Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Robert G. Evans
University of British Columbia
The Canadian health care system took its modern form between 1968
and 1971, and its fundamental principles and basic structural features of
organization and finance have remained the same since then. The system
has evolved over the past three decades and has adapted more or less
successfully both to significant changes in the external environment and
to the changing needs and possibilities of health care services them-
selves. But it remains easily recognizable as the same system that was
established more than thirty years ago.
Journal of Health Politics: Policy iiiul Uiw, Vol. 25, No. 5, October 2000. Copyiigh! © 2(tOO by
Duke Universiiy Press.
890 Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law
dian dollars. 9.2 percent of GDP) spent on health care in 1999. Another
37.7 percent was spent on drugs (principally prescription drugs), services
of other professionals (principally dentistry), and institutional care out-
side hospitals.2 Patterns of public coverage for these components are
much less uniform—varying from one province to another—and less
complete, ranging from about 70 percent for institutional care to 40 per-
cent for prescription drugs, to about 6 percent for dentistry and zero for
nonprescription drugs. Overall, public sources covered 69.6 percent of
total health spending in 1999, one of the lowest ratios among developed
countries. Canada thus provides more comprehensive public coverage
than most countries for hospital and physician services, but less for other
forms of health care.-*
Despite the already relatively high proportion of private payment for
health care, the comprehensiveness of public coverage for hospitals and
physicians has always been attacked by advocates of a separate "pri vate"
system of care, paid for by users. Yet the delivery of heahh care in
Canada is already "private." The public plans pay for care provided by
private practitioners and hospitals that are not government agencies,
without restrictions on choice. The Canadian form of Medicare is not
"socialized medicine" but rather "socialized insurance."
There is very little (effectively, no) demand for a truly private, paral-
lel system of care, self-financing and independent of the public system.
What provider advocates of a "two-tier" system really want is not private
delivery but private payment—the right to charge patients fees in addi-
tion to the negotiated fee schedules in return for actual or perceived pre-
ferred access to care, while remaining fully eligible to bill the public sys-
tem. Practicing both in and outside the public program, they would then
be able to manipulate access to public facilities and services in various
ways so as to induce or compel patients to pay these extra "private" fees.
Extra-billing has always been a contentious issue in Medicare; prior to
the passage of the federal Canada Health Act in 1984, it was permitted in
most provinces on varying conditions. But that law, while it did not forbid
either extra-billing or other forms of user fees (the federal government has
no constitutional power to do so), provided tinancial penalties for provinces
that permitted or imposed them. Provincial governments subsequently
moved in various ways to remove or suppress such charges.
4. Anything could happen, of course, in fhe evenl of a breakup ol' the Canadian federation.
But that now seems less likely than it did a few years ago.
894 Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law
profit substantially from its overthrow.^ To succeed, they must break what
is in effect a "consumers' cooperative" whereby Canadians use their gov-
ernments not only to spread the costs of care, but to contain them by col-
lectively confronting the otherwise superior power of providers.
The root of the "crisis" is, as always, money. The introduction of
Medicare in Canada brought about a stabilization of the previous upward
trend in health care costs as a share of national income, in marked con-
trast with the continuing escalation in the adjacent United States. But two
major recessions in the 1980s sharply reduced the growth rate of national
income, bringing about increasingly severe fiscal problems and balloon-
ing public deficits. Health care spending continued to escalate, reaching
10.2 percent of GDP in 1992. At that point both federal and provincial
governments introduced the drastic spending cuts that have by now gen-
erated substantial public surpluses.
Public spending on health care was held virtually constant, in per-
capita terms, for five years, and total health spending as a share of GDP
fell by a full percentage point. But the cuts were unbalanced, coming vir-
tually entirely from hospital budgets. Drug costs on the other hand, being
financed from a mixture of public and private insurance and out-of-pocket
payment, have continued to escalate rapidly. The result was a dramatic
increase in the private share of total health care spending, from 25.8 per-
cent in 1992 to 30.6 percent in 1997, not through a transfer of costs from
public to private budgets, but simply because the publicly funded sectors
were constrained and the privately funded were not.
But the cuts in the hospital sector have had severe effects on public
confidence in the system, in considerable part because they drove the
hospitals and their workers, always among the strongest supporters of
Medicare, into an inadvertent alliance with its traditional enemies. Spokes-
men for hospitals and hospital unions, and especially nurses, have joined
those enemies in clamoring that the system is falling apart and cannot be
relied upon; their claims carry more credibility. (Canada's newspapers.
5. "Disinformation" campaign.s became much more intense in the early iy90s, as a side effect
of thi; abortive effort to achieve health care reform in the United Siaie.s. Advocates of refortn
pointed to the superiority of Ihe Canadian approach, in virtually all respects, over American
airangements for organizing and particularly for financing health care. Opponents, especially pri-
vate insurers and physicians, then launched [missive attacks on wha! they claitiied to be nega-
tive feaiures of Canadian health care. These American publicity campaigns, though designed for
internal consumption and with tninima! relation to actual experience, inevitably spill over into the
inlernational, and particularly the Canadian, communications media. They were scaled down but
die! not entirely end with the failure of reform in the United States; and they provided a basis of
"conventional wisdom" for the homegrown campaigns of the later 1990s. (In early 2000, the
American pharmaceutical industry launched another such disinformation campaign in response
to congre.ssional price control proposals).
Evans • Canada 895
References
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Evans • Canada 897
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