IFRA-

Nigeria
Infrastructure Development and Urban Facilities
in Lagos, 1861-2000 | Ayodeji Olukoju

Chapter one. The

spatial and
demographic
contexts of
infrastructure
development in
colonial and
postcolonial
 Lagos
p. 1-19

Full text

Infrastructure and Development: An

Overview
1 “Infrastructure” has been defined as “the basic structures
and facilities necessary for a country or an organization to
function efficiently, e.g. buildings, transport, water and
energy resources, and administrative systems.”1 In general
terms, it refers to the economic and social facilities which
are provided by the government, or by private sector
operators, for the social and economic development of the
individual and the society at large. In other contexts, such
facilities are described as “social services”2; but this usage
will not be adopted in this work partly because of its scope
and also because of certain connotations inherent in it. The
principal one is the tendency to regard the provision of such
services as a social responsibility of government, which
implicitly denies or minimizes private sector participation.
Social services are seen as “indicators of development”, by
which development is seen “in terms of meeting… [the
people’s] basic needs within their socio-cultural
environment.”3 In other words, the term is rather state-
centric. As Onokerhoraye noted, “a social service is
identified as a service in which the various levels of
government in the country as well as various communities
are collectively involved in its provision.”4 Deriving from
this is the implication that “social services,” at least as
provided by the state or community, cannot or should not
be for profit. Hence, they are viewed as “services provided
largely for a social motive in terms of fulfilling the needs of
a specific segment of the population rather than for
economic motive.”5 In any case, “social services” cover
 matters such as recreation and tourist services, personal
welfare, health services, housing and education, which are
not of primary concern in this study, and which do not
qualify for categorization as “infrastructure.” Consequently,
for the subjects considered in this volume, we have opted
for the neutral term “infrastructure” and we shall be dealing
with those facilities that may be described as “social
infrastructure.”
2 Even so, the role of the state in the provision of
infrastructure and urban facilities will receive due attention
in the chapters that follow, especially as this work focuses in
part on official policies. This is understandable in that the
three facilities to be examined in metropolitan Lagos
required considerable capital outlays. This consideration
has always been a critical factor in the preponderance of
state involvement in the provision of infrastructure.
However, as we shall see in the case of urban transport in
Lagos, there has been an exception to this rule as private
sector participation has taken the lion’s share of investment
in the provision of urban transport facilities, at least since
the 1960s. This is attributable to the comparatively low
capital entry requirement in the transport sector. For
example, the price of a single motorcycle or (second-hand)
bus is still within the reach of the enterprising individual.
Conversely, in the water services sector, the cost of
acquiring the necessary equipment, such as water tankers,
or constructing and maintaining boreholes and power
plants, for generating electricity, or providing water for
commercial purposes, generally exceeds the capacity of all
but the richest individuals. In any case, as this study will
show, there is an expanding scope for entrepreneurial
activity in each of the sectors of infrastructure development.
While the role of the state will diminish further in certain
sectors (urban transport), it will continue to be significant
in others (water and electricity) in view of the high costs of
installation and maintenance of large-scale infrastructure
projects (such as dams and power stations). Even in the
 transport sector, the diminution of state involvement will
vary from one branch to another. Thus, while private
operators easily surpass the government in running urban
motor transport services, they are not likely to do so in
urban rail service, which is far more costly to establish and
operate.
3 Scholars have debated the role of physical and social
infrastructure in development without reaching a definitive
consensus on their importance relative to other dynamics in
human development. But it cannot be denied that “there is
a high positive correlation between a developed
infrastructure and sustained high rates of economic growth
