Courtship Violence among College Students

Author(s): James M. Makepeace

Source: Family Relations, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Jan., 1981), pp. 97-102
Published by: National Council on Family Relations
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/584242 .
Accessed: 16/06/2014 01:18

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

National Council on Family Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Family Relations.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Courtship Violence Among
College Students

JAMES M. MAKEPEACE*

Recent concern with family violence has focused on child abuse and wife batter-
ing, while other forms have been relatively neglected. A need to recognize and focus
on violence that occurs during the dating and courtship period is suggested.
Descriptive information on the extent and nature of courtship violence found in a
sample of college students is reported. The significance of the figures, the
"idealized" nature of both popular and professional accounts of the dating and
courtship period, and the need for further work in this area are discussed.

In recent years sociologists and social
practitioners have devoted increasing atten-
tion to the occurrence of violent behavior
within familial contexts. Goode (1971) and
Steinmetz and Straus (1973) have presented
general theoretical analyses of the use of
force and violence in the family that have
influenced much subsequent work. This has
been complemented by work by others that
has been focused on more particular forms of
family violence. Interest in parent-child
violence, for example, has been expressed by
Gil (1971), Chase (1975), Steinmetz and
Straus (1974), and others have focused on
inter-spousal including Straus (1978), Gelles
(1972), and Martin (1976).
Although there are reviews of the general
literature of family violence (Gelles, 1979;
Renvoize, 1978; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz,
1980), little attention has been devoted to the
occurrence of violent behavior within the
context of dating and courtship relationships.
This seems to be a significant hiatus in the
literature because the premarital relationship
is so typically viewed as the context in which
actors are socialized into later marital roles.
Instead of focusing on the premarital period
as one of socialization into spousal violence,
however, researchers consistently seem to
have focused instead on a link with violence
in the family of orientation (Flynn, Note 1;
Gelles, 1972; Langley & Levy, 1977; Owens &
Straus, 1975; Steele & Pollock, 1968; Straus
et al., 1980). The potential mediating link that
courtship violence might play between
violence in the family of orientation and
violence in the later family (the family of
procreation) appears to have been overlooked.
The present study constitutes an initial
approach to the problem of courtship
violence. It is an exploratory study for which
the following goals were delineated: to
develop and refine an instrument for
measuring and studying courtship violence,
to estimate the incidence of courtship
violence in a sample of college students, to
describe variations in the forms that courtship
violence takes, and to identify basic social
correlates of the phenomenon.

*James M. Makepeace is Assistant Professor, Depart-

Methods
ment of Sociology, College of St. Benedict/St. John's
The research was conducted at a medium
University, St. Joseph, Minnesota 56374.
size midwestern state university in the spring
Key Concepts: Abuse, courtship, dating, policy, of 1979. A questionnaire exploring various
premarital, violence.
dimensions of courtship violence was distrib-
(Family Relations, 1981, 30, 97-102.) uted to students enrolled in several sections

January 1981 FAMILY RELATIONS 97

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
of introductory sociology and family sociol- the checklist represents, thus, not a
ogy. The questionnaires were anonymous, consistent characteristic of the forms them-
took about 20 minutes to complete, and were selves, but a preconception regarding the
administered during regularly scheduled seriousness which each form represents
class periods. "most of the time."
The sample consisted of 202 respondents, The results of this phase of the inquiry are
49% of whom were men and 51% of whom displayed in Table 1. As would be expected,
were women. Respondents were predomi- the incidence of courtship violence "known
nantly freshmen and sophomores (81.3%), of" greatly exceeded that which was directly
from rural and small town backgrounds (only experienced, and the forms that ordinarily are
30.5% were from communities over 25,000), thought of as more extreme, such as assault
middle income (62% from families in the with an object or weapon, were less common
$10,000-30,000 range), and predominantly than the milder forms such as "pushing" or
Protestant and Catholic (78.4%). "slapping." Beyond the existence of a
differential in incidence, there appears to be a
Results
Prevalence
Table 1
The incidence of both actual and threatened Experience of College Students with
courtship violence was examined; also, Various Types of Courtship Violence,
Direct and Indirect
respondents were questioned both about
Incidence of Experience
direct personal experiences and about the
Indirect Direct
violent experiences of people that they
Type of Violence n % n %
personally knew. The phenomenon was
Threat 72 35.6 17 8.4
sufficiently common that the majority of the Pushed 84 41.9 28 13.9
students responding (61.5%) had personally Slapped 98 48.5 26 12.9
Punched 47 23.3 8 4.0
known of someone who had been involved in Struck with
courtship violence, and one-fifth (21.2%) had Object 32 15.8 7 3.5
had at least one direct personal experience. Assault with
Weapon 16 7.9 2 1.0
Of the 39 students who had been personally Choked 15 7.4 3 1.5
involved, 25 had had such an experience on Other 13 6.4 6 3.0
only one occasion; one person had had such
experiences on 8 separate occasions.
The particular form in which the force was clustering effect among the different forms.
manifested varied. The respondents were Thus, choking and assault with a lethal
presented with a list of specific forms that weapon were alike in that they were directly
violence might take and asked to check those experienced in a relatively small number of
in which they had been involved. The specific cases, whereas punching and striking with an
forms of violence contained on the checklist object were three to four times as common,
ranged from threat to assault with a lethal threatening was twice again as common, and
weapon. It is recognized that the various pushing-shoving and siapping were both
forms of violence studied do not necessarily about one and one-half times again as
represent consistent degrees of severity or common.
brutality. Clearly, a threat of assault with a
Description of the Experiences
weapon could be construed as the use of a
greater measure of force than a mild shove, In view of the variety of purposes for which
and similarly, repeated brutal shoves against violence may be employed-as Goode (1971)
a concrete wall constitute a greater measure has said, it is one of the four "majorresources
of force than a one time swipe with a small by which people can move others to serve
hand bag. Furthermore, the social context in their ends"-it would be expected that there
which the violence occurs and the relation- would be significant variations in the
ship of the aggressor to the victim greatly particular ways in which it is manifested. Not
influence the "meaning" of the means of unexpectedly, the most frequent reason cited
violence employed. The order of the forms on as the source of the disagreement that

