2016-2017 Early Period Ancient Filipino Script

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AncientFilipino
Ancient Filipino Script
Script
Relive a piece of history and antiquity as this book presents the various views and
theories about the origins and development of the Philippine Baybayin scripts, the
confusion on forms and marks by early Spanish historians and the demise of the syllabic
writing through time. Discover a deeper cultural heritage that can bring back the
consciousness of the past as a people and as a cohesive nation.
Philippine Baybayin syllabic writing belongs to the Austronesian languages that are
widely dispersed throughout Southeast Asia and the Pacific, with a few members
extending to Asia mainland and Madagascar. According to Ross (2002) the Austronesian
languages can be divided into three groups: Philippine-type languages, Indonesian-type
languages and post-Indonesian type. The term Baybayin (accent on the beginning) aptly
means to syllabicate or syllabify. It has 3 vowels for a, for i (also e), for u (also
o) and 14 consonants baba, kaka, dara, gaga, haha, lala, mama,
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nana, nganga, papa, sasa, tata, wawa and yaya (Paris Codex,
undated).
Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala (San

Buenaventura 1613) made distinctions of Castillian
and Latinized Tagalog b/ba. For the alphabetic
symbol to correspond to the Baybayin Syllabic
writing, it has to be spelt as baba and not simply ba
(SB 1613; page 99). This goes with all the syllabic
forms kaka, dara, gaga, haha, lala, mama, nana,
nganga, papa, sasa, tata, wawa & yaya. With this
on hand, it is suggestive that all the Baybayin
syllabic scripts are words by itself and may have
evolved from a ritual related to giant clams.
Sketch drawing: Bono 2009
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OLD BOOKS ON BAYBAYIN
Boxer Codex, the first book published about Filipinos, explicitly mentioned of
Filipino adeptness in speaking and writing Baybayin. Women were particularly singled out
as well versed in writing on bamboo and leaves (more appropriately the durable palm
midrib-base known as talulo). Baybayin enabled Filipinos to understand each other,
transcending regionalism and ethno-linguistic differences.
The second book, Doctrina Christiana was printed in 1593. Immediately thereafter,
the imposition of the Spanish Catholic brand of Christianity became a must causing wide
resistance in many places. The succeeding century (1600-1699) marked the imposition of
the Catholic faith using Latinized Tagalog as instruction medium marking the beginning of
the annihilation of the Baybayin script. Doctrina Christiana catechetical booklets contained
both Baybayin script and the new Latinized Tagalog. The Spaniards saw it fitting to put
both Baybayin script and the Latinized Tagalog side-by-side because they knew so well
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how most Filipinos can read and write in Baybayin. Here is an account of what happened
in Lucban, Quezon: “Year 1600 with the leadership of Mr Francisco Ganlio. A priest took
over by the name of Fr. Antonio Marcilla. He ordered the burning of all houses in the farms
so that people will be obliged to build permanent houses in the town proper to hasten its
development. Year 1699 under the leadership of Mr Lorenzo Casindaa, Fr. Juan Alvarez
ordered the punishment of 25 caning or lashes for anyone who will not go to church on
Sundays and feast days revered by the church” (Nantes 1952).
Otley Bayer (1921) had this to say, “It cannot be said that such writings did not
exist, since the early Filipinos were even more literate than the Mexicans.” Fletcher
Gardner (1943) wrote, The tolerant aloofness of some and undistinguished contempt of
the Spanish priests were the reasons why all the records written in highly perishable
material were lost within a few years. One Spanish priest in Southern Luzon boasted of
having destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in native characters (Nantes
1952) And more recently, Paul Versosa (1963) said, “The Spaniards who partially
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destroyed our native traditions, literature, and practically blot out from reality the precious
connecting link of our past grandeur- the Philippine National Writing.” These scripts are
found in many placse across the archipelago as evidenced by pots, clay and other
artefacts being unearted continiously since the time of organized excavations done by the
national museum and leading universities.
EARLY OUTLOOK ON BAYBAYIN
Two hundred fourteen years ago in 1803, the prologue of Pedro Andres de Castro’s
book Ortografía y reglas de la lengua Tagalog (which was reproduced and edited only in
1930) exhorts other priests to make some efforts to learn the ancient writing for several
reasons: “Try to study and understand its characters well enough, as far as you can; for
even if it is a small matter it will help you to understand the language... and also to
comprehend its mysteries and profound concepts, to read old wills which are buried with
great quantities of gold dust in some large Chinese earthen jars, to read tomb inscriptions,
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planks and old bells, as it happened to me, and for many other things which curious
antique dealers know. I myself have seen many writings in these characters in the
archives of Lipa and Batangas”.
Earlier, Sanchez (1587) made a judgement on Filipino natives similar to the

following; “Almost all natives, men as well as women, write in their language (in their own
character) and there are very few women who do not write it very well and with
correctness” (Morga 1609).
Another Spanish writer made this observation, “They were all fond of their own way
of reading and writing; but women even more so, because as they do not have any other
way to while their time, for it is not customary for little girls to go to school as boys do, they
use them in things of devotion, and in other things that are not of devotion” (Santa
Ines1892).
…… A compilation of Baybayin forms was done by by Paterno in 1887 as seen below:
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CONFLICTING ORIGIN THEORIES
Early Spanish, American and contemporary writings altogether have never been
satisfactory and conclusive as to where the ancient syllabic writings originated. Jose Rizal
in his book Estudos Sobre La Lengua Tagala (1893) said, “Tagalog is a syllabic language
formed by pairing a consonant and a vowel. It has been long thought that Tagalog
branched out from the Malay Language because it was the first known language in Europe
from this region. But recent studies comparing the languages of Malayo-Polynesian will
show that this belief has no strong basis.”
A summary made by Francisco (1973) in his book Philippine Paleogrphy included

the theories of script origins:
1. Isaac Taylor- Tagalog script came from the coast of Bengal at some time before
the 8th century.
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2. TH Pardo de Tavera was fully convinced of the Asoka provenance of the
Philippine scripts.
3. David Diringer- Associated Philippine scripts with Javanese and Sanskrit
writings. ( these were accepted by Harold C. Conklin and Robert B. Fox).
4. Lendoyro- Philippine script originated from the Vo Canh that developed later to
Champa and the Koetei Yupa.
5. Dravidian Theory- advanced by Makarenko saying that the script originated from
Tamil writings.
New evidences from archaeology, paleography and old books (unavailable or non-
existent earlier) can help in repositioning our views on the origins of the Baybayin syllabic
writing. In particular, a cursory look at ethnography, epigraphy and early historical
accounts can provide hints for a better understanding of the scripts. There exist a handful
of individuals and groups still using the scripts in their healing and spirituality. Most have
embraced the Latinized scripts using thin paper instead of leaves when doing the ancient
healing modality known as Tapal in Luzon and Panambal in the Visayas.
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PALEOGRAPHY
A copperplate measuring 20 x 30 cm was recovered in a sand quarry situated in

