INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS TOPICS

INDIA MALDIVES RELATIONS

India and the Maldives share deep historical, cultural, and economic ties. India‘s bilateral and financial
assistance to Maldives has been reciprocated through a self-proclaimed “India first” policy by the
nation. India‘s status as peacekeeper of the region and primary regional partner of the Maldives has
been challenged in recent years, as President Abdulla Yameen, who is perceived as ―pro-China‖ in
India, decided to use the Maldives‘ strategic location on the Indian Ocean to play one power against the
other.
Importance of Maldives for India
 The importance of Maldives for India can never be over-emphasized. Maldives is an important
member of SAARC. It is strategically located along major sea lanes in the Indian Ocean. About
40 % of world trade takes place through the Indian Ocean. All the energy supplies coming from Gulf
nations pass through this area.
 For India, the internal stability of Maldives and preventing a hostile power from acquiring
predominant influence in that country is of great importance since these directly impinge on its own
security. Besides, the people of Maldives look up to India for support whenever faced with a crisis.
Even the present regime has always had to maintain the façade of an ‗India First‘ policy for reasons
of geography, indivisible security and economic compact.
 The strategic significance of Maldives for India has been growing over the last decades. In addition
to the growing influence of China in the country, Maldives has been getting increasingly
radicalized and coming under the influence of fundamentalist Wahhabi ideology. Islamic
State (IS) and Lashkar-e-Toiba are also reported to have established bases in the country. Several
hundred young men and women have deserted their homes to fight for the IS in Syria and Iraq. The
rapid growth of radical Islam in India‘s vicinity is a matter of serious concern for India and for
regional security.
 India has about 25,000 Indian expatriates in Maldives who are engaged in a number of professional
pursuits. Their safety and security is a matter of concern.
Recent Developments
 There has been a series of setbacks in India-Maldives ties, starting from March 2015 when Prime
Minister Narendra Modi cancelled a visit in a show of disapproval of the treatment of former
President Mohamed Nasheed, then in prison facing treason and terror charges. Since then, various
moves by Abdulla Yameen, President of the Maldives, have put Malé on a collision course with
New Delhi.
 Relations between New Delhi and the Maldives have been frayed since last year, when Maldives
rushed through a free trade agreement with China. India had been unhappy over the haste with
which the Maldives government tabled and got parliament‘s approval for a free trade agreement
with China. The relations plummeted further after President Abdulla Yameen declared an
emergency in the country in February 2018.
 For India, complete opacity and lack of sincerity on the part of Maldives on almost all major
bilateral issues has seriously undermined the traditional trust and consultation-based
relationship built over the past five decades.
 India has called out many actions of Yameen government, including the conduct of polls, treatment
of the judiciary and, in February 2018, his declaration of a state of emergency as undemocratic. It
had also rejected Mr. Yameen‘s offer to send an envoy to explain his decision of imposing
Emergency.
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 This tough talk may not be taken kindly to in Malé. Bolstered by a newly strengthened relationship
with China, Mr. Yameen showed no inclination to heed India‘s concerns. The strain is now evident
in two areas where India-Maldives ties had been the strongest: strategic relations and
people-to-people engagement.
Maldives growing "closeness" with China
 Since Abdullah Yameen became President in 2013 after a highly controversial and dubious
election, Maldives has progressively cosied up to China at the expense of India. China saw
the turbulent domestic politics of Maldives as an opening. Until 2011, China didn't even have an
embassy in the Maldives. Coming to 2018, it's seen as a big player in this whole Indian Ocean
region.
 China‘s foray in Maldives started with the cancellation of the Indian company GMR‘s contract for
building Male airport and awarding it to China during President Xi Jinping‘s 2015 visit to Maldives.
A constitutional amendment allowing foreign ownership of freehold land was passed in
2015, which can potentially enhance China‘s military presence on the island nation. During
Yameen‘s presidency, Maldives has leased out several islands to China which could be used
for building bases as part of the “string of pearls” strategy to encircle India and reduce its
influence.
