Chapter in

ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE

BRAHMANAS
3.1. Daughter
3.2. Wife
3.3. Marital Relations
3.4. Ritual Wife
3.5. Substitutions for the Wife
3.6. Queen's part in Asvamedha
3.7. Marriage
3.8. Limitations on Marriage
3.9. The Forms of Marriage
3.10. Polygamy
3.11. Women's Property and Status
3.12. Face-Veil
3.13. Education
3.14. Widow
3.15. Female Names and Titles in the Brahmanas
Resume
 Tht Brahmanas are mainly concerned with the ritualistic side

of sacrifice. The Brahmanical period was marked by the growth of

rituals. The position assigned to women in the sacrifices deserves

examination. These religious rituals are extravagantly described and

mythologically justified in many Brahmanical texts. During this

period, religion and social life were so intermingled that one could

not be distinguished from the other. It was during this period that

the need of women for religious and social welfare first began to

take a definite shape.

Throughout the Indian social and intellectual history, women

got the opportunity to play comparatively a minor role in the

formulation and development of social, religious and philosophical

thinking. Whatever instincts they may have had historically towards

these activities, had been suppressed. Among the usual suspects

charged with the responsibility for that suppression, the Veda and
 113

Vedic religions stand out. The exact details of the Vedic role in this
suppression have never been made clear. But orthodox religious
laws equated women with the lowest class of men in many important
respects, The Satapatha Brahmana says, "the woman, the Sudra,
the dog and the crow are called the untruth itself.^

The Aitareya Brahmana ordains that the Sudra is to be ordered

about by the Brahman, Ksatriya and Vaisya? Thus, the Sudras were
given the lowest position in the society. The higher varnas of the
society maintained an exact vigil to ensure that the lower varnas
had been assigned a lower place in society. They should not be
considered as belonging to the elite. Their inclusion in the four-
fold hierarchy was meant only for the service that they performed
for the higher varnas.

To serve the three higher varnas were the sole duty of the
Sudra class. This same relationship is asserted again and again in
all the lower role of the women in Brahmanical period. The varna
hierarchy influenced the legal system a great deal. Since the
Brahmans were placed the highest in the social structure, they

1. 3 r p ^ ? 3 ^ ^fWTT §Tff^lS.B. XIV. 1. 1.31.

2. gsf^j^q^ MvjlliiwlvJlPl'^c) 3RTW iMi I A.B. XXXV.3.
 114

enjoyed the highest privileges. Hence the life of a Brahman was

given the highest value but that of Sudra was the lowest. This
division was not based on any faith in equality before law for all.
The traditional Indian legal system clearly discriminated between
persons belonging to different varnas. It was particularly harsh
towards the Sudra.

Many passages in the Brahmanas obviously show lower role

agreement to woman. Here woman was declared 'Avadhya' or one
not to be killed. The Satapatha Brahmana says 'surely, that Sri is a
woman, and people do not kill a woman, but rather take her life.^'
Though she was not to be killed she was to be dealt with by a strong
hand. Again the Satapatha Brahmana encourages thus : "smite
their wives and unman them, and thus smitten and unmaned, they
neither own any self nor do they own any heritage.'"^

Whether she was a Brahman or a Sudra, a 'caste' Hindu

woman retained her caste identity for the purpose of marriage and

S.B. XI.4.3.2.

rTT fcTT f^TT^T ^TTrRH5^9T^, ^ ^[^m W ^97^1 S.B.IV.4.2.13.

 115

for establishing or maintaining purity of lineage. The important

ritual implications of the caste status were limited to men. Women
were not allowed to participate in most of the significant religious
activities that defined the upper castes as 'twice-bom.'

Among the religious activities held to be exclusively in the

domain of men were the study of the Veda, the independent
performance of sacrifices, officiating at religious ceremonies and
even the right to drop out of the social order by becoming a
wandering ascetic. Indeed these activities were believed to be the
responsibility and the mandate of men. The roots of this suppression
may lie in cultures and ideas far anterior to the Vedic literature.

During this period the position of Sudra women was certainly

more pitiable than that of the women of other three varnas, because
the association of Brahman with a large number of women survived
into the Brahmanical period. It means that the men of the upper
varnas used to establish illicit relations with Sudra women. That is
why the Sudra women or women slaves are frequently spoken of in
the context of wealth. They are listed along with gold, cattle and
other assets. The Aitareya Brahmana states that "ten thousand
 116

women slaves were gifted by the king of Anga to his chief priest

along with cattle, wealth and gold."^ This is a good evidence of the

association of Brahman priests with the property of a large number

of women. That is why the women were frequently stated to be

objects of either dana or daksina and handed to the chief priests by

the king. The importance of the women, handed over to the Brahman

priests in such large numbers, may signify a more fundamental

process that would appear at first glance. These references give

here two main information. The first, there were more women slaves

than men slaves in Vedic society. Secondly the women slaves were

also considered more valuable. This idea is exactly stated by one

scholar, Sharma, "women are highly valued in a tribal context since

they are the producers of producers."^ This idea is very carefully

described by Uma Chakravarthy in her book,''Everyday Lives and

Everyday Historiesr 'women slaves, at least in the early stages of

Indian history, not merely provided a source of cheap labour but

also doubled up as re-producers and replenishers of a declining

«c|iyiHI<i^^f^ci'J|IM I ^ 5 T R ^ ^TW^OTi^nM Pltcbci)6i||: I A . B . X X X I X . 8 .

6. R.S. Sharma, 'Conflict, Distribution and Differentiation in Rgvedic
Society', The Indian Historical Review, p. 3.
 117

Stock.' This explains their numerical preponderance over male

slaves in the Vedic literature. The value attached to women slaves
can be explained at least in part by their sexual and biological
attributes, which added to their value as sources of labour, a
characteristic they shared with men.^

Hence women made many contributions to domestic

production centering round cattle in the predominantly pastoral
Vedic society. After agriculture began to replace pastoralism there
are occassional references to women in the context of agriculture.
But on the whole, women now begin to be closely associated with
domestic labour. The heavy burden of domestic labour was strongly
resented by some women who then shifted the burden on to their
slave women.^ There is an example of a young wife asking her
husband to get her at least one slave woman to take over the domestic
chores. Here the daughter-in-law is only one step above the slave
girl.^ Sometimes hundreds of slave girls accompanied rich brides
to their new homes as part of their dowry.^^

7. Uma Chakravarti, Everyday Lives, Everyday Histories, p. 87

8. 3TST sf^ Hf^tJlHf^^T^qfrr I m^ 9M 7 R ^ 5 ^ ^ "f^^ I S.B.Xin.5.2.5.
9. 3TFT ^ ^ ^J1?FT Jlf^ll^ I T.B. II.4.6.12.
10. ^EJcm?^ ^JTMT ^^\f\ qo^jrfr W^ W Sldl^M^^duilH I SB.XIII.5.2.1.
 118

The women slaves in the royal retinue did not have to labour
physically, but merely to entertain their masters. Although they
w&TQ more privileged than other women slaves, because of their
physical appeal, they were totally dependent upon their looks, which
were necessarily of temporary nature. The slave or Sudra women's
labour and sexuality were used. This is an extra burden the women
slave had to bear, because not only did they labour like the Sudra or
slave, but they were also exposed to sexual exploitation. These were
under the overall control of men. Many stories in the Brahmanas
where persons were turned out of sacrifices, because their mothers
were Sudras. In the Aitareya Brahmana the story of Kavasa Ailusa,
is an example. He was accused of being the son of a female slave.^^
There is a similar story in the Tandya Brahmana also. People accused
Vatsa that his mother was a Sudra.

On the other hand a Sudra could never think of marrying a

higher varna lady legally. The Brahmanas give a number of
justifications for the low status of Sudras. Among men, Sudra has
the same position as the horse has among animals. These two, the

A.B. Vm.l., T.M?B.XIV.6.6.

