Ancient and Modern Pastoralism in Central Italy - An Interdisciplinary Study in The Cicolano Mountains

Ancient and Modern Pastoralism in Central Italy: An Interdisciplinary Study in the Cicolano
Mountains
Author(s): Graeme Barker, Annie Grant, Paul Beavitt, Neil Christie, John Giorgi, Peter
Hoare, Tersilio Leggio and Mara Migliavacca
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 59 (1991), pp. 15-88
Published by: British School at Rome
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40310918 .
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ANCIENT AND MODERN PASTORALISM IN CENTRAL
ITALY: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDY IN THE
CICOLANO MOUNTAINS
ofthemountains
'Thehistory to
is chequeredand difficult
trace'(Braudel,1972:44)
1. Introduction (GB,AG)
2. The naturallandscape (PH)
3. Modernlanduse (MM)
andRomansettlement:
4. Prehistoric The archaeological
survey (GB)
settlement:
5. Medievalandpost-medieval Documentary
sources (TL)
settlement:
6. Medievalandpost-medieval The
survey
archaeological (NC)
studies:Societies,
7. Ethnoarchaeological and
structures,
artifacts (PB)
8. Ethnoarchaeological Animals
studies: (AG)
studies:Plants
9. Ethnoarchaeological (JG)
10. Conclusion (GB,AG)
References
1. INTRODUCTION(GB)
lifein the
surveyof Mediterranean
In the firstchapterof his extraordinary
andtheMediterranean
sixteenthcenturyTheMediterranean intheAgeofPhilipII
World
(publishedin Frenchin 1949and in Englishin 1972),FernandBraudellamented
how in the past the lowlandshad tended to dominatemost analysesof
Mediterranean history:'the historianis not unlikethe traveller.He tendsto
lingerover theplain,which is the settingfortheleading actorsof theday,and
does not seemeagerto approachthe highmountains nearby.More thanone
historianwhohas neverleftthetownsand theirarchiveswouldbe surprised to
discovertheirexistence'
(1972:29).
Instead,he wenton to arguethatthemountains, plateauxand plainsofthe
Mediterranean landscape have always been inextricably of
relatedin thehistory
15
16 G. BARKER AND A. GRANT (EDS)
human settlement.Thus 'one of the most distinctivecharacteristicsof the

Mediterraneanworld' (1972: 85) was transhumance,the movementof herders
and theirstockfromwintergrazingon the lowlandsto summergrazingin the
uplands (withthe herders'settlements being based at eitherend of the system).
In the period of his surveythis formof pastoralismwas practisedon a huge
scale in many Mediterraneancountries,amply documented in the archives
because the herds and flockswere big business,the propertyof the state,the
Church,or leading families.Alongside such long-distancetranshumance,he
suggested,were smaller-scalemovements of stock between lowlands and
uplands, carried out by familiesor groups of familiesat a subsistencelevel
rather than for market production. In the dramatic topography of the
Mediterranean, such movementsneed involveonlya fewhours'or a day'swalk.
He describedthe changingrelationshipbetweenlowlandsand uplands,farmers
and shepherds,as the ebb and flow-the 'slow-furling waves'-of perhaps the
most importanttide in the longduréeof Mediterraneanhistory(Braudel,1972:
102).
Recent studiesof Italian archaeology-prehistoric, Roman, and medieval-
have been much concerned with the likelyimportanceof differentkinds of
pastoralismat different periodsin the past and at different social and economic
levels of development(Barker,1989). Unlike writtenrecords,the archaeological
record tends to have been created by all or most membersof a societyrather
thanby onlya segmentof it.Hence the strengthof archaeologyin investigating
the prehistoryand historyof Mediterraneanpastoralismshould be its capacity
to studynotjust the long-distancesystemsof transhumancethathave tendedto
dominate the classical,medieval and post-medievalwrittensources (Braudel,
1972; Pasquinucci, 1979), but also the other kinds of animal husbandrythat
operate at a smaller scale, and are surelyof much greaterantiquity(Barker,
1985;Cherry,1988).
Archaeologycan draw upon a verywide range of materialin the studyof
subsistence,including artifacts,excavated settlements,surface survey data,
animal bones,plant remains,environmentaldata, and dietarystudiesof human
skeletalremains.The most effectivestudies have combined a varietyof such
approachesand applied themat a regionalscale,forarable,pastoral,or arable/
pastoralsystemsinvariablyhave to operateat such a scale ratherthanwithinthe
confines of the single archaeological 'site'. However, archaeologists are
increasinglyaware that much subsistenceinterpretationhas been based on
unwarrantedassumptions-that farmersuse particularkinds of artifactsand
structuresand shepherdsother kinds,that arable farmingcreates one set of
distinctresidues and pastoralismanother set. For example, the bronze age
societiesof peninsularItalywere identifiedas transhumant pastoralistsby Pug-
lisi (1959) because the settlementrecord included high altitudecaves, artifacts
includedperforatedceramicstrainersratherlike the cheese-makingequipment
used by recenttranshumantpastoralists,and faunal collectionswere generally
dominatedby sheep and goat bones. However,whilsttheremaywell have been
a strongpastoralcomponentto bronzeage subsistence,thisarchaeologicalevid-
ence did not of itselfprove it: arable farmingis stillpractisedat the same eleva-
PASTORALISM IN CENTRAL ITALY 17
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lions as the highaltitude'shepherd'caves,non-transhumant shepherds(who

may be farmers too) use cheese-making equipment identical to thatof the
transhumant and
shepherds, sedentary arable farmers in the Bronze Age prob-
ablyalso reliedon sheepand goats(formeatand cheeseand formanuring their
fields),
creating faunal residues dominated bysheep and goat bones.
Theoretically, different kindsof subsistencebehaviourshould leave a
recognisable imprint or signature on thearchaeological record,enablingus to
one
distinguish activity from another either within a site or betweensites.Most
'ethnoarchaeological' studies directed towards the investigation of the link
betweenpresent-day behaviourand resultant 'archaeological' signatures have
concentrated on hunters, and
hunter-gatherers,specialised arid-zone pastoralists
(Binford,1980; Gould, 1980). However,to make sense of much of the
archaeological recordleftby past Europeansocietieswe also need detailed
ethnoarchaeological datafrompresent-day agricultural and pastoralsocietiesin
similaror comparableenvironments and behaviouralcontexts, to improveour
criteriaforrecognising specific forms of and
agriculture pastoralism in the
archaeological record. Examples of such work are stillfew, but include of
studies
Greekshepherds (Ghang,1984;Ghang and Koster, 1986), Romanian shepherds
(Nandris,1981),Anatolianpeasantfarmers(Hillman,1981,1984) and Greek
peasantfarmers (Jones, 1984).
This paperpresentstheresultsof an interdisciplinary investigation of an
upland area in central Italy, as a contribution to this debate. Fieldwork was
carriedout in the summersof 1988 and 1990 in the Cicolanomountainsof
centralItaly,in an areausedtodaybybothshepherds and farmers (Figs1 and 2).
The Cicolano massif rises to almost 2000 metres above sea level, forming partof
theborder between the modern administrative regions of Lazio and Abruzzo,
and betweentheprovinces ofRieti(Lazio)and L'Aquila(Abruzzo). The project
a
included geomorphological study, archaeological survey' theregion
an 'field of
together with detailed studies of selectedarchaeologicalsites,documentary
and
research, ethnoarchaeological fieldwork. The goal of the projectwas to
integratea series of complementary approachesto pastand presentsettlement,
in order investigate utilityof ethnoarchaeological
to the studieshere for
providing information on the nature of upland settlement and land use in the
in
samelocality antiquity.
2. THE NATURALLANDSCAPE(PH)
The geologicalstratawhichunderlietheCicolanomountains consistlargelyof

white,greyand blue-greylimestonesrangingin age from Jurassic(MiddleLias)
to EarlyPalaeogene.Theserocksare oftenremarkably pure:samplesanalysed
witha BascombCalcimeter contained99.1-99.6% calcium-carbonateequivalent.
In placesthebedrockconsistsofdolomite,a calcium-magnesium carbonate.The
beds were intenselydisturbedby earth movements, duringthe
principally
Miocene,resultingin foldswhichnormally strikenorthwest-southeast,
though
the stratain the Rascino area are generallysteeplyinclinedtowardsthe
Fig.2. The Saltovalleyand theCicolanomountains,

showingtopographyand thelocationof the
twomainsurvey areas;contours
andheights
in metres.
northeast.Furthertectonicactivitytook place during the Pliocene and

Quaternaryperiods.
As in mostof the limestoneApennines, the steepridgesof the Cicolano
enclosea seriesof karsticbasins,knownas poljesor altipiani(Figs2 and 3a).
Thereare fourprincipalbasinsin thestudyarea.Campolascaand Aquilenteto
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PASTORALISMIN CENTRALITALY 21
the southare the mostaccessiblefromthe lowlands(Fig.4). Theylie at 1100

metresabovesea leveland are separatedbya low ridgeand an easypassfrom
themainSalto valley,whichis the principalroutedownto Rietiand thence
alongtheVia Salaria(sinceRomantimestheprincipaltrans- Apennineroutein
thisregion)to theTibervalleyand Rome(Fig.1).Fivekilometres to thenorthis
the largestbasin,Rascino,also at 1100 metres,witha complexsinuouslake
towardsitsnorthern boundary(Fig.5). Immediately to thewest,but200 metres
higher and much less is
accessible, the Cornino basin (Fig.6),belowthehighest
peak of theCicolano,Monte Nuria.
These basins have been producedlargelyby limestonesolution.The
Rascinopolje conformsto Lehmann'sType 1.1: an 'even-floored basin polje
with
(Dinaric-type) Pleistocene(Quaternary) Whilst
filling'. many enclosed basins
wereformed in theLateTertiary, itis notpossibleto determine theage ofthose
ofconcernherewithanyprecision. The flatfloorsofpoljesare due bothto the
accumulation of sedimentsand to wideningas a resultof lateralsolutionby
floodwaters. They are underlainby unconsolidated alluvial,lacustrine, and
aeoliandepositsof PlatePleistoceneand Holoceneage. Coringin the central
partof theRascinobasinpenetrated thesesediments to a depthof 12.8metres
without hittingbedrock,and the fullthicknessof thematerial is notknown.
Unconsolidateddepositssuch as those on slopes,those depositedby
streams and thoselaiddownin lakes,consistofa mixture ofcalcareousbedrock
fragments and non-calcareousinsolubleresidue,and many probablyalso
Fig.4. The Aquilentebasin,lookingsoutheasttowardsthe trackdescendingto the basin fromthe

S. Angelopass. The Roman farmswereat the edge of the basinin theforeground.
(Photograph:GB)
Fu;.5. The Rascino basin,lookingsoutheast(takenfromthe pass into the Corninobasin).The lake

is on the lefton the floorof the basin; the keep of the medievalcastle is visibleat the end of the
ridgeon thefarright.(Photograph:GB)
containa fine-grained windblown fraction.The depthof thissuperficial debris

bearsa close relationshipto theangleof theunderlying bedrocksurface:it is
thinor non-existenton thesteepupperand middlepartsofthebasinflanks, but
becomessubstantial at thebase oftheseslopes,withinand at themouthsofdry
valleysand on thebasinfloors. The superficial depositsaregenerally coarseston
moderately steepslopes,less stony beneath gentlegradients close to thebasin
floors,and almostfreeofgravel-sized in
particles thecentralparts of the basins
away from the influence of the surrounding bedrock slopes.The insoluble
residuefromthesolutionof theunderlying limestone bedrockprobablyforms
themajorpartoftheparentmaterialoftheterra rossasoilsthatcharacterise the
area,butthesealso containsomewindblown materialincluding volcanictuff.
Polje floorsare typically subjectto periodicfloodingduringthe wettest
partsof the year.Some waterentersthe basin as surfacerun-off fromthe
surrounding slopes,bringing with it the finer components of the superficial
cover.Additionally,moreor lessturbidwaterrisesup through swallowholesin
theunderlying bedrock.Somepoljesremaindryall year,manycontainperiodic
lakes,butperennialwaterbodies suchas theRascinolakeare rare.The Cornino
basinresembles theRascinobasinin manyrespects, thoughsmallerand higher,
whereastheAquilenteand Campolascabasinsare poorly-developed poljeswith
limitedflatfloors.The basin containing the Petrellalake is not of the same
Fie;.6. The Cornino basin,lookingnorthto the remnantlake. This basin is used only forgrazing
cattleand horsestoday.(Photograph:GB)
origin,but is a largedoline.These lakesare progressively decreasingin both

extentand depth(Riccardi,1925:161),and thesmalllake thatonce existedin
theCampolascabasinhasdisappeared(Patella,1976:202).
The geomorphological studiesprovidedno evidencethatglaciationhas
affectedtheresearcharea duringtheQuaternary. A 'glacialcirque'indicatedon
the Istituto Militare
Geografico geologicalmap on the northern flanksof Monte
Nuriais in facta largedoline,theformationofwhichis due to solutionand not
to glacial processes.Moderatelywell-developed frostpolygonsclose to the
summitof MonteNuriaindicatetheformerpresenceof cold,but non-glacial,
conditions,althoughpermafrost is not requiredfor theirformation. Two
sedimentcores were takenin 1988 fromthe floorof the Rascinobasin for
pollenanalysis,but the resultsare unfortunately not yetavailable.Although
palaeoenvironmental reconstructionshave been made frompollendata from
othersitesin centralItaly,it wouldbe unwiseto extendthe findings to the
Rascinoarea.
The longperiodduringwhichthearea is coveredwithsnow,normally from
themiddleofDecemberto themiddleofMarch(Patella,1976:202),contributes
to creatinga strongly seasonalpatternof changein the naturalresources.In
termsofvegetation, treesare nowrestrictedto themiddleand upperslopesof
the variousbasins (Fig. 3b). The forestspreads over the northeast-facing
mountainslopesfrom1200to 1700metresabove sea level,withcopsesof oak,
mapleand hornbeam withinthelowerpartofthisrangeand beechwoods above

(Riccardi,1955).The highestzones(1700-2000metres) offerextensivepasturein
thesummer months, as do thebasinfloorsand lowestslopes,thoughthedeeper
soils of the basin floorscan also be used forthe productionof cereal and
vegetable cropsandhay.
3. MODERNLANDUSE (MM)
Thereis no permanent settlement in thebasinstoday:thewoodland,pastoral

andagricultural resources are seasonally exploitedbypeoplelivingforthemost
part in the comuni of Petrella Salto and Fiamignano, to whichtheybelong
administratively (Fig.2). There are two socio-economic
principal groups:people
who practisevariouscombinations of cultivation,
woodland-management and
and
shepherding, specialised (long-distance transhumant) shepherds (Figs7-9).
Cultivation takesplace at thebottomofnarrowvalleys, on thebasinfloors
and on the lowestslopes of the surrounding hills(Patella,1976).Individual
holdingsare small and dispersed,and situatedat some distancefromthe
permanent settlements suchas Fiamignano and PetrellaSalto,whicharelocated
between600 and 1000 metresabove sea level (Fig. 2). Today,withsteadily
improving roadsand vehicleownership, thefarmers traveldailyfrom
{contadini)
theirhomesin thevalleyvillagesto theirholdings, but withinlivingmemory
theysettledin thebasinsfromAprilto Octoberin stonebuildings withstables,
wherethe local administration allowedthemto feedtwocowsand beastsof
burden (Riccardi,1925, 1955). Agriculture at this elevationis extremely
marginal, important only for the poorest members ofthecommunity- tcittadini
piùmiserabili'(Sarego, 1983: 98, quoting from a nineteenth-centurydefinitionby
the Fiamignanotown council).Hence the farmersof the Cicolano must
supplement theirincomefromcultivation by working as woodsmen, charcoal-
and
burners, shepherds.
Todaythereis littleincometo be madefromforest exploitationbecauseof
the drop in demand for wood and charcoal and stricterconservation
regulations, but in the past the richbeechwoodsof the Nuriaand Duchessa
mountainswere heavilyexploitedfor firewood,charcoal,and timberfor
carpentry. Populartradition has itthatthecharcoal-burners ofFiamignano were
able to providefor the needs of the Abruzzocapitalcityof L'Aquila.The
charcoal-burners workedseasonally,livingfromMay to October in small
brushwood hutsin theforest(Riccardi, 1955:214) (Fig.10). Coopersand lime-
makersalso exploitedthewoods.Woodlandexploitation controlled
was strictly
by the local councils: the charcoal-burners, forexample, could not workthe
samewoodsin succession, whereasaccesswas easierforthe coopersas they
collectedbrokentimberfromthegroundand thelime-burners werepositively
as
encouraged they cleaned the forest by collectingdead timber and shrubs
(Sarego,1983). Even so, nineteenth-century sources often mention damageto
the woods by over-exploitation- even now the people of Fiamignanoand
PetrellaSalto have the usicivici(civilrights)to collect50 quintalsof firewood
perfamily fromtheCicolano(1 quintal= 100kilograms).
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cyclein the Cicolano mountains,showingthe principalmonthswithrain