 There were media reports that China was looking to establish a base in Maldives after leasing out
one of the islands under the liberalised leasing scheme brought in by the Yameen Government,
which was denied by both Male and Beijing. The Maldives has also leased an uninhabited island
(Feydhoo Finolhu) to a Chinese enterprise for 50 years at a price of around $4 million, with plans
to develop infrastructure for tourism. According to Maldivian opposition, the Chinese have
taken control of as many as 17 islands in the Maldives. The Chinese have apparently
promised to invest nearly $40 million in each of these islands and this has raised doubts
about the purpose behind the acquisition of these islands.
 China is assisting Maldives in some infrastructure and developmental projects, including a
bridge between the island in which the airport is located, Hulhumale, and the Capital island, Male.
China is already the Maldives' primary source of tourists, whose spending largely drives the
economy, and Beijing is investing hundreds of millions of dollars in an airport expansion, housing
development and other projects.
 The alacrity with which the Maldives embraced China seems to have caught India off guard. But
New Delhi‟s engagement with Male has been hesitant of late, and China has made the most
of it. During Yameen‘s China visit last year, the two nations signed twelve pacts, including a free
trade agreement. Yameen also fully endorsed China‘s ambitious Maritime Silk Road initiative.
While China declared that it deems the Maldives as an important partner in this initiative, Maldives
repaid the favour by declaring that the Maldives viewed China among its closest friends and that
the Belt and Road Initiative has greatly helped the development of many small and medium
countries.
 The Maldives became the second country in South Asia, after Pakistan, to enter into a free
trade agreement with China. The FTA eliminates most tariffs on Maldivian exports, primarily fish,
and opens the island nation to Chinese goods and services, including in finance, health care and
tourism. The Yameen government pushed the FTA through the nation‟s Parliament, the
Majlis, stealthily, with the opposition claiming Maldivian government got it passed without any
disclosure of details to the public or to the MPs.
 The concerns of the opposition centre around a possible increase in the country‘s trade deficit,
which is already tilted in favour of China and the strategic direction of the country more broadly. It
will lead to further entrenchment of the country into a Chinese debt trap and will result in additional

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stress on strategic national assets and increasing instability in the Indian Ocean region. Today,
Chinese loans for projects already account for around 70 percent of the Maldives‟ national
debt. China‘s massive lending to the Maldives puts into question the island state‘s ability to repay
its debts, with speculation that this translates into increasing political leverage for China.
 In addition, it appears that the BRI is not only about increasing economic ties but also about
expanding China‘s geostrategic ventures in the maritime realm. Already, Chinese naval ships have
become regular visitors to Male. In August 2017, three Chinese warships docked in the
Maldives for joint training sessions.
 Despite its stated India First policy, the Yameen government has not bothered, unlike all other
previous governments in Male, to take India into confidence on major issues in the spirit of mutual
trust whether it's the Chinese investments in the Maldives or the ocean observatory Beijing wants
to build right under India's nose. China is looking to build what the Maldives officially describes as
a Joint Ocean Observation Station on the westernmost atoll of Makunudhoo in northern
Maldives, not far from Lakshadweep. Even as it seeks to convince India that the observatory will
have no military application, it has refused to share a copy of the agreement for the observatory
with the Indian government.
 In view of some experts, a marine observatory is an important tool for China to gather accurate
and reliable hydrological data for sub surface operations so as to optimally deploy nuclear-
powered attack submarines and nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines in India‘s
maritime backyard. This will complete India‘s strategic encirclement. It did similar surveys
conducted off Gwadar coast to analyse tectonic activity.
 India is uneasy with Maldives's relationship with China. Yameen has tried to soothe India‘s frayed
nerves by maintaining that Maldives continues to follow the ‗‘India First‘‘ policy and by sending his
Foreign Minister as a special envoy in January 2018 to reassure the Indian government. The
President's Office, has repeatedly clarified that China policy does not interfere with or diminish the
country‘s ―special relationship‖ with India. In fact President Yameen has been flirting with
Islamist extremism on one hand and, on the other, he wants to use closer ties with China to
shield his government from global criticism.