and trade coupled with a significant reduction in poverty,
inequality and environmental degradation.”6 Nigeria’s
colonial governor, Frederick Lugard, had declared pointedly
that “the material development of Africa may be summed
up in one word – transport.”7 Though he could be accused
of monocausality – attributing a historical phenomenon to
a single cause – his position is buttressed by the decisive
role of the railways in the economic transformation of such
important colonial territories as India and Nigeria.
4 As a general rule, railways have always been crucial to the
“opening up” of vast hinterlands, as was the case in North
America. But it is important to stress that the railway acted
in conjunction with other factors, without which it could
not have made the kind of impact it did. Specifically,
railways, or any other facility, are useless without a
productive population or an economically viable hinterland.
In Nigeria, for example, the Lagos-Kano line was sustained
by the densely populated and economically well-endowed
hinterland in Yorubaland and the Kano region. Road
transport has also played an important role in the
movement of persons and goods, at least since the early
twentieth century. This was recognized in the colonial
Nigerian context by Walter Egerton, governor of Southern
Nigeria from 1905 to 1912. He had declared: “If you ask
what my policy is, I should say, “Open means of
 communication” and if you would wish for additional
information, I would reply “Open more of them.”8
5 However, it may be noted that some dissenters deny that
physical infrastructure facilities, such as transport, play the
kind of overwhelmingly important role in human affairs
that has been attributed to them. It is argued that
infrastructure, by creating an enabling environment, exerts
a permissive rather than a decisive impact on human
development.9 Both positions can be buttressed with
empirical evidence and this necessitates the specification of
the context of analysis to determine the impact exerted by
them. This then calls for some clarification of what
constitutes “infrastructure,” particularly in a limited urban
setting like Lagos.
6 As a rough typology, a distinction may be drawn between
physical infrastructure (such as roads, dams, canals and
railways) and public utilities (such as electricity, potable
water, sanitation and sewage), and between economic and
social infrastructure. While the aforementioned facilities
can pass for economic infrastructure, health and
educational facilities, such as hospitals and schools,
constitute social infrastructure. However, the three facilities
under consideration - water supply, electricity and
transportation - combine elements of economic and social
infrastructure. These facilities will be shown to have exerted
a significant affect on, or ameliorated the lives of, urban
dwellers in the Lagos metropolitan area in Southwestern
Nigeria. Our interest will be in the official policies which
informed the provision of such facilities, the politics of such
plans, the cost of providing the facilities, the manner of
usage, the spatial as well as social coverage of the facilities,
and the users’ responses to the quality and cost of services.
We shall also be interested in both the social and economic
impacts of these facilities, thus rejecting a narrowly focused
preoccupation with the “welfare impact [of social services]
on Nigerians rather than on their economic implications.”10
7 In spite of the demonstrable importance of urban
 infrastructure, only passing reference has been made to it in
the literature on Lagos; indeed, there is no specific study of
this subject till now.11 In examining the history of
infrastructure policies and urban facilities in Lagos, this
work focuses on water supply, electricity and urban
transport. It sheds light on the differential and
complementary roles of government and private sector
operators, and especially on recent trends indicating a
steady retreat of the state from the provision of urban
infrastructure. This work combines the chronological and
thematic approaches to capture the highlights of the general
and sectoral changes in the social and urban life in West
Africa. It opens with a general review of developments
before focusing on specific aspects of the subject. This study
takes a long-term view of the topic from the establishment
of the British colony at Lagos in 1861 to 2000, to highlight
continuity and change in the history of the urban facilities
under study. To provide a proper framework for the study,
we shall next focus on two critical determinants of the usage
and spread of the three urban facilities: human population
and the spatial expansion of the city.