 119

horse and the Sudra, are conveyances of the Vedic people. Therefore

the Sudras could not participate in a sacrifice.'^^ The basis of the

Purusasukta, the Tandyamaha Brahmana propounds: 'Therefore,

even if a Sudra has a lot of cattle, he is not entitled to perform a

sacrifice, as he is without god. Since he was created from the feet

of god, he should not do anything but wash the feet of the three

higher varnasP The Aitareya Brahmana puts forth another mythical

justification: 'He created the Brahman with Gayatri, the Ksatriya

with Tristubh and Vaisya with Jagati, but he did not create the

Sudra with any metre,^"^ In the Satapatha Brahmana, 'a Sudra is

simply declared as toil.^^' Hence the women's position became

equated to that of the Sudras. Gradually, women lost the privilege

of Upanayana, the studying of Veda, of having all the samskaras

performed with Vedic mantras. That is why here a woman's life-

stage of daughter, wife, mother came to be regarded as entirely

dependent on man. She is equated to the Sudra.

12. A.B. VIII.L, T.M.B.XIV.6.6., See p.ll8.

13. ^ Hi'^bMM\\i^ 3cT Wf^T^K^rflrat f^r^ % ^ ft ct s^T^FTl T.M.B. VI.I.ll
14. TTTq# IT?PTFTig|?M, Bpsgvf <|vH"MWI:ii|,illd WJ^ ^^TFTigi^lcT I A.B. V.2.
15. W^ §3^Riqt t §3sR?R5^ ^TTRTTT yM«5iJrtlc|Adl ^HfcTT qsnWW#IT yH«{i||rl ?TT5
^ W^ TR^^Tf% ^ ^CT^I S.B.XIII.6.2.10.
 120

3.1. Daughter
The necessary attitude towards a girl which prevailed in Vedic
society seems to have taken shape long ago. The society pictured in
the Brahmanical literature agreed, that an unimportant place be
given to the daughter. The Aitareya Brahmana calls a daughter a
burden, while the son is described as the light in the highest heaven. ^^
The Taittiriya Brahmana reveals that, she was put away, while the
boy was greated a gallery by the parents with expressions of
pleasure.^^ Here the son was always preferred as, he was the light
in the highest heaven. That is why the birth of a daughter in the
family did not give much gladness. The prayers of ihtPumsavana^^
ceremony and the mantras recited at the Garbhadhana ceremony
revealed the deep desire for male children. Here the main purpose
was to ensure the birth of a male child. The same concern to make
sure of a male progeny to the bride was reflected in the act of placing
a male child in her lap. Not merely in the Pumsavana but also in
the Simantanayana and other pregnancy sacraments the prayers went
up for the motherhood of living sons.
16. f q ^ ? ffl?TT ^jqtfrlf 55fT q ^ sitiT^ I A.B. XXXffl.l.
17. T.S. & T.B. VL5.10.3., See p.49^
18. 3TT ^ JJP TTjf qg "iHHI"! ^ t ^ f ^ l AV. III.23.2.
 121

Hence, the value of a son increased in many respects. In the

Aithareya Brahmana, the son was described as a boat of salvation. ^^

The son continued the family line after the father's death and

maintained the family, as the inheritor of the rituals. The daughter

belongs to another family where she goes after marriage. As ideas

developed, getting a son was the best way to provide for the future.

The daughter came to be looked upon as an encumbrance.

In Brahmanical literature the birth of a son is concieved as a

rebirth of a father. The father pays a debt to his son and gains

immortality when he beholds the face of a son who was bom to

him. It is called the redemption of pitr-rna or debt of ancestors.

The Ajtareya Brahmana says that every Brahman is bom with the

three debts. He recovers himself through Brahmacarya from his

debt of the rsis, through yajnas from the debt of the gods, and by

begetting son from the debt of his ancestors.^° The person who has

no son can never be free from this debt.^^ One passage shows that

19. §TSJrT ^ f^mrtS^^n^ ^ CRT; 3TlrfrT fl ^JlfT ^TTc'RT |Tf^I?qfrlrTlfM I

A.B. XXXm.1.5.
20. i^mf^rf^ wm\ ^^wj^ sisiriijui ^f^n^ q#T ^t«fT sTrPTT ftg^qr qw ^ a r j ^ ^ I
Ibid.
21. ^ 35TW ? r ^ 5 ^ ? ^ I A.B. XXXIII.ll.
 122

only the person who has the son can free him from this debt or
liberate him from the peril of death by the divine help.^^

According to a tale in Aitareya Brahmana Sunahsepa is the

name of a man with the patronymic Ajigarti. He was purchased as

a victim by Rohita, king Harichandra's son who had been promised

by his father to Varuna as a sacrifice. He was actually bound to the

stake, but was released in time through his supplications. Sunahsepa

was adopted by Visvamitra, to whose advice he owed the inspiration

to ask the gods to release him. Later he became Visvamitra's son

as Devarata. However the story contains merely the statement of

Sunahsepa s deliverance from the peril of death by divine help.

Those who wished for a son, should also have told this story; then

they certainly would be blessed with a son. Here it should be noted

that the father and the mother of Sunahsepa agree to give him away

as a sacrifice in the human sacrifice to propitiate Varuna and the

father himself offers to kill his son instead of a cow. This story

shows extreme poverty may have driven the father to do such a

treacherous act. However the Brahmanical literature simply says

22. g5RJFTT FFZITSTMT W^ t ^^TH ^R# F ^SfPT I AB. XXXIIL6.I4.

 123

that Sunahsepa was seized by Varuna, but saved himself from

Varuna's bonds.^^

From these references it would be more exact to say that,

people manifested anxiety for having male children and not for
female children. The pitiable role of daughters in the patriarchal
structure may have persuaded the Brahmanas to prescribe early
marriage for girls. The main purposes of marriage during the
Brahmanical period show the wife as a social being for both
(husband and son). However the presence of the husband is
imperactive. Apart from the husband, the wife has no recognized
existence in the Brahmanical patriarchy. This exclusion was
moreover tied in with an emphasis on marriage. As it is observed,
this would have structured women's participation in marriage for
the processes of production and reproduction.

3.2. Wife
In the Brahmanas, the concept of wife has become more wide.
They are called patni, jaya, jani etc. The patni or chief wife was a
regular participator in the offerings of the husband.^"* Hence the
23. cTFT f Wr^Ti^ThNi f^sit gg^l A.B. XXXIII.4.
24. "Sl^rfc*^ cfT tri^ <4VJ1HHHI W ^ I J.B. 1.86.
 124

major duty of a patni was to serve as a ritual partner. In the

Brahmanas jaya designates the woman in her conjugal capacity
only. Here she is not a sharer in the sacrifice. In the Aitareya
Brahmana, jaya means a sharer in the husband's affections. Jani
means the mother of children.^^ In this respect her position gradually
deteriorated. The Satapatha Brahmana describes, a ceremony in
which the jaya alone offered the sacrifice in the past. Later a priest
might do so in her place. The same Brahmana shows other traces of
a lowering position of women. This growing sense was probably
due to the importance of ceremonial priority.^^ Some passages of
the Brahmanas descibes a woman as inferior even to a bad man.
There is an insinuating passage in Aitareya Brahmanas showing
her power of getting thingsfi^omher husband by flattery at night.^^
In the Satapatha Brahmana, the wife is indeed half of one's self.
Therefore, as long as a man does not beget a son, he is still
incomplete.^^ These references clearly indicate a gradual decline in
25. Wm ? 3!M I, d^Jv^WI ^JTM ^^cjfrT, q^Flt ^W(r[ ^ I i[ 3 R ^ ^ \ A.B.XXXIII.l.
26. ;JT1^ ^Rlt^^qlRl'^ici df^'iHtildfi ^ ITcT ^S^q^frTSSfrr I S.B.I.1.4.13.,
qfrr SIT531^31M d^ciiHIlP^ qc# I S.B.I.9.2.14.
27. ^m^ sirrfrr, Rrfr t w^\ \
B^^t^RTf^ ^[^ 97^^M I A.B. III. 13.

zjtcT ^m\ f^l^5«I JTSTT^ c # ft ^ W^ I S.B. V.2.1.10

 125

women's position. In the Satapatha Brahmana, it is evident that

there was a rule requiring the wife to eat after her husband.^^ The

wife who does not answer back is praised in the Aitareya

Brahmana.^
m

The rituals at the time of marriage explicitly recognize the

place of procreation. The main objective of a woman's marriage

was to produce children. The desire for offspring was natural in a

society that mainly counted relationship through the father. There

was wish for a son to perform the necessary funeral rites for the

father and to continue his line. That is why a wife helped her husband

to achieve immortality and heaven through the son. That the role of

wife was assigned to participating in the ritual itself stems from

her primary function of producing sons. Through wifehood and

motherhood, women discharged their functions in society, acquired

personhood and, in this capacity, performed rituals with their

husbands as sahadhannini.

qr 1^ 1 cTT 1 ^ f FTTF ^IglcicrcHI: I S.B. 1.9.2.12, 10, 5,2.9.