Fig.8. Annualsettlement
3. stanziali
and/or snow and major economic activities.1. charcoal-burning;2. tree-cutting;
shepherds and long-distance transhumantshepherds with small flocks; 4. long-distance
transhumantshepherdswithlargeflocks.(CompiledbyMM)
Farmoreimportant forincometoday,as in thelastcentury, is thebreeding

of cattle,horses,donkeys,and above all sheep.Cattleand horsehusbandry is
carriedout by inhabitants of thelocal villages,who keep theiranimalsin the
Cicolanomountains formuchoftheyear,butstallthemin theworstweatherin
Thesepeoplecall themselves
theirvillages. stanziali
or 'permanent' (eventhough
theypractise short-distancetranshumance between their villagesand the
summer pastures in themountains),to distinguishthemselves from otherstock-
keepers in theircommunities who take theiranimals down to the lowland pas-
turesin thewinter, thetransumantior long-distancetranshumant herders.In the
past cattle and horses were reared for traction(for ploughs and carts) and
manure,thoughtodaycattleare more importantfortheirmeat and horsesfor
thedevelopingtouristindustry. In the mid-1970sthereweresome 700 cattleand
300 horses(Patella,1976:211).
Usi civicitoday as in the last centuryallow the people of Fiamignanoto
keep theircattle and horses all year round in the Aquilente basin, whereas
sheep and goats can only be grazed here afterSeptember29, and the Cornino
basin is (and was) restrictedto the free-rangegrazing of cattle and horses
(Accertamento, 1988; Sarego, 1983). Fencing-off cultivatedplots is restricted,so
that the land can be grazed after harvest or hay-making,but by the same
regulationsthe shepherdsare obliged to move their pens frequently in orderto
make manuringas effective as possible.By these and similarmeans the usicivici
seek to maintainthe difficult balance between the agriculturaland pastoral
exploitationof the Cicolano, withina systemin which the major income is
derivedfromsheep husbandry.
In the mid-1970sthere were 18,000 sheep grazing the pastures of the
Cicolano basins during the summer,although both the shepherds and the
authoritiescalculateda potentialcarryingcapacityof some 25,000head (Patella,
1976:211). Two thousandof the sheep were thoseof stanziali,the restbelonging
to transumanti. The stanzialishepherds,whose flocksvaryfroma fewdozen to
several hundred animals, keep their stock in stalls in the villages,such as
Fiamignanoand PetrellaSalto, duringthe winter.Between April and October
theybringtheirflocksup to the Cicolano, where theyused to over-nightthe
animals in pens attached to the masonrysheltersin which they slept and
worked. Today, however, the car and improved roads are changing the
traditionalsystemsof stanzialeshepherding,and some shepherdschoose to go
back to theirvillageseverynight.The sheep are now leftinside metal-fenced
enclosuresthat are high enough to deter thievesand protectthe sheep from
wilddogs and fromthewolvesthatare returningto the area.
During the day, in the hours between morningand eveningmilking,the
stanzialishepherdsgraze theirflockson the floorsof the basins and the lower
slopes,rarelythe higherpastures,exploitinga territory varyingin radius from
the milkingpen betweenabout 3 kilometresin hot weatherand 6 kilometres
when it is cool. They regardtheirshepherdingas littlemore than a subsistence
activity,whichmustbe supplementedby otherincome.They thereforeusually
also cultivateplots of land which theyown or rent on the basin floors.The
shepherdshave to come up to the Cicolano basins in March,well before the
grazingis readyfortheirflocks,in order to sow theirfirstcrops (Figs 8 and 9).
They also come up to their fields in late winter/early spring to spread the
manurefromtheirstallsonto thefields.
Transhumantpastoralismis presentlyexpanding,aftera period of crisisin
the 1940s and 1950s (Patella,1976: 209-10). The flockstodayvaryfromseveral
hundred to over a thousand animals. The pastoritransumanti come fromthe
same villagesas the contadiniand pastoristanziali,and may indeed be fromthe
same families.Those withsmall flocksof sheep tend to take theiranimals into
the Cicolano mountainsfromMay to November(Fig.9), grazing their animals
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on the basin floorsand lower slopes. These transhumantshepherdssometimes

grow hay and crops such as wheat and potatoes, which can be sown and
harvestedwithinthe summergrazingperiod in the mountains(Fig.8).
The transhumant shepherdswithlarge (1000+ ) flocksorganisethemselves
in a different
way.They keep theiranimalsfrommid-June to earlySeptemberin
the mountains.Some operate in small groups, the owners being assisted by
hired labour. In early September the flocksmove to the lowlands,although
whenthereare sufficient workersonlythe pregnantewes are moved at thistime
whilethe restof the flockis kept in the mountainsuntilthe end of October.In
some of the largeflocksthe sheep are dividedinto twogroups,ewes in milkand
ewes whichare dry(soe),and the two groups are also kept in separate pens at
night.The flocksmay be taken as high as 1600-1700 metres,and occasionally
Fk;.10. A charcoal-burner's
hutin theCicolanomountains. GB)
(Photograph:
even to the summitslopes of Monte Nuria,and theymay move as much as 20

kilometresin a day. Today the transhumantshepherdsreturneach eveningto
theircamps on the basin floors(Fig. 9a), but in the past theyremainedon the
high pasturesfromlate Julyto the end of August (Fig. 9b), sleeping in turf
shelters(see below,Fig.30).
All the long-distancetranshumantshepherdstake theiranimals to winter
pastureon the westernside of centralItaly,eitheraround Rome or to the south
on the Pontine plain (Fig.1). Patella (1976: 211) also refersto winterpasture
near Rieti. On the plains the Cicolano shepherdsrentthe grasslandneeded for
theirsheep (about 0.2 hectaresper head) fromlocal farmers, who rotatepasture
withcrops.Today the animals are moved by truck,transhumanceon the hoof
having ceased about 30 years ago. The journey is reported by the older
shepherdstoday to have taken up to eightor nine days in the past. Only the
men took part,travellingin groups of threeor fouron horseback.Mostlythe
flocks were divided into groups of 130/140 head for the journey, but
occasionally the animals were kept togetherin large flocks of up to 2000
animals.
In the past the men lived in the lowlands in simple conical reed huts
housing five or six people (Barker,1981: Fig. 50; Glose-Brooksand Gibson,
1966),or largerwooden cabins withaccommodationforup to 30 people. Figure
11 showsa typicalwintercamp of a transhumant shepherdgroup on the plains
south of Rome, painted in the last centuryby Henry Coleman (De Rosa and
Trastulli,1988). The scene, withits conical hut,sheep in rope pens, and white
Abruzzesesheep dogs, is an accurate if sentimentalrepresentation. Today the
shepherds either rent houses in the lowlands or erect metal huts, as in the
mountains.
The structuresused by the Cicolano shepherdsand farmersare described
in Sections6 and 7, and animal and plant husbandryare discussedin further
detailin Sections8 and 9 respectively.
4. PREHISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT: THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL

SURVEY (GB)
The principalarchaeologicalsiteknownin the Cicolano mountainspriorto this

projectwas the medieval castle at Rascino,situatedon an isolated hill west of
the lake overlookingthe basin and dominatingthe routes into and across the
region(Figs2 and 15). A desertedmedievalvillagewas also identifiedat S. Maria
on the floorof the basin to the southof the castle.The thirdsiteknownwas the
podium of a Roman temple at S. Angelo overlooking the Salto valley,
immediatelybeside the pass from the Salto valley into the Aquilente basin
(Fig.2).
The archaeological surveyconcentratedon the catchmentsof the four
majorbasins (Fig.12). The northernsurveyarea, encompassingthe Corninoand
Rascino basins, covered some fourteensquare kilometres,and the southern
surveyarea, around the Campolasca and Aquilentebasins,coveredeightsquare
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£
kilometres.Within these areas the surveyteams conducted systematicfield-

walkingat ten-metreintervalsin everyploughed field,and collectingall surface
archaeologicalmaterial.As will be clear fromFigure 12, however,the Cicolano
is typicalof mostupland areas in beingpoorlysuitedto field-walking because of
the restricted amountof land under plough.In thiscase, mostarable land is on
the floorsof the basins or the lowestslopes at theirmarginswheresoil cover is
deep enough to be cultivated.In addition to systematicfield-walking, survey
teams attemptedto traversethe basin slopes walking20 metresapart (except
where the steepness of the topographymade this impossible),mapping all
evidencefor past human activity.As well as collectingarchaeologicalartifacts,
the teams mapped the occurrenceof stone buildings(manyof which are still
in use today),dry-stone wall enclosures,and terracewalls.Such evidenceis quite
plentiful, but invariablydifficultif not impossible to date to any particular
period or periods of antiquity.The Roman sherds found in the surveywere
studiedby Helen Pattersonand Paul Roberts,the post-Romansherdsby Helen
Patterson.Tile fragments were classifiedaccordingto a fabricseriesestablished
in thefield.
Only twolocationsyieldedmateriallikelyto be prehistoricin date (Fig.12).
On the northernmarginof the Rascino lake we found a singlestruckflakeof
greyflint.The flakeis not abraded,and is likelyto be of neolithicor bronzeage
date. At the second location,in the southeasterncornerof the Rascino basin,
therewas a struckflakeof brownjasper likelyto be of similarage, foundwith
two pieces of daub. Fragmentsof daub are common surfacefindsat lowland
prehistoric sitesin peninsularItaly,and excavationssuggesttheyare theremains
of simple timber-framed huts with wattle-and-daubwalls and thatch roofs
(Barker,1981).Whilstthesefindscould be eitherneolithicor bronzeage in date,
the likelihoodis that theyare bronze age, for thereis accumulatingevidence
fromthe archaeologicalrecordand pollen analysesthroughoutpeninsularItaly
that the firstsystematicuse of the Apennine mountainsbegan at this time,
duringthe second millenniumbe, and in particularin the latterpart of the
millennium(Barker,1989).The Bifernovalleyarchaeologicalsurveyin Molise in
central-southern Italy also found the firstevidence for systematicprehistoric
settlementin the basins of the Matese mountain (of similar altitude and
geomorphologyto the Cicolano) to be of bronzeage date (Barker,1991).
The likeliestinterpretation of the Cicolano prehistoricmaterialis that it
atteststhe presence of people who came into the mountainsin the summer
monthsfrommorepermanentsettlements at lowerelevations.In theRietibasin,
forexample,thereis prolificevidenceforbronzeage settlement (Carancinietal,
1986).Nearerstill,some ten kilometressouthof Fiamignano on the otherside of
the Salto valley,therewas a bronze age settlementsite at 900 metres above sea
level in the Val di Varri (Güller and Segre, 1948; Fig. 1). The people who used
thiscave leftcarbonisedcereals and legumes,and animal bones dominatedby
those of sheep and goat. Moreover,some of theirpottery had a bauxite filler,
which is thought to have come from Monte Velino, the Apennine massif
immediatelyto the southeastof the Cicolano. A similarrelationshipbetween
permanentsettlementsat lower elevations and seasonal pastoral camps in
Fig.12. The Cicolano archaeological survey:prehistoricand Roman finds.Key: 1. flintsites;

2. principalRoman sites(the numberedsitesare discussedin the text);3. sporadicRoman pottery;
4. sporadicRoman tile;5. sporadicRoman potteryand tile.Contoursin metres.
adjacentmountains is suggested fortheBifernovalley.Anotherexampleofthis

relationshipmight be the Grotta a Male settlement at 1000 metresabove sea
level in the Aternovalleynear L'Aquila (Pannuti,1969; Fig. 1), immediately
below the Gran Sasso mountain,where surfacecollectionsof bronze age
material havebeenfoundat 1500metresat CampoImperatore.
The surveyfoundconsistent evidenceforthesystematic utilisationof the
Cicolanobasinsduringthe Romanperiod.An important group of siteswas
foundat theeasternend oftheAquilentebasin(Fig.12:sites6-9). At thepoint
whereone ofthemainroutesintotheCicolanodescendsto thebasinfloorfrom
thepass by the S. Angelotemple(Fig.2), the surveyteamsfounda seriesof
discreteconcentrations ofRomantileand pottery (Fig.4). Site7 measuredabout
50x 50 metres, withan approximate findsdensity ofone sherdor tilefragment
per fivesquare metres. There were sherds of ordinaryRomankitchenware
(ceramica a
comune),very coarse kitchen ware (ceramica grezza), and wornfineware
sherds(ceramica acroma depurata), as well as a fragment mortaror grinder.
of a
Site 8 was smaller,measuring 30x30 metres, withsimilarsurfacedensitiesof
material:however,in additionto the same suiteof domesticwaresand tile
fragments thereweresherdsof Italiansigillata(whichdatesmainlyto thefirst
century ad) and a possiblesherdof African Red Slip ware(thefinetableware
whichlargely replaced the Italian wares), as well as sherdsofstorageamphorae.
Site9 wasverylikesite7 in sizeand density, withRomandomesticwares,tiles
and an amphorafragment. Site 6, on theedge of thebasinfloorimmediately
beside the wooded hillslope,was a small but verydense concentration of
materialmeasuring10x5 metres, withoverfivefragments per square metre.
Therewerea fewsherdsof Romandomesticpottery, an amphorasherdand a
mortarfragment, buttherewereno tiles,and mostof thematerialconsisted of
fragments of burnt clay with limestone inclusions.
Sites7-9 are thetypicalsurfaceevidenceofRomanruralsitesof thekind
foundin largenumbersthroughout theMediterranean regionby fieldsurvey
(Barkerand Lloyd,1991). In lowland Italy, field surveyprojectshaveattempted
to correlatedifferences in the size,density materialrichnessof suchsites
and
withcategoriesofRomanfarm, withthevillaat thetopofthehierarchy and the
smallfarmor cottageat the other (Dyson,1978;Lloyd and Barker,1981;Potter,
1979).According to all threecriteria, theAquilentesites(7-9) are bestplacedat
thelowestlevelin sucha hierarchy ofagricultural establishments. Site6 is in a
differentcategory, as it is probably the remains of a lime-working site,the
absenceoftilesuggesting either an open-air industrial site or perhaps with
one
a sheltermade of thatch or wood. In addition to these artifactconcentrations,
thesurveyalso found six localities elsewhere in the Aquilente basin witheither
Romansherdsor fragments of Roman tile.Such finds are againtypicalof the
spreadsof materialmappedby manysurvey
'off-site' teams in recentyears
aroundRomansitesand identified as the residues created bymanuring (Bintliff
and Snodgrass,1989; Gaffneyand Tingle,1989). The assumptionis that
householdrubbishwas dumpedon the manureheaps in the farms,and so
incorporated intothemanurewhichwas thenspreadonto thearableland.In
factmodernsherdswerenotedon severalmanureheaps by the present-day
stalls,so the same sort of 'off-site'archaeologyis still being created on the