Barangay Wawa, Lumban, Laguna in 1989 and was sold from one antique dealer to
another until it was bought by the Philippine National Museum. It was later called the
Laguna Copperplate Inscription. It bears the Saka date of 822 or 900 A.D. “The Laguna
Copperplate Inscription was written using Tagalog Baybayin with Sanskrit technical terms”
(Tiongson 2008).
Still, a probable older evidence of the ancient Filipino Baybayin script can be seen
in the Calatagan Pot discovered 1961 in Batangas that is now displayed at the Gallery of
the National Museum in Manila. Professor Zeus Salazar of the University of the Philippines
at Diliman has estimated Calatagan pot to be 1000 years old based on Histographical
Methodology - terminus post quem & terminus ante quem.
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Recently, a couple of Philippine National Treasures were found to have Baybayin
inscriptions (Comandante 2009). The Angono Caves in Rizal province (determined to be
Neolithic by the Philippine National Museum: 6000-2000 BC) bears rock drawings or
Petroglyphs with visible Baybayin script forms. Another National Treasure with clear
Baybayin scripts is the Manunggul Jar (a secondary burial vessel) taken from the same
named cave in Palawan that was carbon dated to be 890-710 BC. These two studies were
part of the PhD dissertation and were presented at the National Museum and the
Archaeological Studies Program of the University of the Philippines in Diliman. Recently
found museum items with Baybayin syllabic writings include the Calatagan ritual jar of
Batangas, Ayub secondary burial vessel of Maitum, Sarangani, the Monreal stone of
Ticao, Masbate and Butuan metal strip of Agusan del Norte. All these cultural treasures
will be deciphered to bring about the extinct scripts used and transliterated with reference
to old books (arte y reglas de la lengua) as well as vocabularios. It is expected that the
context and meanings derived will add significant value and importance to the items.
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ETHNOGRAPHY: BETEL CHEWING
Much of the research on Betel Chewing in Southeast Asia and beyond has been
synthesized by Zombroich (2008) as follows. “It appears that the chewing of areca nut with
lime was incorporated into the cultural repertoire of Austronesian speakers in the
Philippines more than 4000 years ago. The oldest evidence from dentitions comes from a
burial site in the Duyong Cave on Palawan Island in the southern Philippines that
contained skeletal remains with visible stains on teeth compatible with those observed
after betel chewing. The skeletons were accompanied by six Anadara shells that appeared
to be lime containers as one was still filled with lime. This burial pit was dated to about
2660 B.C.E. (4630 B.P. +/- 250) with evidence pointing to the occupation of the cave by an
indigenous community of hunter-gatherers at least one thousand years prior. Stained teeth
and containers for lime were also found in other caves in the area corroborating the
suggestion that betel chewing was practiced.”
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PRE-COLONIAL AND EARLY SPANISH PERIOD
Around the 9th century, Butuan apparently was an important link between Java and
the thriving port in the Manila Bay (Ronquillo 1987). If such were the case, it is
understandable how old-Baybayin words would have been adopted by the merchants and
traders of Java and the Austronesian speaking population of SE Asia and vice versa.
Bowring (1859) wrote, “De Mas supposes that the Indios (Spaninsh term for
natives) employed alphabetical writing anterior to the arrival of the Spanish, and gives five
alphabets as used in different provinces, but having some resemblances to one another...
and gives a specimen which he says is a contract upon Chinese paper for a sale of land in
Bulacan, dated 1652.”
“Very few Spanish Colonizers took any interest whatsoever in the history and
customs of the native. The period of conquest and early colonial development was roughly
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coeval with that of the Inquisition. The institution was not openly active as such in the
Philippines, but the habits of thought of the church and the priesthood was much like those
of Bishop Landa who, in 1700, burned the accumulated libraries of the Mayas of
Guatemala” (Gardner 1943).
Furthermore, Gardner did have some point, “As often stated and literally true, a
message written in the old syllabaries was easy to write and hard to read. When
competition arose with true alphabets, the old forms succumb without a struggle.”
The first Spanish missionary who studied Philippine languages was the Augustinian
Martin de Rada (1533-1578) known to have conversed Visayan and Chinese well.
However, a systematic study of the Filipino language came only on 1580 when Franciscan
Juan de Plasencia from Extremadura, Spain undertook a structured project on the
languages. A jewel of the project was the publication of the Doctrina Christiana en letra y
lengua española y tagala, 1593. Plasencia stayed in Southern Tagalog and helped build
the notable town of Lucban, Tayabas (now Quezon) but the book was printed in Manila. It
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included confesonarios, (confessionals) doctrinas Cristianas, (Christian doctrines) and
other devotional material written in Tagalog. The Lord’s Prayer written in Baybayin Script
and transcribed to Latinized orthographic letters became part of the book.
CONFUSING ACCOUNTS OF BAYBAYIN MARKS
The confusion over the use of Baybayin marks may have contributed to its demise
over time. The desire of Francisco Lopez (1620) for Baybayin to conform to alfabetos or
abecéde paved the way for the invention of a cross sign. Such introduction was uniquely a
standalone event that was blindly copied by succeeding writers up until now. However,
new studies point to the idea that the cross sign might have been patterned by Lopez from
Tagbanua writings of Palawan. (Comandante 2009- see page 88 of this book).
Here are the accounts in early books as compiled by Sevilla and translated to
English by Alvero in the book “Sinupan ng Wikang Tagalog” (A Regathering of the Tagalog
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Language) published in Manila (1939).
1. Historians and grammarians admit, the kudlit (,) or the tuldok (.) which were
applied to the consonantal syllable either above or below to change the vocalic
sound to e-i or o-u. This is confirmed by all the historians and all the authorities
on palaeography and language, from Fr. Jose Ma. Pavon 1543, Fr. Pedro
Chirino 1604, Vigil 1609, Fr. Pedro San Buenaventura 1613, Fr. Francisco Lopez
1620, Fr. Gaspar de San Agustin 1787, Fr. Mentrida 1818, Isabelo de los Reyes
1889, Artigas 1923, Pedro A. Paterno 1890, Dr. T Pardo de Tavera 1884,
Ignacio Villamor 1922, Norberto Romualdez 1914 and Guilermo Tolentino 1937.
2. According to Fr. Chirino 1604: “When the tuldok (puntillo) is put on the
consonantal syllable, this sounds an e or i.” According to Fr. Gaspar de San
Agustin (1787): “When a Tuldok (.) or point is placed on the consonantal syllable,
the sound is on i, e” which corroborates Fr. Chirino’s conclusion.
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3. But in the treatise of Fr. Vigil the obscurity is clear because he said: It is read
with e or i if a point (punto) is used on the symbol, but he uses in his examples a
small comma or kudlit. (‘). And the obscurity and the confusion increases as Fr.
Vigil continue: It is read with o or u if a punto or comilla is used below and he
continues using commas in his examples.
4. But this darkness gives us the light. From Fr. Vigil’s writings we deduce this: he
recognized two orthographic signs, the point and the comma, but he gave them
both the same value and power. This is again mentioned in Villamor’s “The
Ancient Filipino Writing p. 4, that which was called corlit which signifies a point (.)
or a comma (,) which is placed on or below the consonant and in Tolentino’s Ang
Wika at Baybaying Tagalog: ‘The i and u are not written but are suggested
instead by the use of kudlit.”
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5. But Fr. Toribio Minguella presents another aspect of our study: “When the
symbols have a point or virgurilla on top, they sound on e-i, but if below, they
sound on o-u “but instead of using a point or comma as did the others, he used a
punto or virgurilla which was a small dash (-) which he put on top or below the
symbols.
RECONCILING THE ERROR
The authors went on to say this, “Tuldok, kudlit or bawas? If we subject these three
words to the phonology of Tagalog, we would come to the conclusion that the first is a
whole, the second a slight scratch of the pen, and the third a dash similar to the minus
sign in arithmetic. Three signs which in any system of orthography have distinct meanings,
and yet, we know not for what reason, paleographists and historians insist these three
have only one meaning, one value, one effect, when it is perfectly clear in appearance and
nature they are three, we refuse to believe their testimony on this matter. But we are glad
that their confusion here has given us an opportunity to clarify that there is a tuldok, that
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there is a kudlit, and that there is a bawas. Their existence in ancient writing is admitted by
historians and paleographists in the mere fact of using them, although for unknown
reasons, they did not observe their distinction and values, and they concluded they were
the same.”
In concluding, Sevilla and Alvero said, “The marks required in the formation of
syllables are: the tuldok or point (.) and the bawas or minus sign (-).” The bawas or minus
sign is placed before the script to remove the paired vowel appears more logical than the
cross or plus sign (+) of Lopez. Repetitions of syllables can be denoted by dots. This
makes writing simple, a trait inherent in Baybayin. The other rules of Tagalog Baybayin
orthography are likwat/inverted comma, and the kalwit/comma (Sevilla & Alvero).
Comandante’s discovery of Baybayin script forms on the Manunggul Jar (890-710