Lagos: The Emergence of West Africa’s

Leading Commercial, Industrial and
Maritime Hub
8 The port-city of Lagos was a notorious centre of the trans-
Atlantic slave trade during the eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries. This was the background to the
intervention of the British, culminating in the
establishment of a colony in 1861, a watershed in the
history of what was once a fishing settlement. The
subsequent history of the community may be divided into
two major periods: the era of colonial rule (1861-1960); and
the post-Independence period, from 1960.12 All through this
period, colonial and indigenous authorities fashioned out
infrastructure policies in line with the cosmopolitan (multi-
 racial) composition of the city and its rising population
consequent upon its emergence as the leading port-city of
Nigeria and West Africa and, between 1914 and 1991, as
Nigeria’s national capital.
9 As might be expected, during the second half of the
nineteenth century Lagos was a small and compact
community which covered less than two square miles on
Lagos Island (See Map 1). Its population was also modest,
rising from 25, 083 persons in 1866 to 37,452 in 1881 and
41,487 in 1901. By 1911, the boundary of the Lagos
metropolitan area had been extended to cover eighteen
square miles, encompassing Lagos Island itself and Apapa
and Ebute Metta on the mainland. Concomitantly, the
population had risen to 73, 766, a figure which justified the
reference to Lagos as the “Liverpool” of West Africa. By
1931, the aerial extent of the city had further increased to
24.24 square miles and Lagos had come to assume “a more
commercial role and its presence began to be felt in the
neighbourhood.”13 In response to the political, social and
economic dynamics in the city and in its hinterland, the
population of Lagos rose steadily, to 98,303 in 1921,
126,474 in 1931, 230,256 in 1950 and 655,246 in 1963.
Today, the metropolitan area of Lagos has expanded
phenomenally to cover approximately 100 square miles
while the current population is in the range of ten to twelve
million persons.14
10 The steady rise in the population of Lagos derived from the
influx of Saro (Sierra Leonian) and Brazilian repatriates
and liberated slaves, the cessation of civil wars in the
Yoruba hinterland, the subsequent expansion of British rule
to the area, the development of the port and the growth of
local commerce and overseas trade. Conversely, adverse
developments, such as the influenza pandemic of the
immediate post-World War I years and the commercial
slump which culminated in the Great Depression of 1929-
34, caused a decline in the population of the city in 1931,
compared with 1911. In effect, barring this isolated period,
Lagos experienced a steady population growth through
much of the twentieth century. The most spectacular
growth during this period was recorded in the second half
of the century: 400, 000 people were added to the
population of the city itself in 1950-63, while its suburbs
gained some 390,000 inhabitants. By 1963, Lagos and its
suburbs had a total population of over one million persons,
the first city in West Africa to attain that mark.15 Yet, the
population was not evenly distributed across the expanding
metropolis. As shown in the table below, some areas had
begun to experience congestion as far back as 1931.
However, the situation was dynamic, for while some 65 per
cent of the people lived on the Island by 1950, the position
had been reversed by 1963 when 68 per cent of the
inhabitants of Lagos resided on the mainland,
encompassing Yaba, Ebute Metta, Surulere, Mushin, Ikeja,
Agege and Ajeromi.
MAPI: LAGOS IN 1850
Source: Adapted from: A kin L. Mabogunje, Urbanization
in Nigeria, London. 1968, p. 260 and Margaret PeiL Lagos:
The City is the People, London 1991, p. 17.
TABLE 1.1: POPULATION DENSITY IN
METROPOLITAN LAGOS, 1931
 Source: S.M. Jacob, Census of Nigeria 1931, vol. 1,
London: Crown Agents, 1933, cited in I. A. Adalemo, “The
Physical Growth of Metropolitan Lagos and Associated
Planning Problems,” in D.A. Oyeleye (ed.), Spatial
Expansion and Concomitant Problems in the Lagos
Metropolitan Area (An Example of a Rapidly Urbanizing
Area), Lagos: Department of Geography, University of
Lagos, 1981, p. 11, Table 3.
11 An important feature of Lagos society was the spatial
segregation of the settlement since the nineteenth century
(See Map 2). By 1890, the city (then limited to the island)
consisted of four distinct quarters inhabited by different
racial and/or social groups. The Europeans inhabited the
Marina, described as “the most important street of Lagos”16;
the Brazilian repatriates lived at Portuguese Town or Popo
Aguda; the Saro or “Sierra Leonians” (recaptives or
liberated slaves from Sierra Leone) lived at Olowogbowo;
the indigenous Lagosians occupied the rest of the island.
Echeruo remarked that “for all practical purposes the
