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Electoral Studies 33 (2014) 1–6

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Electoral Studies
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud

Editorial

Beyond political socialization: New approaches to age, period, cohort


analysis

Keywords problems (Konzelmann et al., 2012; Bhatti and Hansen,


Cohort analysis
2012), while others acknowledge the limitations their
Empirical methods
Political behavior study might have “in distinguishing life-cycle and genera-
tional effects” (Walczak et al., 2012: 282). The aim of the
collection of papers in our follow-up symposium is to
discuss diverse methodological approaches that address
Research on political socialization has accumulated a the problems that arise from such empirical analyses and
large number of insights about how voters acquire their provide solutions for overcoming them.2
political attitudes. Yet for all that, we know relatively little This special issue hence brings together scholars in the
about when and why socialization experiences lead to field of political socialization and cohort analysis in an
generational differences in how citizens perceive and effort to explicate and advance various statistical ap-
evaluate politics or behave in the political arena. Recog- proaches with reference to a variety of data. The wide
nizing that societies are constantly changing, it is important availability of panel studies and repeated cross-section
to identify generational features of the electorate both to surveys, often covering several decades, as well as impor-
understand the present and to make predictions for the tant methodological advances which have been made in
future. Ryder’s (1965) seminal article on “the cohort as a demography, statistics, and sociology, have the potential to
concept in the study of social change” was a plea to think promote the importance of age, period, and cohort (APC)
about the transformation of society in such a way by taking analyses and increase our confidence in their results. This
into account cohort changes and replacements. He paper symposium therefore focuses on new methods of
famously noted that “society persists despite the mortality identifying political generations and, more generally, of
of its individual members, through processes of de- observing APC effects, which are applied to the area of
mographic metabolism and particularly the annual infusion political behavior and attitudes. The emphasis therefore is
of birth cohorts (.). Successive cohorts are differentiated on the methods used in order to give political scientists
by the changing content of formal education, by peer-group interested in conducting theoretically interesting APC an-
socialization, and by idiosyncratic historical experience” alyses and understanding of how such investigations can
(Ryder, 1965: 843). Based on the importance to empha- and should be conducted. The focus lies especially on
sizing cohorts he further added that “since cohorts are used cohort effects, as studies investigating these are still scarce
to achieve structural transformation and since they mani- in the political science literature or are often too tenuous to
fest its consequences in characteristic ways, it is proposed draw meaningful conclusions. To set the stage for the ar-
that research be designed to capitalize on the congruence of ticles in this special issue, this introduction provides an
social change and cohort identification” (Ryder, 1965: 843). overview of APC analysis in general.
Motivated by Ryder’s message, and drawing on a
collection of six papers in Electoral Studies symposium
“generational differences in electoral behavior”, Wouter 1. Defining age, period, and cohort effects
van der Brug and Sylvia Kritzinger not surprisingly
conclude that ”if one wants to understand political Research into the question of why an individual holds
changes, one must not overlook generational differences” specific attitudes or behaves in a certain way might hold
(2012: 248). However, despite the recognition accorded three different – but highly-related – factors accountable:
this point, studies of the make-up of political generations aging, enduring intercohort experiences, and time (Yang
are still scarce. A major reason is the methodological and Land, 2013). Firstly, we might attribute differences in
challenge posed by questions involving generational turn-
over and replacement. Some of the papers in the recent 2
For an excellent overview of cohort analysis and methods used in to
Electoral Studies collection explicitly address these estimate age, period, and cohort effects, see also Yang and Land, 2013.