30. OTf^RTf^ ? T ^ ^ q r # q ^ I A.B. III. 13.
 126

3.3. Marital Relations

Several passages forbid ritual abstinence, intercourse with
the ^StrV of another. This means that adultery on the husband's
part was otherwise regarded as venial. But the word Stri includes
all the 'women folk' daughters and servants, as well as wives. The
conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man's
wife was normally regarded with indifference. In the Satapatha
Brahmana the curious ritual of the Varunapraghasa the wife of the
sacrificer is questioned about her lovers.^^ This is not a normal
question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. It was part of a rite
meant to expiate the unchastity of a wife.

A wife had to play an important part in the Varunapraghasa.

During the performance of the Varunapraghasa offerings, the

sacrificer's wife had to confess her extra conjugal relationships

before thepratiprasthatr priest. The husband made the wife confess

the name of her paramour during a ceremony as if every woman

had a paramour. Now when a woman who belonged to one caste

iJ(J"!4HI W^^ mr?T2it ^S^rTT 9To^ vjJgc|R[cJ cfFTlc'Jsfrr f^rerf) ^ Tjr^ ^%Tt
* T ^ W^ f t W^ dWI^ci ijsf^ ^ q^r afrr7n%T snfrFift ¥ ^ rRitcf FTTcT I S . B .
n.5.2.20, T.B. 1.6.5.2.
 127

carried on intercourse with another caste, undoubtedly she committed

sin against Varuna. He therefore asked her thus, lest she should
sacrifice with a secret pang in her mind, for when confessed, the
sin became less, since it became true. And whatever she had not
confessed, that indeed would turn out injurious to her relative. In
case the wife protested her innocence, the council of village elders
would then order an ordeal by fire. The accused wife would be
required to pass through a blazing flame. Not just death, but any
signs of bums would be taken as a sign of guilt and the wife would
then have to undergo the penalty for infidelity. Adultery carried the
death sentence in Vedic law, so either way she would have to pay
with her life for her husband's or elders mere suspicions. Thus, the
sage Gautama cursed his wife Ahalya for sleeping with Indra though
no fault of her own.^^ The underlying principle was that confession
before the priest destroyed or reduced the sin.

3.4. Ritual Wife

The Vedic ritual is extravagantly described and

mythologically justified in many texts of the Yajurveda as well as

ji1<NW)R?|gc^l'^ ^?n^ dSjM=IIW '^^'JIIPl rlUHAdrtltiHl<}R|t<frl I S.B. III.3.4.18.

 128

in the subsidiary texts connected with the other three Vedas. Frederic

Smith^^ briefly sketches the mythic contexts which give them life;

the story of India's Brahminicide. Among the important deities in

the Vedic ritual are India and Vamna. Indra is the heroic king of

the gods, who ensures the safety of the created worid by killing the

serpent demon, Vrtra. Vamna is a celestial god associated with the

distribution of truth and order, with earthly and cosmic waters and

with might. He is the guardian of truth expressed by speech, a

function which he exercises with the threat of binding his victim

with a noose or Pasa. In the Aitereya Brahmana the famous story

of Sunahsepa, the belly of Hariscandra swells up as a result of

Vamna's noose.^"^ He brandishes the noose not just to ensure tmthful

speech but also to ensure that the propagation of the created world

occurs within the bonds of a properly conceived cosmic order. Here

the two main mythic causes for the restriction of the wife's activities

in the sacred Vedic ritual are Vamna's noose and Indra's curse.^^

33. Macdonell, 1897:54ff : Oldenberg, 1988, 74.ff., etc.

A.B. XXXin.4.
35. 'Srat m ITrlFT ?7f!FT %I^ I ^fFT slc^S^-^^r^HM^J^ W^\ T.B. III.7.1.9.
 129

Vedic literature explains, that when Indra killed Visvarupa,

the son of Tvastar, he transferred one third of the stain of murdering
a Brahman to women. Here the story is significant. The name
Visvarupa indicates an omniform being, a deity. He possessed three
heads, one drank Soma, another Sura, and the third ate food. Indra
chopped off these heads with his thunderbolt because he saw
Visvarupa as the threat to his sovereignty. The earth and the trees
were given the other two shares of the stain of his Brahman-murder.^^

Here one third of Indra's guilt is transferred to women to

take the form of menstrual periods, the mark of sin, danger and
impurity. As a result, women are severely restricted, especially in
the sacrificial arena, as is exemplified by the rite of tying a rope
around the waist of the sacrificer's wife.^^

In short, Indra's curse leads inevitably to the restrictive ritual

practices implied by Varuna's noose. The sacrificer's wife is
forever cursed and bound. This is the classic picture of the Indian
woman as inferior and passive in a male religious world.

JIFTT ITcT q ^ c i ^ I T . B . I I . 5 . 1 .

37. ^ ^ slSJ^p!4l4 MrMUeJ-rHI lefcfSmT <S\^^^^ rlFTFMcfSmHT ^ H ^ 1 TB.II.5.1.

 130
In the Brahmanas, women gradually became silent partners

in the Yajna, except in those rituals to procure a son or bless the

progeny. The necessity of their presence at the Yajna was debated,

as the importance of a son increased. He was the way that carried

his father to heaven. The powerful female energy was essential

both to nature and ritual creation and could not be so neatly labeled

and tidied away, even by the male Vedic ritualist, let alone by
38
women.

The Vedic rituals are divided into two sections. The first ritual

is Grhya or househoold rituals.^^ The second is related to public

rituals called Srauta. The religion which catered to the well being

of the family, was centered in the home. The gods were invited to

visit and receive the offerings. The wife was present at these

occasions and participated in the event through hymns of praise

and gestures of hospitality.

Both domestic and public rituals emphasized the co-presence

of husband and wife. In other words, the presence of a wife was

5r?Tra^ cTFnrqc% I S.B. 1.9.2.5.

39. 3jfJ^ ^ §Ftf, S.B.I. $jm?T wmm ^ wf^ 3mm^, p. 44.
 131

necessary for the presence of gods, because, gods did not accept the
oblations offered by a bachelor. The Aitareya Brahmana says, man
could not become a spiritual whole, unless he was accompanied by
his wife. The Taittiriya Brahmana says, a person, who was
unmarried was unholy. Hence the first major duty of a wife was to
1 40
serve as a ntual partner.
If all men were absent from home, it seems logical to suggest
that the wife assumed the ritual role of host, in addition to her usual
job of tending the householdfire.That is why she was never allowed
to go out and was regarded as the god, Agni the 'mouth' of god,
which received libations, grains and other offerings."*^

She probably performed the necessary daily rituals when the

men of were away. Hence the wife most likely had a minimal amount
of training in rituals, which in any case, were relatively simple in
this age. Moreover, there is evidence that the singing of hymns
(Samaveda) was the special expertise of women who were trained
in music.'^^ The scope of the other activities of a wife in the religious
field was restricted.
40. 5 ^ ^smi f ^ <J><rHr1<P^c||rmri ipq^ I A.B. 1.3.5.
3 1 ^ ciT iTcr l i t s q r ; ^ i T . B . n.2.2.6.
41. f^ TTciTFT ^^m, *l<siAc|IWI6cl4liJI I S.B. in.5.3.1-4.
42. H-^^H: FRcit W^ ^ f^f^ZTUl^ ^ dH^HI^ I H ^ f F ^ ^T^RR f H ^ ^ ^ § 1 ^
FRcTtsq^MrT I Pa. Shi - V.52.
 132

The Srauta ritual consists of an extensive body of sacrifices

to be performed on specific occasions. They may be performed with

calendric regularity such as the time of the new or full moon and at

irregularly designated times, or following non-recurring events, such

as the birth of a son or the commission of a major sin. They may be

prescribed in order to satisfy certain desires pertaining to the

sacrificer, such as the desire for cattle, offspring or rain.