BC) with a notable kudlit (page 74; red arrows) must be exciting for Baybayin enthusiasts.
First it shows the real form on how the kudlit should be written. A notation for a Baybayin
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consonant with an e i vocalic sound should be this kudlit sign ( ) while an o u will have
the inverted sign ( ). After all, it was used by Filipino ancestors based on functionality.
The mouth corners will simply follow the forms when pronouncing the vocalic sound e i or
o u (Comandante 2010).
BAYBAYIN ORIGIN THEORIES
Guilermo Tolentino was one of the very few individuals who tried to put forward the
possible Filipino origins of the Baybayin Script. The book, Ağ Wika at Baybayiğ Tagalog
(Ang Wika at Baybaying Tagalog) printed in 1937, consisted of several parts: a thesis of
the origin of the Tagalog people and language, commonly accepted findings on
astronomy, geology, flora and fauna, anthropology, ethnology & philology; the ancient
Tagalog writing and its characteristics, history, nature and ways of use; Tagalog accent
and euphony.
Tolentino’s Talandakan/Paleografia (right to left reading) is shown on the next page:
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Ağ Wika at Baybayiğ Tagalog: Tolentino 1937 (p.74).
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An interesting commentary of Tolentino book had this to say, “His entire discussion
of the ancient Tagalog writing has gone beyond other works on the same subject; his
predecessors and contemporaries have taken palaeographic specimens as they have
been found and recorded; he has parallelisms in the study of origins and development of
human writing, starting with pictography and ideography and dwelling largely on the
significance of our ancient syllabary. While there may be those who would discard his
theory and reasoning for lack of documentary evidence, his real contribution lies in the
plausibility of his explanations with reference to the origin and transformation of the
ancient Tagalog syllabary, the significance of their characters and their pronunciation,”
(Herald Mid-week Magazine 1938).
In addition, Guilermo Tolentino put up his study on the Filipino numerals known as
Bulilağ (Bulilang). Numeral forms of Tolentino 1937 where number (inverted seven)
appears to have a dash mark. Details of
Bulilang concepts are provided on page 56.
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Large Filipino numbers laksa 10⁴, yuta 10⁵, angao 10⁶, kati 10⁷, bahala 10⁸ and
angao-angao 10¹² were listed in several early books: Arte y Reglas de la Lengua Tagala
by San Joseph (1610), Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala by San Buenaventura (1613) and
Isla de Mindanao, Combes (1667). Unfortunately, the numeric forms are also missing in
the said books. “It was surmised that the early Filipinos counted and used huge numbers
that were simply written in Baybayin script” (Potet 1992).
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NEW ORIGIN THEORY
The ancient Filipino Baybayin syllabic writing may have its associative origins from
Tridacna or Giant Clams. Tridacna meat was part of the staple diet of ancient Filipinos
while shells played important roles in their day to day activities. Up to this very day, giant
clam meat is being sought by indigenous people and coastal dwellers. Baybayin symbols
may have evolved from activities with giant clams which pervaded ancient Filipino
consciousness. Let us trace what can be found in History, Science and Language to give
credence to this thinking. But first, let us take a look at the pre-historical past of Tabon
Cave in Palawan. According to Robert Fox (1977), middens that served as garbage
dumps for shells 8,000--4,000 years ago were found in Guri Cave (part of Tabon
complex). The heap was replicated by the Philippine National Museum and can be seen in
the Gallery on the Origins of the Filipino People. Archaeologists have seen evidences
pointing to the fact that a lithic tool manufacturing existed in Islands of Palawan 50,000 to
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10,000 years ago. Undoubtedly, early Filipinos have had a longer inadvertently recorded
past that is slowly being brought to light by archaeological finds.
What are Giant Clams? Known in Luzon as Kabibe and in the South as Taklobo or
Manlet, these are the largest living bivalves that produce massive lime shells through
calcium carbonate biomineralization. Taklobo comes in various sizes, the smallest
measures six inches and the largest over four feet in lenght. The big ones can weigh more
than 200 kilograms. Taklobo clams have symbiotic relationship with microscopic algae
known as zooxanthellae. These organisms provide 90% nutrition to the clam by way of
phothosynthesis. The photosymbionts or algae live inside the soft tissues of the clam that
receives sunlight and convert energy into Taklobo food. The mantle or meat is eaten by
coastal dwellers but the adductor muscle responsible for the shell opening and closing is a
delicacy. Small shells are placed over red burning coal to produce lime or calcium
carbonate used as ingredient for chewing betel nuts and ikmo leaves (nganga practice).
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Clams (top, side at bottom view): From left Tridacna Gigas 135 cm, T. derasa
60 cm, T. squamosa 40 cm, T. maxima 35 cm, T. crocea 15 cm, Hippopus
hippopus 40 cm and H. porcellanus – 35 cm. UN-FAO files.
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Fossilized giant clams are found all over the archipelago particularly in Southern
Philippines. Dozens of meter long giant calms were excavated in Matina, Davao City right
where a restaurant (named Taklobo) is located on top of a hill overlooking the city.
Evidences of large clams found all over the island are testimonies why in 1526, five years
after landing on Philippine shores, the Spaniards termed Mindanao Gran Moluccas. A
large Tridacna "gem stone" was found in Palawan Sea in 1934 and was handed to Wilburn
Cobb, an American son of a mining engineer (Cobb 1939).
More recently on May 2016, a fisherman