Imposition of Emergency
 On 1 February 2018, in a unanimous judgment, the five member Supreme Court of Maldives
directed that nine political prisoners including former President Mohamed Nasheed should be set
free as cases against them were politically motivated. In addition, the Court instructed that the 12
Members of Parliament who had been stripped of their positions by President Abdullah Yameen
because they had defected from his Party should be immediately reinstated and the new session
of Parliament be convened with the participation of these 12 members on 5 February 2018.
 The judgment was warmly welcomed by Nasheed and Maldivian opposition alliance as well as by
a large segment of the international community. The opposition argued that with this judgment
Yameen had lost all credibility and should resign.
 But Yameen‘s administration contended that it was not possible to implement the ruling as this had
been arrived at without hearing the government. Maintaining that the Supreme Court verdict was
an attempt at a coup, Yameen imposed an emergency for 15 days and arrested the Chief
Justice and another senior justice of the Supreme Court, as well as his own half-brother Maumoon
Abdul Gayoom, the former President. Later he sacked the Chief Justice and anther judge of the
Supreme Court.
 As a result of threats and the strong arm methods employed by Yameen‘s security forces and
agencies, on 6 February, the remaining three members of the Supreme Court reversed their earlier
decision to free the nine arrested political prisoners. President Yameen Abdul Gayoom sent
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envoys to "friendly nations" China, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to explain his government's position.
He has probably bet that he can ride out the internal storm and count on support from China.
Indian response
 Concerned over political turmoil in Maldives, India exhorted the Maldivian government and all its
agencies to abide by the Supreme Court judgment and conveyed that it was ‗disturbed‘ at the
imposition of emergency by the Maldivian government. Maldives defiantly rebuffed India‘s call.
Yameen was unfazed by international criticism, and on Feb. 20, 2018 extended the emergency by
another 30 days.
 Beijing said events in the Maldives were an internal matter and the international community should
play a constructive role .It had opposed any military intervention in the Maldives, saying such a
move would further complicate the situation. Beijing‟s signals that it would not look kindly on
any foreign involvement in the Maldives - where it is investing millions of dollars as part of its
Belt and Road Initiative - backed up by its naval presence in the eastern Indian Ocean, may also
have weighed against an Indian intervention, security analysts said. More recently, amid the state
of emergency in the Maldives, 11 Chinese warships reportedly sailed into the eastern Indian
Ocean in February 2018 ostensibly for routine exercises.
 Opposition party leaders in the Maldives allege that China is tacitly backing Yameen, which
emboldened him to resort to unconstitutional actions like arresting Supreme Court judges. Details of
the deployments by India and China as well as diplomatic messages from Beijing that have not
previously been reported, show how the Asian giants flexed military muscles as the crisis in the
strategically located archipelago unfolded.
 While the Abdulla Yameen government has lifted Emergency in the Maldives in March 2018, India
remained upset with Male for the opaque manner in which it is carrying out not just its China policy
but also its overtures to Pakistan. India gave a muted welcome to the lifting of the state of
emergency in Maldives, described it as a first step towards restoration of a credible political process
before the presidential elections and implementing the Supreme Court‘s February 1 order. India
also, for the first time, specifically referred to the scheduled president elections this year and the
need to restore credibility to the process before the dates are announced.
 Amid allegations of China engaging in massive land grabbing in the Maldives with the potential of
developing them into a military outpost, US said it was a cause of concern for the US while
asserting that the US was committed to a free and open India-Pacific rules-based order.
 New Delhi, of course, was torn between two very different options. For one, the logic of dealing with
whoever is in power nudges India towards the negotiation of a reasonable relationship with
Maldives in which Yameen respects India‘s core interests. Yet, with no guarantee of good relations
with Yameen, Delhi had to stay engaged with Opposition leaders seeking a restoration of
democracy.