sophisticated and expanding parts of the town were Faji
and Portuguese Town.”17 By 1929, there was a clear
residential segregation on both sides of the Macgregor
 Canal based virtually along racial lines. On one side was the
densely populated African settlement and on the other, the
European residential area at Ikoyi, with police and army
barracks and a few indigenous villages.18 For much of the
colonial period, urban facilities were concentrated in the
European residential areas and in the areas where public
offices were located.
12 From the colonial period, the city of Lagos had expanded
remarkably as its population increased, particularly with
the influx of Yoruba and non-Yoruba (Igbo, Izon, Edo,
Hausa etc.) from the late 1930s. However, the spatial
expansion of the metropolis was not wholly regulated. On
the island, expansion was facilitated by reclamation
schemes which resulted in the sandfilling of swamps and
lagoons which had posed a threat to the health of the
people. In response to the bubonic plagues of 1924-30,
entire neighbourhoods were evacuated, swamps (such as at
Oko Awo) were drained and people re-settled on the
mainland. This was the genesis of the establishment of the
Yaba and Ebute Metta housing schemes and the emergence
of the Lagos Executive Development Board (L.E.D.B.) as
the agency for town planning and urban renewal in Lagos.
In spite of such efforts, unregulated urban development
prevailed. The massive influx of people and the poor
enforcement of town planning laws, especially in the new
areas on the mainland, vitiated efforts at proper town
planning. This is understandable since the government was
not the only provider of housing. Moreover, the
communities on the urban fringe of Lagos – Ajeromi,
Mushin, Shomolu, Ikeja, Agege and Oshodi – were
administered by rural district councils which lacked the
legal and material capability to undertake town planning.
These communities then became havens for private
developers, who took advantage of the situation to embark
on an unregulated provision of housing.
MAP 2: LAGOS IN 1900
 Source: Adapted from: Akin L. Mabogunje, Urbanization in
Nigeria, London, 1968, p. 260 and Margaret Peil, Lagos:
The City is the People, London 1991, p. 17.
13 In 1952, the Western Region of Nigeria was formally
constituted. The government of this region, which had
authority over much of the land area covered by these
urban fringe communities, established the Ikeja Industrial
Estate and the Ikeja Area Planning Authority in 1960 and
1965, respectively. Although much harm had been done in
 the area by private developers, the situation was
ameliorated by the establishment of the Ikeja estate and of
another estate at Ilupeju in Mushin. The creation of Lagos
State in 1967 led to the establishment in 1968 of the Lagos
State Development and Property Corporation (L.S.D.P.C.),
a successor to the Ikeja Area Planning Authority and the
Lagos Executive Development Board (L.E.D.B), which had
been merged for that purpose. The L.S.D.P.C. has since
then been in charge of urban planning in the state, with
particular reference to the provision of housing facilities.
14 It should be noted that up to the late 1960s Lagos was not
the conurbation that it is today. There were gaps in the
landscape in between the metropolis and its satellite
communities which were filled in one of several ways. First,
there was the tendency for inhabitants of the island to
migrate to certain areas of the mainland, such as Ajegunle,
Mushin and Lawanson. Second, population movements
filled the gaps between the city and the suburban
settlements, as was the case at Obanikoro, Maryland and
Ilupeju. The third tendency was the emergence of entirely
new settlements, such as at Amuwo-Odofin. The rise of new
industrial and residential areas, as at Oregun, Ojota and
Agidingbi, represented another way in which gaps in the
urban landscape were filled.
15 In the post-World War II years, the metropolis expanded
spatially and demographically at an unprecedented rate
(See Map 3). Rapid industrial development, the post-war
boom and the attendant increase in employment
opportunities, and the development of road transport
facilities, encouraged this trend. Adalemo has noted that in
the period 1950-63, “Lagos burst through the confines of its
municipal boundaries and was engulfing neighbouring
communities which unlike their counterparts on the islands
were not wiped out to give way to new planning schemes.”19
The gap between the metropolitan boundary and the
Western Region was filled, on the one hand, by Lagos
workers moving into the territory to escape the high rentals
and municipal taxes in Lagos and, on the other hand, by the
wealthier Lagosians’ engagement in land speculation in the
area. The spectacular growth in the population of such
fringe communities as Mushin during this period is
indicated in table 1.2 below.
MAP3: METROPOLITAN LAGOS, 1950