Gicolanobasin floors.
In the Campolasca basin we founda singleconcentrationof Roman tile and
pottery(Fig.12: site 5), over an area measuring30x30 metres.In additionto a
fewfragments of Roman tile and a sherd of Roman kitchenware therewas a
fragment of African Red Slip ware of a type(Hayes 8 A /B) dated primarilyto
thesecond centuryad. Off-sitematerialconsistingof Roman tile fragments and
à fewsherdsof domesticpotterywas foundat one otherlocalityin thisbasin.
In the Rascino basin we found two furthercollectionsof Roman tile and
potteryidentifiedas Roman farms(Fig. 12: sites 2 and 4). Site 2 consistedof
Romantilefragments and sherdsof Roman kitchenware in a gullybetweentwo
low rock outcropsand site 4 consistedof a largercollectionof Roman kitchen
waresincludinga lid, base and straphandle thoughtto date to the first-second
centuriesad, in association with tile fragmentsin an area measuring10x25
metres.Site 3 consistedof a collectionof burntclay fragments withlimestone
inclusions,probably another lime-workingsite, though in this instance the
materialwas associated with Roman tile suggestingthe presence of a more
substantialbuildingthanat site6.
The final site thoughtto be of Roman date is a stone enclosure at the
westernend of the Rascino basin, at the bottomof the southernflankof the
Rascino castle hill (Fig. 12: site 1). The enclosure is roughly rectangular,
Fi(i.13. The Roman enclosure at Rascino: looking southeast over the boulder wall into the
enclosureinterior.The rangingpole halfwayclownthewall measurestwometres.(Photograph:GB)
measuring45x80 metres,with the long axis downslope(Fig.16). Recent

boundarywallsincorporate partof the enclosure, but the foundations of the
enclosureconsistof large roughbouldersset as orthostats withrubblein
between(Fig.13),quite different fromthe modern/recent dry-stone walls.In
places the lineofthe enclosure makes use of outcrops ofthe limestone bedrock.
Insidetheenclosuretheslopinggroundformsthreeroughterraces. The upper
terraceappearsto be completely natural,whilstthemiddleand lowerterraces
seemto be partlynaturaland partlyartificial. The foundations of one definite
and one possiblehousecan be discernedon themiddleterrace.These houses
are similarin construction to thoseof themedievalvillageon thehill above
(Section6), and tile fragments withinthemare also of fabricsidentified as
medieval.However,theconstruction of themainenclosureis quiteunlikeany
of thepaddocksof themedievalvillage,and severalsherdsof Romankitchen
warewerefoundon all threeterraces, suggesting theverystrongpossibility that
theenclosureis Romanin origin.A rathersimilarenclosurefounda fewyears
ago in the MoliseApennineshas been shownby excavationto be imperial
Romanin date.Its altitude, over2000 metresabove sea level,suggeststhatits
mostlikelyuse was as a summeranimalenclosure(Baker,1989).The Rascino
enclosure likewise seemsbestinterpreted as a pastoralsite.1
In sum,therefore, thesurvey indicates at leastthreekindsoflanduse in the
Cicolanomountains during the Roman period-arablefarming, lime-working,
and pastoralism. The distribution of the sites suggests thatarablefarming may
haveconcentrated in thosepartsofthebasinswiththeeasiestaccessto theSalto
valley,withpastoralactivities perhapsspreadingfurther intotheinterior. The
S. Angelotemplemay have been sited both to overlook the Salto valleyand to
the
protect way into theCicolano mountains.
The sporadicoccurrences of Romansherdsand tilethatwerefoundat a
dozen locationson the floor and lowerslopesof the Rascinobasin maybe
evidenceof themanuring of arableland as in theAquilenteand Campolasca
basins.However,giventhefactthatmanylocationsare near theenclosureas
wellas thefarms, itis possible-iftheenclosurewasindeedusedbyshepherds-
eitherthattheshepherds also grewcropsand manuredthesefields, or thatthey
manuredfieldsforthe production hay, of or both. Either possibility would
implythattheshepherds in
werelivingpermanently relatively nearby locations
likethepresent-day stanzialishepherds, becausetheywouldhave had to be at
theenclosureforsufficient timeto buildup manurestocksand to be able to
spreadit on thefieldsin thewinterand earlyspringbeforethegrowing season
(Section3). Of coursetheoff-site pottery need not be related to the enclosure;
and thescaleofthelatter's construction couldbe takento indicatetheworkof
specialistshepherdsor herdsmenoperatingat a large scale. Transhumant
pastoralism in the Romanperiodwas generally big business,the flocksbeing
ownedmainlyby the wealthylowlandlandholderssuch as Varrò,withlarge
numbersof people and animalsbeinginvolvedin theoperation(Pasquinucci,
1979).
In short,whilstthearchaeological data fromthesurveysuggestthatboth
pastoralism and arable farming werebeingpractisedin the Cicolanoin the
Romanperiod,it is difficult to go beyondthisstatement to more detailed

inferencesaboutthenatureofthoseactivities. However, whilsttheevidencefor
pastoralism at thisaltitudein Romantimesis notsurprising (thoughthescaleof
theconstruction of theRascinoenclosureis remarkable), thepresenceat 1100
metresofwhatappearto be substantial roofedbuildings, likelyto be farms,may
reflectthedensityof ruralsettlement at lowerelevations. Systematic archaeo-
logicalsurveysin SouthEtruria(Potter,1979),the hillsof Sabina (Moreland,
1986)and theRieti basin(Barkerand Mattingly, 1989)have suggestedtypical
densitiesof twoor moreRomanfarmsper squarekilometre. Systematicsurvey
has not been carriedout in the Salto valley,but chancefindssuggestsimilar
ofRomanruralsettlement
densities (Staffa, 1987).
Romanfunerary inscriptionsand architectural fragments havebeenreused
in thewallingof manybuildingsin thearea,includingsomein thehamletof
Mercatoa kilometre westofFiamignano (Mercatoor 'market' becauseuntilthe
last centuryit was the principalmarketof the Cicolano region),and in
S. Agapito,one kilometre east of Fiamignano. The latterincludea dedicatory
inscription by T. PompusioPrimigenio(C7L.IX.4107)referring to a nearby
sanctuary, presumably the S. Angelo site.In the imperialperioda road from
Cliternia,the local municipium (nearCapradosso,fourkilometres northwest of
PetrellaSalto),passeddownthenorthern sideof thevalley,and burialsof that
periodhavebeenfoundnearmostofthepresent-day villagesalongitsroute,for
example near Caprodosso, Staffoli(two kilometres northwest of PetrellaSalto),
PetrellaSalto,and Fiamignano. The impression is of a densepatternof rural
settlement in the valley,whichaccordingto Staffapersistedthroughout the
imperialperiod to the fifthand sixth centuries ad.
The starkcontrast betweenthematerialculturefoundat theCicolanosites
compared with that of thevillasand farmsin theRietibasinand Sabinehills,
and withthe richness of theSaltofarmsimpliedbythearchitectural fragments
and other chance finds, suggests that,as in recenttimes,theRomanfarmers of
theCicolano were i cittadini
più miserabili.
5. MEDIEVALAND POST-MEDIEVALSETTLEMENT:DOCUMENTARY
SOURCES(TL)
[Note:Thissectionconsistsofan Englishsummary preparedbyNeil Christieof

thefulldiscussionof the documentary sourcespublishedin Italianby Leggio
(1990).]
THE CASTLEOF RASCINO
The earliestmedievalreferencesto theCicolanoregionarefoundin therecords
ofFarfaabbey. In theearly medievalperiodFarfa,situatedin thehillsofSabina
nearRome(Fig.1), was an powerful
exceptionally abbey,enjoying, forexample,
thepatronage Her
ofCharlemagne. possessions were recorded in greatdetailat
the time(published as II di
Regesto Farfain a seriesof volumes by Giorgiand
Balzani in the late nineteenthcentury,and in the LiberLargitorius velNotarius

MonasteriiPharphensis(published in two volumes in thiscentury)).
In 872 Farfa obtained the fundusPisiniole,land identifiablewiththe small
upland plain of Piscignola in the Cicolano mountains,though it is unclear
whetherthis was for arable or pastoral land use (Zucchetti,1913: 53, no. 40).
Signs of population influx into the region begin in the eleventh century,
prompted by various seigneurialinitiatives,notably by the Ioseppingi,who
staked their claim to castles in the upper Velino valley (Fig.1). They were
opposed not onlyby Farfaabbeybut also by the abbey of SS. Quirico e Giulitta
in the upper Velino, who looked to the supportof the count and bishop of
Rieti.However,the seigneurswere graduallyable to extendtheircontrolof the
Cicolano at the expense of the monasteries:in 1114,forexample,Ranieriof the
Ioseppingi came to possess the castles of Corno and Piscignola,foundinga
hospitalat the lattersite-a sign in itselfof a steadytrafficflow throughthe
mountainsat thistime(Archivio Capitolare diRieti,Arm.IV, fase.L, no. 7).
The name Rascino firstoccursin 1083 as finesRasinum,a geographicalterm
not necessarilytied to a castle or other settlement(Regestodi Farfa III: 77,
no. 1082). Nor is a Rascino castle named in the CatalogusBaronum(Jamison,
1972),a listof fiefscompiledin 1150 followingthe Normanconquestof central
Italy,an eventwhichended Farfa'srole in the Cicolano. Rascino is named as a
castle only fromthe mid-thirteenth century,recorded as participatingin the
peopling of L'Aquila and being taxed as part of the L'Aquila districtfrom
1269-1270 (Filangieri,1953-: 5, 123,no. 97). In 1275 the castlewas givenin feud
by King Charles I of Anjou to the mileslohannesTraversarius (dominuscastri
Rasine),althoughstrongopposition on the part of the Aquilans saw the removal
of lohannes in 1277 and his replacementby milesBullicanusde SanctoVayrano
until1282,soon afterwhichL'Aquila regainedpossessionof the site (Filangieri,
1953-: 12 (1959), 192,no. 18, 207, no. 108; 13 (1959),65-6, no. 106; 15 (1961),50,
no. 221; 19 (1964),82, no. 21, 137, no. 128; 26 (1979), 71-2, no. 132). In 1327 the
churchof S. Maria di Rascino is firstrecorded.Its originsare uncertain,and it is
absentfromthe listsof parishchurchesof the Rieti diocese given in 1153 and
1182 beforethe institutionof the L'Aquila diocese. The churchlay outside the
castle,withan associatedsettlement around.
From the early fourteenthcentury,however,the role and value of many
marginalcentressuch as Rascino began to be threatened,particularlythrough
the economic pull of L'Aquila. We can see this in the migrationof certain
personages away from the castle: in 1343 Buccio of Rascino headed to
Collefegato to become jailor for L'Aquila, and in 1344 Niccolo of Rascino
became a judge in the city (Buzzi, 1912: 41, no. 18 and 73-4, no. 43). Other
factors played a part. In 1347 Rascino was twice affected by fires (Di
Bartholomaeis,1907: 106, st. 729), while the regionas a whole sufferedbadlyin
an earthquakein 1349 and in outbreaksof plague in the second half of the
century (Clementi and Piroddi, 1986: 76; Leggio, 1989: 18-21). Declining
conditionsin the Cicolano are also borne out in an episode of 1353 whenmale-
factorsfromthe Antrodococastle set upon and killedsome Aquilans returning
fromRieti (Buzzi, 1911: 11-2, no. 3). This general decline was more or less
acceptedbyL'Aquila,whichevenencouragedemigration fromtheCicolanoto
lowerelevations whilst
seeking to maintainthe outputoftheupland
agricultural
of the abandonedcastles.It is unlikelythatRascinocastlesurvived
territories
beyondtheearlyyearsof thefifteenth century. was probablya con-
Insecurity
factor
tributory in the declineof the More
castles. however,may
significant,
havebeentheimpoverishment ofthesoilthrough In addition,
overexploitation.
theeffects whilstnotfullyunderstood
of climaticdeterioration, forthisregion,
couldeasilyhaveupsetan agricultural balancethatwasclearlyveryfragile in so
marginalan area 1985:
(Grigg, 97-108;Wickham, 1988:359).
LATEMEDIEVALANDPOST-MEDIEVALRASCINO
The emigrationof theinhabitants of Rascinowas directednotonlyat L'Aquila
butalso towards variouscastlesand villagesin theSaltovalley,in thecountyof
theMarerifamily, and,to a lesserdegree,towardsRietiand theTuranovalley.
Thusit was notsimplya flight to thecity,buta searchfora moresettledlife.
The Marerifamily willhave welcomedthesepeople,engagedas theywerein
extending theircontrolover the wholeuplandzone by the accumulation of
land.In the aftermath,thereare signsof a transformation in the use of the
Rascinoplateau,withseasonalexploitation ofa lessintensivenaturethanbefore
and an increasein transhumant pastoralism.Rentscontinuedto be chargedon
communal pasturage,meadows, andwoods.However, parcelsoflandmadetheir
wayalso intoprivateownership, partlyprompted by needs:in about1490,
fiscal
forexample,some communalploughlandon the Piano di Corninowas sold
di BernardoAntonioAntonellida RascinoI
di Statodell'Aquila:Protocolli
{Archivio
(1489-90)andII (1492-3)),and in 1530theSpaniardAlfonsoTamayoreceivedin
feudtheabandonedcastlesof Rascino,Cornoand Rocca di Corno,and their
mountain pastures(Piacentino, 1977:264-6,n.64 and 272,n.509).
The distancesinvolvedin thisnewphaseof exploitation requiredat least
temporary occupationoftheuplandbasins:a journeyfromL'Aquilato Rascino
wouldhave takena day,and half a day would have been necessaryfrom
settlementselsewherein theCicolano.We can visualisegroupsof part-time or
seasonal farmers,shepherds,landowners,charcoal-burners, wood-cutters,
limestone-burnersetc.,on the plateau at varioustimesduringthe warmer
seasons,perhapsreoccupying or rebuildinghousesin theold abandonedhabi-
tatslikeRascinoand Cornino,or buildingnewsmallscattered houses.An indi-
cationoftheirpresencecomesin therecordofrepairsto thechurchofS. Maria
at Rascinoin 1429,carriedout by an originalinhabitant at the sitewho had
moved to Petrella in the Salto valley (Archiviodi Stato di Rieti,notariledi
Roccasinibalda, di Lippodi Giordani2, e. 348). Use of the churchwould
protocolli
on the land,whichprobablytookplace onlybetween
have matchedactivities
June24 and September 29. From1841in factwe hearthattheRascinochurch,
now S. Mariadella Neve (SaintMaryof the Snow) and in the communeof
Petrellaand Mercatothoughpresidedover by Canons of S. Marcianoat
L'Aquila,wasno longeractiveas theroofand someof thewallshad collapsed.
by the 2000 or so seasonalinhabitants

Its loss was suitablyregretted of the
upland basins(Sarego,1983:
86-93).
AND STOCK-REARING
TRANSHUMANCE
Our earliestreferences to flocksof sheepin theCicolanomountains belongto
thesecondhalfof theeighthcentury, withflocksforming a consistentelement
in subsequentdocumentation forthe region.However,beforec. ad 1000 our
data are insufficiently explicitregardingthe characterof transhumance-
whether it was short-distanceor long-distance,and withlargecommunalflocks
or smallerflocksof individualfamilies.In the case of Farfa,sizeableflocks
drivenoverlongdistancescan be envisaged, giventheabbey'sneed to obtain
royalor ducalprivileges to protectthemovement ofitsshepherds on roadsand
routesacross centralItaly(Clementi,1984; Gabba, 1985). In varioussmall
monasticholdingsin the interiorvalleys,sheepwerejust one elementof the
totalstockheld:forexample,a curtis at Antrodocoin 855 possessed40 milk
sheep,10 rams,20 lambs,3 oxen,1 bull,16 cows,20 pigs,10 piglets, and 2 boars
(Fumagalli, 1976:78,note 11).A flockof 40 sheepand 20 goatsis recordedin
theTuranovalleyin 768,alongwith2 horses,2 pairsofoxen,5 cows,a bulland
some pigs {Regesto di FarfaII: 72, no.75), whilst40 sheep and 30 pigs are
mentioned nearRietiin 778 {Regesto diFarfaII: 101,no. 117).In 786 thecleric
Hildericdonateda shepherd's house and his flockof 200 sheepto theabbey
diFarfaII: 120,no. 143),thenalreadyin possessionofabout2000sheep
{Regesto
diFarfaII: 60,no.58).Duringthetenthand eleventh
{Regesto centuries theabbey
had a stonebarn to house its flockin the summernear the Salto-Turano
confluence, nearthemonastery ofS. SalvatoreMaggiore{Regesto diFarfaV: 215,
no. 1226and 1317).
A significant factorwas theabbey'sstrategy, in thecourseof theeleventh
and twelfth ofaimingto controlareasofuplandpasture(theCicolano
centuries,
mountains, the Salto-Turano confluence, and the MontiReatini),in orderto
exploitthemmoreintensively bytranshumance. Theseaspirations weredashed
bytheNormanexpansionofthemid-twelfth century and the consequent lossin
controlofall theuplandterritories. Fromthemid-twelfth century, however,we
findclearproofoflong-distance transhumance by theCicolano shepherds over
distancesof 120-150kilometres. At Cepranoa plateaCiculananear thebridge
overtheLiri river(Fig.1) denotesa restingplace fortranshumant shepherds
descending fromtheupperSalto through AvezzanoalongtheLiri enroutefor
thewinterpastureson thePontineplains(Toubert, 1973:272,note1).Withthe
régularisation of transhumance undertheNormans(Marino,1988:18-20),the
transhumance routes shiftedsouthwardsto Apulia,althoughthis did not
provokeanygreatchangein thetermsofexploitation in theLazio area.In the
fourteenth century transhumant shepherds from theCicolano villagestooktheir
flocksto bothApuliaand nearbySabina(wheretheMarerifamily rentedwinter
pasturesaroundFarfa),and also to the RomanCampagna,the plainsaround
Rome,possiblysuggesting an emigration to thelatterarea bypeoplefromthe
Cicolano(Sella,1940:868).
From the early fourteenthcenturythe increasingimportanceof stock-

raisingled to territorialconflictsbetweenlords,clergyand communities:1312
saw the dispute between Abbot Buongiovanniof S. Salvatore Maggiore and
Counts Braccio and Filippo Mareri for possession of lands between the Salto
and Turano rivers,whilst 1390 saw Nicola II, abbot of Farfa,adjudicate in
favourof the communesof Mareri,Gamagna and Poggio Poponesco against
Counts Niccolo and Francesco Mareri over ownershipof the Mareri family's
portion of the Rascino mountains(Archiviodi Farfa AG 313; 35, 240; A 176:
Regesto NicolaII c.8v).Furtherdisputesof ownershipare recordedinto
dell'abbate
the seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies,attestingthe obvious economic value
of theCicolano summerpastures.
6. MEDIEVAL AND POST-MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT: THE