brought to Palawan official Aileen Amurao a
huge Tridachna gigas pearl believed to be the
largest of its class weighing 34 kg and
measuring 67.05 cm by 30.5 cm. The fisherman
kept the giant pearl as a lucky charm for ten
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years unaware of its value. Local government officials are awaiting confirmation from
gemologists to ascertain authenticity and to finally claim that the treasure is indeed the
world's largest pearl.
BAYBAYIN SCRIPT FROM GIANT CLAMS
In an effort to present the origins of the script (including numerals) coming from one
cohesive source, Comandante presented a PhD dissertation entitled, The Role of Giant
Clams in the Development of the Ancient Baybayin Script. Unlike the earlier Baybayin
origin work of Tolentino which lacks cohesiveness in terms of source, this new theory has
based the origins of all forms of scripts from the Taklobo or Giant Clams. Shells of the
Tridacninae family have been pervading in the consciousness of Filipinos as evidenced by
artefacts found in Palawan as early as 48,000 years ago (Fox 1978). Midden heaps or
shell garbage deposits from 10,000 years ago (Szabo et al 2004) and various artefacts
proved to the consumption of shell meat and use of shells in many ways: tools, containers,
utensils, source of lime for Betel Chew (Zumbroich 2008), body ornaments and as burial
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goods (National Museum Artefacts). The collective evidences from archaeology,
vocabularies and language (place-names) should be able to give light to this new theory.
A summary of the Baybayin word meanings from Vocabulario San Buenaventura

1613 is listed again hereunder. Multiple word meanings/synonyms were condensed to
compose the meal ritual (among other meanings listed): aa, ii, and uu refer to chanting:
(aa & uu chants are done by men while ii high pitch chants were female turf); baba means
inside or interior; kaka- biggest in a group; dada/dara- bloodletting; gaga- to show; haha-
to break; lala- to scrape; mama- to eat; nana- flow; nganga- open wide; papa- partake;
sasa- to break; tata- split; wawa- opening and yaya- together. The blood of giant clams
does not contain haemoglobin, reason why it is white. Tagbanuas of Coron, Palawan
would slice the clam meat to produce a soup-like meal partaken together with kurot, an
indigenous staple root crop abundant in the forests and secondary growth areas. Sasa
and wawa are place-names; Sasa in Davao and Nagsasa in Bohol are places where shell
middens are found. Wawa in many places means the mouth of a river.
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The most significant evidence of the relation of Giant Clams to the Baybayin script
is found in the book, “A Lexicographic Study of Tayabas Tagalog of Quezon Province”
done by Arsenio Manuel (Faculty of the University of the Philippines) in 1971. On page
133, the word haha is listed to mean hiwang malaki (wide cut) and hahain means bukahin
ang manglit (open the manglit). On page 249 of the same book, manglit means higanteng
kabibe- (giant clams).
BAYBAYIN NUMERALS FROM GIANT CLAMS
Let us now turn to the Baybayin numerals. Since the scripts may have been
influenced by the giant clams, it may be possible that the forms of the Filipino numerals
were similarly taken from the shells of giant clams. Evidences show that giant clams and
similar shells were used as lime containers in the past (Zumbroich 2008). Lime or apog up
until now has been the main ingredient of Betel chew or nganga. The ratio of powdered
lime with Areca nut (bunga) is important for taste and in preventing mouth inner skin
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burning when chewing. Giant clam shell groove served as measuring units (yellow lines
below) where powdered lime were placed on the grooves and cleared of excess lime
heaps by a levelling process similar to the use of salupan (rice box measuring container)
where excess rice are remove by levelling the top brim with a thin bamboo called palis
kawayan. Each groove provided a ratio for the right number of Areca nut and the number
of people that will partake of the Betel chew ritual or meal.
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The fact that early researchers and writers failed to find numeral forms in the Philippines
may point to two things. We either did not have any numerical forms (as early writers
claimed) or we were simply using the same numerals brought to Europe by the Arabs who
got it from India. Needless to say, some Indian traders might have brought it to their
country from the Philippines early on. Several things seem to strengthen this proposition:
First, the suggestion that Indian numerals may have been derived from tallies or that
they're alphabetic, are purely speculative unlike the Baybayin-numeral form-giant clam-
origin theory. Second, majority of Filipinos unconsciously write numeral number seven with
a dash at the middle ( ) when the popular form is written as just 7 (even the inverted
seven form of Tolentino seems to have a downward dash). A dash in the middle (red
arrows) could be a subconscious imprint from the Filipino ancient past.
Ancient Filipino numerals: Purely black lines possible Neolithic Numeral seven:
forms: Post-Neolithic with red marks (Comandante 2009) Tolentino 1939
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BAYBAYIN NUMBERS AND COUNTING
As can be gleaned from early books, Baybayin scripts have been used by early
Filipinos in four major areas namely, body painting, spirituality, healing and counting. The
first three can be seen in the Boxer Codex, the earliest book written about Filipinos printed
in Mexico in 1590. A translation of this book was done by Quirino and Garcia in 1958
where coloured plates depicting Bisayan Pintados clearly show Baybayin forms of UHA
(Plates 23-24). The use of the scripts for healing were first identified in the same book, to
wit; “They have certain characters that serve them as letters with which they write what
they want… Those administering the cure have such faith in these words.” (Page 424/435)
The healing tradition of Tapal (use of talulo, cloth or paper to write Baybayin scripts which
are patched to the body of the sick person by means of resin or oil) has survived in spite of
early efforts to eliminate the practice as well as modern medicine. Even today, one can
personally witness and experience the practice with the Maharlika group of Mt. Banahaw
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and an intuitive gardener in Bai, Laguna, performing the healing modality. The use of
Baybayin in spirituality and festivities are best seen in the Manunggul Jar and Angono
Petroglyphs. Both archaeological finds are considered National Treasures with their
existence predating the birth of Christ.
Two early books were depository of the Filipino Baybayin numbers and counting.
Arte y Reglas de la Lengua Tagala printed in Bataan by Francisco San Joseph in 1610
talks about ordinary numbers, the way to measure gold/silver and means of counting days
and distances (De Los Numerales: capitulo diez y nueve). Vocabulario de la lengua
Tagala, on the other hand, made a listing of large numbers up to 1012. Vocabulario was
published by San Buenaventura in 1613. Printing was done in an abandoned church at
Pinamalayan. Pila, Laguna, recorded as the earliest in the area. A remnant of the structure
that was affected by flood waters was personally visited by Comandante in 2009. A marble
marker can still be seen on the wall ruins showing the year (1958) when the church was
built. Tagalog words pertaining to such numbers are seen as follows:
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36
Angao-angao (1012) was interpreted as infinity and described in a manner like this,
“en numero que nose puedo contar, dile sasang angao angao na di muntic man
mabibilang, es vn numero infinito, que de ninguna manera se puede contar.” In Spanish,
the author referred to the word angao-angao as uncountable and yet in the Tagalog
translation, it was indeed countable. The word for infinity in Tagalog Baybayin is actually
hoyang listed on page 368 of San Buenaventura. Frenchman, Jean-Paul Potet in his work
Numerical Expressions in Tagalog (1992) had this comment, “One might wonder why pre-
Hispanic Tagalog had developed such an intricate system. It looks so awkward that one is
reluctant to admit that it was actually used in daily transactions. Yet, it must have been
since it is described as such in early (Filipino) grammars.”
A twist of confusion is seen in Arte y Reglas de la Lengua Tagala by San Joseph