0261-3794/$ – see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.012
2 Editorial / Electoral Studies 33 (2014) 1–6

attitudes or behavior to age. Empirical studies often confirm United States between 1972 and 2002.5 The idea of such an
that young and old citizens differ considerably in their po- analysis is to explore whether these cohorts differ in their
litical outlook. So-called age effects refer to changes that are attitudes and, typically, whether the differences can be
associated with basic biological processes or progression attributed to events or attitudes characteristic of the time at
through the life-cycle as social roles change with age or as which each cohort matured. Here it would seem relatively
the accumulation of social experience increases. These straightforward. The oldest cohort – born before 1930 –
aging, or life-cycle effects, are usually indexed simply by an was socialized in a highly racially divided country, whereas
individual’s age, though sometimes by a measure of their the cohort born after 1970 grew up after the turbulent
“place in the life-cycle” (e.g., parent of young children; times of the Civil Rights Movements of the 1950s and
retired person).3 Secondly, observed attitudes or behavior 1960s, when legal and quasi-legal racial discrimination was
might be thought of as a function of the current political, abolished.6 The changing historical legacies during the
economic, or societal situation and idiosyncratic events that formative years of these four cohorts are assumed to have
produce fluctuations over time and affect all age groups shaped racial attitudes.
simultaneously. These period effects are usually measured According to Fig. 1, the cohort born before 1930
by the current time t, for example, the year of a survey. consistently exhibits the highest anti-miscegenation atti-
Thirdly, citizens might differ in their political attitudes tudes, with as many as 50 percent opposing interracial
because of different socialization experiences which man- marriage in the mid-1970s. Each cohort born and socialized
ifest themselves in their belief systems. The resulting cohort later is less against interracial marriages.7 This simple
effects or, as they are sometimes called, generational effects graph reveals three findings. Firstly, we observe a period
are defined as “enduring intercohort distinctions that are effect, as all cohorts seem to become less and less racially
attributable to the common ‘imprinting’ of cohort mem- intolerant over time. Secondly, the declining, more-or-less
bers. With regard to attitudinal dependent variables, parallel lines of each cohort confirm that clear differences
generational effects are often presumed to be the result of exist regarding racial attitudes depending on the time a
cohort members having shared similar socializing experi- respondent was born and hence socialized. Thirdly, we note
ences, especially during late adolescence and early adult- what some people call generational replacement. That is, the
hood” (Markus, 1983: 718; cf. Mannheim, [1928] 1952; thick solid line, which plots the overall trend in anti-racial
Ryder, 1965). This influential phase in an individual’s life- statements, is not just declining at the same rate as, for
cycle is often labeled the formative or impressionable years. example, the cohort born before 1930, but more sharply.
A cohort is very generally defined as a “number of in- Note that after the mid-1990s, the overall trend line is
dividuals who have some characteristics in common” lower than the average attitude among the cohort born in
(Glenn, 2005: 2) or that “share experiences” (Fienberg and 1930–1950. The explanation for this observation is simply
Mason, 1985: 51). Ryder (1965: 845) describes a cohort as that the weight of the ‘older’ cohorts in the overall popu-
“an aggregate of individuals” which has “a distinctive lation is decreasing as members of these two groups are
composition and character reflecting the circumstances of fewer in number, as they are getting older and eventually
its unique origination and history.” Cohorts are most often dying. Similarly, the graph shows how new cohorts are
operationalized by people’s birth years, but they are entering the population, with the post-1970 cohort first
sometimes divided into equal time periods – such as five- included in the General Social Survey in 1989.
year intervals – where the span of years for each cohort Overall, it is assumed that cohort analysis or APC anal-
may be dictated by theoretical concerns or by data con- ysis in general – as illustrated here – is a method for
straints. But cohorts may also be defined with reference to studying longitudinal patterns of change.
any of a number of variables (e.g., persons who came of age
at the same time or individuals who finished high school in 2. Age, period, and cohort analysis in political science
a particular year).4
The term cohort analysis is usually used to describe the Research on age, period, and cohort effects is not new in
systematic comparison of two or more cohorts in regard to political science. However, the attention is often on only one
one dependent variable or a set of related dependent var- of the three. The interest in cohorts evolves mainly around
iables (Glenn, 2005: 3). The studies presented in this spe- the question of the ‘making of a generation’ side of it,
cial issue follow this logic. Fig. 1 illustrates a simple cohort
analysis by plotting annual percentages opposing interra-
cial marriage for four different birth cohorts from the 5
The question wording was as follows: “Do you think there should be
laws against marriages between Negroes/Blacks/African-Americans and
Whites? – Yes or No.” Fig. 1 plots the percentages agreeing with this
statement. The data was taken from the U.S. General Social Survey, which
3
Biological processes and place in the life-cycle may not coincide; one is available annually or bi-annually since 1972. The question was not
could, for example, be the mother of an elementary school child in one’s included after 2002.
6
mid-20s or in one’s mid-40s or beyond. In practice, however, it is rare that Among the most important actions for abolishing state-approved
a sharp distinction is made between the two concepts. discrimination in public life were ratification of the 24thAmendment to
4
The terms ‘cohort’ and ‘generation’ are often used interchangeably, the U.S. Constitution (outlawing poll taxes) and passage of the Civil Rights
though generations are usually thought of as connected by some shared Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
7
historical experience such as having grown up during the Great The small and initially inconsistent difference between the 1951–
Depression (Elder, 1974). The boundaries of such events are often 1970 and the post-1970 cohorts is likely due to a declining cohort effect
imprecise; nevertheless, for purposes of analysis, generations are often but may also be affected by small numbers of respondents when the
operationalized in terms of specific birth years. youngest cohort first entered the analysis.
Editorial / Electoral Studies 33 (2014) 1–6 3