Arguments For Intervention
 The international community has limited stakes in Maldives but would be keenly watching India‘s
response to the developments in its immediate neighbourhood. If India cannot even safeguard its
primary interests so close to its mainland, then it can hardly be trusted to become a net
security provider for the wider region.
 A coordinated response with other like-minded regional and extra regional players will be the first
step. But like in the past, New Delhi should not be shy of using coercive diplomacy if only to
underscore that ignoring India‟s warnings comes at a price. The logic of geography dictates
that India‘s role will be critical in determining the trajectory of political developments in the Maldives.

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 President Yameen of Maldives has been testing the limits of his manoeuvrability between India and
China. There was much criticism of Delhi, at home and abroad, in recent years that it has been too
passive in relation to Yameen and has allowed China to rapidly gain ground in the Maldives.
 ―Doing nothing‖ is surely an option for Delhi; that in effect means India chooses Yameen‘s side.
―Doing something‖ would involve political mediation between the government and Opposition, the
use of coercive diplomacy, and ultimately force, to restore order in Maldives. Such an intervention
is likely to get considerable international support and some Chinese criticism. The moment,
then, may indeed be ripe for a decisive Indian intervention in the Maldives.
 But Delhi surely knows one thing from its past interventions. The task of fixing other people‘s
problems is never easy. And not all consequences of intervention can really be predicted or
managed. Maldives might be tiny state with less than half a million people. With deeply fractured
political elite that has become acutely conscious of its strategic location, it will take a lot of Indian
energy to repair the state of affairs in Maldives. But then that is the burden of all major powers,
especially in their own regions. It is true that India‘s interventions in neighbouring countries will
please some and alienate some, but that should be an acceptable cost for furthering Indian
interests in the region.
 Remaining indecisive and inactive at this crucial moment could prove counterproductive to
India‟s long-term strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region which has been witnessing
increasing maritime assertiveness by China.
Against Intervention
 Maldivian opposition led by former President Nasheed issued a fervent appeal to India to militarily
intervene and restore democracy by taking a leaf out of ‗‟Operation Cactus‟‟ in 1988. Under the
current circumstances, however, such action is not possible as the situation is entirely
different. At that time, the lawful President of the country had sought India‘s help. This time, if
action were to be contemplated, it would be against the legally elected President, however dubious
the conduct of the election in 2013 might have been.
 In view of some experts, an outside power attempting regime change by force is no longer an
option this century; it is likely to have the opposite effect. It could consolidate public opinion
behind Yameen and ramp up nationalist fervour, giving his actions greater acceptability.
Yameen‟s profound distrust of India would do the rest and we would have truly lost
Maldives.
 If the US war in Iraq and Syria – and India‘s own misadventure in Sri Lanka – has taught us
anything, it is that when we embark on gunboat diplomacy, two things generally happen – we lose
control of our fate because we get tangled in their internal dynamics; secondly, all their troubles and
vices become ours. Instead, this is the time to adopt the Deng Xiaoping method of statecraft –
tread softly and carry a big stick. India has many big sticks in its arsenal, it would do well to
play them smartly not muscularly.
 It would be an equal mistake to view events in South Asia as a zero-sum proxy war between India
and China. China‟s presence in South Asia is a reality – deal with it. Part of the belief
supporting Indian intervention is an institutional arrogance that has not served it well in the
neighbourhood, witness the disastrous 2015 blockade in Nepal. Though China has been eroding
India‘s influence in the Maldives, but India has a lot to lose, if it aggravates an already volatile
political situation in its maritime backyard by intervening militarily.
 Moreover, even if Yameen were ousted and the country held a democratic election, it is unlikely
that China‟s influence could be contained. As the experiences of Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal,
and Sri Lanka illustrate, China has outmanoeuvred India diplomatically, even when dealing with
democratically elected governments.