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY (NC)
A totalabsence of findsprecludesanypositivediscussionof the late Roman and

earlymedievalperiodsin the studyarea. However,giventhe relativelycoherent
Roman settlementpattern here and the later rather substantialsettlement
to argue for the total desertionof
associatedwithRascino castle,it is difficult
the zone betweenc. ad 400 and 1000. We should envisageinsteada persistence
of human activity, althoughthe natureof this,whetherdispersedor nucleated,
must for now remain unresolved.The RegestoFarfenseattests,for example,
houses, farms,and cultivatedlands in the Cicolano region as a whole for the
eighthand ninthcenturies,alongsidea seriesof churches,chapels and monastic
units(Staffa,1987: 45-52). The surveydid,however,produce ample evidencefor
medieval and post-medievalsettlementactivityin the zone, focused on the
castle.The distributionof thesefindsis shownin Figure14.
RASCINO CASTLE (FIG. 14: SITE 8)

The castleof Rascino (1218 metres)occupies the extremity of a narrowspur on
the southeasternflankof Monte Trascinelli(1551 metres)(Figs 14 and 15). The
spur overlooksthe intersectionof routes leading to Fiamignanoand the Salto
valley, to the Cornino basin, and to the Corno valley and L'Aquila, and
commandsextensiveviewsacross the whole Rascino basin.The castle structures
occupya roughlyoval-shapedenclosuremeasuringc. 44 x 20 metres,protected
on threesides by steep,craggyslopes,and to the westby an artificialditch12-15
metreswide defendingthe main approach (Fig. 16). The course of the circuit
remains clear, although only a limited section survives upstanding on its
southeasternflank(Fig. 18). This stands c. 3.5 metreshigh,and is c. 1.3 metres
wide, being bonded with a strong white-greymortar featuringabundant
limestonechippings.No apparentlevellingcourseswere visiblehere.A single1
metrewide gate stood on the west flankof the castle,presumablyapproached
by means of a timberbridge set across the broad ditch,and communicating
directlywiththeroad runningalong theridgeof the spur.
Fig.14. The Cicolano archaeologicalsurvey:medieval and post-medievalfinds.Key: 1. medieval

pottery;2. medievaltile;3. medievalpotteryand tile;4. post-medievalpottery;5. post-medievaltile;
6. post-medievalpotteryand tile;7. enclosure;8. hut foundation.Contoursin metres.
Fig.15. The Rascino medievalcastleand village,viewedfromthe south.The keep isjust visiblein

the treeson the top of the hill,withthehouse platforms
and terracesbelow.(Photograph:GB)
The circuitenclosesa singleextantstructure, the tower-keep,

measuring
9x9 metres,withsolid walls 2.0-2.2 metresthick,preservedto a heightof
3.5-4.0 metres(Fig. 19). Internally, a lower room-presumablya cistern-
underlay a barrel vaultbuilt with slabs of limestoneon edge,of dimensionsc.
0.08x 0.3x 0.3 metres.No tracesof a groundfloordoorwerevisible,indicating
the likelihoodof a high-set aperturereachedby meansof a ladder:such an
arrangement is evident at other castles in the Cicolano such as Poggio
Poponesco near Fiamignano Torredi ToranonearBorgorose.
and Construction
overallwas in roughly-dressed limestoneblocksup to 0.3x 0.4 metresin size,
forming a face to a rubblecore,and well bonded witha coarse white-grey
inclusioned mortar. Near thebase of thetoweron thewestfacelaytwostring
courses0.32 metresapart;at a heightof 1.35metreson thesameface,gapsin
the wallingindicatedthe use of horizontally-laid timberbeamsof 0.22x 0.22
metresectionas a levelling course.Rubblefrombothtowerand wallslaywithin
thearea of thecircuitand extendedprincipally downtheeasternand southern
slopes of the spur. Robbing of the structuresfor buildingstone was also
apparent, presumably connected with the constructionoffarmsteadsin thearea
in thelatenineteenth- earlytwentieth centuries.
THE CASTLE VILLAGE

The constructionof the castle in the twelfthcenturyprompted or perhaps
promotedthe growthof an adjoiningvillage,focusedon the upper and middle
slopes of the southernand westernflanksof the spur(Figs 16 and 17). Whilstthe
chronologyof the settlement'sdevelopment will only be clarifiedthrough
excavation,it appears possible,on the basis of the site plan, to pinpointat least
threestagesof expansion.The earliesthabitationsclusteredaround the base of
the castle outcrop(Fig. 17: houses XXXVI-XXXIX,XLI-XLVI) and flankedthe
ridge road runningnorthwestfromthe castle (houses XVI-XVIII, XXII-XXIII,
XXXI) (Fig. 20). The latterhouses fronton to a slightlylower road whichruns
throughthe earlier group and formsthe main thoroughfare.Subsequently,
settlementappears to have extendedboth westand southwestalong and down
the hill in a somewhathaphazard development(houses IV-XV, XXIV-XXX,
XLVII-LXI), creatingirregularlanes between houses. Outliers (for example,
houses I- III, LXIII-LXIV) may be linkedwitha thirdphase, markedelsewhere
by oftendisorganisedextensionsto existingbuildings(forexample,houses X,
XI, XV).
Houses are generally of two- or three-cellform, oriented northeast-
southwest,with their northeasternends built into the bedrock or into
convenientexposed outcropsof rock,which are used as theirrear walls. The
house frontsare thensloped into the hill,suggestingthe presenceof two-storied
frontsand single-storeyrears-a situation comparable to survivingmodern
farmhousesin the Rascino basin, discussed at the end of this section.
Occasionallyhouses demonstrateadditionalrooms or extensions,tacked onto
the house fronts,and frequentlyangled to followthe slope or the line of the
protrudingbedrock(e.g. houses X, XI). Dimensionsvary,but a basic two-room
unit measures c. 8-10 metresx 5-7.5 metres,with the partitionwall generally
centraland laid across the slope (Figs 21 and 22). Entrancesare in most cases
difficultto define, but tend to lie on the eastern sides of the houses.
Constructionthroughoutis in rough limestoneblocks obtained fromthe hill
itself,usuallyof smalldimensionsand laid in roughcourses.Whilstmanyhouses
exhibitedmortarof a typesimilarto thatused in the castle,some construction
was carriedout as drystoneor withearthas the bondingagent.Only a fewwalls
were preservedto any elevation(cf.houses XXXVIII, XLVI-Fig. 23), although
earthand rubbledebrismayobscurefurthergood examples.Frequentlyrubble
has collectedwithinthehollowsof the roomsof thebuildings,representing both
collapse of the actual houses and debris from higher-lying structures.Wall
widthsextend fromc. 0.6-1 metre,thoughagain excavationis requiredbefore
constructiontechniquesand architecturecan be discussedin detail. It can be
observed,however,thattile is an infrequentfind,suggestingthatroofingwas in
timberand thatch.
A fewhouses (forexample,XXXII, XXXVII) featureadjoining stone-built
enclosures,presumablydesignedas livestockpens. A seriesof much largerpens,
definedby largerstones or boulder surrounds,lies adjacent to the ridge-road
and the principalvillagestreet.These mayhave servedas communalenclosures,
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conveniently sitedforeasymovement and controloflivestock. Whilstwe cannot

be certainthatthepresumedRomanenclosurediscussedin Section5 situated
nearthebase ofthespur(Fig.16) performed a similarrole,thepresencewithin
thisofhouses(LXIII-LXIV)offormcloselycomparableto structures uphillmay
indicatesome such re-useof the area. More uncertainis the function of the
diamond-and oval-shaped doubleenclosure, ofmaximum dimensions c. 60 x 40
metres,of drystoneconstruction sited upslope of the presumedRoman
enclosure(Fig.16).Surviving remainssuggestaccessto thiswassolelyfromthe
northeast,withan outerentrancegivingwayimmediately to a narrower inner
entranceleadingto theinternal, oval-shapedenclosure;lanes' 3-6 metreswide
thenflowaroundthisinnerenclosure.Whilstunlikelyto be agricultural in
purpose,thisdouble enclosuremaybe relatedto some formof shepherding
activitysuch as milkingor shearing- a stone-builtantecedentof the modern
metalfencing units(Section7).
Two principalzonesof agricultural terracing wereidentified, bothon the
western slopes(Fig.24).The first
liesimmediately downhill ofthecentralareaof
settlement and is borderedto the east by a sizeableboundaryor fieldwall
running from thesouthwest cornerofhouseXXXVIIInearthebaseofthecastle
outcrop all the way down to thefootof thehill.A seriesof partiallypreserved
houseplanswasidentifiable fromthestructures builtup againsttheeasternface
ofthisboundary wall.The secondsectorofterracing liesbeyondthesettlement
area to thewestand extendsdownthehilltowardsthedoubleenclosureand
thepresumedRomanenclosure(Fig.16).In addition, smallerareasof terracing
are recognisable in theimmediate proximity of some of thelowerhousesand
Fig.18. Rasano castle:circuitwall,southeasternflank.(Photograph:GB)

•IS (,. BARKKR AND A. GRANT (KI)S)
Fu.. 1(J. Rase ino castle: keep structure, north flank. (Photograph: dB)
Fk.. 20. Rase ino castle hill: houses south of castle outcrop. (Photograph: (iB)
Fig.21. Rascinocastlehill:westernslopes,house XV. (Photograph:GB)
Fig.22. Rascinocastlehill:westernslopes,house XI. (Photograph:GB)

may be interpretedas vegetablegardens.Some of the above-mentionedsmall

enclosuresmaylikewiseby viewedas gardens,ifanimalswere housed withinthe
mainbodyof certainof thehouses.
The village throughfare remainswell definedfor the whole lengthof the
spur as a 3 metre wide terracedinto the hillslopeon itseasternflankand
street,
in partsfurnishedwitha drystonewall on the opposite side (Fig. 25). Its course
throughoutis fairlylevel and certainlymanageable for small carts.In at least
threepointsthereare tracesof blockingsacross the widthof the road, perhaps
originallythebases of gates,whichseem too smallto have been defensive.
THE LOWER VILLAGE
A prominentfeatureof the basin floor to the south of the castle spur is the
extensiveremainsof a desertedmedievalvillage(Fig. 14: site 13; Figs 26 and 27).
This village occupies the area locally named Ruderidi Santa Maria (Ruins of
Santa Maria), alluding certainlyto the formerchurch of S. Maria which lay
slightlyfurtherto the south.The firstdocumentaryreferenceto the churchis
from1327,but itsfoundationwas probablyassociatedwiththe castle.The exact
relationshipof the desertedmedieval village to the castle village must remain
uncertainwithoutmore detailed archaeologicalstudy.The likelihoodis strong,
however,that there was some overlap between the two settlements, with the
churchattractingsome of the populationfromthe hill. The transfermay have
been piecemeal and we should doubt thatthe castle'sabandonmentlate in the
fourteenth centuryprompteda wholesaleshiftin settlement. Certainly,however,
we hear of restorationsto S. Maria in 1429,a generationafterthe quittingof the
castle.Leggio (1990: 107,note 28) rejectsPatella'sidentification(1976: 704, notes
25 and 26) of the village withthe documentedsite of Rocca Santamaria:it is
unlikelythatsuch a name would have alluded to a low-lying settlement.
The lower village provided,and indeed stillprovides,a ready quarryfor
building stone (in particularfor the good ashlar masonryemployed at the
angles)formodernfarmhousesin the area. In two instances,however,the walls
of the old houses have offeredsuitablefoundationsformodernsuccessors.Des-
pite thisrobbing,the outlineof the villageand its structures remainsclear.The
houses as a whole,roughly20 in number,forma compactclump in an area c.
120x60 metres,neatlyorientednorth-south; a fewoutliersare visible,spilling
across the line of the modern road as far as the buildingshown as site 12 in
Figure 14. Alleys can be discerned between houses, suggestingan organised
growthto the settlement.As withthe buildingsexamined near the castle,the
houses are of fairlystandardform,of two to four units,each of c. 5-6 x 4-6
metres.Constructiontechnique,where visible,is in rough local limestone,but
withgood blockworkat the angles; mortarappears to have been used more
frequently here thanin the castlevillage.
Immediatelysouth of the desertedvillage and northeastof the presumed
church of S. Maria is the Casale Calderini (Fig. 14: site 16), partlyterraced
southwardsinto a slightrise (Figs 26 and 27). This is by farthe largestbuilding
survivingin the Rascino basin,and is currently undergoingextensiverebuilding
Fk.. 23. Rase ino castle hill: internal wall face, house VI. (Photograph: (»B)
Fk.. 24. Raschìo castle hill: view of terraces on southwestern slopes. (Photograph: (ÌB)
Fk;.25. Rascino castle hill:viewfromwesttowardsthe castle along the line of the main thorough-
fare.(Photograph:GB)
Fk;.26. The desertedmedieval village below Rascino castle,viewed fromthe slopes of the castle
hill.(Photograph:GB)
and modernisationof its western half. Its sequence of constructionis

complicated.Originallythe Casale probablycompriseda buildingorientedwest-
east and measuringc. 19x16 metreswithwalls 0.6 metresthick,of rubblelime-
stone construction. The ruinous upper floor was presumably for
accommodationand storage,while the lower floor consisted of two barrel-
vaultedchambersof c. 12 x 5 metres,withvaults2.2-2.5 metreshigh.Traces of a
stone-builttroughon the southernside of the southernchamberindicatebyres
enteredfromthe west.Subsequentlythe buildingwas extendedwestwardswith
a structureof 25x16 metres,whose northernhalf survivesonly in a single
fragment of the westwall,whilstits southernhalfis almostwhollyenveloped in
a modern rebuild.A north-southstructureof c. 20x12 metreslies 25 metres
southeastof Casale Calderini,also terracedinto the rise,and featuringa piered
westernfacade;a vaultedbyreformsitslowerstorey(18 x 5 metresinternally).
The size and locationof Casale Calderinimay be significant. If,as appears
to be the case, the centralrangeis much older than many of the other surviving
farmsteadsof the zone, then we may be able to regard it as at least partly
contemporary (seventeenth-eighteenth centuries?)withthe houses of the nearby
desertedvillage.The mannerin whichthe villagerunstowardsbut abruptlyfalls
shortof Casale Calderini and is divided fromit by a high bank may indicate
some social pre-eminenceof the latter-perhaps in the role of a manor house?
Relevant in this regard is the presence of a roadway flankedby stone walls
runningdirectlyfromthe Casale to the church of S. Maria and its adjacent
spring.
The churchitself(Fig. 14: site 15) survivesas a rectangulararea of c. 8x11
metres,of west-eastorientation,set on an apparentlyartificialterracestanding
3-4 metresabove the surroundingfields(1158 metres).The southwestcornerof
the facade may have featureda belltower,now markedby a squarishmound,
while the easternend shows tracesof a possible squarishapse, obscured by a
laterwall to thechurch(Fig.28). At 10-11 metreseast and southof the churcha
stone-builtwall curves round to form an enclosure extendingas far as the
modernroad. The area withinthiswall, higherthan that of the fieldsaround
but lowerthanthatof the churchplatform, presumablycontainedthe cemetery.
The finalreferenceto the churchrelatesonly to the nineteenthcentury;since
the early part of this centurythe localityhas formedpart of the parish of
Fiamignano.
SCATTERED MEDIEVAL AND POST-MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT
The field-walking surveyin 1988 produced variable data regardingscattered
medievaland later settlement(Fig. 14). As noted above, we have no clear trace
of early medieval activityanywhere in the study area and thereforeno
indicationof the survivalof any of the scatteredRoman farms.Surfacefinds
overallwere limited,even across the area of both castle and associatedvillage,
reflecting the povertyof the local population'smaterialculture.Finds fromthe
castlehill at of eightmedievaltilefabricsand the
least allowed the classification
recognition of some of the main domestic ceramic fabrics,but without
excavationwe cannot yet tie down any of this materialchronologically.