60
Anti- Interracial Marriage (in %)
40
Born<1930

20
1930-1950
All
1951-1970
Born>1970
0

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005

Survey year

Fig. 1. Cohort differences regarding interracial marriage.

focusing on political socialization. The classic definition of of socialization as a process of individual development and
political socialization was established by Hyman (1959: 25) learning. However, even studies that confirmed that polit-
as an individual’s “learning of social patterns corresponding ical learning extends well beyond childhood acknowledged
to his societal position as mediated through various agencies that young adults change more rapidly than older adults
of society.” Since then, a focus on learning has produced a (Jennings and Niemi, 1981; Alwin and Krosnick, 1991;
large volume of research on the formation of political atti- Jennings et al., 1989, 2009; Niemi and Jennings, 1991). As
tudes and behavior (Adelson and O’Neil, 1966; Easton and a consequence, life-cycle and aging effects became more
Dennis, 1969; Jennings and Niemi, 1974, 1981; Niemi and and more the center of attention.
Junn, 1998; Sears and Valentino, 1997; Campbell, 2006; Moreover, the research focuses also shifted to possible
Zuckerman et al., 2007; Sherrod et al., 2010). period effects that alter political attitudes. Party identifi-
An important implication of the research on political cation is a central concept in the study of socialization,
socialization is the assumption that it produces “relatively including both life-cycle and period effects, and analyses of
enduring orientations toward politics in general” partisanship served as the main battlefield for the different
(Merelman, 1986: 279; emphasis added). In the beginning proponents. Some scholars thought of partisanship less as
of the scientific analysis of the formation of political ideas, an identity – being stable over the life-cycle – and more of
the focus was mainly on young children, as it was assumed, an attitude that comes about as a function of informed
more or less unquestioningly, that political attitudes were reactions to the performance of governments and opposi-
determined very early in life (cf. Easton and Dennis, 1969). tion parties on a number of policy areas, most notably the
Often it was assumed that what was learned prior to economy (Ordeshook, 1976; Fiorina, 1981; Page and Jones,
adulthood remained unchanged in later life.8 It was also 1979; Franklin and Jackson, 1983; MacKuen et al., 1989).
frequently believed that what is learned earliest in life is As governments and economic good times are never per-
most important, as it served as an unchanging value basis manent, an individual’s affiliation with a political party is
for later attitudes (Niemi and Hepburn, 1995). always subject to ‘rational updating’.9 Hence this research
However, as it became evident that political ideas that tries to uncover how the nature of the current time affects
develop during childhood are revised due to college the direction and strength of certain political attitudes,
experience and general maturation (Searing et al., 1973), including ones so seemingly basic as partisanship.10
the scientific discussion shifted the research focus away Scientific debates about age and period effects as well as
from early political learning to more in-depth studies of more broadly on the origins of political attitudes and
aging. Most especially, Marsh’s (1971) critique of earlier behavior are often unconnected to one another. Cohort
studies challenged the assumption that “adult opinions are effects have been discussed rather sporadically, even
in large part the end product of political socialization” though it was acknowledged that it is important to take
(1971: 455). He noted that extensive carryover into adult-
hood may apply only to important personality variables,
whereas the influence of early socialization on political
attitudes remained uncertain. The research shifted
accordingly from attitude stability to the conceptualization 9
One-time events and suddenly changing circumstances can also exert
relatively uniform effects on citizens, as in the mid-1960s when parti-
sanship suddenly weakened in the U.S. and as African-Americans shifted
their partisanship from Republic to Democratic (Abramson, 1975).
8 10
There was, initially, an empirical basis for this belief in that analyses Of course researchers outside the United States have from early on
of recalled party identification suggested that partisanship, once formed, viewed partisanship as reacting strongly to current policy and party
rarely changed (Campbell et al., 1960, ch. 7). preferences. See especially the influential article by Thomassen (1976).
4 Editorial / Electoral Studies 33 (2014) 1–6