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Tension over helicopters
 The Maldives had conveyed to India that it will not extend beyond June 30 2018 the lease of Indian
helicopters or the visas of personnel manning them. This signals a marked downturn in defence
cooperation between the two countries, which normally coordinate maritime and EEZ (Exclusive
Economic Zone) patrols together.
 Tensions over the presence of the two Indian helicopters in two different strategically important
locations in Laamu and Addu atolls have been growing over the past few months, forcing the
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) to step in to defuse the situation.
 India had gifted two Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopters (ALH) to Maldives in 2013, of which one was
operated by the Indian Coast Guard and the other by the Indian Navy. In the normal course, Letters
of Exchange are renewed for two years at a time, but on this occasion the Yameen government
refused to do so and has since made it clear that it would like India to remove them and their crew
entirely. This had led to a protracted stand-off between the two countries over the issue of defence
and security cooperation.
 The LoE of the Coast Guard ALH had expired a few months ago; while the Navy ALH was due to
expire in June 2018. India did not recall either helicopter, in the hope that the matter will be resolved
through negotiations.
 The development is certain to further strain India's relations with the Maldives and will also
raise questions on India's defence and security cooperation with Male at a time when China
is making deep inroads into the strategically located country with its connectivity and other
infrastructure projects.
 One of the choppers is stationed in Laamu, a strategically important island which sits at the
entrance to the one-and-a-half degree channel, a major international shipping passage. China is
reportedly planning to build a port on this island. This has fuelled speculation that the Chinese
might have played a role in the Maldives‘ decision.
 Other Indian ALH too which operates from the Addu atoll which is also strategically located at
Equatorial Channel and close to Diego Garcia. Recent evacuation of inhabitants from the Gaadhoo
island there, and Chinese presence in the region, has again raised questions about the intentions of
the Yameen government.
 India, with an eye firmly on China, has invested heavily in Maldives in providing military aid,
training and „capacity-building‟ over the last several years. Apart from gifting a fast-attack craft,
India has stationed six pilots and over a dozen ground personnel to operate the ALHs and help the
Maldivian National Defence Forces. An Indian Navy Dornier maritime reconnaissance aircraft and a
warship alternatively also make a weekly sortie to the Maldives to patrol its exclusive economic
zone under a long-standing bilateral agreement.
 India is also helping Maldives in setting up 10 coastal surveillance radar system (CSRS)
stations, each with navigation radars, electro-optic sensors and AIS (automatic identification
system) transponders. India has helped set up similar CSRS stations in Seychelles and Mauritius,
among other countries in the IOR.
 The controversy had an additional twist when visas given to the pilots operating the helicopter
expired at the end of May. Despite requests, the visas were not renewed immediately, causing
some concern for the personnel. The MEA had to step in to sort the issue and it was extended by a
month till June 30 2018.
 Maldives has also not approved an LoE sent by India in 2016 for a Dornier maritime patrol
aircraft that the Maldives had itself requested, but in less tense times. Formal acceptance of the
offer through the LoE by Male is the first step to initiate the process for construction of hangar and
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deployment of Dornier but it has chosen to sit over it for 2 years. Dornier is good, may be better
than ALH for EEZ surveillance, but not for the humanitarian search and rescue and medical
evacuation which benefits the people directly
 India and Maldives were engaged in a series of high level meetings to end the logjam in the
relations over strategic issues. One possible solution to the problem caused by the Yameen
government‟s insistence on returning two helicopters would be if the Maldives accepts a
long pending Indian offer of a Dornier patrol aircraft to be stationed at the Kadhdhoo National
Defence facility. Expenses for the effort may be shared by both the governments.
 As in the case of the helicopters, the LoE is expected to be valid for two years with the standard
provision that it can be terminated at any point. Maldives hopes to replace the Indian pilots over
time with their pilots. One Maldivian pilot has already been trained in India for the Dornier and one
more is to be trained soon.