A woman rarely officiated at the Srautarituals.Even though

a woman's ritual speech and action were minor in the public rituals,

she had some mandatory mantras and acts involving the preparation

of food, cleaning the ritual space or ensuring fertility. Without this

contact with the wife, the ritual would have no life and no benefits.

Moreover, it could not serve as a channel of power from the deities.

This ambiguity was symbolized by menstruation,"^^ because of her

menstrual impurity, the categories of pure and impure became more

important in the Brahmanas.

^imr qf^siFwfrr ^9t ^ ^rJ^ra^FFcit ^dci^nid I S.B. v.2.1.8.

 133

The wife was also excluded from the sacrifice during the

period of her menstruation. On this occasion, the ritual must be

postponed or performed without her. The Taittiriya Brahmana says

that half the sacrifice dies if it is performed when she is

menstruating. For, the mention of menstrual blood is regarded as

impure and dangerous because it was the result of Indra's curses."*^

Therefore they were banished from the sacrificial arena. Women,

the bearers of the discharge, the curse, the danger, and the impurity

were in turn subjected to severe restrictions. In the sacrifice, the

rope that she wears around her waist, the manifestation of Varuna's

noose, embodies and exemplifies these restrictions.'*^

Here these restrictions show that, these rites in the sacrifices

were to be performed at the time of the new and full moon. The

first was the act of binding the wife's waist with a rope as she

entered the sacrificial arena. This rope was stated by the Vedic

texts to be not merely symbolic of binding her to her husband; it is

explicitly identified as Varuna's noose. The second rite was the

44. cbiHH"MHi H #^ ^n^gqn^k^ si^^rMi-^ ^ ^ afrr ^jM^i T.B. II.5.1.
4 5 . i|1cb|i^c| g ^ l iJMr^lt^ cTFTigf^^^

S.B. III.3.3.3.1.
 134
:r •„ 46
making of offerings to the wives Patnisatnyaja. These offerings
demonstrated not only how the wife was forced to operate in the
ritual in the presence of the dominant male power, but also how
indispensable feminine energy was to the Vedic creative process.
The third rite was the act of untying the rope from the wife's waist.
This final ritual action signified her exit from the sacrifice. These
were by no means the only rites that she performed in this sacrifice,
but they were the most revealing."^^

A single rite from the classical Soma sacrifice, namely, the

offering of Soma from the goblet belonged to the wife. This rite
probably illustrates the extraordinarily complex convergence of
performative, mythic and socio-cultural contexts in the Vedic ritual,
better than any other single rite directly involving the sacrificer's
wife. For it demonstrates how her sexuality presented both physical
and metaphysical problems to the male performers of the Srauta
ritual. Even more important, it reveals the solution to these
problems. The presence of a goblet is found both in the offerings to
4 6 . 5 i ^ q ? ^ H^TRPT I V.S. XIX.29.

^TRTtfrT rTFnf H T ^ ^ f^feTF^T aPI?l?<r4c|cb|§XT ^ ^ ^FJt ^rft W 'T^R'WS^

dWie^4)il5f^?rafrr r!TTrT53TT^^ cT^^rT^M^qfrT I S.B. 1.3.1.20.
 135

the wives of the gods and in the rite of the wife. An increasing
isolation and exclusion of women by men from their rituals can be
easily noticed here.

On the one hand, the power of a woman's sexuality and

reproductive capacity has been constantly exalted. On the other

hand, her role in the sacrifice, the avowed purpose of which was to

secure the generation of offspring, the perpetuation of the cosmos,

and the elevation of the sacrificer and his wife to heaven, was greatly

reduced. Ultimately a point was reached where substitutions for

the wife could easily be made.

3.5. Substitutions for the Wife

The subject of substitution for the wife and her duties are

described in the Vedic Literature.'*^ Two substitutes were generally

recognized for an absent wife. The first substitute was gold,

(Suvarna) that is, a golden image of the wife, or even gold flakes as

a nominal representation. The second substitute was a species of

grass cailsd Kusa, modelled into the shape of the wife."^^

48. rt^ll^Hrflcfelsmi^^l^Hl^^d ^TTf^l A.B. VII.32.8.

49. q ^ - ^'I^HI'J^IHMc^^cblsui^lHM: \ Ibid., VII.32.8.
 136

However, other traditions declare that no substitute was

permitted for a deceased wife. Her role in the sacrifice should be
dropped from the rituals in the event of her death.^° Other texts
note that a servant or anyone else can husk and pound the grains to
be used in the manufacture of four cakes. The sacrificer could recite
his wife's mantras, although these rites were for the sacrificer
together with his wives (Sampatniya). In such cases the offerings
to the wives of the gods should be dropped. The sacrificer had to
discontinue totally the practice of the Srauta ritual after the death
of his wife. This was based on the idea that the wife was half of the
husband, which meant that she could not be replaced even after her
death.''

3.6. Queen's part in Asvamedha

From the account of the Asvamedha, as found in the

Brahmanas, women in general and queens in particular, had a very
important part to play in the function. It was compulsory for the
queens to stay in the sacrificial hall.

50. 5 ^ ^JMTT HfrT ' T ^ '»7rat feq^, dcsi'ilHii^c^^f^f^^rqfqfer ^if ? c ^ q^n I

AB.VII.32.8. (Saya. b.)
51. 3FrilM t q ? ^ iM^flrTTTl Ka.B. XXVII.4.
 137

After the anointment of the sacrificial horse, the king cut off
his hair, cleaned his nails, brushed his teeth, bathed in a tank or
river, put on new garments and wore a golden ornament. Then his
four queens, well-dressed and wearing ornaments came to him. The
king entered the fire-hall and sat to the west of the Garhapatya
facing the north.^^ The horse was then sprinkled with holy water
by the four principal priests and brought near the fire and offerings
were made to it. A girdle ofmuhja grass or of the 'darbhas^ was
taken and tied around the horse's neck and verses were recited.
Then it was let off to roam over the countries. When the horse was
killed, wives had to go round it and make ceremonial mournings.^^
The Taitttiya Brahmana says, the sin of murdering a Brahman
could be expiated by the performance of the Asvamedha. ^

Finally, the chief queen went near the horse. Both were covered
with a garment and the queen was united with it. While the chief
queen was with the horse the other queens and priests engaged
themselves in sexual dialogue.^^

JRU^ "ichrr 5RT AIVJIHH: I ^f^m^\ qr^i s.B.xni.4.1.8,9.

5 3 . MluililWI^ISTPM FITfT SJPTFT FITfT ffrT I S.B. XIII.2.8.2.
54. cRfrT wm^ ^y¥(^ q ^ I T.B. V-3, 12, 1-2
55. ^ ^l*4l^r|cj|f^4lc^|^ rR ^^HI*iMH^f^^ ?% I T.B. in.9.6.3.,

Hcfht^c^nrNT ^€n#T^I Saya. b.

 138

The queen's union with the horse, took place at the same

time of the ribald dialogue between the priests and other queens.

The sex rites became an integral part of the Asvamedha in the age

of the Brahmana literature.^^ This shows one of the most oppressive

systems on record in its treatment of women. The Brahmana

literature refers to an Asvamedha ritual in which the queen lies

with the dead horse and a cloth is spread on them. The same rite is

also mentioned in the account of the epics of the Asvamedha.

3J, Marriage

The marriage ritual of the twice also presents an ambivalent

view of the role of women. In the ritual of marriage the bride left

her natal home and was gradually incorporated into her husband's

family. The Vedic text emphasizes a woman's crucial reproductive

role. The bride is accepted to produce many children, ideally sons.