(page 264). The author describes vegisimo as the sequel for the counting group 11-20,
and expressing 21 as Ycatlonysa. Vegisimo in mathematics is base 20 whereas maycatlo
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counting is a tally by twenties. The method based on groups of 20, an old method of
counting used by early Filipinos (Comandante 2009).
On page 264 San Joseph

listed several counting
methods that included
Vegisimo – maycatlo to
mean by groups of twenty
38
Pre-Spanish counting method used in tallying palay stacks inside the hull
of balangays or large outrigger boats (one sigay to one sack palay). .
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Seven sacks per layer;

Twenty-one sacks per stack
Once inside the boat hull there will be no means of counting again
since the bottom compartment is just enough for a stack of three.
.
40
Maycatlo counting method:

Used for recording sacks of
palay stacked inside boat hulls.
(one sigay = one sack palay).
©Comandante 2009
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Game board “Sungka” as counting device
Eduardo Lapiz, a History PhD Graduate of the University of the Philippines Diliman
had this interesting account, “Have you heard that the Sungka is not only a toy/game- my
good friend Cindy Romualdez told me that she vividly
recalled about the sungka; In her childhood, she saw
Tagalog vendors using the sungka as calculators” (pers
comm. 2011). Cindy’s observation can actually be validated
if we take a look at the Chinese abacus. Common abacus
will have seven bars with seven moveable tiles per group
as seen in the figure above. It is easy to decipher how to
read 6,327,154 by focusing on the dividing line. A round tile
at the upper portion represents five and the lower tiles near
the dividing line are counted by ones. The upper most and
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lower tiles are disregarded. This scenario is actually perfect for the sungka board where
manipulations done on the Chinese abacus can fit snugly. A pool of tokens (shell cowrie or
sigay) is deposited on the left and right large cups to take the place of moveable tiles of
the Chinese abacus. Simple addition and subtraction can be done with the sungka board
similar to the abacus. This was how the Tagalog vendors used the sungka as their
counting tool. Tagalog sungka (also sungcar) is Spanish pesar (page 479 San
Buenaventura 1613) which means sit, weigh, scale, press, load or enter. In Africa and the
Middle East, Sungka is known as mancala/mungala, a counting game. Sungka in Malaysia
is Congkak, believed to originate from the word ‘congak’ which in old Malay Language
means mental calculation (without writing it down). As we shall see later, sungka as a
counting apparatus is very notable invention of early Filipinos to the science of numbers.
Let us first delve on the shell cowries or Sigay used in the game of sungka. Known
as money cowrie (Cyprea muneta, Linnaeus 1758), the shells have a deep history as a
form of exchange before the use of metal in coinage. Another name of sigay is bia or biya
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(Page 479 San Buenaventura 1613): Pescado: Biya/Sisi pp: blanco y muy hordinario en
todas partes en la Silanga en particular. The impressions of Guo Moruo, a well-respected
Chinese historian, archaeologist and 1948 Research Fellow of the Academia Sinica, jives
with biya as sigay since it was mentioned in his work Shipipanshu 1954 (page 17), “The
cowries which had been used in the Shang Dynasty must come from the southeast coastal
area because even in the present the natives of Southeast Asia still call the cowries 'Bia’.
This pronunciation is most similar to the ancient Chinese one.” Common sense dictates
that these cowries originated in the Philippines since it was used as medium of exchange
in South East Asia and Polynesia (with exclusion of the Philippines). Anything abundantly
found in a locality cannot be a tool of exchange, otherwise inflation will occur. The isolated
location of the Philippines from the rest of the areas (where cowries were used) was just
perfect to be the source of that medium of exchange. Bradley (1987) illustrated the
Philippines as center of Marine shell bio-diversity (see next page). An even more
conclusive reason to say that shells originated from the Philippines can be seen in the
works of Chinese and Japanese scholars.
44
Relative distribution of giant clams worldwide (Large Tridachna dotted lines at center).
Cowrie shells, unlike giant clams (used as money in the early times), were limited to the
waters around the Philippines.
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The use of sigay or bia as economic mediators or medium of exchange in the