 The main reasons for the unhappiness over the helicopters that India has been keen to have
stationed in the strategically located Atolls were, said to be statements made during the
period of the emergency. Amidst calls by the Maldivian opposition in exile to India for a ―military
intervention‖ to depose Mr. Yameen, media reports had suggested India put troops, ships and
aircraft on standby, while the presence of more than 40 Indian military personnel on the Islands
became a cause for worry for the Yameen government.
 Earlier Maldives declined an invitation to join the MILAN series of multilateral exercises hosted
by Indian in March at Andaman and Nicobar in March 2018. Maldives issued a statement that the
country's was unable to participate due to the state of emergency in Maldives. MILAN is a
congregation of littoral navies conducted biennially by Indian Navy under the aegis of the Andaman
and Nicobar Command.
 The government has in principle decided to withdraw the helicopters, as well as accompanying
personnel from two atolls in the Maldives, which has been the consistent demand of the Yameen
government for the last few months. This is a sign that it is hoping to use dialogue as the way
forward in resolving issues with Male after months of strain in ties.
 The Maldives remains evasive on the issue of proposed Letter of Exchange (LoE) essential for
deployment of India's Dornier maritime surveillance aircraft in the archipelago. The talk about
Dornier seems to have all along been a deceptive tactic of Male meant to soften its decision
to get rid of Indian helicopters. Yameen actually doesn't want any Indian footprint in
Maldives.
Visa row
 Since February 2018, when Maldivian President Abdulla Yameen ordered an emergency, which
was strongly opposed by India, the Maldives Immigration Authority has reportedly held up
thousands of work permits to Indians. More startling are public advertisements from companies that
are hiring - they clearly say that ―Indians need not apply‖, as they would not be given work permits.
 According to the normal visa procedures, work permits for Indians to the Maldives, where about
29,000 Indians now work, take about 15 days. However since February this year, there has been a
general squeeze on work visas issued to Indians, which has left an estimated 2,000 job-seekers in
the lurch, following the downturn in the India-Maldives ties. Meanwhile, more Indians who were
offered work in the Maldives are receiving word that ―political issues‖ are behind the visa delays.
 The Indian government is treating the issue of visa denials to hundreds of Indians, who have been
offered work in the Maldives, with utmost importance and has taken up the matter strongly at
various levels and has urged the Maldivian government to abide by the terms of the bilateral visa
regime in place since 1979.

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 In addition, a growing controversy over whether India voted against the Maldives at the UN
Security Council was put to rest after a letter from the Permanent Mission of India emerged clearly
stating India‘s support to the Maldivian candidature issued a day before the vote on June 8th,2018.
India supported Maldives, and not Indonesia, who were contesting against each other for the
Asian seat. Maldives lost the vote, garnering only 46 of the 190 votes cast in the UN General
Assembly. India‘s support had been deeply appreciated in Male, and the Maldives had also
committed to supporting India when it stands for the same seat in 2021-22.
 Later a top Maldivian parliamentarian Ahmed Nihan was denied entry into India for which the
Indian envoy in Maldives was summoned. He termed India‘s actions as ―bullying‖.
Food Export Curbs
 India has lowered the limits on the export of certain essential commodities such as potatoes,
onions, and eggs to the Maldives, according to a recent notification, in a move that sparked reports
of possible food shortages in the Maldives. This move, though ostensibly based on a new method
of calculation, comes against the backdrop of a recent heightening of tensions between the two
countries.
 According to a bilateral pact that came into effect in 1981, India exports essential commodities
by and large in line with the requirement as communicated by the government of Maldives.
However, June‘s notification by the Directorate General of Foreign Trade reduced these limits.
Government sources said the calculations for 2018-19 were arrived at using a new methodology.
 The requirements of the Maldives are calculated based on actual utilisation in recent past and is
consistent with the mechanism of the trade agreement signed between India and Maldives in 1981.
India maintains that it remains firmly committed to strong people-to-people ties between the two
countries and will ensure that the people of the Maldives do not have to endure any hardships.