these into account as well.11 Conover (1991: 130), for a respondent was born in 1970 when interviewed in 2000,
example, argued that life-cycle and cohort effects are we can deduce that this person was about 30 years old at
interwoven, as “people change in political orientations the time of the interview. That is, once the values of any
throughout their life, (but) generations respond differently two factors, such as cohort and period, are known, the
to the same events.” Also Inglehart shows in his famous value of the third factor is completely determined. Hence,
studies on value change (Inglehart, 1977; Abramson and model (1) is not identified.
Inglehart, 1995) that later learning must overcome the To date, the suggested strategy for identification of APC
inertia of pre-existing orientations. Jennings (1996: 249) models has been to specify some set of restrictions on the
adds to the discussion by noting that “what each cohort estimated age, period, and cohort parameters that allow the
brings into political maturity has a good deal of continuity model to be identified. Firstly, best known is the grouping of
and provides a certain degree of stability in terms of what birth years into five-year cohorts, which forces grouped
that cohort is likely to draw on as it moves through the rest birth-years to have identical effects (Fienberg and Mason,
of the life-cycle.” But as Niemi and Sobieszek (1977: 228) 1979; Mason et al., 1973). Secondly, it is also possible to
pointed out 20 years earlier, “sorting out the relative impact remove one of either age, period, or cohort entirely on the
of life-cycle, generational, and period effects will no doubt assumption that it does not matter at all (Converse, 1976,
prove to be extraordinarily complicated.” chs. 2–3). Thirdly, one can examine higher order trans-
formations of age, period, or cohort, such as age squared
3. The tenacious problem of age, period and cohort (Fienberg and Mason, 1985). Fourthly, one can use a ‘proxy’
analysis variable approach that assumes the cohort or period effects
are proportional to certain measured variables (Rodgers,
The problem of sorting out age, period, and cohort ef- 1982; Heckman and Robb, 1985; O’Brien, 2000). Of course,
fects is evident in Fig. 1, as our description of these results none of these approaches solves the underlying problem,
fails to take into account a possible aging effect. This and none has proven entirely satisfactory (Glenn, 2005).
shortcoming gets to the core of the problem of any APC
analysis. The difficulty in making claims about any of the 4. This symposium: new opportunities in age, period
three factors, whether the focus is on cohort, age, or period and cohort analysis
effects, is the requirement of accounting for all three
simultaneously. If we fail to do so, we cannot know whether Today’s much expanded data availability allows a
an observed attitude or behavior (Yijt) of an individual i promising new range of statistical methods to conduct APC
(i ¼ 1, ..., I) is because she belongs to a specific cohort j (Cj; analyses. Researchers today have the happy prospect of
j ¼ 1, ..., J) or because of her age (Ait) or because of the current using a broad range of data that is often freely available for
time t (Pt; t ¼ 1, ..., T). This can be summarized as our purposes. APC analysis is typically conducted on one of
 diverse types of data (Harding, 2009: 1450). Firstly, aggre-
Yijt ¼ f Ait ; Cj ; Pt (1)
gated data containing means or counts of the outcome of
It is not possible to disentangle the effects of age, cohort, interest for various age groups at different time points can be
and periods in this generalized linear model (1) without used. When such data is arranged in a period-by-age table,
some kind of restrictions on the function f (Mason and cohort differences can be followed on the diagonals. Most
Fienberg, 1985: 3; cf. Mason et al., 1973). The problem re- previous studies focus on such aggregated population-level
sults from the linearly dependent relationship between age contingency tables for conventional multiple classification.
and the birth cohort a respondent belongs to at any given However, these descriptive methods do not allow one to
time t – assuming that all three effects are measured in the account for any factors other than age, period, and cohort.
same time units, for example, years – which is typically Increasingly, however, individual-level data sets in the
expressed as form of a series of repeated cross-section sample surveys or
panel studies are available to political scientists. These create
Cj ¼ Pt  Ait (2)
both new opportunities and challenges to APC analysis. New
As can be seen from Eq. (2), the three effects cannot be data availability and the development of innovative
identified with survey data from one time point, since one methods offer new paths to study theoretically relevant age-
phenomenon would be completely determined by the , cohort-, and period-related research questions. The articles
remaining two. For example, knowing that a survey of this special issue cover several of these new methods.
respondent who was interviewed in 2000 was 30 years old, The aim of this collection of eight papers is to introduce
we can infer approximately when she was born or to which diverse methodological approaches to illustrate the prob-
birth cohort she belongs to. Or put differently, knowing that lems of APC analyses and propose possible solutions to
varied research questions. Some papers focus on identi-
fying cohort effects (Tilley and Evans, 2014; Pop-Eleches
11
Studies that explicitly focus on APC analysis: Baker (1978); Abramson and Tucker, 2014; Grasso, 2014), while others try to single
(1979); Claggett (1981); Markus (1983); Miller (1992); Tilley (2002) and out factors that explain cohort differences (Dinas and
Tilley and Evans (2011) – partisanship; Klecka (1971); Prior (2010) – Stoker, 2014; Smets and Neundorf, 2014; Stegmueller,
political interest; Watts (1999); Lyons and Alexander (2000); Franklin 2014). Still others emphasize the age-factor in their APC
et al. (2004) – turnout/participation; Cutler and Kaufman (1975) – ide-
ology; Jennings (1996) – political knowledge; Jennings and Stoker (2004)
analyses (Bartels and Jackman, 2014; Kroh, 2014).
– civic engagement; Mishler and Rose (2007); Neundorf (2010); and More specifically, Tilley and Evans provide an example
Mattes (2012) – democratic attitudes. This list is by no means exhaustive. how to combine different individual-level data sources
Editorial / Electoral Studies 33 (2014) 1–6 5