ancient times is well documented. In a paper entitled “New Research on the Origins of
Cowries in Ancient China” (University of Pennsylvania), authors Peng and Zhu (1995)
showed that the first use of cowries in the early Shang Dynasty was in the interior of the
mainland (Tibet autonomous region and adjacent areas) away from the sea. The nearest
coastal waters will be China’s Eastern seaboard or the Indian Seas via the Himalayas. The
latter as source of cowries, again by common sense, is highly improbable since the shells
were used as money in India and the Maldives early in history. Peng and Zhu showed how
the use of ‘bia’ spread mainly towards the east of China. This spread materialized without
the possible accompanying inflationary effects since the cold waters of China’s coastal
area did not support the growth of cowries. This brings us again to the point that cowries
indeed originated from the warm sea water of the Philippines. The economic value of the
cowries paved the way for traders to haul live specimen and distribute such in other places
permissible which brought about the demise of its role as economic mediator due the loss
46
of its novelty and later, the exploitation of metals as a substitute. It is noteworthy to know
that the early metal coins in China were shaped like cowries.
In another scholarly study, “Shell Trade and Exchange in the Prehistory of the Ryukyu
Archipelago” (Kinoshita 1996), the role of Japanese
traders were highlighted. Taking advantage of the
Kuroshio current, boatmen traversed the seas
between Philippines and Rhukyu with great ease.
Rhukyu traders supplied China with cowries for
about 1300 years in the past. Japanese scholar
Egami Namio (1930), analyzed three legends quoted
in Shangshu dazhuan , which is believed to have
been compiled by Fu Sheng in the early Han
Dynasty. Namio’s account had this, “During the
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Spring and Autumn and Warring States period (770-221 BC), the northern state of Lu
invaded the Changjiang and Huaihe districts, and the southern states of Wu and Yue
arose in the area near the mouth of the Changjiang River and came to have contact with
the states in the Central Plains, the people of the north China came to acquire a clear
knowledge that cowries were marine products and were found in the islands inhabited by
barbarians who were in Yangzhou, the districts of Changjiang and Huaihe Rivers.” These
barbarians took advantage of the Kuroshio Current in trading with Rhukyu inhabitants who
were believed to be largely responsible for bringing
the cowries inside China (red dash line above). In
concluding his work, Kinoshita stated that, “All this
trade resulted not from the actions of the Rhukyu
islanders themselves, but from the active desires of
people living outside the islands. At least with respect
to the shell trade, the Rhukyu islanders were passive
and, even though they were surrounded by ocean,
48
they were not long-distance ocean voyagers. The islanders did not voyage to distant
places on their own initiative or attempt to obtain materials from outside the archipelago.
This is a significant difference from the long-distance canoe voyaging conducted by other
Pacific peoples.” With this account, it is easy to say that the barbarians were early
Filipinos. Even the origins of sungka can be traced back to the Philippines. In a paper
entitled, Distribution of Mancala Board Games: A Methodological Inquiry, Alexander
Vooght (1999) stated that “It is now argued that mancala games that travelled the world
and remained stable, were as a rule brought to other areas by way of large groups of
players moving into that area that played the same game when they moved. Or mancala
games travelled by way of frequent contact between players. With further study of trade
routes and migratory patterns, I claim that this reasoning explains where and when
mancala games differ and why there are many variations present on the Maldives but at
the same time the dominant variation can be found on the Philippines as well.” This
variation is actually the two rows with seven holes per row and one cup each at the ends.
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The 2x7 sungka is found everywhere in the old world (with other variations such as 2x5,
2x6, 2x8 and 2x10) but the Philippine archipelago maintained only the 2x7 sungka
variation (the presence of a 2x5 board with natives in Casiguran, Aurora is an isolated
case). The distribution, names and variation of sungka/mancala can be seen in the here:
Sunka was also used as a divination
50
a Sunka was also used as a divination apparatus (possible precursor of prayer beads).
The word Mantala is an extinct Tagalog word found in the 1613 Vocabulario de Lengua
Tagala (page 288) which means a Psalm or divine spell made by spiritual leaders. An
account of Patricia Nibut when she was 10 years old, described how Apoy Tano of Leyte
used sungka in praying. The great grandfather would hold a cowrie from the sungka every
time a prayer is uttered. Mantala was the sungka version used by early Filipino healers
that probably made its way to Africa.
The maintenance of one single sungka variation in the Philippine is of paramount