Pakistan factor
 India remains upset with Male for the opaque manner in which it is carrying out not just its China
policy but also its overtures to Pakistan. Pakistan-Maldives relations improved significantly with the
entry of President Yameen, who made a visit to Pakistan in May 2015, the first such visit in eleven
years. It was followed by visit of the then Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif as the chief guest
for the Independence Day celebrations in July 2017. Just prior to his trip, the Pakistani cabinet gave
the approval to start negotiations on a draft memorandum of understanding (MoU) for opening a
$10 million defence line of credit. The Maldives defence minister Adam Shareef Umar had earlier
even expressed the possibility of buying two surveillance aircraft through the soft loan. However, no
such MoU was inked among the six agreements signed during this trip.
 The latest issue annoying India is Male's decision to discuss with Islamabad a visit by Pakistan
army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa without first bringing it to the notice of India. The government
remained silent as Male went a step further and held discussions with Pakistan‘s Army Chief, Gen.
Qamar Javed Bajwa, on joint patrolling of its Exclusive Economic Zone, an area of operation in
the Indian Ocean considered to be India‘s domain.
 India shares maritime boundaries with its neighbours, and though the trilateral boundaries between
Maldives, Sri Lanka and India were demarcated in 1976, the fact remains that passage of Indian or
other ships through the EEZ, which extends up to 200 nautical miles, is a hot issue at a time when
the phrase „free and fair navigation‟ is at the heart of anti-China rhetoric. More likely are disputes
on the extent of the continental shelf, which is where the resources are to be found. Maldives
earlier submitted its claims to the ‗Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf‘. That claim
overlaps with that of Sri Lanka, which is possibly why India reportedly backed off from providing a
hydrological survey to Male, which would have helped it stake its claim.

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 Pakistan Army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa on April1 2018 became the first foreign
dignitary to visit the Maldives after the 45-day emergency was lifted last month. Noting that
Pakistan and the Maldives are two ―brotherly Muslim nations‖, Bajwa underlined the need for further
cultivating existing ties of friendship and deepening cooperation in all fields. At a time when there is
chill in India and Maldives ties the visit has assumed added significance.
 Apart from commitment to increase trade—chiefly in consumer goods from Pakistan—Maldivian
nationals received scholarships for religious study in Pakistan. When they returned home,
they preached a highly puritanical version of Islam that was quite unknown in the
archipelago. The end result has been the rise of radicalism in the tourist paradise. It also meant
that Maldivian nationals joining the Islamic State were either training in Pakistan or travelling there
to access extremist contacts. That‘s the influence that many have contracted after increasing such
‗educational‘ ties with Pakistan.
 Pakistan‟s defense ties with Maldives are growing. Pakistan naval ships made regular port calls
at Male from time to time. Maldives participated in the two yearly exercise ‗Aman‘ with Pakistan and
other countries. That became an issue only when Maldives recently refused to take part in the
―Milan‘ exercise with India in February 2018. In fact, the current Pakistan high commissioner and his
predecessor are retired naval officers. In 2016, the Maldives, along with Sri Lanka, took part in the
two-week trilateral counter-terror exercise ‗Eagle Dash-1‘ in Pakistan.
 The defence ministry announced that teams from the National Counter Terrorism Centre will travel
to Pakistan to further cooperation. Maldives is also part of the Saudi Arabia-led military alliance that
is apparently focused on countering terrorism, and is headed by former military chief Raheel Sharif.
It‘s rather ironic that the threat of radicalism in the archipelago arises from precisely these two
countries. Currently locked in a bitter political stand-off with India, Maldives continues to pose fresh
security challenges for India almost on a monthly basis. After the helicopter and work permit snub,
Male has now signed a capacity-building agreement in the power sector with Pakistan.
 New Delhi is struggling to figure out what Male wants from Pakistan when Stelco's all major projects
are already being handled by Chinese companies. Given its precarious financial situation, Pakistan
cannot do much to help Maldives. But in view of some experts President Yameen is trying his
best to reduce Indian footprint and bring in elements hostile to India to undermine Indian
influence in Maldives.