Source: Adapted from: Akin L. Mabogunje, Urbanization in

Nigeria, London, 1968, p. 260 and Margaret Peil Lagos:
The City is the People, London 1991, p. 17.
 TABLE 1.2: THE POPULATION OF
METROPOLITAN LAGOS IN 1952, 1963 AND 1975

Source: Adapted from Adalemo, “The Physical Growth of

Metropolitan Lagos,” p. 25, Table 6.
16 Today, Lagos constitutes an urban sprawl, a veritable
conurbation that straddles some 80 percent of the local
governments in the state (see Map 4). In the 1980s and
1990s, the city witnessed spectacular growth in the general
northern and eastern direction of the mainland, in the
vicinities of Ikotun, Egbe, Isolo, Ojota, Ogudu, Ketu, Ikosi,
Iyana-Ipaja, Agege, and Abule-Egba. Similarly, spectacular
growth occurred in Okokomaiko and other settlements, in
the direction of Badagry. Indeed, the city has spilled over
into Ogun State in the Ojodu and Iju areas (see the maps).
Many of these satellite communities, which have been
swamped by the expanding city, were farm settlements or
commercial centres along the Lagos-Abeokuta railway line.
As the government acquired land in the Ikeja area for its
airport projects, Police College, military barracks and the
Ikeja Government Residential Area (G.R.A.), the displaced
inhabitants and farmers were compelled to relocate to other
emerging suburban communities. In a nutshell, Lagos has
grown since the late nineteenth century “by expanding and
absorbing existing non-urban settlements located at its
growing edges.”20 This process continues to date.
 FIG 4: MAP OF METROPOLITAN LAGOS, 2000

17 The creation of Lagos State in 1967 was the culmination of

local pressure and national politics. The clamour for a
Lagos State had been on since the 1950s; but the state did
not materialize till the Nigerian national crisis of 1966-67
necessitated states creation as a strategy of survival by the
 beleaguered Gowon regime. For our purpose, the creation
of Lagos State had serious implications for the spread of
urban facilities in Lagos, particularly for the urban fringe
communities which were until then in the Western Region.
As will be shown in the discussion on electricity and water
supplies, and road transport, such communities were
disadvantaged by their location in a different political
entity, regardless of their physical proximity to Lagos. The
Federal Government still maintained its presence in Lagos,
as was amply demonstrated by the establishment of the
Festival Village (Festac Town) ahead of the Festival of Black
and African Arts and Culture (FESTAC’77) in Lagos in 1977.
It also established other estates at various locations in the
metropolis, for example, the Gowon Estate in Ipaja. The
Lagos State government has also been active in creating
various housing estates within and outside the metropolitan
area. Since the era of Governor Lateef Jakande (1979-83), a
number of estates have been developed by the state
government at Amuwo-Odofin, Iba, Ipaja, Ketu, Ikeja, Isolo
and other places. Many of these are popularly called
“Jakande estates”. This appellation reflects the association
of such efforts - in the provision of government housing -
with the then popular “action governor” of Lagos State.
18 This chapter has outlined and established a direct
correlation between the mutually reinforcing elements of
the spatial and demographic expansion of the city of Lagos.
This provides a spatial, demographic and conceptual
framework for the study of infrastructure development and
urban facilities in the Lagos metropolitan area between
1861 and 2000. Each of these facilities is taken up in the
following chapters, beginning with electricity.