importance. While it has become just typical board game for the rest of the world, Filipino
ancestors actually used sungka as a device to count cowries. No wonder that the original
tokens for the board game was sigay. Jose Rizal actually mentioned the use of sigay for
sungka and (another game using cowries) in his book Noli Me Tangere (1887). In Bahasa
Indonesia, sungka is known as Congklak which refers to cowry shells. There are several
issues pointing to the fact that the sungka was actually the ancient counting tool of
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Filipinos. The question brought out by Jean Paul Potet earlier will have its answers
momentarily. Only the dominant Philippine variation can be used to arrive at the intricate
system and large numbers listed earlier found in Arte y Reglas/Vocabulario de la Lengua
Tagala.
A lot of things have been seemingly lost with the sungka as a counting tool. A
missing cup was later mistaken as an ear for hanging on walls, reason why modern
boards are small that tends to be just for decoration. Early sungka boards were thick,
sturdy and were intended for ground or table use. The importance of the cup or ear is for
the “players” to complete the counting. This is best illustrated in the figure below. Arte y
Reglas de la Lengua Tagala of San Joseph (1610) provides definitive clues to these
missing cups. Tagalog labi refers to the sungka mouth or cup which is the Spanish word
for beço or boca (the word labi can also mean over or sobrar in Spanish). The missing
multiple cups represented the holes where sigay were placed to represent counted
cowries.
52
Recent sungka models
Ancient sungka
model
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Counting of cowries was simple and accurate. The game that we know and what
the rest of the world inherited was simply the manner by which children at a very young
age were taught the trade. In every locality, there will be children who will outshine others
in sungka and these young kids will be the individuals who will be recruited to do the
actual counting. Having been accustomed to the touch and feel of handling cowries, an
individual need not look at his/her own hand but will see to it that the other person
opposite doing the counting does it right. This is again very important. Counting money
since time immemorial was done accurately. The counting starts by placing seven cowries
in each hole. When the 2x7 cups are filled, all the 49 sigay are placed in a sack container
by the first person followed by the next 49 cowries of the second ‘player’. Both persons will
then put one sigay each at their respective bahay (end cups to the left of each player). The
process called pito-pito (seven-seven) is repeated ten times and by then both players
should have counted 980 cowries. At this point each player would have 10 cowries in their
bahay and this is what was called mamolo (Diez: Mamolo pp: acada uno. l. tigpopouo,
bibigyan camo nang tigpopouong tampal, daran nos cada diez sopapos, palabolan mo sila
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nang mamolo, and dales diez acada uno - page 253 San Buenaventura 1613). After
getting the cowries from the end cups, only the first player places one sigay on the labi sa
libo (cup for thousands). The process of pito-pito is repeatedly done until mamolo is
achieved in the thousand’s cup. When ten sigay are seen in the labi sa libo, it means that
both players should have counted ten thousand or laksa. The process is again repeated
for each missing cup to finally arrive at labi sa angao where counted cowries have reached
one million. At the end of the day, all the triangular sungka are inspected to get the total, a
term that was then called angao-angao.
A CLOSER LOOK AT BAYBAYIN NUMERALS
Guillermo Tolentino in 1937 put forward his theories about the Filipino
numerals. The forms that were presented by Tolentino were found out by Comandante to
resemble some marks found on the Angono Pertroglyphs cave. The highly geometric work
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of Tolentino cannot be said to have been patterned from Angono since the caves were
discovered much later in 1962 by Carlos ‘Botong’ Francisco.
The numeral origins concept of Tolentino found in the 1939 book Sinupan ng
Wikang Tagalog by Sevilla and Alvero (page 111), also called Bulilang, to wit:
56
Another study entitled, “The Role of Giant Clams in the Development of the Ancient
Baybayin Scripts.” (Comandante 2009) has fitted these loose impressions and findings to
augment the theories of Tolentino. Comandante argued that if the Baybayin scripts forms
originated from taklobo or giant clams, for coherence, the numeral forms in all probability
should have originated also from the same
source. Giant clams used as powder
containers by Filipino ancestors are an
established fact (Zumbroich 2008), while
lime or apog was used as ingredient for
Betel Chew. Similar to the old measuring
container for rice called salupan, taklobo
shells with inherent corrugations serving as
dividers were probably used to measure
lime that were mixed with Areca nut
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(bunga) and wrapped with ikmo leaf. The number of persons in the group will dictate the
amount of lime to be used. The possible origins of numerals from Taklobo are shown
again below:
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BAYBAYIN RELEVANCE
A peek at the history and antiquity of Baybayin can bring varied things for different
people but here is a good one. More than four decades ago, Joseph Espallargas, a
Master’s of Arts student of Ateneo de Manila wrote in his thesis, “Today (1974 context),
could the appreciation of a paleographic relic not serve as a catalyzer to motivate the
reform and uniformity of the orthography of the National Language by bringing to the fore
some phonological characteristics of the ancient script? Is this old tool of writing better
adapted to the language than the Roman alphabet? Certainly, without advocating an
unrealistic replacement of the alphabet which is now universally used, a discussion of the
adequacy of the ancient system would be relevant to the question of spelling reforms.”
There is one good reason for bringing back Baybayin into the main stream. The
sense of identity that seems illusive for us Filipinos can suddenly be checked by the script.
The fact that more Filipino-Americans are into Baybayin nowadays gives proof to the need
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for that iconic something to relate into and provide identity that is distinctively ours.
Globalization has the more narrowed down things that used to be Filipino turf. Baybayin
presents itself as the bridge for the missing past and a reminder that almost everything in
our culture was dressed either in the Castilian or American forms and style. It’s almost
three hundred fifty years since 1668 when we can be say that Bayabyin is already lost,
that time when our own scripts were removed from official printing of devotional materials
to pave the way for purely Latinized Tagalog and the proliferation of other mother-tongue
based readings. With new efforts swelling for mother-tongue based education, can this be
the opportune time to start a Baybayin Revival? The University of the Philippines Los
Baños has planted the seeds of Baybayin in putting the scripts on its street signage. A bill
to make Baybayin the National Script, sponsored by Senator Loren Legarda and Cong,
Leopoldo Bataoil, is pending in congress and the lists of organizations adhering to the old
writing is growing by the day. Is the tipping point just around the corner? We don’t have to
be a fence sitter, watching the show and being part of it is the name of the game in the
land of Baybayin. Mabuhay!
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Former & current UPLB Chancellors Rex Cruz (middle) & Dindo Fernandez (2nd from left) at the
street signage inaugural rites (Comandante facing R. Cruz designed the Baybayin street plates.
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Annex A Angono Petroglyphs Page 63

Table Listing Annex B Manunggul Jar Page 70
Annex C Butuan Metal Strip Page 79
Annex D Ayub Cave Jar Page 81
Annex E Calatagan Pot Page 84
Annex F Monreal Stone A Page 114
Annex G Monreal Stone B Page 123
Annex H Comparative Table Page 134
Annex I Laguna Copper Plate Page 138
Annex J Bird Clay Figurine Page 140
Annex K Pacaldero Jar Page 146
Annex L Script Origins Page 148
Annex M Jars with Scripts Page 181
Annex N Baybayin Scripts Page 186
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Ancient Filipino Script ANNEX A
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Pregnant Woman of
Angono
Comandante 2010
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Baybayin script forms at Angono
66
Baybayin script forms at Angono
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68
The word u ha below Angono woman
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70
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72
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76
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Ancient Filipino Script ANNEX C
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Translation: In war, fight heralding and upholding our father (Comandante 2011).
80
Ancient Filipino Script ANNEX D
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82
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Boni Comandante Jr ANNEX E
.
..
Calatagan Pot (Batangas): National Museum Image
84
Guillermo 2010
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86
87
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100
101
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102
103
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105
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107
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109
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111
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Monreal Stone Masbate: Soriano 2011 Physics Dept. UP Diliman (Side A)
114
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116
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120
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Ancient Filipino Script ANNEX G
Monreal Stone (Side B): Soriano 2011
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(Guillermo 2012)
124
125
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126
127
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128
129
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130
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132
133
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Comparative Study of the Ancient Filipino Scripts
134
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136
137
ANNEX I
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Transliteration: Tiongson 2010:: Ang Saysay ng Inskripsyon

