appears to
rest on the existence of a moral hazard problem m a monetary union that
“This and the followmg section draw from Fratlanm and von Hagen (199Oc)
M Fratlannl and J van Hagen, European monetary utnon and central bank Independence 415
imposed by market forces might either be too slow and weak or too
sudden and disruptive (para 30)
“See, for example, Tanv and Ter-Mmawan (1987), Isard (1988), Vegh and Gmdottl (1989)
M Fratzannz and J van Hagen, European monetary unzon and central bank zndependence 417
depressed regions are tdxed less heavily than relatively prosperous regions,
e g by progressive income taxation, and would have to facilitate the transfer
of tax revenues from the latter to the former As m other federal systems, e g
West Germany, regional income redlstrlbutlon can be achieved through rules
of sharing taxes collected at the federal level among the mdlvldual member
states In combmatlon with national mstltutlons such as unemployment
compensation, the tax system would execute automatic transfers among
regions, without requiring any appropriations and spendmg authority at the
Community level nor coordination of national spending policies
From a pohtlcal-economy point of view, however, the two alternatives are
not equally desirable Increasing the Community budget means increasing
the power of the central admlnistrdtion both m comparison with the national
governments and with the EMU monetary duthority It raises the pay-off for
dnd encourages lobbying at the central admmlstratlon and creates new
opportumtles for log-rolling and influence-peddling Based on the experience
with government spending programs at the national level, the efficiency of
centralized or coordinated spending to buffer transitory regional shocks is
highly questionable, given the sluggishness of the pohtlcal process and the
well-known dlfflculty to end regional subsidies A redlstrlbutlve tax system, m
contrast, would not make the actual transfers subject to political dlscretlon
In addition, It would leave the spending power with the national admml-
stratlons The theory of fiscdl federalism suggests that national admmlst-
rations would recognize better the priorities and needs of the mdlvldual
member countries Finally, a tdx-bdsed redlstrlbutlon with decentralized
spending would favor competition among fiscal authorities dnd help preserve
the independence of the common monetary authority
The drive towards building a significant central budget or, as a pohtlcally
more promising substitute, towards the coordmatlon of national fiscal
policies m d monetary union drises from very different grounds Assuming
that the ‘Europe 1992’ program 1s successful m promoting goods market and
findnclal market integration, this will increase mtra-EC trade and raise the
share of exports and imports m each country’s GNP Financial market
integration will tend to increase the mternatlonal substltutablhty of financial
assets within the region, particularly dt the shorter end of the market Thus,
each economy becomes more ‘open’ and more closely integrated m the
regional capital mdrkets
The important lmphcatlon of these trends IS that national fiscal pohcy is
likely to lose much of its power to control output and employment, even m
the short run Greater openness implies greater spill-overs of aggregate
demand between the economies dnd, hence, reduces government spending
multipliers Ndtlondl fiscal pohcymakers will therefore see then power and
influence dlmmlsh as economic integration proceeds m Europe Public choice
theory suggests that these pohcymakers will seek ways to regain their
M Frarranm and J von Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank rndependence 419
We can now summarlse the pros and cons of central bank cooperation
Compared with an independent, national pohcy environment, a monetary
union produces an important change m the number of players mvolved m
the monetary pohcy game In the national environment, each central bank
has its own government as the opponent In contrast, the EMU monetary
authority will face Commumty offlclals and all national governments
together as opponents As long as electlons are not synchronized and there
420 M Frattanm and J von Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank Independence
‘*The governance of the ECB and the nature of country representation m this mstltutlon are
not discussed m this paper For that refer to Fratlanm and von Hagen (1990~) as well as Casella
(1992), Graboyes (1990) and Chang (1991)
13Barro (1983) shows that a government’s ablhty to monetize pubhc debt IS a further source
of mflatlon bias
14The Delors Report (para 32) proposes such a clause, the effectiveness of which IS medlated
however by the condltlonahty of the monetary authority’s commitment to price stabkty
M Fratlanm and J van Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank mdependence 421
15The Delors Report (para 32) proposes that the chalrman of the EMU monetary authonty
shall report to the European Parhament and the European Councd
16To compensate for pnce shocks and increases m productlvlty, Bolinger would set the salary
sulliclently high at the begmnmg of the term m office
“See von Hagen and Fratlanm (1989) and von Hagen (1991) for a dIscussIon
422 M Fratlanm and .I UT Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank mdependence
6. Conclusions
Monetary umon 1s a form of collusion among central bankers While
collusion 1s unambiguously bad if it IS compared with an ideal competltlve
scenario with independent central banks, we have argued m this paper that
there are reasons why EMU could contribute to Improving the quality of
monetary pohcy m Europe EMU would not create a monopohstlc scenario,
as there ~111 remam strong competltlve forces m the international monetary
pohcy arena The positive impact of EMU stems from its potential as a
commitment mechanism to price stability which many countries may not
have available domestically The important task therefore IS to design the
structure of EMU so as to make it a credible institution For that purpose it
1s paramount that the European monetary authority be independent of the
pohtlcal system, m general, and the fiscal authorities, m particular This
prmclple 1s embedded m the Maastricht Accord The autonomy of the
European central bank can and should be strengthened by lsolatmg its
officials from the short-run orientation of electoral interests and by designing
a remuneration structure thdt is linked to price-level performance The
proper functlomng of a monetary union requires the harmomzatlon of tax
laws to avoid incongruent dlstortlons of relative prices and provlslons
faclhtatmg income redlstrlbutlon among the members to buffer regionally
diverse economic shocks Both features can be achieved by an appropriate
design of the tax system Unless EMU 1s Interpreted as leading to pohtlcal
union m Europe, there IS no need for any greater coordmatlon or centrahza-
tlon of government spendmg m the monetary union Such tendencies arise
because national fiscal pohcymakers are losing power as a consequence of
greater integration But fiscal coordmatlon dnd centralization run contrary to
the establishment of a low-inflation EMU because they weaken the relative
strength and independence of the monetary authority
Finally, we reject the call for fiscal restraints m a EMU Imposing formal
M Fratranm and J van Hagen, European monetary umon and central bank Independence 423
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