Notes
1. A.S. Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current
English, 5th ed., OUP, 1995.
2. Cf. Andrew G. Onokerhoraye, Social Services in Nigeria: An
Introduction, London: Kegan Paul International, 1984; and C.
Magbaily Fyle (ed.), The State and the Provision of Social Services in
Sierra Leone Since Independence, 1961-91, Dakar: CODESRIA, 1993.
3. Onokerhoraye, Social Services, p.3.
4. Ibid, p.6
5. Ibid. The World Bank noted (in a 1994 report) the general belief that
“water should be provided for free.” Noted in George R. G. Clarke,
Claude Menard and Anna Maria Zuluaga, “Measuring the Welfare
Effects or Reform: Urban Water Supply in Guinea,” World
Development, vol. 30, no. 9 (2002), p. 1517.
6. Kunle Bello, “Infrastructure Development For Sustainable National
Growth – The Telecommunications Showcase,” Paper presented at the
Nigerian Economic Development Forum, Geneva, Switzerland,
serialised in The Comet 4 November 2002. p. 24.
7. F.D. Lugard. The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa,
Edinburgh, 1922, p. 5.
8. Cited in Ayodeji Olukoju, “Transportation in Colonial West Africa,”
in GO. Ogunremi and E.K. Faluyi (eds), Economic History of West
Africa Since 1750, Ibadan: Rex Charles, 1996, p. 149.
9. Ibid, pp. 144-145 for an analysis of the contending positions on the
role of infrastructure in development.
10. Onokerhoraye, Social Services, p. 10.
11. Existing books and essays on this subject (see the bibliography)
merely studied some aspects of the subject and, even so, for a fraction
of the one and half centuries covered in this work.
12. For general studies of the city, see, for example, A.B. Aderibigbe
(ed.), LAGOS: The Development of An African City, Lagos: Longman,
1975; Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and Jide Osuntokun (eds.),
History of the Peoples of Lagos State, Lagos: Literamed, 1987; and
Margaret Peil, Lagos: The City is the People, London: Belhaven Press,
1991.
13. I.A. Adalemo, “The Physical Growth of Metropolitan Lagos and
Associated Planning Problems,” in D.A. Oyeleye (ed.), Spatial
Expansion and Concomitant Problems in the Lagos Metropolitan
Area (An Example of a Rapidly Urbanizing Area), Lagos: Department
of Geography, University of Lagos, 1981, p. 9.
14. P.O. Sada, “Differential Population Distribution and Growth in
Metropolitan Lagos,” Journal of ‘Business and Social Studies, vol. 1,
no. 2 (1969), pp. 117-132; and National Archives of Nigeria. Ibadan
(hereafter, NAT) Comcol 1 739, vol. II, “Census 1931: Lagos Colony
Population and Statistics.” It should be noted that colonial census
statistics did not reflect the actual population figures owing to evasion
and undercounting. But they give a fair idea of the size of the
population.
15. P.O. Sada and A.A. Adefolalu, “Urbanization and Problems of
Urban Development,” in Aderibigbe (ed.), LAGOS: The Development
of an African City, pp. 80-81.
16. M. Echeruo, Victorian Lagos: Aspects of Nineteenth Century
Lagos Life, London: Macmillan, 1977, p. 19.
17. Ibid., p. 18.
18. P.D. Cole, “Lagos Society in the Nineteenth Century,” in Aderibigbe
(ed.), LAGOS: The Development of an African City, pp. 42-43; and
NAI, Comcol 1 981 vol.1, “Anti-Mosquito Campaign, Lagos,” enc:
Report on the Anti-Mosquito Campaign, Lagos, December 1929, p.2.
19. Adalemo, “The Physical Growth of Metropolitan Lagos,” p. 12.
20. Ibid. p. l

© IFRA-Nigeria, 2003

Terms of use: http://www.openedition.org/6540

Electronic reference of the chapter

OLUKOJU, Ayodeji. Chapter one. The spatial and demographic
contexts of infrastructure development in colonial and postcolonial
Lagos In: Infrastructure Development and Urban Facilities in Lagos,
1861-2000 [online]. Ibadan: IFRA-Nigeria, 2003 (generated 26
septembre 2019). Available on the Internet:
<http://books.openedition.org/ifra/828>. ISBN: 9791092312225.
DOI: 10.4000/books.ifra.828.

Electronic reference of the book

OLUKOJU, Ayodeji. Infrastructure Development and Urban Facilities
in Lagos, 1861-2000. New edition [online]. Ibadan: IFRA-Nigeria,
2003 (generated 26 septembre 2019). Available on the Internet:
<http://books.openedition.org/ifra/814>. ISBN: 9791092312225.
DOI: 10.4000/books.ifra.814.
Zotero compliant

Infrastructure Development and Urban

Facilities in Lagos, 1861-2000
Ayodeji Olukoju
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