However,giventhe likelyoccupationalsequenceas indicatedby the docu-
mentary sources(Section5),we can use thecastlematerialas a roughguidefor
followingsettlement trendsbetweenthe twelfth and fifteenth centuries, while
more chronologically precisepost-medieval wares allow us to follow these
trendsthroughintothemodernera. The generalpictureis noticeably patchy:
findsare fewand widelyspaced,and rarelyoccurin concentrations so as to
suggestsizeablesettlement activity.However,giventhe limitedmaterialfrom
thecastlehill,we mustbe cautiousin assumingthata lackor paucityof finds
necessarily a negligible
signifies or restricted or settlement
agricultural pattern.
Of castle-periodsettlement away from the the
castle, surveyprovidedonly
vague glimpsesin the formof sherd and tile fragments, recoveredfrom
ploughed fieldsor as small scatterson outcropsor hillocks (Fig. 14: site 11);
occasionallythey occur close to Roman-period findspots (site 22) or beside
modernfarmsteads (e.g.site 1),but nowhere sufficient
to suggestthelikelihood
of continuityof activity.Indeed it mayeven be possibleto argue againsta
dispersedmedievalfarming patternbetweenthetwelfth and fifteenth centuries,
Fi(i.27. Sketchplan of the desertedmedievalvillagebelow Rascino castle:standingstructures are

shownwithcross-hatching; numbersreferto sitesmarkedon Fig. 14; scale approximate.(NC)
perhapsconditionedby the existenceof the castle and its village.One

interestinganalogywiththe surveyevidenceforRomanland use is site 19,a
smallscatterof tile (identified
as medievalin the fabricseries)and medieval
sherdsassociatedwithfragments of burntclayand burntlimestone, perhapsa
lime-burning site.
A smallnumberof findsof post-fourteenth-century potterydemonstrates
latemedievalactivity in theRascinobasin,butagainon a smallscale.We should
recallin thisregardthe presenceof the lowervillage,gatheredclose to the
churchof S. Maria,whichsurvived intotheseventeenth or eighteenth century,
and whichthusimpliesthemaintenance ofa nucleatedpopulation.Presumably
landuse wasmainlyconcentrated aroundthissettlement,leavinglittleevidence
furtherafield.More frequentand morewidelyscatteredare nineteenth- and
twentieth-century potsherdsand tiles,whichappearto documentthebeginnings
of thepatternof dispersedfarmsteads whichsurvivestoday.Here too we have
somebroadcorrelation withthedocumentary sources.
Thereis also a seriesof agricultural featuresdottedaroundthe plateau
(Figs12 and 14),whichcouldbelongto anyoftheseperiods.In particular there
are numerousstone-built terracesset acrossthe manywater-course channels
running downtheslopesto thebasinfloor(e.g.Fig.14:sites5, 9 and 10).Often
arrangedin pairs,these were presumably designedto slow down or trap
floodwateras it flowed downslope,to assist the cultivationof crops.
Concentrations ofsuchterraces occuron theslopesneartheeasternand south-
ernentrances to theRascinobasin,notablyneartheFonteAsello(Fig.14: sites
20 and 21) and nearCasaleLodi (sites17 and 18).Clearancecairnsand thedry-
Fig.28. The churchof S. Maria,Rascino.(Photograph:GB)

Fig.29. Rasano basin,extanthouse wallsnear Civitella(Fig. 14: site 14).(Photograph:GB)
Fig.30. Stone settings(foundationsof sheltersused by transhumantshepherds)at 1700 metres

above sea level near thesummitof MonteNuria.(Photograph:GB)
stonereinforcement of thewater-course sidesoftenappearin conjunction with

terracing at
(as Fig. 14: site9). None of these features produced surface finds
exceptsite5, wheretherewas a singlesherdof pottery identifiedas late thir-
teenthor fourteenth century in date. One plausible settlement site with
associatedterracing was recordedon the northeastern plateauslopes(Fig.14:
site14),comprising a numberofadjoiningdry stonehousefoundations flanking
a water-course channel(Fig.29). Twelvesuch'rooms'wereidentified, but the
area lackedsurfacefinds.We can note,however,thatthe toponymCivitella,
indicativeperhapsofa reasonably substantial settlement, coversan area further
to thenorthwest, on slopeslackinganysuchhousetraces.A fewindividual hut
bases wereidentified elsewhere, but also in these cases dating evidence was
wholly absent(e.g.Fig.14:site7).
Two enclosures, measuring c. 30x 50 metres, possiblyused forsheepor as
cattleor horse corrals,were found on the highslopes,at a heightof c. 1300
metres; both utilised natural hollows reinforced by drystone walling(Fig. 14:
sites2 and 3). They are not far removed in form from the enclosures notedon
thecastle hill which relate to the medieval village. Another group features
of
presumably related to pastoralism is the series of small oval settingsof stones
foundin the area of the large water-hole below the summit slopes Monte
of
Nuria.Thisbroad shallow basin is accessible from the Cornino basin and is well
frequented by cattle and horses today. Its sheltered nature makes it an ideal
locationforthehigh-altitude summer camps used in the pastby transhumant
shepherds(see Section3 and Fig. 9). The stone settingsvarylittlein size,
measuring c. 2-2.2x1.5 metres, beinglargeenoughto hold one or twopeople
(Fig.30).The stonescould have formedthebase ofa turfshelteror helddown
thewallsof a tent; a in few cases thesinglenarrowentrancewasprovidedwith
further stoneswhichmay have served as a windbreak. For themostpartthese
of whichfifteen
shelters, were identified, were found as isolatedunits,but a
clusterof six was noted lower down from the water-hole towardstheRascino
basin,and further examples were found around the Cornino basin.No artifacts
were retrievedfromany of these shelters and their date mustaccordingly
remainundetermined.
RECENT'TRADITIONAL'STONE-BUILTSTRUCTURES
The upper basins of the Cicolano featurea limitednumberof isolated
farmsteads,
roughly 50 in number, distributed primarilyat theedgesofthebasin
with
floors, the greatest concentration in the Rascino basin.A fewbuildings
occupy more central locations,lying in the immediate proximity of the main
road through the basin today,and in many instances they are situated on the
topsof smallnatural A
hillocks. total of 38 farmhouses was investigated order
in
to obtaindata on their structural
composition and evolution.It is clearthatthe
vastmajority of the buildings studied do not date back farbeyondthe later
nineteenthcentury and thatin most cases theybelongprimarily to the early
decades of this century.Many farmhouses are now being renovated with
materials(in particularconcrete, concrete blocks, tufo blocks) broughtin
the
fromoutside zone,helping to create a mixture of working farmsteads and
arrowsmarkentrances.(NC)
Fig.31. Sketchesof typicalRascinostonefarmhouses;
holidayhomes.Theseworksof renovation are,in somecases,substantial (as at

Casale Calderiniand Casale Fabbrizzi)and are destroying or, at best,merely
obscuring theolderwallfabrics. The 1988and 1990surveyof thesebuildings
thus securedstructural data whichmay shortlybecome unobtainable.The
farmhouses conformto a basic plan and buildingsequence(cf.Patella,1976:
209; Figs 31 and 32). In general the buildingsare orientedwest-eastor
southwest-northeastand featurean adjoiningenclosureto theeastor southeast,
thoughvariationsdo occur,conditionedusuallyby the choice of location.
Construction in smalllimestone
is chiefly rubble,withashlarblocksused in the
angles.The tiled roofsare generallypitched.There is littlearchitectural
Fig.32. A typicalRascinostonefarmhouse.(Photograph:GB)
complexity besidesexamplesofsoundbarrel-vaulting forthelowerstorey byres

and ashlar-builtarcheddoorways. Frequently the farmhouse has been terraced
intoa slopewiththefrontofthehousepresenting a two-storey
elevationwitha
single,upperstoreyto therear.The upperroomscompriselivingspacein one
halfand storagespace (oftena hay-loft) in the other.The lowerstorey, often
barrel-vaultedand dividedlikewiseintotworooms,actsas a byre,withtroughs
rangedagainstone side, eithercut fromthe terracedbedrock,built from
limestonerubble,or madeofwood.
The enclosuresetimmediately in frontofa typicalfarmhouse is girdedby
well-builtdry-setor mortaredlimestonewallsc. 1.5-2 metreshigh.As Patella
(1976:209)pointsout,wolveswerestilla problemin thisregionuntilonlya few
decadesago. The disappearance of thisthreatand thefactthatfewerbuildings
are beingmaintained as working farmhouses has seen manyof theseimposing
enclosurewallsbecomingruinousor delapidated;in some cases theysurvive
merelyas foundations, the walls havingbeen supersededby metalfencing
designedmore to keep livestockin than to keep wild animalsout. Some
enclosures retainwell-laidlimestone itsabsenceat otherfarmsmaybe
flagging:
due merelyto a failureto keep thissurfaceclear.It is apparentthatthese
enclosureswerenot an integralfeatureof the earliestfarmsteads. Structural
analysisindicatesthatthe farmhouses compriseda smallish,roughly
initially
squarebuilding:theirsize was subsequently doubledby an extensionof like
construction.Onlyonce theseextensions werebuiltdo theenclosures appearto
have been attached.A verticaljoin betweenthe different buildingphasesis
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usually apparent,and the distinctionis oftenhighlightedby the presence of

brickor tile in the wallingof the extension.Manyenclosuresare also set within
largerenclosuresdemarcatedby drystonefieldwalls.Constructionalassociations
suggestthatthesefieldswere oftenlaid out at the same timeas the enclosures.
More frequentlythereare no fixedboundariesand fieldsfollowthe flatareas
between the rockyslopes. It should also be noted that some surviving'walls'
oftenrelate to field clearance activitiesand may not thereforebelong to a
systemof field divisions:the extremelystonynature of the soil in the Piani
necessitatesconstantremoval of the larger limestonefragmentsto facilitate
ploughing.
It seems likely that in the last centurymost buildings had the simple
divisionof upper storey /livingaccommodationand lower storey/byre, perhaps
witha smallwooden pen or enclosurein front.Duringthe firstthreedecades of
this century (on the evidence of inscriptionsset into several buildings),
extensionswere built to most farmhousesand the large stone enclosureswere
constructed. The enlargedfarmsteadsofferedgreaterstoragecapacity,above all
forhay,presumablygrownin the fieldswhich seem to have been laid out at
much the same time as the enclosures.The combinationof enlarged byres,
enclosuresand (we presume)hayfieldsmay suggestthatin the earlydecades of
this centurythere was an expansion in pastoralism.This may have been
particularlyin the stanzialesector,stimulatedin part by the developmentof
improvedtransportand communicationsin that period, or we may be seeing
evidenceof a temporary returnto permanentoccupationof the basin.
7. ETHNO ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES: SOCIETIES, STRUCTURES AND

ARTIFACTS (PB)
One of the major problemsin the archaeologyof pastoralismis to distinguish

betweenlocalisedherdingactivitiesat permanentsettlements, mobile economies
within a restricted area, and long-distance transhumant economies.
Ethnoarchaeologicaland ethnohistoricalstudies are attractivebecause of the
lighttheymay throwon these problems.However,theycan be misleading,in
thattheparticularstructureof economicopportunitieswithinwhichpastoralism
is practisedmaywell have a farmore determining characterthan environment,
topography, or climate.The evidence which we have collected indicatesgreat
varietyin the settlement evidencefrom the Roman period untilthe presentday,
variationwhich has been significantly determinedby wider social, economic,
and political structures(Gabba, 1988; Garnsey,1988; Leggio, Section 5). The
examinationof the structuresand artifactsassociatedwithmodernland use in
thestudyarea mustbe interpreted againstthisbackground.
SOCIETY
The human societyof the Cicolano mountainsis today a somewhatisolated,
male society-most of the shepherdsin particularwork alone.
predominantly
The exceptionsare the shepherdspractisinglarge-scalelong-distance

transhumance, whoworkin smallgroupsofownersand hiredlabour,or (inone
case encounteredin the 1990 season) as a familyplus hired labour.
Exceptionally, thislattergroupincludeda woman.However, shedidnotsleepin
themountains, butreturned dailyby car to her home in the village,whereshe
bought food and sold produce. Most of the summer inhabitants oftheCicolano,
whethercontadini, stanziali,or transumanti, are a coherentsocial group,with
theiroriginsin thevillagesoftheSaltovalley.However, shortage oflocallabour
is breaking downthissocialcoherence.Some of theshepherds encountered in
the1988seasonwerePunjabisand Yugoslavs, hiredbylocalownersto tendthe
flockson themountains and go withthesheepto thelowlandwinterpastures.
The use of foreignlabour for long-distance transhumance may reflectthe
increasing reluctance of some of the local people to endure the socialisolation
of this way of life.Several of the shepherdshad given up long-distance
transhumance to becomestanziali. The storyofone shepherd(Fig.41) seemsto
be typical.He originally came fromPetrellaSalto,but workedas a hired
shepherdnearRomeas a youngman in orderto earnenoughmoneyto buy
sheep.He boughta flockoftwenty sheepin 1954andbuilttheseup to a flockof
800 sheep, operatingas a transhumant shepherdbetweenthe Cicolano
mountains and the plainsaroundRome.He reducedhis flocksize whenhe
married, restricting hisactivities to thevillageand theRascinobasinas a stanzi-
ale shepherd.
The modernsettlement patternreflects a focuson theSaltovalleyvillages
such as Fiamignanoand PetrellaSalto. The grantingof grazingrightsis
controlled bytheirauthorities and theeconomy, societyand archaeology ofthe
Cicolano mountains can only be understood as an extension of the territoryof
thesevillages(Section3; Fig. 7). Even though much of the valley basin is
privately owned, the local an
mayorsplay important role in managing grazing.
Application to grazemustbe made by Marchof theyearin whichgrazingis
requiredand a veterinary certificate offlockfitness mustbe supplied.Ifdiseases
the
developduring period of summer grazing, ownermustsegregatehis
the
flockand displaysigns on his night folds indicating thepresenceofdisease.The
mayors are responsible for the provision piped waterto a numberof
of
fountains in the mountains. Costs forthe provisionof waterand veterinary
supervision are passed on to the shepherds in theformof a grazinglevy,3000
in
lire(c. £1.50)per sheep 1990,though fixed in thepastas one ricotta cheese
persheepperyear. and
Someofthestonehousesare nowbeingsoldto middle-class outsiders
as and modern for the extension of
redeveloped holidaychalets, opportunities
cross-country skiing in winter and horse-riding in summer are creating demands
fortheextension ofprivateownership. Theseare presently resistedbythelocal
authorities in orderto protecttheintegrity oftheexisting economicstructure of
themountains. The local authorities appear to be committed to the protection
oftheinterests oftheshepherds, and thepresentownersofthelandon thebasin
floorshavean interest in havingtheirlandgrazed(and manured)following the
harvestofhayand othercrops. On occasions theytry to restrictthisgrazingto
Fig.35. A moderncamp used bya stanzialeshepherd.(Photograph:PB)
theirownflocks,
but evenprivately-owned
land maynotbe exclusively
grazed
bytheowner-aftertheharvest
anyshepherdwithgrazingrights
mayuse it.
STRUCTURES
As noted in Section6, the dispersedstone-built structuresof the Cicolano
mountains are mainlynineteenth- and earlytwentieth-century The
buildings.
constructionaldetailshave been describedin thatSection.The typicalunit
consistsofa housewithlivingspace,frequently a singleroomwhichis usedfor
eating,sleepingand cheese-making, an additionalroomforthestorageof hay
and othermaterials, and a byre(frequently beneaththe livingarea, though
sometimes alongsideit),wheresheepmaybe foldedat nightin theearlyand
laterpartsof theuplandgrazingperiod.Outside,theenclosureprovidesnight
shelterduringthe warmerpartof the summer.Figure33 illustrates a typical
example of theseunits, in
situated the southeasternpart of the Rascinobasin.
The earliestpartof thestructure,on theleft,consistsof a one-roomedhouse
above a byre.This has been extendedto includea long coveredarea for
animals.In frontof thehouseis a stone-walled enclosure,theheightof which
has been extendedby a wiremeshfence.The milkingis carriedout in the
fencedarea to theleftof thehouse.Figure34 illustratesa similarhousein the
Rascinobasin,showingin additionits milkingpens made fromstring.The
I
co
OD
G
C
o
•s
I
IC/3
■a
(4-1
O
a
i
CO
Fig.37. Campoftranshumant groupin theRascinobasin.(Photograph:

shepherd PB)
nettingforthesepensis madebytheshepherdas he walkswithhisflock.It is

movedeveryeightdaysor so in orderto manuretheland;itslastlocationcan
be seen fromthedarkerstainon thegroundto therightof thenets.The left
handenclosure, whichcontainsthemilking stool,is thegathering pen.
The sale ofhousesto outsidershas had an effect on theuse ofstructuresin
theRascinobasin.In somecases partof thehouseis rentedto theshepherds,
but in othercases the shepherdsbuild theirown hutsand enclosuresout of
corrugated zincand wirenetting (Figs35 and 36). Old motorcarsmaybe used
to provideadditionalstoragespaceand shelterfordogs.Whether thehousesare
stonebuiltor madeofcorrugated zinc,thesamebasicstructure is replicated:
a
smalllivingand cheese-making area (occupiedin everycase we observedbya
singlemale),a storagearea forhay and othermaterials, and a complexof
milking pensand nightfoldsforthesheep.
The farmers who use the Cicolanomountainsforcrop but not animal
husbandry use verysimilarstructures for livingand storingmaterialsand
equipment, eithertraditionalstone-builtfarmhouses withenclosures(thelatter
simply usedforstorage),or corrugated zincshelters, thoughtheirstructures are
not associatedwith the ancillarymilkingand nightpens of the stanziali
shepherds.
The long-distance transhumant shepherdsalso use a similarrange of
structures,but for those withlarge flocksof over 1000 animalsthereare
Oh,
CO
bb
c
c
o
a
I
"H
D-
(U
a
<^
u
a;
*o
c
ai
CO
CO
Fig.39. Milkingpens of transhumant

shepherds,Rascinobasin.(Photograph:PB)
Fig.40. Milkingpens of transhumant

shepherds,Rascino basin.(Photograph:PB)
Fig.41. Stanzialeshepherdmilkinga ewe (note neckrestraint).