The institution of marriage, though not older than that of the

family, must be old as human civilization itself. But, the institution

of marriage rose out of political necessity during the Brahmanical

56. 3T^JFJ1^^ qp^ ^3^^ f^^ I S.K.A. XXV.5.22-24, (Asvamedhaprakaranam)
Quoted in Dr. K. Maheswaran Nair, Yajnasamskaram Caritravum
vimarsanavum, Trust Books, Trichur-3, 1992.
 139

period. Later, its existence was justified so as to enable the master

of the household to discharge his debt to the manes.^^ By that period,

the Aryans gave up their migratory habits and began to settle down.

The need for a housewife to look after the home was deeply felt. As

the Veda says: "She is the queen for the tamed birds and animals

and the daughters of the family." Therefore, a woman, who could

identify herself with the home, became an absolute necessity. This

lasting relationship was later recognized by law and custom.

There are several words employed to denote the idea of

marriage. They are udvaha, vivaha, parinaya OTpaiinayana upayama

and parigrahana, Udvaha, meant taking the girl out of her parental

home. In vivaha the girl was taken away in a special way or for a

special purpose i.e., for making her one's wife.^^ Parinaya or

Parinayana, meant going round or making aPradaksina around the

fire. Upayama signified bringing and making one's own.

Parigrahana, literary meant taking the hand of a girl. Though these

words express only one component used of the rite of marriage,

57. srmf^R^ ^Idc^H^j^lH I RV. V.4.10

sT^f^r^ ^ m^\5^ m^^\ B.G.vii.ll
5 8 . yiHI^H^cM €fl7¥ "jftl^ r ^ l rTlf^ H ^^\^ JTSTFTT ^JFRTRt I I AV. XIV.2.71.
 140

they are all in the sastras. The word vivaha occurs in the Aitareya
Brahmana.''

During this period, marriage was regarded as a social and

religious duty and a necessity for both man and woman. A vedic
passage says that a person who is unmarried is unholy.^ From the
religious point of view, he remains incomplete and is not full, and
not eligible to participate in religious rituals. A good marriage is a
welcome protection for the woman. Hence, marriage was obligatory
for woman during the vedic period and not for man. The real reason
for this differential treatment, however, seems to have been the
recognition by society of the simple fact that an unmarried woman
has to face greater risks in society than an un-married man. It came
to be believed that there was no hope of heaven for a woman who
died unmarried.

3.8. Limitations on Marriage

During this period it was difficult to say with certainty within

what limits marriage was allowed. Because marriage was composite
59. -3Rt f UFTT 9T7^ ? cfmt I Wt '^V^ ^ 9 ^ ^TclTfTT I A.B. XXXIII.l.
lic<'i4iJHHMlfiJ|H6<J|§KlcMR'JWH 97^M^ c5|u^W4|il^c| ^ w ^ 9TR^ 51^^?^ I
Apark, p. 95.
60. 3 1 ^ ciT iTW ^^tsqc^t^ I T.B. II.2.2.6.
 141

rite containing several subordinate elements which had to be done

in a certain order. The first rule for the selection of bride was far
more elaborate than that for selecting a bridegroom. Many
Brahmanas prescribe that the maiden must be of the same caste,
but not of the same gotra as the father or a sapinda on the mothers
side. In the Satapatha Brahmana Marriage is allowed in the third or
fourth generation.^^ Hence the prohibition of marriage within the
gotra cannot then have existed, though marriages outside the gotra
were frequent. Though man should marry a girl of the same caste
only, it was only to confirm the rule of endogamy in a society where
there was a crucial relationship between caste and gender. In India,
endogenous marriage itself was the basis by which the caste system
was reproduced. Some argue that similarity of caste was also not
essential to marriage but here hypergamy was peritted. Brahmanical
literature prescribed the numbers of brides: three for the Brahman,
two for the Ksatriya and one for the Vaisya and, in one view, a
Sudra for each. This refers clearly to a rule by which each caste
could have a wife of its own and one of each inferior caste. Here
the marriage ceremonies with the Sudra maiden should be performed
61. Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index.ll p.258. S.B. 1.8.3.6.
 142

without mantras.^^ This clearly points out that the varna hierarchy

played an important part in the choice of brides.

The physical marks are the most important ones for the

selection of a bride. It means one should marry a girl who is endowed

with intelligence, beauty, good character and auspiciousness. The

Satapatha Brahmana gives expression to the view that broad hips

and slender waists make women attractive.^^ During this period

brotherless maidens were not chosen as brides. This was a direct

prohibition against marrying a brotherless maiden. In the Vedic

times, when a man had no son, he could make his daughter do for a

son.^ A condition was set with the person marrying her that the

son bom of her would be considered as the girl's father's son only,

and would offQTpindas as a son to his maternal grandfather. This

result would be that the son of such a girl would not offerpindas to

his father and would not continue the line of his father. The

pradoxical result of viewing women as son-producing objects is

62. Indra Dev Shrirama, Society and Culture in India, p. 139.

63. HT t q^iT5ftJT# FTTTT ^^ m^jft^, ^ gTFTT^i ^^fi{^ ft ^\^\ vtm^

^smwf I Nit. III.

 143
again emphasized. The fact was that there was no respectable

alternative to traditional marriage for women.

Another important rule for intercaste marriages in the

Satapatha Brahmana describes the famous story of Cyavana and

Sukanya. It is the story of the old and decrepit sage of Cyavana a

descendant of Bhrgu, and his young bride Sukanya, the daughter of

king Saryata, a descendant of Manu. Once the faithful Sukanya

refuses to abandon her decrepit husband for the young and beautiful

Asvins, the latter makes him young again. Here the Sukanya is thus

rewarded for her loyalty. But the version differs in the exact details

of how Sukanya ended up married to Cyavana in the first place. In

both the Satapatha Brahmana and the Jaininiya Brahmana, the

marriage stems from trouble by young men belonging to the gotra

of Sukanya's father. The young men pelt the ascetic with clouds of

earth. This time Cyavana uses his powers to cause dissension in the

gotra, and Saryata realizes he must placate the seer. Again in the

Satapatha Brahmana, Saryata simply offers his daughter to Cyavana

for appeasement. The Jaiminiya Brahmana describes this very

differently. Saryata goes to Cyavana to ask forgiveness. But the

 145

approved by Vedic society. But all of them were legalised, taking

into view the weakness of human nature, or of certain people and
saving innocent women from life long suffering. The list of the
eight forms of the marriage, and the various texts are always the
same. There are eight forms of marriage. The names of eight forms
of marriage are brahma, daiva, arsa, prajapatya, gandarva, asura,
raksasa, andpalsaca. Brahma, gandharva, raksasa, asura prajapata
and paisaca forms of marriage were prevalent during the Vedic
period.

In the brahma form of marriage, the father of a girl himself

invites a well behaved and learned man to gift his daughter after
decking her.^^

ThQ prajapatya form of marriage is based on mutual consent

of man and woman.

In the arsa form of marriage, the father receives from the

bridegroom a bull and a cow after giving away his daughter.

In the daiva form of marriage, a girl is gifted to a priest

performing a ritual.^^

66. ^^Ij^cj^a41 ^TTTT9T# ^^qMt I RV. X.85.6.

67. 3T^ % ^R<1NT1<I CJT fcRFtrg^^ ^ ^ FIMcTl S.B. IV.1.5.(6-7)
 146

In the asura form of marriage the bridegroom marries the

bride after a price is paid to her father.^^

When the man marries the woman voluntarily the union is

called a gandharva marriage.^^ In the raksasa form of marriage, a

man carries away a maiden after killing her family members and

cutting their head while she sheds tears.^°

When a man approaches a maiden while she is sleep or

unconscious, it is apaisaca form of marriage.

Of these eight forms, the first four were generally approved

and were permissible to the Brahmans, because they were religious
marriages and were indissoluble. The other forms were looked on
with varying degrees of disfavour by the pious.