98 FAMILY RELATIONS January 1981

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
sparked the violence was jealousy of one
partner in the relationship over the real or
perceived involvement of the other with
another man or woman (27.2%). Disagree-
ments over drinking behavior and anger over
sexual denial were the other two most
frequently mentioned sources that precipi-
tated disagreement. The most frequent place
of occurrence was a residence (51.3%;
a home, a dormitory, or an apartment), but a
significant percentage of the incidents also
occurred in vehicles (21.6%) and out-of-doors
(21.6%).
The perception of who was the victim and
who the aggressor would, more than most of
the questions, seem likely to be influenced by
the subjective perceptions of those involved.
The self reports of actors involved in a violent
courtship situation would, like those involved
in other situations where the "social desira-
bility" bias (Edwards, 1957) would operate,
tend to depict "self" in a relatively favorable
way and "other" in a relatively negative way. It
is probably for this reason that when asked,
"Would you consider yourself the victim or
the aggressor in the incident?," the respon-
dents were more likely to report themselves to
have been the victim (71.1 % vs. 28.9%).
Finally, the involvement of alcohol in
courtship violence was explored briefly.
Respondents were asked whether they
themselves, and whether the other person
involved, were under the influence of alcohol
at the time of the occurrence of the incident.
No attempt was made to quantify the degree
of intoxification. Rather, the respondents
were allowed to refer to their own understand-
ing of the terms "under the influence of
alcohol" in answering the question.
As with the foregoing item of victim/
aggressor status, some social desirability
bias probably influenced the responses to
this question producing an underestimate of
the percentage of respondents and an
overestimate of the percentage of the "others"
who were under the influence of alcohol.
About one-third (31.6%) of the respondents
reported that they had been drinking, whereas
50% indicated that the other person had been
drinking.
Selected Sex Differences
One of the striking findings of Straus,
January 1981 FAMILY RELATIONS
This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Gelles, and Steinmetz's recent study of family
violence was the lack of a significant
difference between males and females in the
extent of their use of violence. Overall, there
were about the same number of wives who
had attacked their husbands (11.6%) as
husbands who had attacked their wives
(12.1%). They cautioned, however, that this
should not be interpreted to mean that
husbands are as seriously victimized by intra-
spousal violence as are wives-indeed, "Even
though wives are also violent, they are in the
weaker, more vulnerable position in respect to
violence in the family" (Straus et al., 1980, p.
44).
Although this study did not include an
investigation of the relative extent of violence
by sex, it appeared that, as with intra-spousal
violence, the female partner was more likely
to be victimized, or at least to feel victimized,
than was the male. Thus, whereas the
majority of the male respondents (69.2%)
reported that they were the "aggressor," the
females overwhelmingly (91.7%) perceived of
themselves as victims (see Table 2).
Table 2
Sex Differences on Selected Features
of Courtship Violence
Male Female
Feature n % n %
Perceived self
as victim 4 30.8 22 91.7*
Under influence
of alcohol 6 46.2 6 35.3
Notified
authorities 0 00.0 3 13.0
*P <.01.
Also shown in Table 2 are two other
variables that were expected to be sex linked:
(a) whether the respondent was under the
influence of alcohol, and, (b) whether legal
authorities were notified. It was expected that
because males were more often the "aggres-
sors," and because being under the infuence
of alcohol has some acceptance as an excuse
for "letting off steam" in our culture, that the
males would be more likely to report this to
have been the case. Although the result was
in line with this expectation, the difference
was not statistically significant.
Finally, it was expected that because there
would be considerably more likelihood of
99
ridicule of a male who reported having been
assaulted by a female than vice-versa, males
would be significantly less likely to report
such an incident to legal authorities. The
difference, again, is in the direction antici-
pated-in fact, not a single male made such a
report. However, the difference, and the
sample sizes, simply were not large enough
to yield statistical significance. Additional
research on these questions may yield
significant results if more extensive samples
are employed.
Subsequent Developments
Data concerning the following aspects of
the subsequent development of the relation-
ship were collected: (a) whether the indivi-
duals continued their involvement with one
another, (b) whether law enforcement author-