Elections in Maldives
 India expressed concern over the announcement of the Maldives presidential election scheduled in
September 2018 with the country‘s parliament and judiciary not allowed to function in a free and
transparent manner. It urged the government of Maldives to return to the path of democracy and
ensure credible restoration of the political process and the rule of law before the elections
are conducted. It is important that a conducive atmosphere is created for holding free and fair
elections in the Maldives and to permit genuine political dialogue between all political parties.
 This echoed calls for credible, transparent and inclusive presidential elections by the European
Union, which recently reminded the Maldives of the EU Council‘s warning to consider targeted
measures. India criticised the government for its recent incarceration of former President
Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed, sentenced to 19 months in prison
for an alleged plot to unseat Mr. Yameen. India called the trial a sham, saying the sentencing put a
question mark on the credibility of the presidential election process. India reiterated its advice to the
Government of the Maldives to restore the credibility of the electoral and political process by
immediately releasing political prisoners including former President Gayoom and Chief Justice
Abdullah Saeed. The ruling party amended electoral laws to bar Maldivians who have sought
asylum overseas from running for president. With the opposition boycotting votes, the changes
were pushed through without the constitutional quorum needed to pass laws. It targets former
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 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS TOPICS
president Mohamed Nasheed and Jumhooree Party leader Gasim Ibrahim, who have secured
asylum in the UK and Germany.
Way out
 The Yameen government must reconsider its policies. India too must pause to consider why
relations have soured so badly. Until a few years ago, the Maldives affirmed an ―India First‖ policy.
The fact that the Maldives is the only country in the neighbourhood that Prime Minister Modi hasn‘t
visited is one reason, but there are many others. According to some experts, India‘s vocal protests
on democratic rights in the Maldives have been at variance with the past policy of taking a more
muted line in public while encouraging democracy in official conversations. Mr. Gayoom also ran a
near-autocracy for three decades from 1978, and India‘s interventions always aimed at
strengthening the government there, with any misgivings conveyed only through quiet diplomacy.
India has been the first port of call in crisis for Maldivian leaders; when Mr. Nasheed was deposed
in 2012, it was at the Indian embassy that he sought refuge. It‟s time to restore the bilateral trust.
 Given the location of Maldives and its importance for India‘s security, India has a genuine interest in
the stability of the country. Ensuring stability and having a friendly government in Maldives
should be the overriding framework for India‟s response to developments in that country.
Thus, India should send out a clear signal that developments in Maldives are of concern for India‘s
security.
 India will need to employ a graduated approach in dealing with the evolving situation. It will also
need to be in regular and constant touch with its international partners including USA, EU
and other likeminded countries. India should proactively ensure that the crisis in Maldives is
resolved peacefully. It is in India‘s interest that democracy is strengthened in Maldives and
India should extend all help in strengthening that country‘s democratic institutions. India should
establish contacts with all political parties and groups in Maldives. The different factions of the
Maldivian political spectrum should be encouraged to talk with each other and resolve their
differences peacefully and democratically. But realistically speaking, democracy cannot be
established overnight. It will take years of patience and effort. Democracy is not likely to grow
under conditions of instability. There has to be a fine balance between democracy and stability. The
Maldives government should be persuaded to respect human rights and not physically harm
the opposition leaders and parties.
 Any option of threat of military action, while imposing, together with other democratic
powers, economic sanctions that undercut support for Yameen may prove to be
counterproductive as it will only strengthen the bond between Maldives and China, Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia etc.
 India and Maldives should establish a security dialogue mechanism so that Maldives‘ security is
ensured and India‘s security interests are addressed. The time has come for India to explore the
possibility of setting up a security dialogue mechanism at least at the sub-regional level. India,
Sri Lanka and Maldives can set up a mechanism of official security dialogue, say, at the level
of National Security Advisers. India should extend a comprehensive assistance package to the
Maldivian government to address its developmental and security sector needs. The details could be
worked out through mutual discussions.

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