Vedic marriage is the institution in which women's status as

more objects is most clearly evidenced. She is a simple exchange

token between two families. If one wishes to make an alliance, her

68. «3T8T -^[^m J R T ^ iic||U||p^rt;|J^ ^ ^ ^JR^lf^ ^ Hc|d<H I I
RV.1.109.2. (Nit. 6-2)
69. z i ^ w^\ "iMt wn q ^ ^ I ^ q ^ ^ H ^ ^rar 'it ^rf^Rrrat ^m ^^ww m^ I
AV. VI.8.3.
70. Hm<7l||'«ft <s|fiR=l 51^0^^ T ^ l ^ n ^ J f ^ ^ ^TrTT |
zncRTM f^H-iiii ^mi #Trg^ ^^i^ T ^ I RV. 1.11.16
 147

worth in the marriage market is sometimes rather crudely calculated

in numerical terms. The most important fact is that, she is 'given'
by her father to her bridegroom and this gift creates the husband's
lordship over the wife making her a piece of property.

3.10. Polygamy

The Brahmanical period is full of reference to polygamy. A

Vedic Indian had more than one wife. This system of polygamy is
proved by many passages in the Brahmanas. The Satapatha
Brahmana describes that polygamy is a characteristic legend.
Moreover the king regulalry had four wives, assigned to him, the
Mahisi, the Parivrkd, the Vavata, and the PalagaliJ^ The Mahisi
appears to be the chief wife, being the first one married. The
Parivrkd, 'the neglected' wife is the one that has had no son. The
Vavata is 'the favourite' wife. The Palagali is the daughter of the
last of the court officials. All the names are curious and not very
intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife, first wedded, alone
being a wife in the fullest sense. In sacrifices, the patni is usually
mentioned in the singular. It shows that monogamy seems to have
been the ideal and was probably the rule. But polygamy is not
7 1 . m^ ^m^ OTcRJ^ W^ H I M WnrW qf^^rTJI HMIMc^ I S.B.XIII.4.1.9.
 148

supposed to be ideal. The Aitareya Brahmana shows an interesting

description of polygamy, 'therefore one man has many wives, but

one wife has not many husbands at the same time.'^^ The Taittiriya

Brahmana describing of the Asvamedha, makes a statement that

the wives anoint, and wives are indeed a form of prosperity 7^

Moreover in the main issue of polygamy, the chief wives

dominated the control of the very standards, by which their rule

was evaluated and the perspective of other wives and especially

lower caste wives. How ever the name Palagali has no place in it.^"^

From this it becomes clear that the royal ladies especially Mahisi,

Vavata, andparivrikti, continued excercising their powers as king's

councillors. Here Palagali is a discarded wife who has no son and

the king or man visits her in order to free himself from the evil that

might overtake him. She is not a source of positive help as is the

case of Mahisi and Vavata. She was expected to be a source of

opposition and as such had to be warded off.

7 2 . 'rTFTT^ <s|f^4wi f ^ F ^ l ' ; dWI^cbW ^FP^t ^JTM *raf% % ^ ^ ¥ ^ Hf^cFTT I

A.B.Xn.l2.
7 3 . qrfiqtS^Io^rf^l f ^ ^ ' ^ ' T q?:??^!^!
i^^j^cjiR^wqfrr I T.B. III.8.4.
74. 'i^ Hft^, ^ ^ ciTcimT, g^f^ q m ^ I T.B.III.9.4.5.
 149

According to Steele in his 'Law and Custom of Hindoo

Castes,^ 'one must not be carried away, however, by the notion

that marrying many wives was either very common or was not looked

down upon.'^^ It means that a person may marry as several women

as his tendency or situations allow. Marriages in lineage were very

common as a result of the death of a former wife. Similarly

polygamy was usual on account of the unproductiveness of the first

wife. The importance of this act showed the great spiritual value of

sons. The sonless wife would be a hindrance in the fulfilment of

the husband's goal. The wide idea of the ceremonial impurity of

women and their being equated with the Sudras, completed the

dependence of women on men.

The condition of the modem law is unsatisfactory. The

Bombay High Court had held that the mere fact that the husband

had married a second wife would not entitle the first wife to refuse

to stay with the husband. The court held that a Hindu man having a

wife or wives living, he may marry any number of wives.^^ The

75. Steelee, Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes, first published in 1826,
Quoted in History of Dhaimasastras by P.V. Kane, p. 553,
76. Ibid.
 150

present view of the educated people is more favourable to making

marriages monogamous and efforts are being made to secure

absolute monogamy by legislative action. For example, the Madras

Nambudiri Act forbids a Nambudiri Brahman from marrying a

second wife when the first is living except in three cases. (1) When

the first wife is afflicted with an incurable disease for over five

years. (2) When she has not borne a child within ten years of

marriage. (3) When she becomes an outcaste.^^ That is how

monogamy was evolved from polygamy.

3.11. Women's Property and Status

The earliest recognised form of women's property was

Stridhana or what was given to the bride at the time of marriage. It

did not mean direct inheritance of her fathers property. A daughter's

direct inheritance could arise only when the father was sonless. A

woman owning property will have it as part of her Stridhana. It

undoubtedly implies an inheritance, but it pertains to the wife,

widow, mother and even grandmother and not to the daughter. The

value of Stridhana property became considerable in later times and

77. P.V.Kane, History of Dharmasastras, p. 553.
 151

society which held to the doctine of the dependence and inferior

position of women, could not tolerate the idea that large estates
should go to women.

The Brahmanical literature has very little information

regarding the legal relations of wife and husband after marriage. It
may be presumed that the husband appropriated the wife's dowry,
as well as her earnings, if any. The Satapatha Brahmana shows one
of the many misoginistic passages.^^ The same idea by Yaska in his
Nirukta said that, women are not entitled to partition and
inheritance.^^ But whatever was the attitude towards women, it was
not possible in practice to suppress all their property rights.
Especially owing to the fact that there were parallel traditions
everywhere in which women were treated differently and the
influence of which could not be ignored by the Vedic lawgivers.
Thus the husband as the absolute master of a wife as of a slave is
not probable, though he doubtless exercised the same power of
correction as was expressly allowed. The wife on her marriage was
at once given an honoured position in the house. A woman enters a
family by marriage and becomes part of the family heritage.

78. ^KHH^ W^^ ^ ^mm I S.B. IV.4, 3.

79. 3niTcR?=r qhif^rcsf^ ^dcic^H: I Nit. in.4.
 152
3.12. Face - Veil

The word Purdah is used in common parlance, which means

a face - veil; it denote a curtain which is used to ensure the seclusion
of the woman from all men except her husband and her brothers.
Though open air and sunlight can not be denied to plants and animals
for healthy growth, under the strict purdah conditions, they are
denied to women, young and old all through their lives. Aryan women
had to wear a face-veil when going out. Many passages show that a
veil was worn by a bride. The Aitareya Brahmana says that the
daughter-in-law is abashed in the presence of the father-in-law and
goes away concealing herself from him. This indicates that there
was some restraint for younger women when they were in the
presence of elders.

This shows the exclusion of women from all spheres of public

life. But it was only possible to a limited extend among the lower
classes, where women had to look for jobs outside the house. The
change in the upper classes went much further with the introduction
of the purdah. This completed the segregation of women not only
from everything that happened outside the house, but also within

A.B. XII.ll.
 153

the house, where they had to remain in the part of the house meant
for them.

Many passages unfavoruable to women during the Brahamical

Period can be cited here. One passage of the Satapatha Brahmana
says,^^ he, thereby, makes women to be dependent, when women
are sure to be attendant upon man. These passages establish that
even in the Vedic time, women were often looked down upon, and
had no share in parental property and were dependent on men. These
passages about the character of women contain no more than what
male cynics and critics of all times and in all countries have
attributed to women such as, "frailty, thy name is woman!"^^

During the period, women were treated as the property of

men. In general, men would hold women among their possessions.

3.13. Education

The Brahmanical or Vedic education is to be studied as an

itegral part of Vedic thought and life. Vedic thought conceived of

yajna as a symbol or representation of creation and its processes as

8 1 . qf^ cfT 31[gyMT d^c«|H<|[i^ ^^\ S.B. 1.9.2.14.

82. P.V. Kane, History of Dharmasastras, p. 576.
 154

understood by it. The word Brahmana is connected with the word

Brahma which is a synonym of the mantra^^ Literally speaking,

mantra is manana or contemplation of god while Brahma is that by

which the worship of god is expanded or elaborated. The literature

bearing upon Brahma is known as Brahmana. The characteristic of

Brahmana literature is its method of deliberations and discussions

which were meant for grihasthas or householders. Tht yajna is the

centre of the Vedic system. Thus, education of man in self-sacrifice

is the law of his being and the only foundation of his religion.