sa Binatbat na Tanso ng Laguna (pages 72-79)
138
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Bird Clay Figurine (El Nido Palawan)
140
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142
143
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144
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Nipple marked jar cover with face, Pacaldero cave
El Nido Palawan (ASP UPD).
146
Baybayin Script “papa”
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Origins of Baybayin Scripts from Giant Clams
.
148
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150
151
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153
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154
155
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157
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180
Ancient Filipino Script ANNEX M
ANTIQUE JARS WITH BAYBAYIN
Lucban Jar
The inscriptions on the jar shoulder must be read as (piu/piyu & not puo/puyo).
Chirino in1604 wrote that if a tuldok or puntillo (point) is placed with a consonant, the
sound becomes e or i (Sevilla 1939- confusions on the use of marks). Vocabulario de la
Lengua Tagala (San Buenaventura 1613; page 253) lists the following: Gota : Piyo pp: mal
de Reyes, pinipiyo .1.P. tener gota, saacoy libatan nang piyo,y, dile aco nacparito, como
medio la gota no puede venir, pinipiyo aco, tengo gota. Spanish gota means a drop of
liquid. The Tagalog translation of “mal de Reyes,” is ‘Hari ng Bagsik’ or roughly King of
Spirits. The mark may have been the standard for high alcohol content in the olden times.
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182
Taal Jar
Baybayin (sa or rightfully sasa) can be seen on the jar above. The meanings listed in
San Buenaventura are straight forward:
S: Sasa pc : desta lengua Tagala .|. sasa yaon .. ygava mo aco dito nang isang
sasa, hazme aqui vna letra S. di sasa, ang ypinasulat co sa iyo? note mande
escriuir vna S? (SB p. 538).
Palma : Sasa pc : baja como mata, hecha vn tallo que cultiuado almodo de las
palmas decocos da va licor de que çe haçe mejor ymas sano vino que delas de
cocos .Vi. Nipa : p.461
Palma : Niyog pc : el arbol tan çelebrado, cacapono nang niyog, vna palma de
cocos._
Palma : Banga pp : tambien montes de que sacan las mismas rajas que llaman.
Thus, the syllabary (sasa) means a jar container for sasa or palm wine.
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Pila Museum Jar
Above, the syllabary form (ma) is visible. The jar shape is not the typical tapayan type
but the inscription is indicative of its usage in the past. The word ma is listed as medio in
Spanish
184
Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala San Buenaventura, pages 411-412:
Medio : Ma : particula de adjetiuos...

Medio : Mala pp : fegun loque se le allega,vt.mala ayta, medio negro entredos
luçes,malainalas, medio feco o enjuto, omedio verde, mala coco, medio caliente, mala
dohat,vna madera medio dohat q se pareçe a el, mala ynibay, de medio mogate
afomadonodel todo.
Medio : Colafim pp : agrto del todo, colafim cfa, medio agrro esta ya, tuba,
tinamis.&c.
The vessel with Baybayin might have been used for wine (tuba)/sweet wine (tinamis).
or for fermenting meat/fruits/vegetables.
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Compilation of Baybayin Scripts: Neolithic to Modern Period.
Angono Petroglyphs: (Cave 3000 BC) – A stone tool for glyph marking was found in the vicinity by a
National Museum team (currently on display). Comandante identified tool sharpening imprints
several meters away from the cave entrance. Baybayin script glyphs (undated)
186
Manunggul Jar Baybayin Scripts: Neolithic (810-790 BC)
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Laguna Copper Plate Baybayin Scripts (900 AD)
Comandante 2009
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Calatagan Baybayin Scripts (1000 AD)
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Butuan Metal Strip Baybayin (14th century). Early writing tool called sapol:
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The Philippine syllabic writing:

“Prehispanic Source Materials”
Scott 1984 p. 60
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209
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211
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213
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Maharlika Baybayin of Mt Banahaw, Majayjay, Laguna
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Garden Baybayin of Mt Makiling. Bai, Laguna (Babaylan Palurida).
Makiling
Baybayin
Comandante
2012
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Literature Cited:
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Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala (San

EARLY OUTLOOK ON BAYBAYIN

Earlier, Sanchez (1587) made a judgement on Filipino natives similar to the

…… A compilation of Baybayin forms was done by by Paterno in 1887 as seen below:

CONFLICTING ORIGIN THEORIES

A summary made by Francisco (1973) in his book Philippine Paleogrphy included

A copperplate measuring 20 x 30 cm was recovered in a sand quarry situated in

ETHNOGRAPHY: BETEL CHEWING

CONFUSING ACCOUNTS OF BAYBAYIN MARKS

Language) published in Manila (1939).

RECONCILING THE ERROR

Comandante’s discovery of Baybayin script forms on the Manunggul Jar (890-710

BAYBAYIN ORIGIN THEORIES

Tolentino’s Talandakan/Paleografia (right to left reading) is shown on the next page:

Ağ Wika at Baybayiğ Tagalog: Tolentino 1937 (p.74).

NEW ORIGIN THEORY

More recently on May 2016, a fisherman

BAYBAYIN SCRIPT FROM GIANT CLAMS

A summary of the Baybayin word meanings from Vocabulario San Buenaventura

BAYBAYIN NUMERALS FROM GIANT CLAMS

BAYBAYIN NUMBERS AND COUNTING

A twist of confusion is seen in Arte y Reglas de la Lengua Tagala by San Joseph

On page 264 San Joseph

Seven sacks per layer;

Maycatlo counting method:

Game board “Sungka” as counting device

The use of sigay or bia as economic mediators or medium of exchange in the

Sunka was also used as a divination

The maintenance of one single sungka variation in the Philippine is of paramount

Recent sungka models

A CLOSER LOOK AT BAYBAYIN NUMERALS

Annex A Angono Petroglyphs Page 63

Baybayin script forms at Angono

Baybayin script forms at Angono

The word u ha below Angono woman

Calatagan Pot (Batangas): National Museum Image

Monreal Stone Masbate: Soriano 2011 Physics Dept. UP Diliman (Side A)

Monreal Stone (Side B): Soriano 2011

Comparative Study of the Ancient Filipino Scripts

Comparative Study of the Ancient Filipino Scripts

Transliteration: Tiongson 2010:: Ang Saysay ng Inskripsyon

Bird Clay Figurine (El Nido Palawan)

ANTIQUE JARS WITH BAYBAYIN

Pila Museum Jar

Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala San Buenaventura, pages 411-412:

Medio : Ma : particula de adjetiuos...

Laguna Copper Plate Baybayin Scripts (900 AD)

The Philippine syllabic writing:

Garden Baybayin of Mt Makiling. Bai, Laguna (Babaylan Palurida).

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