ities were notified, and, (c) whether the
respondents were involved in further court-
ship violence with one another on a
subsequent occasion. It would seem reason-
able to expect that most individuals who had
been subjected to or threatened with violence
in a courtship relationship would avoid seeing
the other person again, and that some,
especially those who were subjected to more
severe violence, would notify legal author-
ities. Previous research (Gelles, 1976; Lang-
ley & Levy, 1977) on spousal abuse has found,
however, that, for a variety of reasons many
individuals subjected to violence will conti-
nue their relationship with their assailant even
when the abuse has been very brutal.
Many of the constraints that are assumed
to explain the continued involvement of
victims in relationships with their assailants
do not, however, seem particularly pertinent
to violence in courtship situations. The
factors of economic hardship, need of their
children for a father's economic support,
desire to avoid the stigma of divorce, and the
difficulty that women with children have in
finding work, simply are not particularly
germaine to the situations of unmarried
victims. It might, therefore, be expected that
the outcome would be different. The present
results, however, do not support such an
interpretation.
In half (18 of 37) of the cases examined,
violence occurred on multiple occasions, and
100 FAMILY RELATIONS
This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
in several cases (8%) it occurred 5 or more
times. Only about half of the relationships
"brokeoff" (55.3%); the other half either were
still involved with the other person in the
same capacity (15.8%) or had actually
become more deeply involved (28.9%) by the
time the survey was conducted. It should be
pointed out that this gives an overestimate
of the relationships that broke off immediate-
ly in response to the violent incident (the
question asked about the status of their
relationship to the other person at the time of
the administration of the questionnaire).
Many of the 55.3% who eventually broke off
could have continued their relationship for a
considerable period of time after the
occurrence of violence.
In only 5.1% of the cases were legal
authorities such as police or sheriff's depart-
ment personnel notified. In view of these
results, it seems pertinent to ask just what
social controls are operating in the situations
of actors involved in courtship violence to
maintain their relationships and to prevent the
reporting of their experiences to authorities.
Discussion
It appears that violence is a common, albeit
neglected, aspect of premarital heterosexual
interaction. If our results are typical of college
students in general, more than one student in
5 has had direct personal experience in
courtship violence and a majority have
personally known someone else who has
been involved in it. Although the percentages
of students who have experienced the more
serious forms of violence may seem small,
the students actually suggest a serious social
problem. Thus, if the 4% incidence of assault
with closed fists is typical, then 800 of the
students on a 20,000 student campus would
have experienced this form of violence.
Similarly, if the 1% and 11/2% incidences of
assault with a weapon and choking/strangu-
lation are typical, then several hundred
students would have been involved in forms
of violence that are potentially life-threaten-
ing. Extending these figures to students and
young people nation-wide suggests the
existence of a major hidden social problem.
We do not know, of course, if these results
are typical of other campuses or of young
January 1981
 people in general. However, it is indicated by
these findings that the problem exists to
some extent; thus, further investigations are
warranted.
Apparently, both popular and professional
conceptions of dating and courtship relation-
ships are idealized and unrealistic, or at best,
one-sided. Although there may be few people
today who would accept the traditional
romantic love interpretations as literally
accurate accounts of what courtship relation-
ships are typically like in American society,
there is, nonetheless, almost a total neglect
of consideration of the negative aspects of
courtship, and particularly of the existence of
courtship violence.
Premarital heterosexual relationships con-
sistently are depicted in popular songs,
books, films, and TV programs as inordinate-
ly blissful or, at worst, bittersweet. In the
media, when there is trouble in a relationship
it takes the form of a conflict between the
couple and their parents or between the
young man and woman. Young couples
consistently overcome nearly insurmountable
obstacles to achieve a successful relationship
in spite of their parents' and other adults'
reservations to the surprise and wonderment
of all. In other cases, the forlorn, youthful
lovers cope with their frustrations, rejections,
and surreptitious foibles with remarkable
insight and maturity. For the stresses and