In the Brahmanical period, the system of education was fixed

and standardized on the basis of certain universally admitted and

established ideals. During this period studentship was evolved into

a science or an art of life which did not admit any change according

to age or clime but was taken to be of universal validity. The pupil

enters upon his stage of studenship through the performance of the

ceremony of initiation called Upanayana. After this Upanayana or

initiation, the pupil emerges as a Brahmacari, a new and changed

person both externally and internally. That is why the Upanayana

83. •fFTHratM - Iia^§T«^ sni3^9T«?§^l Mahabhasyam. Sut. V.1.1

 155

Starts thQ Brahmacarya asrama. The Taitthiya Brahmana describes

the story of Bharadvaja in his stage of Brahmacarya. He remained
a Brahmacari for long period in his life. But Indra made remarks
that despite the long period spent in the Brahmacarya stage, he had
not mastered the Vedas.^"^

The Brahmacari lives according to prescribed regulations

governing both his dress and habits by which he is marked out. The
Satapatha Brahmana explains these regulations and duties for a
Brahmacari^^ These are :- "teaching savitri mantra, serving in
teacher's house, begging for alms, putting fuel-sticks on the fire,
wearing a girdle ofkusa grass, the skin of black antelope, not sleeping
during day and not taking honey." Here a student is called Ante va5i,
meaning one who lives near a teacher. The silent features of the
educational system outlined in the Brahmanical literature highlight
the high and honourable position of the teacher. The teacher is
variously called acarya, guru, upadhyaya etc. There is a close
personal contact of the pupil with the teacher and the teacher gives

individual attention to every student.

84. ^^^^A Ic|^l4w ^frlcrr yw5K: ^frr I Quoted in Puraneshu Nari, p. 38.
85. ^m\^i ^ H^rfrT W^^mm ^ ^ ^^t^^\ S.B. XI.5.4. 1-17, XI.3.3.3-6.
^ ^JTFT^ Hl^mr ^ II5FT ifrT I S.B. XI.5.4.12.
^ t ^ HfT5^ 3 ^ I qt 5l$jr|4ti^trl H ^ItiH^T^i^iMHK^ I S.B. XI.3.3.3.
 156

Education among women was in a languishing state or almost

nil and the question of co-education hardly arose. They were taught
the Vedas and made to recite the Savitri mantra either by their
father, uncle or brother who taught them and begging was prescribed
for a maiden in the house itself. She was not to wear deerskin or
bark garment. There was a big gulf between men and women in
education.

Brahmacarya was also applicable to girls in those days. The

Brahmavadinis were the products of the educational discipline of
Brahmacarya. The Brahmavadini women had performed Upanayana
in the eighth year from conception and they studied Vedic low and
finished student-hood at the age of puberty. In the former ages,
tying of the girdle of munja was desired in the case of maidens.^^
The maximum age for performing initiation was sixteen for
Brahman, twenty two for Ksatriya and twenty four for Vaisya.
The Taittiriya Brahmana describes the means of Varunapraghasa,
in which the girdle tied round the waist of the wife was considered
to be the same as the ordinary Upanayana or initiation of a woman
into the sacred rite.*^ This act reflected in the Brahmanas for a
«
86. ^^m^ 1 ^rrfWlt ^fto^J\^RHf^psq^ l (^TE^JRSJ^STT), p.402-403, (FjfrMf^) I,
p. 14. Quoted in APN, p.38.
87. Quoted in Society and Culture in India, p. 139.
 157

greater change in the role of woman limiting her position, except in

the performance of religious sacrifices. The Samskaras from
Jatakarma to Upanayanas was to be performed in their entirety for
women also, but without mantras. The ceremony of marriage was
the only Samskara performed with Vedic mantras in the case of
women. It shows that the religious or sacred rite of initiation of
Yajnopavita was an important part of varna. The first three varnas
of Brahman, Ksatriya and Vaisya acquired a peculiar status for
themselves. The women and Sudras were unworthy of all varnas,
because the ordinary sacrament of initiation was not permissible
for both. In the same manner, the women's position became similar
to that of the Sudras. Gradually, women lost the privilege of
Upanayana, of studying of Veda, of having all the Samskaras
performed with Vedic mantras. In the Brahmanas, women were
assigned a position of dependence and even women of higher classes
came to be looked upon as equal to Sudras in case of Vedic study.
The Satapatha Brahmana exhorts a person studying the madhu-
vidhya not to look at a woman and a Sudra^^ madhu being the
nectar or ambrosia, the drink of immortality sought by both gods
88. 3rT§^ VJIWIH 3FT#FrFTFTl Quoted in Ancient Indian Education, p. 15.
 158

and men. Even the rsis who achieved great fame by their learning

and wisdom still pray for something that was lacking.

Another passage says all Brahmans were to sip water thrice

(acamana) for purifying their body. But the women and Sudras were

to sip water only once for that purpose.^^ Such ideas about pollution

and the early marriage of girls are probably responsible for the

great lack of literacy among women in the Brahmanical period.

3.14. Widow

A woman became a social entity only when, as a wife, she

was united with her husband. The death of the husband represented

the cessation of her social existence and the end of her personhood.

The Vedic texts say that widowhood is solely attributed to purva

karma and is the punishment for a sinful existence in the past.^° The

ideal type of woman in the Vedic texts was one who was imbued

with the qualities of a Sati. She was a woman whose chastity made

her a living Sati and gave her the power to ensure that she died

before her husband. Alternatively, if her husband died before her,

89. Quoted in Society and Culture in India, p. 75.

90. fcm^M ^ r^^cTKrFra^TfFft A^^^ f ^ ^ f^^RIrl I Sd.b.III.7.
 159

she had the will power to accompany him in death as a Satl and

thereby reject widowhood. This is the background for the religious

sanction for Sati. Once the husband dies, the wife's sexuality,

which within marriage served family and social goals, was of no

use to the community. The death of the husband thus marked a

dramatic shift in the perception of the community towards women.

The institution of Niyoga is mentioned in many passages and

survived into the first millennium AD.^^

Tonsuring of the head was another evil that widows had to

face. The widow was supposed to look like a sannyasi, so that no

one would be attracted to her. The braid of hair, if continued by the

widow, would result in the husband being put in bondage in the

next world. If a widow does not become a Sati, she should get her

head tonsured.'^

9 1 . ^ ctTsg^ qeft m f^rad^PI^I SB. V.3.1.13., RV. X.85.40.

9 2 . yfrlHHI: H mcRJTT M^^NIHHI:
3TOlRu|f2i^§^5^^r^ ^ ? ^ 7f^ ^ rl^l A V . XI.9.14.
? 7 ^ jflrlT cT=[ fel%§in?cra; Tft T ^ <J)'Jc|r4yH I AV. XIV.2.60.

^ 1 (3Tissi^§T5?% ^ ) p . 126.

(^^F^^TFH - 4.4.4.)
 160

The most dramatic and visible ritual for Brahman women

was the tonsure or the shaving of the head. The unique practice of
tonsure was prevalent among many south Indian and west Indian
Brahman communities. An analysis of the notion of widowhood in
Brahmanical patriarchy makes clear the cultural meaning of this
highly symbolic act. It may be argued that by enforcing peraianent
widowhood upon women, the community needed to continuously
reiterate its authority. Enforced tonsure was a way of doing that. It
was a reiteration by the community of its power to control the
widow's sexuality.

This is true of tonsure, which was deeply resented by widows

and perceived by them to be an indication of their utter
powerlessness in the hands of a cruel system enforced by Brahman
men. Here tonsure represented the social aspect of symbolic
behaviour, referring toritualprocesses by means of which symbolic
ideas were acted out in terms of real human interaction. Such actions
were always highly formalized ceremonials evident in the removal
of the hair of widows.

The tonsured head, both in the case of men and widows, was
clearly a public symbol, recreated each time upon an individual. It
 161

was also part of a larger symbolic ritual in which the tonsured

head, the half shaven head of the Brahmans and the matted hair of
the ascetic have different but related meanings. They were all linked
within a unit of specific cultural meaning attributed to hair and
sexual behaviour.

The biologically obvious way for the complete elimination

of sexual passion is castration. The psychogenetic meaning of the

shaven head was castration. Its deeper cultural meaning was chastity

and its extended interpersonal meaning was renunciation. While

all three meanings are contained within the act of tonsure for widows,

the most important level of meaning was that of castration.

However Sati was deeply enshrined in hinduism as a virtuous

act right from the Vedic age. It was hence an inherent part of

hinduism and was not due to any puranic corruption, but was

practised during the wonderful golden Vedic age by the Aryan

tribes.^^ Here Sati was not only practised by the wife of the deceased,

93. BU.VI.4.28, See p.201,

ycfl'y,dWI: %m f^S^F^c^^MH M ^rSTT 5lri^^4f%T I (H^mKc^ <yiRH4f5| W^^

Quoted in APN, p. 142.

 162
even servant girls, mothers and sister in-laws were forcefully burnt
alive when a man died; so cheap is the life of Hindu woman.

Contemporary literature is repeate with references to the practice

oiSati.

3.15. Female Names and Titles in the Brahmanas

Ahalya Maitreyi : is practically a mythical name, the existence

of the lady whose story is alluded to in several Brahmanas,

being derived from the epithet of Indra, lover of Ahalya

(ahalyayaijara).

Jaya : Generally denotes wife, and, as opposed to patni, wife as

an object of marital affection, the source of the continuance
of the race. It was used as the wife of the gambler, and the
wife of the Brahman in the Rgveda. It is also frequently
combined with pati, husband, in the Rgveda and in later
literature. Patni, on the other hand, was used to denote the
wife as partner in the sacrifice. When she had no share assigned
to her in it, she was calledyaya. The distinction was, of course.
 163
merely relative. One text called Manus' Wift jaya, another
patni. Later on jay a was superseded by dara.

rTPlt g ^ ^ ^35^, ^§T^ TTlf^ ^JTR^ I I

dvjv^NI ^^TM McrfcT, ^^FTT ^^TFT^ ^ I (A.B. VII.33.1)

Parvati: Descendant of Parvata, is the patronymic of Daksa in the

Satapatha (ii.4,4, 6) and the Kausitaki (iv.4) Brahmanas.

Palagali: Is the name of the fourth and least respected wife of the
king.

m STTTT MMMI^HlMgrfrT I (S.B.Xin.5.2.1)

Su-kanya : Is the name of Saryata's daughter, who married

Cyavana according to the Satapatha Brahmana.
WM ^ cTT ?^ W^ ^ n ^ ^rlR I H cT^ Srfrrt^ft f^fM^§t cT^ fHRTT

p^te^ ? 7 ^ » t>^I^MHHaf q^^iTHT dl'^l^i^^R)'^; I (S.B.IV.1.5.2)

Sakuntala: Is the name oids\Apsaras who bore Bharata, according

to the Satapatha Brahmana, atNadapit. Weber doubtfully reads
the latter word as Nadapiti, an epithet of Sakuntala.

Vidhava : Denotes widow as the desolate one, from the root vidh,
"to be bereft." The masculine vidhava is conjectured.
f^ra^M f^ c^^dvwi^^ciHIi^] "^^^ ^ ^ i ^ [^^Rf^ I (Sd.b.III.7)
 164

Vayitri : In the Pahcavimsa Brahmana (i.8, 9) denotes a female

weaver.

Rajni : Queen is found in the Yajurveda Samhitas and in the

Aitareya Brahmanas.

Rajayitri : A female dyer, is included in the list of victims at the

Purusamedha (human sacrifice) in the Yajurveda.

Manavi: Wife of Manu, is mentioned in the Kataka Samhita and

the Satapatha Brahmana.

m T ^ c f ^JfM H ^ Rf^§T I cR^ ?• FT ?7fT ^ T ^ "^^^ ^ ^

^ f l H T ^ c||Jc|c|c?l[rl f^CTlldl^crf) t c f r q ^ a j ^ o M t ' l ^ ^

^TM^rn^ HT cllJlM^fblH I ( S . B . 1.1.4.16)

Bharya : Later a common expression for wife, does not occur in

that sense at all in the Samhitas. It first appears, according to

the St. Petersburg Dictionary, in the Aitareya Brahmana,

where however, Delbruck suggests that it meant merely a

 165

member of the household (who is to be maintained). In the

Satapatha Brahmana however, the two wives of Yajfiavalkya

are so designated.

£[F2Tt §rafrl, ^^ t m ^ I (A.B. III.12.13)

Saya. b.

Indrani : The wife of god Indra. She was also known as Saci and

Aindri. In the Rgveda her praises are sung and she is called

among women the most fortunate for her husband was never

to die of old age.

?^^?c||4^^M teTqf^?TFIT53sMto<?\L|dH: I (S.B.XIV.2.1.8)

^T§IFTT ^M^o^H ^iR^ ^T^ qfrrf^^WlR-^ ^3TRT | | ( R . V . X . 8 6 . 1 1)

Aditi: Ancient mother goddesses. According to the Rgveda Aditi

is said to be the wife of Kasyapa or of Brahma and mother of

the Aditya. Other legends account her as the mother of the

rain god Indra. No human physical features are drawn, though

she was sometimes identified in the guise of a cow.

 166

^lf^f^R#^ ^^RM I (Nit. IV.22)

^7f^ >i^cbHI W^r^ ^^^ I^ff^RW^ I (T.B.Ll.9-2)

Kayadhu : Either may be an Apsaras or a demone. No reliable

information regarding her identity is available in Brahmanas.

H^^qwj^ I ^ ^ ^^HBIITI I I (T.B.L5.9.1)

Dirghajihvi : Is a raksasi mentioned in Aitareya Brahmana. The

name itself shows that she was a long tongued bitch.

ifcT I (A.B. II.4)

Mamta: In Aitareya Brahmana, there was a woman called Mamta

who gave birth a son named Dirghatamas. Dirghatamas
became very famous sage of that period.

(A.B. VIII.4.9)

Menaka : Menaka's name is mentioned in Satapatha Brahmana

and Sadvimsa Brahmana as daughter of Vrsnasvasya she was
one among the supreme six Apsaras.
1^^3FI^lf^ll^WJT^^^^TFT^te[^TRlil?Ml (Sd.b. 1.1.16-17)
 167

Atrey i: The word Atreyi was in Satapata Brahmana. In Jaiminiya

Brahmana also Atreyi word was used in two places as a
special woman.

rr?TT ^ ^rf^pssT ^v^WellJi^HldHl^iSlH ^ I (Saya.b.p.l68)

Yosa : Generally, the word yosa was as a feminine word. In

Brahmana, yosa is mentioned in many phaces. In sacrifices,
yosa is cosidered as water, fire etc.

^ ^ il5lH|c|H I lihT c[T fir cIMjMH'^ilW ^W^^ t ? ^ ^ c[T

^m\ (S.B.III.2.1.19)

Jami - Samsa, the imprecation by a sister or relation, is mentioned

in the Atharvaveda, showing that family disputes were not
rare. This is also indicated by the word Bhratrvya, which,
while properly meaning father's brother's son, generally
denoted simply enemy.

Pesas-kari - The female embroiderer,figuringin the list of victims

at tht Purusamedha (human sacrifice) in the Yajurveda, though
the commentator on the Taittmya Brahmana interprets the
word as the wife of a maker of gold.
 168

Resume
The Brahmanas reflect a traditional stage in the position of a

woman, owing to the growth ofritualsand the development of social

institutions. The scope of a woman's life was gradually becoming

limited. She was the partner in the religious sacrifices of a man.

According to the Brahmanas, the ultimate goal of spiritual

liberation demanded a variety of lesser woridly rewards. But the

general assumption was that a woman could attain liberation without

first being reborn as a man. Hence a woman first entered as a bride.

Other important goals centred on the well being of the husband and

children since all these goals were crucial to the religious path of

women or Stridharma. They were naturally viewed by women as

obligatory. The maintenance of happiness in the home was a

woman's dharma and also her opportunity for liberation.