(panel studies and repeated cross-sectional data) and as a function of life years to more meaningful variables that
aggregated election results. Using the side-information of measure age effect, as in his empirical example experience
these diverse sources makes it possible to estimate true age and exposure with and to the political system.
and cohort effects. They apply their approach to the ques- In introducing these diverse methodological ap-
tion of whether support for the British Conservative Party is proaches, all papers use examples relevant in the field of
driven by aging effects or generational replacement. political behavior and attitudes, including political interest,
Bartels and Jackman employ their mathematical model of voter turnout, partisanship, and voting behavior.
political learning to partisanship, in this case in the US.
However, their focus lies on age-effects, estimating the crit- Acknowledgements
ical years of heightened impact of period-specific effects or
historical shocks on a citizen’s party attachments. They show We would like to thank the Department of Politics and
that individuals of different ages attach different weights to International Relations as well as Nuffield College at the
political events. Their paper is one of the first empirical tests University of Oxford and the Department of Political Sci-
of the exact ages of the so-called formative years. ence at the University of Rochester for kindly funding a
The idea of historical shocks is also utilized by the workshop meeting to put this paper symposium together.
design-based approach by Dinas and Stoker. Focusing on
cohort effects, they introduce the language of experiments References
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Department of Political Science, University of Rochester,
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Political Science 51 (4), 822–834. Rochester, NY 14627-0146, United States
Neundorf, A., 2010. Democracy in transition: a micro perspective on system E-mail address: niemi@rochester.edu
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 Corresponding author. Tel.: þ44 (0)115 95 14795; fax:
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E-mail address: anja.neundorf@nottingham.ac.uk
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