(Photograph:PB)
considerable differencesof scale.One large-scale

enterprise was runbya mar-
riedcouple,theirson,and a hiredworker. Theyowneda stone-built housein
theRascinobasin,althoughtheywerenotusingit at thetimewe encountered
them,as the land aroundthe house was undercultivation. Instead,theyused
twoportablemetalhuts,one forlivingaccommodation and one forcheese-
making(Figs37 and 38). The herdwas dividedintotwosections, one dryand
one in milk,and keptovernight withinan electricfence,guardedbysometen
dogs.The nightpensweremovedabout500 metreseverytwoor threedaysto
manurethebasinfloor.The wholesettlement includingtheportablebuildings
and milking pens was moved everyfifteendays.The milking penshad facilities
forfourmilkers(Figs39 and 40); theouterpens weremade of plasticnetting
and themilking area wasreinforcedwithwoodenhurdles.
In July1990 some of the sheepof thisfamilywerebeinggrazedon the
basin floorand those in milk were being takendaily to higherpastures,
returning to thebasinfortheeveningmilking (Fig.9a). In thepast,thesheepof
suchtranshumant shepherds were keptovernight on the higherpastures(Fig.
9ft),theshepherds sleeping in smallturfor tentshelters (see Section6; Fig.30).
Thesehigh-altitude sheltersare theonlystructures in theCicolanomountains
thatin recenttimesat leastseemto havebeen used onlyby thelong-distance
transhumant shepherds,althoughthereasonwhythestanzialishepherds make
lessuse of thehighpasturesis notclear.It maybe to do withlocal customsof
Fig.42. Artifacts
associated withmilking:rope nets,wooden mallet,wooden stool,wooden neck
restraint.
(Photograph:GB)
land apportionment, and we should be waryof assumingthe presentdichotomy

in grazingsystemsexisted always in the past, and thus that the use of these
structurescould serve as an archaeological signature for long-distance
transhumant shepherds.
The structuresthatmayserveto identify groupsthatmove theirsheep over
shortratherthanlong distancesare the drystonefieldboundaries.The need for
hay and supplementaryfeed is much greaterfor the stanzialishepherdswho
stall-feedtheiranimalsin winterthanforthoseshepherdswho move theirstock
to the rich winterpasturesof the coastal plains. Althoughsome transhumant
shepherdsgrowhayand othercrops,thisdoes not seem to be commonpractice,
and most claim to use no supplementaryfeed for their animals in winter.
Fig.43. Some of the artifactsassociated with cheese-making:wooden drainingboard, wooden

metalladles and sieve,plasticcheese containers,plasticbuckets.(Photograph:GB)
stirrer,
couldbe madeon thebasisoflargebyresforhaystoragein

Similardistinctions
theupland farms.
ARTIFACTS
The most important and distinctgroup of artifacts associatedwithhuman
activityin the Cicolano mountains is thatused in pastoral The toolkit
activities.
of the shepherdsis a smallbut characteristic one. The toolsassociatedwith
milking are a mallet,usuallymadeofwood,forhammering in thestakesof the
milking pens, a wooden yoke used to restrain the ewe during milking, a wooden
milking stool,and containers
plastic forthe milk, frequentlyre-usedrather than
custom-made (Figs 41 and 42). Another set of toolsis used for cheese-making
and includesa burnerand gas cylinder, a largemilkboiler,a woodendraining
board,a woodenskimmer, ladles,sieves,and plasticcontainers forthecheese
(Fig. 43). The use of metal and plastic today for some of these toolswould
ensuretheirarchaeological survival,butin thepastmuchoftheequipment was
madeoforganicmaterials and theonlyutensilsthatwe mightexpectto survive
wouldbe themilkboilers,whichwouldhave had to be made of fire-resistant
materials suchas clayor metal,and perhapspottery strainersor metalutensils
suchas sievesand ladles.
Allgroupsofshepherds milksheepand makecheese,and thesetoolscould
not provideany wayof distinguishing shepherdswho move theiranimalsto
local villages from those who move them to the lowlands or even from
shepherdslivingin the mountainsall yearround as seems to have happened in
the medievalperiod. However,the othermost importantgroup of tools,those
associated with crop husbandryand referredto in detail in Section 9, could
providemore valuable evidence fordifferent land management,as theywould
be of use only to those people growing crops. Today such people are
predominantly or stanzialishepherdsand muchmorerarelytransumanti.
contadini
There were no other particularlycharacteristicartifactsassociated with
mountain life. In fact, most of the modern rubbish found beside houses
consistedof brokenpotteryand food refusebroughtup fromthe Salto valley
villages.
8. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES: ANIMALS (AG)
SHEEP HUSBANDRY
One focusof the projectwas a detailedstudyof animal husbandrysystems, with
a view to aiding the detectionand understandingof different formsof animal
husbandryfromarchaeologicalfaunal remains.A number of shepherdswere
questioned about theiranimal managementstrategies.It was only possible to
studythe sheep husbandry-cattleand horseswere generallyleftunattendedin
the mountains,and, in the time available, it was not possible to find and
question their owners. The shepherds included long-distancetranshumant
shepherdswith both large (1000-1500 animals) and small (200-300 animals)
flocks,and several stanzialiwithflocksizes rangingfrom 100 to 300 animals.
However,despitedifferences in flocksize,the distancescoveredand the pattern
of movements,thereare many similaritiesin the husbandrypracticesadopted
by thoseusingthe Cicolano mountainsforgrazing.
All flockswerealmostentirelycomposed of femaleanimals,withonly2-6%
male.Typically,a flockof 200 sheep would includeonlysix rams.Castrationwas
not practised;exceptionally,one flock was led by a bell-wether.The most
common breed was the Sopravissana,30 years ago the traditionalsheep of
westerncentralItalyand the second most numeroussheep in Italy(Federcon-
sorzi,1961).The Sopravissanais classed as a triplepurpose Merinobreed,possi-
bly the resultof a cross between the nativeApennine typesand Merino rams
fromSpain and France,and, more recently, Australiaand America.Some of the
shepherds had mixed flockswith Sopravissanaand Sicilian breeds,and others
were in the processof graduallychangingto Siciliansheep. This island breed is
also classed as triplepurpose,but it has been exploitedmainlyformilk(Mason,
1967: 10-2, 77-9). The shepherdsof the Cicolano exploit all three products
(milk,meat and wool), but wool is of verylitle importanceeconomically.Many
of the shepherdscomplainedthatthe incomefromwool barelycoveredthe cost
of shearingthe animals.The managementstrategiesreflectthe low importance
of thisproduct-onlya smallproportion,between23 and 41%,of theyoungpro-
duced each yearis raisedto maturity.
Milk and meat are the main products of the sheep, and management
strategiesare geared to theirproduction.The shepherds'income comes from
the sale of milk,and cheese, whichis made by the shepherdsthemselves,and
fromthe sale of youngmilklamb, abbacchio. This meat is highlyprized in Italy,
fetching more than twice the price per kilo of mutton.A small part of the
income is derived fromthe sale of mature sheep, usually culled when six to
sevenyearsof age and decliningin productivity. Manure is anothercomponent
in the economic system.Althoughit is not sold, the rentschargedforgrazing,
both in the mountainsand in the lowlands,take account of the value of the
manureproducedby the sheep.
The relativecontributions of the variousproducts,particularly of milkand
meat, vary from to
shepherd shepherd and from year to year. Some of this
variationreflectsmarketforces,some individualpreferences.One shepherd,a
stanzialefromPetrella,sold all his cheese locally,at relativelylow prices,with
the meat as his main source of income. Others,particularlythe long-distance
transhumant shepherds,are able to exploitthe urban marketforcheese as well
as formeat,and so milkproductionis as profitableas meat production,or even
more so. The two modes of productionare, however,intimatelylinked,and
mustbe viewedas partof a singlehusbandrysystem.
One of the main featuresof sheep husbandryin the Cicolano mountainsis
inevitablythe clearly defined seasonalityof activities.The summer season-
for
generallyfromJune to September-is the least productivetime of the year
the flocks.In June and earlyJuly(when the fieldseasons took place), the ewes
are beginningto dryout and althougha proportionof the flocksis stillbeing
milked,the yieldsare verylow. The period when the major income fromsheep
or
rearingis realisedis in the winterwhen the sheep are eitheron the lowlands
stalledin the upland villagesin the Salto valley.For mostflocks,lambingtakes
or November.
place in the lowlandsor the local villages,in September,October
The long-distancetranshumant flocksseem to beginlambingfirst, in September,
while lambingmore commonlytakes place in the local villagesin November.
Some shepherds,particularly thosewho worksinglehanded,staggermatingand
thusbirthtimes,withhalfthe flocklambingin Novemberand the otherhalfin
February.Two shepherdsclaimed to spread theirlambingperiod throughout
themonthsfromSeptemberto May.One shepherddifferedfromthe majorityin
his husbandrysystem.He lambed in Septemberin the mountains,and moved to
Rome in October.He was also different fromthe restin thathis sheep were a
French-German cross,and it was his flockthatwas led by a bell-wether.
Most of the lambs (c. 60-80%,whichincludesalmostall the male lambs and a
sizeable proportionof the females)are raised foronly 30-40 days,some foras
littleas 20 days,and are thensold to butchersas the highlyprizedabbacchio. One
sold his lambs at 50-60 days and the shepherd with the bell-wether
shepherd
flockraised his lambsforfivemonths.Once the lambs have been sold,the ewes
are milked,althoughthe lambs of the best milkersare frequently amongstthose
thatare kepton. These are not weaned untiltheyare betweentwo and two and
a half months old. Afterlambing,the main activityis milkingand cheese
sale was
making.Many of the shepherdssaid that all the milk produced for
made into cheese,bothpecorino, the hard cheese thathas the advantageof

keepingwell,and which
ricotta, mustbe consumedwithina fewdays.A fewalso
sold somefreshmilk,but thisis generally thoughtto be too rich,at leastfor
moderntastes.
Apartfromthe milk,theotheressentialingredient of cheeseis rennet,a
naturalproductfoundin sheep'sstomachs. Thisis obtainedfromthelambssold
as abbacchio.More than enough rennetis obtained at this time to last
the
throughout milking season.Onlyexceptionallydo theshepherds haveto kill
an animallateron in themilkingseasonin orderto obtainmorerennet.
Shearingtakesplace in Aprilor May,again in the lowlandsor villages,
beforethe animalsare broughtup to the mountains. In thepast thejourney
fromthe lowlandswas made on footand took severaldays.Now the same
journeyis done bylorryand takesonlya matterof hours.The sheepcontinue
producing milkforup to fivemonthsafterweaning, and so thosethatlambed
latecontinueto be milkedin themountains.
ARCHAEOLOGICALIMPLICATIONS
The main sourceof information foranimalhusbandry systems in the past is
obtainedfromthe mortality profiles of animals whose remains are recovered
duringarchaeological excavations. Usingfigures obtained from the shepherds
forthe vitalparameters of neo-natalmortality rates,fertilityrates,age at first
lambing, sex ratiosand cullingages,theflockdynamics ofthreedifferent flocks
weremodelledbycomputer. One flockwasownedbya large-scale transhumant
shepherdwith1000sheep,and twoownedbystanzialishepherds with280 and
100sheeprespectively. 44 the
Figure gives mortality profiles of the threeflocks,
withthenumberof deathsin each age groupexpressedas a percentage of the
totalnumberof deaths.In modellingthe flockdynamics it was assumedthat
flocksizewasstableor had onlyminimal growth.
The overallsimilaritiesbetweenthemortalities ofthethreeflocksareclear,
witha verylargepeakin thefirst year, and much smaller peaksin thethirdand
sixth/seventhyears. The third yearpeak reflects
the cullingofinfertile females.
The largescale transhumant flockhad thehighestproportion of deathsin the
first
year.Thisin partreflects thescaleofproduction- thereis a slightly higher
riskoffailure,through or
infertilitydisease, when fewer adultsare raised,butin
a largeflockevenifa numberof ewesdo notproducelambsin anyone year,
thereis enoughslackin thesystem to compensate forthis.In fact,in theyearof
study(1990),only 50% of the adult females were in lamb,buttherewerehigher
rates
fertility in thisflock,with a greater incidence of twinsand triplets thanin
theother,smallerflocks. It also can be seento reflect theadvantages thatcome
fromlong-distance transhumance to thecountryside aroundRome.Although a
smallerproportion of adultanimalswas reared,the reducedmilkoutput,in
relativeterms, could be compensated by higherpricesobtainedforcheeseon
theurbanmarket, theincreasedincomeobtainedfromlambssoldformeat,and
lower average feedingcosts. The differences in these mortality patterns,
however, do notseemto be greatenoughto allowanydistinction to be made
Fig.44. Mortalitymodels forthreepresent-dayflocksin the Cicolano mountains:(a) transhumant

flock,1000 sheep; (b) stanzialeflock,280 sheep; (e) stanzialeflock,100 sheep.
between long-distancetranshumantand stanzialiflocks on the basis of the

mortality profilesperse,but theydo highlightthe variationthatcan existat any
one time,particularly withdifferent scales of production,and distancesmoved.
In termsof the archaeological implications,it is veryimportantto note
that,at the presentday, thereis no singlelocation where the evidence forthe
complete flock mortalitywould have accumulated. Apart from the small
proportionof neo-nataldeaths,the firstyearmortalitieswould be widelyspread
in the rubbishof individualhouseholdsin townsor villages.Some of the older
animalswould also end up, via the abattoirand the butcher,in townrefuse.The
shepherdsthemselveseat only a verysmall proportionof theirlivestock,often
onlytwo or threeanimalsper yearfroma small flock.The familywhichowned
thelargetranshumant flockof 1000 sheep killed30 animalsa year(3%),of which
10 were lambs and 20 old animals.Even if all the remainsof the animalseaten
by the shepherds themselveswere deposited in a single location, which is
unlikely,theywould give a veryfalseimpressionof the flockmortality and thus
the husbandrysystem.It is in an accumulation of urban or upland village
rubbishthatone mightexpect to findthe best clues to the particularnatureof
the sheep husbandry,rather than in any refuse associated with mountain
dwellings.However,the picturecould well be confusedif townswere also being
suppliedby other,non-transhumant flockswithdifferent and
cullingstrategies,
mountainvillages might thus be expected to provide the clearest evidence.
There are,nonetheless,importantimplicationshere forthe archaeologyof those
periods,such as the Roman and the medieval,when an urban marketexisted.
Conversely,an archaeologicalbone assemblagethat could be demonstratedto
be representativeof a complete flock mortalitypattern could be used as
evidenceforself-sufficiency and permanentoccupation.
The husbandrysystemcurrentlypractisedby the Cicolano shepherdsis
geared to a particularmarketsystem.The price for abbacchiois so high thata
30-40 day animal,weighingat the most fifteenkilograms,will sell formore or
less the same price as a fullygrownmatureanimal weighing30 kilogramsor
more.In the past,the relativevalue of all the possiblesheep productsis likelyto
have been verydifferent fromthatpertainingtoday,and constantlyfluctuating
over time.For example,duringthe Roman period,wool, whichis todayalmost
irrelevantas a source of income, is known to have been of considerable
importance.Some of the townsthatgrewup along the routesof the droveroads
thatled frommountainto plain became wool towns(Frayn,1979: 37) and large
scale transhumancemay have been geared at least in part to the productionof
wool (Pasquinucci, 1979), with a larger proportion of animals reared to
adulthood,including,perhaps,a higherproportionof males and even castrates.
However, one might expect to see a differentpattern in the flock
mortalitiesof smallscale farmersin the Roman and laterperiods,and also in the
prehistoricperiod.Writerson the classicalperiod (forexample,Frayn,1979: 39)
have emphasised the importance of milk production in peasant sheep
husbandry,withwool and meat productionof subsidiaryimportance.If such
were the aim of a husbandrysystem,mortality patternsfoundin archaeological
assemblages from upland peasantsmight expectedto be somewhatsimilarto
be
thoseof themodernCicolano flocks,witha predominanceof females,but witha
ratherless pronounced peak in the firstyear,a higherproportionof female

lambs raised to maturity, and the culling of young males spread more evenly
over the course of the first,second and even thirdyearsof life.The veryslight
differences thatwe have detectedbetweendifferent scales of sheep husbandry
may have been greater in the past,when the mountains were relativelyinacces-
sible,and small scale productionmay have been entirelygeared to subsistence
needs,withno marketinvolvement.
The cost of raisingthe flocksis keptverylow by exploitingland forgrazing
that is relativelyunproductiveand remote or during a period when the
agriculturalland is fallow.The long-distancetranshumantshepherdsuse very
littlehay or other food supplements.The abbacchiolambs are fed entirelyon
theirmothers'milk,and even thosewhichare kepton are not weaned untilthey
are over two months old. The stanzialishepherds,however,who stall their
animalsin the winter,need hay to feed theiradult animalsduringthe winter.In
thissystem, agricultureand animalhusbandryare more intimately linked,as it is
thesame groupof people thatare growingcropsand tendinganimals.
Whilecateringfora veryparticularmarket,the sheep husbandrysystemsof
today cannot be consideredas intensive.Costs are kept to the minimumand
profitsare verylow,withthe people involved,as has been stressedabove, living
on the fringesof, or even beyond normal society.In termsof the level of
productivity, the shepherdsof the Rascino basin may compare unfavourably
with some prehistoricfarmersof westernEurope. Productivitycalculations
(wherethe total flockproductivity is averaged over the numberof animals in
the flock)for the threeflocksshown in Figure 44, give verylow values forall
threecommodities,includingmilk,particularlyforthe large-scaletranshumant
flock.They are lower than those calculated for several Britishiron age sites
(Grant,in press).This husbandrysystemis adapted to exploit a specialisedand
ratherdifficultenvironment, but it can only do so, withany success,withina
particular social and economic,and even political framework.Transhumance
has fluctuated importancein the recentand the historicpast, and we may
in
assume thatthe same was the case in the more distant,unrecordedpast. To be
able to traceits historyfromarchaeologicalevidencewas one of the main aims
of thisproject.The studyhas demonstratedsome possibilities, but has provided
many caveats.
Firstly,transhumancemustnot be seen to be associatedwithany particular
husbandrysystem.Milk, meat and wool can all be produced, in varying
proportions,by adapting the breedingand culling strategieswhile continuing
the same rhythms of movement.In southernFrance,forexample,the traditional
milk
sheep husbandry the Cevennes concentratedon meat production,with
of
a
as relativelyinsignificant product(Brisebarre, 1978). Changes can take place
withrelativerapidity.Brisebarrehas chronicledthe major changes that have
takenplace in the transhumant sheep husbandryof the Cevennesover a period
of less than twentyyears, from one whichprovided40-50 kilogramlambs,two-
threeyear old castratesand fattened ewes for a local regional market,to one
whichis now geared to the provision entiremales fora largelyMuslimmar-
of
ket(Brisebarre,1988).
Secondly,the most importantcommon featureof all transhumantsystems
is that of marked seasonality,a seasonalitythat is tied to particularlocations.

Thus today,almost all birthstake place in the lowlandsor villages,and where
flocksare involvedin transhumance,the remainsof neo-natalor veryyoung
animalswould rarelybe foundin the upland pastureareas but would be found
near the lowland or village settlements.The detection of seasonality in
archeozoologicalremains is mainlydependent on accurate ageing of animal
remains,primarilythroughstudies of tooth eruptionand wear, althoughthe
studyof incrementallines in teethoffersanotherpossiblesource of information
(Wilsonetal, 1982). All estimations, using currentmethods,of season or month
of death must make assumptions about the month of lambing. In more
northerlylatitudes,lambing tends to take place in the spring,over a rather
restrictedperiod of time. Our studies have shown that these Mediterranean
transhumant shepherdsgenerallylamb in the autumn,mainlyin September,but
theymay staggertheirlambingover a period of eightmonths,fromSeptember
to April.The stanzialiof the upland villagesgenerallylamb in November,but
theymaysplittheirmain lambingperiod betweenNovemberand February.This
highlights the difficultyof usinganimal age to determineseason of killing,even
when the age of death of the animal can be accuratelydetermined.Nonetheless,
a mortality profilethatshowed verydistinctpeaks,particularly in the youngest
age groups, could be used as evidence for seasonal killing.
Shearingis a lowland activity, and shears and wool processingequipment
mightbe expected to be absent in upland settlementsthatwere onlyoccupied
in the summermonths.Milkingand cheese-making, however,take place in both
summerand winterlocations,and the presence of cheese-makingequipment
shouldnot,perse,be used to argue fortranshumance, or indeed fora husbandry
that was geared primarilyto the productionof milk. As we have seen, the
modern Cicolano dairyingis intimatelylinked to specialisedmeat production
whose presencewould be undetectablein archaeologicalremainsfromupland
pastureareas.
Other points to emerge from this study may aid the understandingof
specifichusbandrypatterns,but not necessarilythe detectionof transhumance.
A striking featureof all the flocksstudiedin the Cicolano was the predominance
of femalesin the flock.The ratioof ewes to ramswas as high,in some flocks,as
fortyto one, and rarelyfelllowerthanabout twentyto one (a ratiothatsome of
the shepherds felt to be ideal). Such a very marked discrepancyin the
female:male ratio in an archaeological assemblage would suggest the
exploitationof milk,but should also demonstratethat there had been a very
selectivecullingof young animals whichcould, as in thiscase, indicatea dual
purpose husbandry.Given a mortalityprofilein an archaeologicalcontextlike
thatshownin Figure44, one mightbe temptedto minimisethe importanceof
meat in the economy,and indeed,if one were to be lookingmerelyin termsof
calorificoutput,one mightbe justifiedin thisview.However,such a viewwould
ignoreculturalattitudesto food whichmaygive values to animal productsthat
are fargreaterthanthosebased on nutritionalvalues.
9. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES: PLANTS (JG)
Ethnographic studiesof modern,but 'archaic',crop husbandryhave been used as

a way of aiding the interpretationof archaeological plant assemblages.
Observationis made of the various stages of crop husbandryand processing,
fromplantingto consumption,and of the resultantproductsand by-products of
each stage,whichmaydifferaccordingto the particularcrop being grown.This
information is used to suggestthe possible husbandryand processingmethods
used in the past,the functionof particularfeaturesor areas withinan excavated
archaeological site, and even the characterof any settlement-for example,
whetherit was a produceror a non-producerof plantfood.
The most comprehensivestudiesof archaic agrariansystemsto date have
been carriedout by Hillman (1981, 1984) and Jones (1984),in Anatolia (eastern
Turkey)and on the Aegean island of Amorgosrespectively. These were long-
termprogrammeswhichincluded the collectionof samples fromthe products
and by-productsof the crop-processingsequence. The potential of such
ethnographicapproaches is dependent on the survivalof traditionalfarming
systems:thus the scope for such workin the Mediterraneanbasin tends to be
restrictedto isolated,subsistencecommunities,usually only found in upland
areas. Fieldworkon traditionalfarmingmethodsin the Italian peninsula was
carriedout by Spurr(1986) in severalupland locationsin southernItaly(Molise,
Campania and Basilicata),and research into the existence of primitivecrop
typeswas carried out in the southernApennines (Puglia and Campania) by
Perrinoand Hammer(1982).
A preliminary studyof plant husbandryin the Rascino basin was made as
part of the wider project under discussion. Several factors limited the
effectivenessof ethnographicresearchhere. First,the fieldworkwas limitedto
just one week. Second, a number of farmingactivitieshad recentlybecome
mechanised,notablythe harvestingand processingof crops. Third,fertilisers
and herbicideshad been introducedin some areas. Nevertheless, some farmers
were using traditionalmethods alongside the new techniques.Furthermore,
since farminghad onlyrecentlybeen mechanisedin partsof the basin,farmers
were stillable to recall,in some detail,traditionalfarmingpractices.Late July
was probablyan optimumtimeforcarryingout the fieldwork, beingjust prior
to the harvest;observationscould be made of the range of crops grownand of
theirassociatedweed floras.
Field methodsincludedinterviews withsix farmers,and an extensivesurvey
of theRascinobasin.
TRADITIONAL PLANT HUSBANDRY IN THE RASCINO BASIN

All the farmersinterviewedare involvedin both arable and pastoralactivities-
thismay have an importanteffecton the typeof crops grown,the method of
harvestingand processing and theuse of thecrops(see below).The sizeof the

arable holdingsis generallysmall(two-three hectares),althoughone farmer
controlstwenty hectaresofarable land. Some farmersrent theirholdings,
whilst
othersowntheirland.
A system of agriculturewithcroprotations is practised,
basedon twoand
threeyearcycles.Different areasofthebasinare cultivated fromone yearto the
next.One farmer practisesa simplerotationofwheat,fallow,wheat.The need
in thisfarming
forflexibility system meansthatthereare fewpermanent, fixed
farmboundariesotherthantheoccasionallow drystone wallin theimmediate
vicinityof farmbuildingsor along the sides of roads. Most visiblefield
boundaries are simpleupright posts,joined witha singlestrandofbarbedwire,
presumably to restrict
access to grazinganimals.Thisleads to a degreeofcrop
mixing on fieldboundaries.
Thereis no regularity to eitherthesizeor theshapeofthecultivated fields,
although it was noted thatmost of the cerealfieldswere large(up to
relatively
300 paces, approximately 200 metres),while those containingpulses were
generallysmallerand oftenenclosed.Atthetimeofthesurvey, mostofthecrop
fieldswerein thearea to thesouthwest of thecastle,alongthewestern sideof
theroad to Petrellaand extending onto theundulating margins of the basin.
Blocksof land in the southernpartof the basinalso containarablecrops.A
numberoffields, particularly in thenorthwest, had beenploughed, presumably
to preparethegroundforthesowingofthewinter crops,and manylargeblocks
of stonewerestackedin pilesbesidethefields.Sheep dungis used to manure
thesefields.
The crops
The maincropsbeingcultivated includeseveralfree-threshing cereals:bread
wheat(Trilicum aestivum),macaroniwheat(T. durum), two-rowhulledbarley
(Hordeum vulgärevar.distichon)
and oat (Avenasaliva).The onlypulsegrowing at
the timeof the surveywas lentil(Lensculinaris) and the majortubercrop is
potato.In thevicinityofthefarmsteads, smallgardenplotsare usedforgrowing
vegetables includinglettuceand onion.Grassis cutas an essentialfoddercrop
forfeedingthe livestockin the winter.Individualfarmers growa mixtureof
crops,althoughwheatis grownby all those interviewed. A survey,taking
transectsalongtheroads,produceda roughestimate oftherelativeproportions
of each crop.Wheatis thepredominant crop,particularlyin thesouthwestern
partof the basin,followedby smallerquantitiesof barleyand thenof oat.
Lentilsarerestrictedto a fewsmallfields.
The rest of the discussionwill concentrateon cerealsand pulses,as
potatoesare a sixteenth-century introduction to westernEurope (Simmonds,
1976).An investigationofthegrasslands wasnotpossiblein thetimeavailable.
Sowingthecrops
Farmerssowwheatin September/early October,and barley,oatsand lentilsin
March/early April.Crops were sownby hand.All thesecropsare
traditionally
sownseparately and thereis no intentionalmixedsowing(meslura).According to
theethnographic workofSpurr(1986:41),cropsfoundgrowing together a
are
resultofcarelessseedselectionandpoorcleaningofthethreshing floor.
Cropsand weeds
Herbicidesare used in some areas of the Rascinobasin,particularly in the
growing of wheat,which is used forhuman consumption. Other crops contain a
range of weeds, suggesting their use as animal fodder. The thoroughness of
weedingin thepastmayhavebeenpartlydictatedbythefinaluse ofthecrops.
In this study,only the fieldswhereherbicideswere not being used were
investigated,withtheresultthatthegreaterpartwerethosewithspringsown
crops.
The weed floraspresentat the timeof the surveywerethosethatwould
probably havebeenin seedat thetimeofharvest, whichwasto takeplacein the
following weeks.Severalimportant points were recorded: speciesdiversity,the
height of the weedsrelative to the cerealplant, and whether they were free-
standing weeds.Commonweedspeciesincludedthoseofequivalent
or twining
heightto thecrop,forexamplesow-thistles (Sonchus spp.)and weedsofaround
threequartersof the heightof the crop plant,forexamplepoppies{Papaver
spp.),and other Compositae,probablycamomile(Chamaemelum nobile)and
stinkingmayweed {Anthémis cotula).Residual cropplants were also evident,for
instancesinglebarleyplants in a fieldofoat and viceversa.Time did notallow a
moredetailedstudytobe carriedout.
Harvesting
The springcropsare cut duringAugust,whilewheatis harvestedfrommid-
Augustto earlySeptember. Traditionalreapingmethodsincludethe use of
eithera sickle to
(felca) cut the cropat variousheightson thestraw, or a scythe
to
{serricchio) cut the crop at the base. Reaping the grainby hand at about
halfway up the culm was noted bySpurr(1986:pl. Ill, 1) nearRuoti,Basilicata.
The methodof reapingmayhavebeen dictatednotonlyby thegrowthof the
weedsbut also by the use of the cropsand by-products: thusa need forthe
as and
strawandweeds, bedding fodder, would haveentailed thecropat
cutting
thebase, while grain intended only for human consumption would have been
reaped nearthe ear to minimise weed contamination and speedup processing.
Afterbeingcut,thebundlesof cerealare tiedintosheaves(mannocchi) and left
in
todry theopen.
Threshing
The sheavesare placedon a flatcircularthreshing ofstones{aia) and
platform
horsesare drivenoverthecrop to freethegrainfromthechaffand straw.A
byJones(1984),whileSpurr(1986)mentions
similarprocessis described theuse
ofhard-packed surfacesofbeatenearth.
Winnowing
The grainis simplythrownintotheair so thatthelighterchaffand straware
downwards.
blownaside,whilethegrain,heavierchaffand strawfallstraight A
numberofwoodenimplements, forexamplespadesand forks, are usedforthis
process.No information was obtainedabout any subsequentpart of the
processingsequence,butbothHillman(1981,1984)andJones(1984)describea
secondthreshingand winnowingforhulledbarleyto removethebasalpartsof
the awns,afterwhichthe crops were raked to removethe coarserstraw
fragments.The productwas then sieved,using firstly a coarse and then a fine

to
mesh, separate out the weeds,heavierchaff and straw,leavingonlythe grain
together withany similar-sized
weed seeds. There is a need to ascertainwhether
similarmethodswereused at Rascino.
Crop storageand yields
Storage of the processed crops takes place in the Salto valley villages.Yields
seem generallyto be low,withestimatesrangingfromeightto ten quintals(one
quintal=100 kilograms)per hectare,althougheighteenquintalswas the figure
givenforone year (1989). These figurescontrastwiththose of 25 quintalsgiven
forthearea around Rome. Spurr(1986: 88),however,has noted theconsiderable
annual variabilityof yieldsrecordedin earlytwentieth-centuryrecords.
The use of crops and associated by-products
The soft(T. aestivum) and hard (T. durum)wheatsare used formakingbread and
pasta respectively, althoughone farmerclaimed to use most of his wheat crop
forchickenfodder.Lentils are used forhuman consumption.The othercrops
(barleyand oats) are used foranimal fodder,althoughtheymayhave been used
for human consumptionin times of poor harvestand famine.The chaffand
weed seeds are used foranimal fodder,while the strawis used as litter.The by-
productsmay also be used as tinder.Almostall the produce of cultivationis
used forfamilyconsumptionand verylittle,if any,is sold on the open market.
In the past the produce was sometimesbarteredor exchanged,and one farmer
sold bread locally.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS
One limitationon the use of ethnographicanalogy in the interpretation of
archaeobotanicalremains relates to the survivalof the evidence. The main
means of preservationof crop remainson archaeologicalsites is by charring,
either accidental or deliberate,and the chance of any remains having been
charredvaries at different stagesalong the processingsequence and according
to the crops grown. At Rascino, all the cereals and pulses grown are free-
threshingand heat is not used priorto dehusking,as it is forthe glume-wheats
(Hillman, 1981, 1984). The use of many of the products and by-productsas
animal fodder or bedding furtherlimits the chance of survival through
charring.
However,some of the productsand by-productscould become charred,
such as those used fortinderand fuel,particularlyin pastoralactivitiessuch as
cheese-making. The most likelyplant itemsto survivein such circumstances in
the Rascino basin include the heavierand denser ones thatmay fall througha
fireand become smotheredand preservedin ashes,forexample tail grain,small
weed seeds and heavierbitsof chaffsuch as rachissegments(Hillman,1981).On
the other hand, the more fragileplant items such as lightstrawnodes, light
chaff,lightrachis fragmentsand lightweed seeds are more likelyto burn to
mineralash or suffermechanicaldamage. Ratherless likelytoo,but nonetheless
possible,is preservationof crop productsby accidentalburningof,forexample,
a granarystore.
There are severalpossible questionsthatcould be addressedin any future

analysisof archaeobotanicalremainsfromupland sitesin Italywithreferenceto
the ethnographicmodel fromRascino,assuminggood samples produced by a
rigoroussamplingstrategy.
Firstly,informationcould be provided on the range of crops cultivated.
Crop by-productsburnt as fuel, or accidental conflagrationsof crops, could
providea listof the potentialfood plantsutilised.These could include not only
cereals,but also charrednutshellfragmentsfrom,for example, hazelnutsand
possibly chestnuts (chestnut flour being traditionallyused by mountain
communitiesin Italyparticularly in timesof food shortage).However,leaf crops
and otherfragilefood stuffs would burn to mineralash and be unlikelyto leave
evidenceof theiruse in thearchaeologicalrecord.
Secondly,therecould be evidenceforcrop husbandrymethods.Recurrent
association of differentcrop types in a number of samples could provide
evidenceforrotations-the fieldsurveynoted thatmanygrowingcropsincluded
the remnantsof the previouscrop. Weed seeds foundwithcrop remainscould
provideevidence forsowingtimesand harvestingmethods,such as the height
on thestrawat whichthe crop was cut (Hillman,1984).
Thirdly,distinctionscould be made between producer and non-producer
sites.A producersitein the mountainsmightbe characterised by the presenceof
some of the by-productsof processing,such as weed seeds or strawand chaff.
On the otherhand,a non-producingsite might be characterised by the absence
of certain by-productsand a dominance of fully processed prime grain,
contaminatedonly by weed seeds of similardiameterand relativelyfew straw
nodes and chafffragments. Hillman (1981: 142), however,has pointed out that
primegrainis veryunlikelyto be preservedunlessaccidentallycharred.
This preliminarysurveyhas attemptedto highlightsome of the positive
and negativeaspectsof usingethnographicmodels to interpretplantresiduesin
respectof land use. The fieldworkin the Rascino basin has demonstratedthat
the interactionbetween pastoral and arable activitiescan both limit and
enhancethe survivalof an archaeobotanicalrecord.On the one hand,a demand
forfoddercrops thatare consumed in the raw state restrictsthe potentialfor
survival.On the other hand, the need for tinderand fuel in connectionwith
some
pastoral activitiessuch as cheese-makingincreases the possibilitythat
plantby-products mightbe preserved.
10. CONCLUSIONS (GB, AG)

Archaeological field survey,documentaryresearch and ethnoarchaeological
enquiryhave establishedthat human exploitationof the Cicolano mountains
began at least as early as the Bronze Age, and continued,possiblywithlittle
interruption,
significant to the presentday. They have demonstratedin some
measurethe changingscale and natureof thatexploitationover time.The most
detailedinformation is clearlyforcontemporaryland use, fromwhichwe have
attemptedto create a model against which to test any archaeological and
historicaldata forthisor any othersimilarupland area of theMediterranean. In

thismodel, the major resourceof the area is seasonal grazingland foranimals,
particularlyfor sheep, but crop husbandryis also given an important,if
subsidiaryrole, with,in addition,a range of minor activitiesexploiting,for
example, the wood resources of the area. All of these activitieshave a very
strong seasonal rhythm,dictated to a very large extent by environmental
constraints.
Our ethnographicstudies have shown that, against this background,
differentgroups of people co-exist,each exploitingthese resourcesin slightly
differentwaysand withdiffering aims. The most importantvariationlies in the
way in which animal and crop husbandryare balanced,and also in the scale of
animal husbandry,both in terms of the numbers of animals kept and the
distancesmoved to findwinterpastureor food- exemplifiedin the differences
between stanziali shepherds and small- and large-scale long-distance
transhumant shepherds.
Much of the evidence fromthe past suggestsa rathersparse and sporadic
occupationwhichwould fit,in generaltermsat least,withour model of seasonal
resourceexploitation.The povertyof the archaeologicalrecordhas resultedin
the provisionof few clues that could help us determinethe nature of that
exploitation,althoughforthe Roman and medievalperiodswe do seem to have
evidencefora combinationof arable,pastoraland industrialactivities, as in the
recentpast. The archaeologicalimplicationof our ethnographicstudiesis that
detaileddifferences in the natureof land use, particularlyin the pastoralsector,
would be extremelydifficult, although not in everycase impossible,to detectif
we were to have good qualityarchaeologicaldata. Clues to supportseasonality
of land use mightlie in the absence in the archaeologicalrecordof evidencefor
activitiesgenerallycarried out in the winter;these mightbe artefactssuch as
shearingand wool-processingtools and the bone remainsof neo-natalanimals.
The absence of any specificallyfemaleartefactsor ornamentsmightalso be of
significancein this respect-the modern human population of the Cicolano
mountainsis almostentirelymale and adult. Evidence forcrop processingbut
not of crop consumptionor storage,evidenceforanimal husbandrybut not for
crop husbandry,and evidence forthe use of sheltersat high altitudescould be
importantfor determiningthe existence and nature of specialised resource
exploitation.
The period withthe best data is the medievalone, when the castleand the
two villages were occupied. For at least part of this period, our model of
seasonal resourceuse does not seem appropriate,as the workon the medieval
settlements of the Rascino basin suggeststhat,fora fewcenturiesat least,people
lived in the mountainsall the year round. Whetherthis was due to climatic
amelioration,or to a particularsocial or economic structureis, on present
knowledge,unclear, but our work has suggested a frameworkin which to
approach such problems,and waysto demonstratepermanencyof occupation.
These include evidence forthe presenceof males,femalesand children,and of
year-roundfarmingactivities.
One themeruns throughthe studyof all periodsof occupation,and thatis
of the povertyof human life and culturein the mountains.Materialremains
fromall periods are sparse,and the potteryassemblagesfound were in almost

all instanceslacking in fine wares. The modern occupants are all living in
conditionsthatare more typicalof the nineteenththanof the twentieth century,
and,despitethe largescale of some of the sheep husbandry, flockyieldsare very
low by manycontemporary European standards.This is not to condemnentirely
the quality of life in the mountains-while a nineteenth-century traveller
describedthe transhumant shepherds of the Apennines as 'a race of men so cut
offfromall social and civilizinginfluencesthat one mightexpect to find the
lowest brutality,and all the fiercestpassions,in a moral soil thus neglected'
(Hare, 1875: 21), our impressionwas of warmand open people, who had chosen
to live withoutmost of the artificialtrappingsof the modern world for a life
dictatedbymorenaturalrhythms.
The traditionalway of lifeis now undergoingrapid change and may even
be threatenedwithextinction.In the past,a balance mustalwayshave had to be
sought between the conflictingdemands of farmers,shepherds and forest
workers.Now a new and powerfulgroup has enteredthe scene: tourismis a far
more profitableway of exploitingthe naturalresourcesof these marginalbut
attractiveareas and there is already a horse riding 'ranch' and talk of the
developmentof a cross-country skiingcentre.However,thereseems alwaysto
have been an ebb and flowin the natureand intensity of humanoccupationand
of
exploitation upland areas. These can often reflectimportantsocial and
economic changes in the more denselyoccupied lowlands. Some studieshave
suggested that uplands tend to be most intensively exploitedat timesof human
population expansion or when resources elsewhere are under pressure.
Increasedintensity of use can also reflect the existence of marketopportunities
thatcan make the exploitation of what had previously been a marginalresource
profitable.Modern pastoralism in the Cicolano is encouragedby the profitto be
made from abbacchio: in the Roman and medieval periods it may have been a
demand for wool that encouraged the exploitationof the mountainsthat we
have been able to document here.
The rapid pace of modern change throughoutthe Mediterraneanis
reducingthe opportunitiesforthe sortof ethnographicstudythatcan hope to
have any relevanceforthe understanding of the distantpast.The historyof the
mountainsis certainly difficult to trace, and in the futureit may become even
moreso, but it is clearly worthwhile.
EditedbyGraemeBarkerand AnnieGrant
WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY PAUL BeAVITT, NEIL CHRISTIE,
John Giorgi,Peter Hoare, Tersilio Leggio and
Mara Miglia vacca
Acknowledgements
The fieldworkin the Cicolano mountainswas fundedby the BritishSchool at
Rome and the Universityof Leicester. Thanks must go to the small but
dedicatedteam thatcarriedout the fieldworkin 1988 and 1990,particularlyto
David Wilkinsonforhis initialsurveyof the medievalcastle and villageand to
Fred Baker and JonathonThompson for theirhelp in questioningthe farmers

and shepherds.The comuneof Fiamignanoprovidedaccommodationat Rascino
as well as much otherassistance;particularthanksare due to Sig. Ugo Fornara,
for accommodation at Rascino, and to Dott. Ivano Festuccia. The
geomorphologicalfieldworkwas made easier by the help of the CorpoForestale di
Cittaducaleand Dott. Silvano Landi. We are verygratefulto the authoritiesof
Fiamignanoand Petrellafortheirsupportof the project,and would also like to
expressour particulargratitudeto the shepherdsand farmersof the Cicolano
who gave us everyassistanceand kindness.We would also like to thankValeria
Cinardiof the villageof Pace forgivingconsiderablepracticalassistanceand for
her local knowledge,during both years of fieldwork. JG would like to thank
GlynisJones for her advice concerning the botanical studyand her comments
on Section 9 of this report.The archaeological fieldworkwas conducted on
behalfof the Soprintendenza Archeologicaperil Lazio, and we are gratefulfor the
assistance given us by the Soprintendente, Dott.ssa Veloccia Rinaldi, and the
Dott.ssa
Ispettrice, Giovanella Alvino. We would also like to acknowledgethehelp
of Anna Argeniof the BritishSchool at Rome, whose memoriesof her child-
hood tripsto Rascino fromher villageof Fiamignanoearlythiscentury(wolves
and all) helped set the projectin motion.The line drawingswere preparedby
GB (1, 2, 3, 8, 9, 12, 14), NC (16, 17, 27, 31), AG (44), Deborah Miles (7, 36, 38)
and Kate Morton(33, 34).
'Continuationof surveyworkin 1991 by NC and PB in factidentifieda five-or six-roomed
buildingof likelyRoman date (on the basis of numerouscoarsewaresherdsfoundnearby)to the
east of the Roman enclosureat the base of the castle hill.Associatedwiththiswas a small annex
(pens or stalls?).The plan of the Roman buildingcompares closelywithhouses withinthe two
medievalvillagesat Rascino(Section6).
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Ancient and Modern Pastoralism in Central Italy - An Interdisciplinary Study in The Cicolano Mountains

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Ancient and Modern Pastoralism in Central Italy: An Interdisciplinary Study in the Cicolano

human settlement.Thus 'one of the most distinctivecharacteristicsof the

lions as the highaltitude'shepherd'caves,non-transhumant shepherds(who

The geologicalstratawhichunderlietheCicolanomountains consistlargelyof

Fig.2. The Saltovalleyand theCicolanomountains,

northeast.Furthertectonicactivitytook place during the Pliocene and

the southare the mostaccessiblefromthe lowlands(Fig.4). Theylie at 1100

Fig.4. The Aquilentebasin,lookingsoutheasttowardsthe trackdescendingto the basin fromthe

Fu;.5. The Rascino basin,lookingsoutheast(takenfromthe pass into the Corninobasin).The lake

containa fine-grained windblown fraction.The depthof thissuperficial debris

origin,but is a largedoline.These lakesare progressively decreasingin both

mapleand hornbeam withinthelowerpartofthisrangeand beechwoods above

Thereis no permanent settlement in thebasinstoday:thewoodland,pastoral

cyclein the Cicolano mountains,showingthe principalmonthswithrain

Farmoreimportant forincometoday,as in thelastcentury, is thebreeding

on the basin floorsand lower slopes. These transhumantshepherdssometimes

even to the summitslopes of Monte Nuria,and theymay move as much as 20

4. PREHISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT: THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL

The principalarchaeologicalsiteknownin the Cicolano mountainspriorto this

kilometres.Within these areas the surveyteams conducted systematicfield-

Fig.12. The Cicolano archaeological survey:prehistoricand Roman finds.Key: 1. flintsites;

adjacentmountains is suggested fortheBifernovalley.Anotherexampleofthis

stalls,so the same sort of 'off-site'archaeologyis still being created on the

measuring45x80 metres,with the long axis downslope(Fig.16). Recent

Romanperiod,it is difficult to go beyondthisstatement to more detailed

[Note:Thissectionconsistsofan Englishsummary preparedbyNeil Christieof

Balzani in the late nineteenthcentury,and in the LiberLargitorius velNotarius

by the 2000 or so seasonalinhabitants

From the early fourteenthcenturythe increasingimportanceof stock-

6. MEDIEVAL AND POST-MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT: THE

A totalabsence of findsprecludesanypositivediscussionof the late Roman and

RASCINO CASTLE (FIG. 14: SITE 8)

Fig.14. The Cicolano archaeologicalsurvey:medieval and post-medievalfinds.Key: 1. medieval

Fig.15. The Rascino medievalcastleand village,viewedfromthe south.The keep isjust visiblein

The circuitenclosesa singleextantstructure, the tower-keep,

THE CASTLE VILLAGE

conveniently sitedforeasymovement and controloflivestock. Whilstwe cannot

Fig.18. Rasano castle:circuitwall,southeasternflank.(Photograph:GB)

Fig.21. Rascinocastlehill:westernslopes,house XV. (Photograph:GB)

Fig.22. Rascinocastlehill:westernslopes,house XI. (Photograph:GB)

may be interpretedas vegetablegardens.Some of the above-mentionedsmall

and modernisationof its western half. Its sequence of constructionis

excavationwe cannot yet tie down any of this materialchronologically.

Fi(i.27. Sketchplan of the desertedmedievalvillagebelow Rascino castle:standingstructures are

perhapsconditionedby the existenceof the castle and its village.One

Fig.28. The churchof S. Maria,Rascino.(Photograph:GB)

Fig.29. Rasano basin,extanthouse wallsnear Civitella(Fig. 14: site 14).(Photograph:GB)

Fig.30. Stone settings(foundationsof sheltersused by transhumantshepherds)at 1700 metres

stonereinforcement of thewater-course sidesoftenappearin conjunction with

holidayhomes.Theseworksof renovation are,in somecases,substantial (as at

complexity besidesexamplesofsoundbarrel-vaulting forthelowerstorey byres

usually apparent,and the distinctionis oftenhighlightedby the presence of

7. ETHNO ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES: SOCIETIES, STRUCTURES AND

One of the major problemsin the archaeologyof pastoralismis to distinguish

The exceptionsare the shepherdspractisinglarge-scalelong-distance

Fig.35. A moderncamp used bya stanzialeshepherd.(Photograph:PB)

Fig.37. Campoftranshumant groupin theRascinobasin.(Photograph:

nettingforthesepensis madebytheshepherdas he walkswithhisflock.It is

Fig.39. Milkingpens of transhumant

Fig.40. Milkingpens of transhumant

Fig.41. Stanzialeshepherdmilkinga ewe (note neckrestraint).

considerable differencesof scale.One large-scale

land apportionment, and we should be waryof assumingthe presentdichotomy