strains inherent in the relationships to exceed
the coping abilities of the young intimates
and to result in eruptions of aggression and
violence is patently unheard of.
If premarital interaction is characterized by
highly idealized conceptions and systematic
neglect of violence in popular literature, the
same can be said of the literature of family
sociologists. From the accounts in this
literature, one gains the impression that
young people in dating and courtship
relations are busily engaged in anticipatory
socialization for marital roles: narrowing the
field of eligibles, constructing ideal mate
images, and revolving on the wheel of love.
This is not to say that the potential for the
expression of antisocial behaviors within the
dating context has been overlooked entirely.
It has not. The competitive and exploitative
potential inherent in dating and courtship
January1981 FAMILY RELATIONS
This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
relationships has been recognized (Kanin,
1967; Waller, 1937; Berger & Wenger, Note 2).
The existence of a substantial amount of
courtship violence suggests the need for
further research and for the development of
social policies. Certainly, there is some
awareness among helping professionals of
the existence of such violence, and, certainly,
the victims of such violence are assisted by
some current social programs. However,
treatment is usually an incidental feature of
programs that have other main purposes; the
special causes and dynamics of this
phenomenon have not received the focused
attention they deserve. Cases are typically
dealt with as isolated individual aberrations
rather than as persistent and patterned
features of American courtship and without
systematic procedures for the processing and
therapy of victims and aggressors.
REFERENCENOTES
1. Flynn, J. Spouse assault: Its dimensions and character-
istics in Kalamazoo Co., Mich. Unpublished field
studies in research and practice. School of Social
Work, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Ml,
1975.
2. Berger, D. G., &Wenger, M. C. The ideology of virginity.
Paper presented at the annual meeting of the National
Council on Family Relations, Portland, OR, 1972.
REFERENCES
Chase, N. F. A child is being beaten. New York: McGraw-
Hill, 1975.
Edwards, A. L. The social desirability variable in personal-
ity assessment and research. New York: Dryden, 1957.
Gelles, R. J. The violent home: A study of physical
aggression between husbands and wives. Beverly Hills:
Sage, 1972.
Gelles, R. J. Abused wives: Why do they stay? Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 1976, 38, 659-668.
Gelles, R. J. Family violence. Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979.
Gil, D. G. Violence against children. Journal of Marriage
and the Family, 1971, 33, 644-648.
Goode, W. J. Force and violence In the family. Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 1971, 33, 624-636.
Kanin, E. J. An examination of sexual aggresslon as a
response to sexual frustration. Journal of Marriage and
the Family, 1967, 29, 428-433.
Langley, R., & Levy, R. C. Wife beating. New York: Pocket
Books, 1977.
Martin, D. Battered wives. New York: Simon & Schuster,
1976.
Owens, D. M., & Straus, M. A. The social structure of
violence in childhood and approval of violence as an
adult. Aggressive Behavior, 1975, 1, 193-211.
101
Renvoize, J. Web of violence. London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1978.
Steele, B. F., & Pollock, C. B. A psychiatric study of
parents who abuse infants and small children. In R. E.
Helfer & C. H. Kempe (Eds.), The battered child.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968.
Steinmetz, S. K., & Straus, M. A. The family as cradle of
violence. Society, 1973, 10, 50-56.
Steinmetz, S. K., & Straus, M. A. Violence in the family.
New York: Harper & Row, 1974.
Straus, M. Wife beating: How common and why? Victim-
ology, 1978, 2, 443-458.
Straus, M. A., Gelles, R. J., & Steinmetz, S. K. Behind
closed doors. Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1980.
Waller, W. The rating and dating complex. American
Sociological Review, 1937, 2, 727-734.

Notice To Contributors

Subject: Key Concepts Covered in Manuscripts

Effective Date: January, 1981
In a separate paragraph following the abstract, list no more than 10 key
concepts covered in your manuscript. This is being done to assist investi-
gators who use computer retrieval systems to review literature.
Example:
Key Concepts: abortion, adolescent sexuality, birth rates, fetal death,
miscarriage, mortality rates, prematurity, premarital intercourse, teenage
sex.
Grateful acknowledgment is extended by Dr. MarionTyppo of the Depart-
ment of Child & Family Development, University of Missouri for this rec-
ommendation.

102 FAMILY RELATIONS January 1981

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.106 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 01:18:58 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions