Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 41/2 (2015), pp.

95-122

Susandra J van Wyk (North-West University)

PROSTITUTE, NUN OR “MAN-WOMAN”: REVISITING
THE POSITION OF THE OLD BABYLONIAN
1
NADIĀTU
PRIESTESSES

ABSTRACT
Present-day scholars debate the status and role of the Old Babylonian nadiātu,
describing them as priestesses who served as sacred prostitutes (Astour 1966), and/or
living as virgin-celibate devotees of god(s), comparable with present-day nuns
(Launderville 2010; Stol 1999; 1995), and/or acting as secluded priestesses outside
the normal boundaries of patriarchal control (Diakonoff 1986). However, scholars
such as Harris and Stone rather focus on their economic and social roles in the family
and in the institutions of the city-states: see Harris (1975, etc.) on the nadiātu from
Sippar, and Stone (1982) on the nadiātu from Nippur. The origins of these two
scholars‟ textual sources differ, although their studies still show that the nadiātu
institutions were not a homogeneous group. In this study, I contend that three nadiātu
groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the type of group and social-
economic circumstances in Old Babylonian Nippur and Sippar institutions, as well as
on the intentions of the paterfamilias and male family members. In addition, the
nadītu‟s religious role did not include living a virgin-celibate life such as that of a
present-day nun, and these priestesses have erroneously been classified as sacred
prostitutes (Roth 1999). Rather, the nadītu institution‟s raison d‘être was to serve as
an advantage to her family and society. When allowed to do so, the nadītu could by
her wit and labour accumulate property securing to an extent some financial
independence. Still, her financial independence from the patriarchal household was
limited and in some instances prohibited in the interplay among the different OB
institutions.

1 It is my pleasant duty to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Pierre van Wyk

(MD) for his comments and suggestions regarding complications in pregnancy
and birth in the section ―Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of
childbearing‖ below. The article is a revised version of a paper presented at the
Oxford Postgraduate Conference in Assyriology 2015 at Wolfson College,
Oxford on the 25th of April 2015. In the article the Sumerian terms are in bold
letters. The Akkadian terms and any other foreign language terms are in italics.
Abbreviations used in this article are: OB (Old Babylonia/Babylonian), ANE
(Ancient Near East/Eastern), LH (Laws of/Law Collection of/Lax Code of
Hammurabi) and LL (Laws of/ Law Collection of/Lax Code of Lipit-Ištar). I
follow the transcription of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. In CAD N, Part 1
the plural for nadītu is nadiātu or nadâtu (Reiner 1980:63).
96 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

In this study I first discuss the scholarly debate on the status and role of
the Old Babylonian nadītu, describing the type of priestess as either a
sacred prostitute (Astour 1966), and/or virgin-celibate devotee of god/s,
comparable to a present-day nun (Launderville 2010; Stol 1999, 1995)
and/or a priestess acting outside the normal boundaries of patriarchal
control (Diakonoff 1986). I then give an outline of the specialised studies
undertaken mainly by Roth (1999), Harris (1975) and Stone (1982).
Lastly, I present my conclusions on the contradictory classification of the
nadiātu as prostitute or virgin nun, as well as considering the distinctive
classification of them as being outside the bounds of patriarchal authority
and the families‘ intention of rescuing their daughters from the perils of
pregnancy and childbirth.

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY OF THE ROLE

AND POSITION OF THE NADIĀTU
1.1 The nadītu as a prostitute (“sacred prostitution”)
Prostitution is a contemporary term and can be defined as ―the practice of
engaging in sexual acts for payment‖ (Cooper 2006:13). In the Oxford
English Dictionary (OED online), its definition is ―the action of
prostituting or condition of being prostituted ... the offering of the body to
indiscriminate lewdness for hire‖. Today prostitution is viewed as
―pornographic, sensational and salacious‖ associated with the cliché that
2
―prostitution is the world‘s oldest profession‖. Prostitutes are ―fallen
women‖ and ―the other‖ outside of the traditional family structures,
constituting ―moral, social, sanitary, and political threats‖ for society,
representing ―disorder, excess, pleasure and improvidence‖ (Gilfoyle
1999:117-122).
Unfortunately, the label of present-day prostitution has been applied to
the priestess groups of the ANE (including OB) – implicating the nadiātu
priestess groups – superimposing upon them, the term ―sacred
3
prostitution‖. This is due to the influence of ancient historians,
4
Christianity, classical and ANE scholars.

2 Lerner (1986:236) refers to Iwan Bloch, a physician who considers prostitution

as a ―by-product of the regulation of sexuality‖.
3 See the discussion by Lerner (1986:237-239): the nin-dingir priestess in
ancient Sumer belonged to the class of women who annually participated in the
―sacred marriage‖, impersonating or representing the goddess. The basis for the
ritual of the sacred marriage was the belief that the fertility of the land and of
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 97

For instance, the ancient Greek historian Herodotus – sometimes called

the father of History – in his Histories at §1.199 mentioned an incident of
5
―the most shameful custom‖ which he came across during his travels.
Herodotus gave this account before the war between ancient Greece and
Persia (part of the ANE). The ancient Greek historian elaborated on the
presumably illicit sexual behaviour which occurred at a temple of Ishtar in
Babylon where every woman, before she could marry, had to sell her
body for a silver coin for the coffers of her goddess. This was one of
Herodotus‘ five Babylonian ―customs‖ described in his Histories,
reflecting the ancient Greek historian‘s bias towards the presumed
6
―customs‖ of the Babylonians (Roth 2008:22). Later, the ancient Greek

the people depended on the celebration of the sacred marriage being performed
in temples (Lerner 1986:239-240). I discuss the sacred marriage later in this
section.
4 See Assante‘s (1998:5-9) outline of the history of superimposing present-day
prostitution onto ANE priestess classes. The scholarly myth of the orgy of
prostitution as practised by the ANE priestesses is incorporated in gender
studies (Pollock 1992:22-24). Some studies of feminine sexuality and
constructions of gender roles in the priestess classes include Budin (2008),
Bahrani (2006, 2001:1-27, 96-120), Frymer-Kensky (1992, 1981), Lerner
(1986), Gruber (1986, 1972) and Fisher (1976).
5 Here follow selections from Herodotus‘ version (for a full version, see Roth
2008:21-39): ―The most shameful custom the Babylonians have is this: every
native woman must go sit in the temple of Aphrodite, once in her life, and have
sex with an adult male stranger ... some arrive while others depart. Once a
woman sits down there, she does not go home until a stranger drops money in
her lap and has sex with her outside the temple … The money can be of any
value at all – it is not to be refused, for that is forbidden, as this money
becomes sacred. When ... she has performed her religious dues to the goddess
... [she] goes home ... some of them wait for a three- or four-year spell‖ (Roth
2008:21-22).
6 Herodotus‘ four other customs cover the two topics of ―illness and death‖ and
―sex and marriage‖, which include a description of a bride market with two
auctions in §1.196; the custom of treating the sick by laying them in the public
square and having to take the advice of others passing by, at §1.197; the
accusation that Babylonians bury their dead in honey; and ―post-coital ritual
purification‖ of ―incense and washing‖ at §1.198 (Roth 2008:22).
98 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

7
writer Strabo supplemented Herodotus‘ statements in his Geography
(11.14.16, 16.1.20, 17.1.46).
8
This is followed by the ―fascination‖ of 19th-century classical authors
such as Frazer, Tylor and Robertson Smith with the so-called ―ritual
prostitution‖ of ancient Babylonians (Assante 2009a:27-29; Hackett
1989:68, 74; Westenholz 1989:261).
Western Christianity has contributed to the ―bad reputation of
Babylon‖, as the Book of Revelation states that Babylon is the ―mother of
harlots‖ (Westenholz 1989:261).
Adding to accounts of the so-called illicit behaviour of the ancient
Babylonians, ANE scholars, for instance, refer to the rite de passage of
9
the first night in the OB Gilgamesh epic (Stol 1995:138). Astour
(1966:187) – quoted and criticised by recent scholars for his bias and
unfounded statements10 – referred to Babylonia as the ―classical land of

7 Westenholz (1989:264-265) thinks that it was the Greeks‘ ―denigration of the

female sex‖ and considerations of the other as ―barbarians‖ which led to the
―negative attributes‖ of Mesopotamia. Roth (2008:21) states that there are no
validations from original sources for these negative assumptions, but they are
accepted by some in today‘s literature. See in this regard discussions by Oden
(1987:131-153).
8 Assante (2009a:27-29) discusses the perceptions of classical scholars such as
Fraser, Smith and Tylor (considered to be the father of anthropology) of illicit
behaviour in the ANE, as well as the influence of the Darwinian theory on
scholars‘ interpretations of representations of gender and sex in the ancient
world.
9 Astour (1966:185-196, esp. 185) examines the story of Tamar in Genesis 38,
considering Tamar as a ―heroine‖ and ―temple harlot‖, and comparing her
position with the ―legal and ritual prescription for temple harlots in Babylonia.‖
10 See Westenholz (1989:248). Westenholz (1989:251) thinks that the qadištu-
women, together with ―other classes‖ such as ―the nadītu, kulmašītu, ugbabtu‖
were regulated by ―codes‖, ―organised into special groups‖ having a ―special
relationship‖ with a god; and their sexuality was either controlled by celibacy
or marriage. However, the ―classes‖ of the ḫarimtu, šamḫatu and kezertu were
not regulated by the ―codes‖, as they had a ―special relationship‖ with a
goddess; and their sexuality was ―unregulated‖ (Westenholz 1989:251).
Westenholz (1989:262) states that there was a priestess group who worked as
commercial prostitutes and this included those working in the taverns. This led
to the unfortunate association by some scholars of the tavern with commercial
prostitution. Westenholz (1989:256) thinks that ―controlled coitus within the
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 99

sacral prostitution‖. Astour (1966:187) goes so far as to state that there

were ―numerous categories‖ or at least ―terms‖ for ―various kinds of
prostitutes‖ and divided them into two groups: the ―common street harlots
and the temple prostitutes‖. Astour (1966:188) even includes the nadiātu
as ―sacral prostitutes‖, giving the literal meaning of the word nadītu as
―abandoned‖, as well as meaning ―fallow, unsown field‖, a symbol of
barrenness. Astour‘s reflections on the priestesses of the ANE (OB
inclusive) were standard for much of the twentieth century. Also, Brooks‘
(1921:54-79) dissertation on the ―moral practices‖ of ANE priestesses
refers to some types of priestesses as temple prostitutes who were
devotees in service of a god.11 Kramer (1963:490) discusses the so-called
sacred marriage ritual and thinks that at the New Year feast a ―ritual
practice‖ of a marriage ceremony took place, performed between ―a
specifically selected hierodule from Inanna‘s temple in Erech‖ and the
king. Scholars interchangeably refer to this as the hieros gamos or sacred
12
prostitution. Diakonoff (1986:230-231) contends that the hieros gamos
literally take place and in a later period were performed with statues or
dolls. Even the Encyclopedia of Religion (1987), with an entry for
―hierodouleia‖, explains that present-day scholars refer to the expression
―sacred prostitution‖ as a sexual rite practised in the ANE in the temples
of Ištar, Astarte, Ma, AnŠita and Aphrodite, where women, often virgins,
offered themselves sexually to strangers. It states further that sometimes
―sacred prostitutes‖ were part of the temple staff (see Westenholz
1989:261). More recently, Cooper (2006:12-21, 13), in the discussion of

sacred sphere‖ cannot be regarded as ―prostitution‖ and ―ritual promiscuity‖.

Lerner (1986) and Fischer (1976) attempt to classify the cultic sexual services
as practices accepted in society, in contrast to those sexual acts involving
commercial prostitution for payment.
11 Brooks‘s contribution is based on her dissertation (1921:54-79). Brooks
(1923:190) makes a distinction between the sal me (nadītu), uncloistered
priestess with the freedom to conduct business dealings, and the nin an, a
―virgin high priestess‖, who was cloistered, as well as ―temple prostitutes‖
such as the zermašitu and qadištu. Brooks (1923:192) considers the ḫarimtu as
a ―common prostitute‖ from Hammurabi‘s time and the temple prostitution acts
as the ―legalised vice‖ of the qadištu.
12 See discussions by Assante (2009:23-29), who thinks that the notion of sacred
prostitution largely derived from 19th-century theories of ―cultural diffusion
and social evolution‖. See also the detailed discussion of sacred prostitution in
Assante (2003).
100 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

prostitution in the ANE, refers to the ḫarimtu (Sumerian KAR-KID), as a

―prostitute‖ whose profession was brought, as a me (norm), by the
goddess Inanna to society. Cooper (2006:13) also considers the locus
classicus for ―representing prostitution in the ANE‖ as the Enkidu‘s
―Curse and Blessing of Šaḫatu‖ in The Epic of Gilgamesh VII, as well as
the warning in the Instructions of Šurruppak not to ―purchase‖ a kar-kid
13
(ḫarimtu), for it is ―dangerous‖. Assante (1998:5-95), in a detailed
discussion, rejects this theory and claims that the word ―prostitute‖ was
unknown in Mesopotamia. Nowhere in the sources is there any mention of
a priestess who was part of sacred prostitution for their cult (Assante
14
2009a; 2006:118; 1998:95; Roth 2008:22). The ANE scholars translated
and assigned the present-day term to the different priestess groups and
with biased interpretations translated the texts to convey today‘s meaning
of prostitution (Assante 2009a, 2003, 1998). The only debatable exception
is the ―sacred marriage‖ from which the term ―sacred prostitution‖ was
15
derived and overgeneralised to other priestess groups. In this debate,
Roth (2008:22) claims that the sacred marriage ritual was presented by the

13 Assante (1998:36) states that a ḫarimtu is a woman who is not under the direct
control of a man, which includes her finances, sexuality and offspring. Assante
(1986:26-36) shows, with reference to case studies and a discussion of some
paragraphs from LL and the LH, that the ḫarimtu‘s or kar-kid‘s status was
lower than the woman who was under the control of her father or husband. The
ḫarimtu was thus a class of woman who fell outside the control of a man. She
was considered not controllable, too independent and disobedient (Assante
1998:55). See also comments by Roth (2008:24-34) and Assante‘s (2007:128-
132) reply.
14 Assante (2006:184) states that the post-Darwinian notion of ―survival of the
fittest‖ and other post-Enlightenment views contributed to the acceptance of
the ancient woman‘s role as a ―child bearer‖ as part of the ―cycle of pregnancy
and nursing until her fertility dried out‖. In the instances where aspects of
women‘s (and goddesses‘) representations in the ancient sources did not fit this
mould, negative connotations were superimposed on the women (and
goddesses) of the ancient world such as cults of sacred prostitution and secular
prostitution. These negative connotations are by-products of ―nineteenth-
century social conditioning‖ (Assante 1989:180).
15 Hackett (1989:75) theorises that scholars emphasise fertility (indirectly ritual
prostitution) and ―mothering‖ traits as part of the so-called fertility goddesses,
because such traits are ―non-threatening‖ in relation to the goddesses‘ volatile
and contradictory personality traits.
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 101

ēntu priestess in the late third millennium BCE as a ―sacred marriage

ritual between the king and goddess Inanna‖. Assante (2007:118, 125-31)
disagrees that the ēntu was engaged in the ritual itself. However, Roth
(2008:22) states that ―at least we have consensus‖ that this does not
classify it as prostitution in our normal sense of the word and that kar-kid
and ḫarimtu were erroneously translated as ―prostitute‖ in its present-day
meaning.
The topic of sex and marriage was further pursued in scholars‘ studies
of the nadiātu (Roth 1999:22). Assigning prostitution to the kar-kid and
ḫarimtu – the single women who lived outside the ―male ancestral home‖
– implicated the nadiātu (Assante 1998:38-39). Also, in their
interpretation of LH §110 scholars ―accused‖ the nadiātu of performing
16
possibly illicit sexual behaviour. A translation of LH §110 by Boecker
(1980:97) reads:
―If a hierodule (nadītu) or a nun (ēntu) who is not living in a
convent has opened (the door of) a wineshop or has entered a
wineshop for a drink, they shall burn that woman‖ [my
emphasis is underlined].
Boecker (1980:97) interprets this section as meaning that both these
priestess classes were expected to ―lead blameless lives and going into a
tavern‖ to drink ale was ―an unheard-of crime‖. Lerner (1986:242)
translates Boecker‘s ―wineshop‖ as an ―alehouse‖, which implies ―a
brothel or an inn which was frequently visited by prostitutes, and thus
warranted the death penalty for an uncloistered nadītu who ‗entered‘ such
a place‖. Lerner (1986:242) added that the nadītu was forbidden to
―associate‖ with such a place, indicating that she must have ―lived
respectably‖ and ―guarded her reputation‖. Also, the ―need for recording
such a law‖ reflected ―looseness of morals among the cultic servants‖ and
showed that the society had ―respectable‖ and ―non-respectable‖ women.
Even Harris (2000:228 n. 30) thinks that LH §110 is a reference to the
―chastity‖ of the nadiātu which was ―called into question‖. Renger
(1967:156) comments that the reason for the paragraph was to ensure the

16 See Roth‘s (1999:445-462) discussion of the scholars‘ viewpoints. Roth

(1999:447) negates the claims of Driver & Miles (1952:202) that LH §110 has
a connection with LH §112, which they consider the ―lodging needs‖ of the
―travelling salesman‖. Rather, LH §112-126 is the regulation of the
relationship between two persons ―engaged in a manner of economic trust‖
(Roth 1999:447).
102 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

financial independence of the nadiātu by preventing them from choosing

prostitution in order to supplement their financial needs, and this is why
the nadiātu were protected by living in the gagûm.
On the other side of the debate, Assante (2007:127) propounds that
17
scholars misinterpret the bīt sībum for the present-day tavern/brothel/inn.
Roth (1999:456) gives an insightful commentary on LH §110, stating that
the nadiātu are erroneously implicated with prostitution in scholars‘
interpretations of the terms in italics: the nadītu‘s entry or opening up of
the tavern and the harshness of the type of offence: burning. Roth‘s
translation is as follows – and I added some of Boecker‘s translation in
brackets [ ] – with my emphasis shown in the underlining:
―If a nadītum, [hierodule] (var. adds: and/or) and ugbabtum
[nun], one who does not reside within the cloister [convent],
should open a tavern or enter a tavern (bīt sībum) [wineshop] for
18
some beer, they shall burn that woman (var.: nadītum).‖
Roth (1999:457) thinks that LH §110 has nothing to do with prostitution
and the regulation and guarding of the chastity of the nadiātu. LH §110 is
only concerned with the uncloistered nadiātu who are those of the god
Marduk. Roth (1999:445-448, 456) disagrees with the translated term of

17 Assante (2007:129ff), discussing the term bīt sībum, translated it as either a

―tavern,‖ ―alehouse‖ or ―brewery‖, which some scholars associate and translate
with ―brothel‖ or ―bordello.‖ ―Tavern-keeping‖ in the earlier periods was a
―common and respectable female occupation,‖ but was later taken over by
men. In the Old Babylonian sources there are numerous ―restrictions and
regulations on tavern owners,‖ although none could be proved to involve illicit
behaviour. Mesopotamians drank an ―estimated 4 to 5 litres of beer daily‖ and
therefore places considered as ―beer stalls, home breweries and taverns‖ were a
common OB feature. Men, women and children of all ages drank beer. Female
―tavern keepers‖ were ―grand figures‖ – for instance, Kubaba, who became
ruler of Kish, as well as Siduri, the ―paragon of wisdom‖ in the earlier OB
version of the Gilgamesh epic. The terms currently used for brothels or
bordellos, prostitutes and prostitution are unknown in cuneiform and constitute
present-day interpretations (Assante 2007:129ff). See Assante‘s (1998:65-72)
discussion of the misinterpretations of the role of the sābītu and the translated
term ―tavern‖ and my interpretation of her role in Van Wyk (2015:109-145).
18 Roth‘s (1995:456) transcription of the text reads: šumma nadītum (var. adds u)
ugbabtum ša ina gagîm la wašbat bīt sībim iptete u lu (var. ulu) ana šikarim
ana bīt sībim īterub awīltam (var. nadītam) šuāti iqallûši.
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 103

the bīt sībum, which she considered as a biased reflection with present-
day connotations. Roth (1999) advocates that we must read §110 in
context with LH‘s other paragraphs, which indicated that LH §110 was
19
part of the regulation of the sābītu (a tapster) from paragraphs LH §108-
20
111, as illustrated in Table 1. LH §100-126 were about the regulation of
―economic ventures‖ and/or economically-based personal relationships
(Roth 1999:447). Thus, LH §110 regulated the business affairs of the
21
nadītu and not her ―morality, chastity or sobriety‖ (Roth 1999:458).

19 Roth (1995:446 n. 6) explains her ―unfortunate‖ translation of a woman-

innkeeper in her 1995 translations in Laws of X §1, Laws of Ešnunna §15, 41
and LH §108-111. Roth (1999:145) affirms that the more suitable translated
term for sābītu is ―tapster‖, so as to remove any anomalies of misunderstanding
which were associated with other translations such as ―barmaid‖ and ―tavern
inn-keeper‖.
20 The table is based on Roth‘s (1999:446-447) conclusions of the relation of LH
§110 with the other paragraphs of the LH.
21 See Van Wyk (2015:109-145). I expand on Roth‘s comments regarding the
severity of the penalty of burning. I propose that LH §110 is a fiscal regulation,
prohibiting the uncloistered nadītu from committing the secret transgression of
tax evasion, which warrants public execution through death by burning.
Unfortunately, the scope of this article does not allow for elaboration of this
discussion.
104 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

§100-§103 §104-§107 §108-§111 §112-§126 §127f.

International Local Individual business and trading Marriage,
trading trading marital
sābītu‘s business Two infidelity, etc.
22
relations (tavern): persons in
§108: sābītu & an economic
customers – payment in trust
grain for beer relationship
§109: sābītu conspiring
with criminals (palace
authorities)
§110: unilateral =
uncloistered priestess
§111: sābītu &
borrower
Table 1: LH § 110 in context with adjacent sections
1.2 The nadītu as a nun (religious devotee of a god)
Some ANE scholars extended their preoccupation with the regulation of
the sexual behaviour of the nadiātu to the priestesses‘ presumed celibacy.
Due to limitations in the length of the article, I have only outlined some of
the main arguments of two scholars: Stol (1998; 1995) and Launderville
(2010:261-273).
Stol (1995:137-139) and Launderville (2010:270) disagree with
scholars who claimed the nadiātu was involved in illicit behaviour,
including prostitution.
Stol (1995) applies the term ―nuns‖ to the nadiātu, while Launderville
(2010) maintains the transliterated term nadiātum, although both scholars
associated the nadiātu with present-day nuns as better-known from
medieval Christianity. Throughout their discussions it seems that the
nadiātu share at least two main characteristics of the present-day Christian
(Catholic) nuns: their chastity as virgins in a lifetime of celibacy and their
―calling‖ to become cloistered devotees to their god(s).
Stol (1995:139) and Launderville (2010:264-265) think that the
cloistered nadiātu were sent off to a secluded place by their parents – who
were rich and sometimes royal families – to pray on their behalf and make

22 Only LH §110 refers to a unilateral offence, with an ―actor‖: the priestess and
―no explicit victim‖ (Roth 1999:452). In the other three sections (LH §108, 109
and 111), two or more people are involved regarding the business affairs of the
sābītu: §108 between the sābītu and a customer paying in grain for beer, §109
regarding the sābītu, criminals and palace authorities, and LH §111 between
the sābītu and a borrower (Roth 1999:452).
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 105

sacrifices, as deduced from the nadiātu‘s letters to family and

friends. Launderville (2010:264) proposes that the nadītu‘s religious role
also involved the performance of various rituals when entering the
―cloister‖, her position being similar to that of a kallatu, a betrothed
young girl who was housed in her father-in-law‘s household before the
23
consummation of her marriage (Launderville 2010:264).
Both scholars‘ opinions of the predominant goal of the nadiātu leading
a religious life derived from their interpretations of business and legal
cuneiform texts in which the nadiātu were directly and indirectly
involved. Both scholars discuss the business role of the nadiātu in their
family and society. Launderville (2010:266-270) mentions and outlines
the studies of Harris (1975) and Stone (1982) with regard to the different
groups of nadiātu involved in real estate transactions, economic
institutions and family life. Stol (1998, 1995) outlines various business
and legal texts of the nadiātu, especially in his 1998 contribution, adding
value to the interpretations of the nadītu‟s role in her family and society.
However, neither Stol nor Launderville considered the presence of the
nadiātu‟s economic role as the rationale for the existence of the institution
of priestess. Stol (1998; 1995) believes that the nadītu‟s role was religious
and also that the institution did not represent an economic motive to
preserve the family capital. Launderville (2010:264) considers that the
rationale for the institution was based on a calling of the cloistered and
uncloistered priestesses to serve their god(s). It was an ―escape route‖ for
those who could not marry – by intent or through circumstances – by
accommodating them in cases where they could not find a suitable
husband and by exempting them from the ―burdens of childbearing‖. In
addition, the cloistered priestesses had a ―special calling for a lifetime‖ to
24
make a ―sacrifice of virginity‖ (Launderville 2010:269). Overall, the
nadiātu in their rituals and duties show a special relationship with a deity,

23 Launderville (2010:264) refers in this instance to the fact that the nadītu was
the daughter-in-law of Šamaš and his wife Aja or the betrothed of Šamaš.
24 Launderville (2010:262-264) outlined the different scholars‘ opinions about the
so-called chastity and the virginity of the nadiātu. Landsberger (1986:58)
considers the priestesses to have lived a chaste life. Finkelstein (1970:246)
affirms that there is no textual reference to any ―vow of chastity‖ and that the
nadiātu and qadištu cannot be associated with the Sumerian lukur. Harris
(1964:107) claims there is no ―reliable‖ technical equivalent for lukur.
Lambert (1992:154 n.14) thinks that the nadiātu were prostitutes and that their
business dealings were in effect prostitution.
106 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

25
underscored by acts such as a ―standard use of salutation‖ and acting as
an ―intercession‖ for their city, family and ―other interested parties‖
(Launderville 210:265).
1.3 The nadītu as a man-woman
Diakonoff (1986) explains that if an OB girl could not be married by her
12th or 14th year, she became either a priestess or a ḫarimtu and was not
―under the patriarchal authority of the family house‖. Diakonoff (1986)
based these assumptions on ―cited and similar documents‖, including LH
§178-182. Diakonoff (1986:234) translates the nadītu literally as ―the cast
off, the laid down or away, perhaps the lying in barrenness‖. For
Diakonoff (1986:234) there were different types of nadiātu and they were
present in only some of the city-states. The nadiātu groups differ in their
dedication to different gods and rules regarding marriage, but Diakonoff
(1986:234) contends that they had the advantage of not falling under the
patriarchal household. In their role as devotees of certain gods, they acted
independently in society (Diakonoff 1986:234).

2. SPECIALISED STUDIES OF THE NADIĀTU

From recent scholarly contributions such as those of Roth (1999), Stone
(1987, 1982, 1977) and Harris (1975, etc.), we can agree that the textual
sources give us information reflecting different categories of priestesses.
This includes information about whether they were allowed by their cult
to marry and have children, where they lived, whether cloistered or
uncloistered, how they received money and property from their families,
and even what their contractual abilities were (Roth 2008:22).
Harris made a qualitative study of thousands of cuneiform tablets,
mainly from the gagûm of Sippar in northern Mesopotamia. Harris‘s
main work is captured in Ancient Sippar (1975), preceded by
contributions in 1961, 1963, 1964, 1968, 1969 and followed by
26
contributions in 1976, 1977 and 1989. Harris‘s studies mainly cover the

25 For instance: ―May Šamaš and Aja, the bride, keep you well.‖
26 Harris (1961) outlines the nadiātu, and their rights in LH. Harris (1962)
presents some bibliographical notes on some of the nadiātu priestesses. Harris
(1962:4) refers to the text VAS 9 144/145. This text records the division of the
paternal estate between three brothers, with a maintenance clause (inheritance)
in favour of their nadītu sister. The parties agreed that the inheritance of their
nadītu sister belonged to them on her death. Harris (1969, 1968, 1964, 1963,
1961) discusses the nadiātu women in general and gives a general overview of
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 107

cloistered nadiātu of Sippar and, to a lesser extent, the uncloistered

nadiātu of Marduk and other types of priestesses. Stone‘s (1982) studies
are focused on the nadiātu of Nippur with genealogies of four to six
generations in the examination of five hundred private contracts
predominantly consisting of recordings of transfers of privately-owned
fields, houses and temple property, mainly concerning sale and
27
inheritance transactions.
The social and economic circumstances in northern and southern
Mesopotamia differed and influenced the roles of the nadiātu groups in
their society and family life (Roth 1999:450; Stone 1982). Interdependent
and interacting economic, social and ecological factors and conditions
resulted in different forms of ownership in the management of property
and for the survival of the city-states‘ inhabitants (Renger 1995:269-270;
Ellickson & Thorland 1995:329).
In northern Mesopotamia there was the uncloistered nadiātu group of
28 29
Marduk, living outside the secluded areas of Sippar and Babylon, and
30
the cloistered nadiātu of Šamaš living in the gagûm of Sippar, while in
southern Mesopotamia, the cloistered nadiātu of Ninurta from Nippur
lived in the ―place of the nadiātu‖.
Stone (1982:62-63) considers the differences and similarities between
the nadiātu groups as ―superficial‖ and compares only the two cloistered

the organisation and administration of the cloister. Some general notes on

kinship and inheritance are given by Harris (1976), in addition to notes on
slave names in Harris (1977). Harris (1989) has written an overview article on
the named independent women in ancient Mesopotamia (OB), which elicited
some responses from other scholars.
27 Stone‘s (1982:53) study of OB Nippur society in a broader context conveys in
the social role of the nadiātu in these texts that 10% included a nadītu as a
contractual party (Stone 1982:51-52). In contrast with Harris‘s textual sources,
which derive mainly from OB Sippar gagûm, the Nippur contracts were found
in the houses of the Nippurians (Stone 1982:51 fn. 3).
28 With his wife Ṣarpanītum (Harris 1975:315).
29 Text references to this group in Sippar date from the reign of King Hammurabi
in the OB period, probably as a result of bringing the god Marduk as a religion
figure from Babylon to Sippar. In the text CT 8 49b there is a reference to a
nadītu coming from Babylon, hence the reference that the group could come
from Babylon (Harris 1975:315, 325 n. 36, 317-318).
30 With his bride or fiancée (kallātu), Aya (Harris 1975:315).
108 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

groups with one another. However, I add the uncloistered nadiātu of

Marduk in the following comparison.
The cloistered nadiātu groups were unmarried priestesses, forbidden to
have children. The uncloistered nadiātu of Marduk were allowed to
marry, but not to have children (Roth 1999:449; Harris 1975:315, 317).
The uncloistered nadītu may provide her husband with a second wife
31
(šugītu) whose children are considered the nadītu‘s children. The second
wife can be a younger sister, a free woman, or a slave girl (Harris
1975:317-322).
The nadiātu institution provided the opportunity for the family to
advance their position in society, both socially and economically. The
nadiātu were from the ―upper strata of society‖, coming from the
powerful, rich and even royal families. It was a position of prestige. For a
cloistered nadītu, entry to the institution could be secured if she had an
aunt or great-aunt who was already a nadītu. For the uncloistered nadītu,
an added advantage to secure entry to the institution was having an elder
32
sister as a cloistered nadītu (Stone 1982:62; Harris 1975:307, 315-316).
The Marduk nadiātu, notwithstanding their uncloistered marriage
status, had some temple duties – daily or for periods – similar to those
―services‖ a young bride would have to fulfil in her father-in-law‘s
33
household duties (Harris 1975:308, 322). The cloistered nadiātu had
34
religious duties and Harris (1975:316) considers the nadiātu of Šamaš‘

31 See LH §144-147 dealing with the uncloistered nadītu‘s marriage and its
financial implications.
32 Harris (1975:306) thinks that the oldest sister as the cloistered nadītu was of a
higher rank than her younger sister, who was the uncloistered nadītu.
33 It seems that the uncloistered nadītu‘s religious role was lesser, for there was
no regular reference to renaming her to associate her with her temple and only
one letter contained a salutation address (Harris 1975:315-316). Also, in only
one text reference (a marriage contract) were the second wife and adopted
sister obliged to bring the uncloistered nadītu‘s chair to the temple (Harris
1975: 320, 322).
34 Harris (1975:307) outlined the religious rituals of the cloistered nadiātu of
Sippar when the entering the gagûm. In a symbolic act, the ―rope of Šamaš‖
was placed over the nadītu‘s arm as a symbol of her relationship to the god.
Funerary rites were conducted, symbolising her deceased parents. The nadītu
could assume a new name to express her ―devotion‖ to her god(s), which
included prominent names such as Amat-Šamaš ―the servant of Šamaš and
Eristi-Šamaš‖ or Eristi-Aja ―requested by Šamaš or Aja‖. However, the
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 109

religious role to be the same as that of the Sipparians in their temple: both
the cult and temple had to be ―magnificently and lavishly maintained‖ to
declare their ―concern and care‖ in ―guaranteeing‖ the god Šamaš would
retain an ―abiding interest‖ in the citizens‘ ―welfare and well-being‖. The
Nippur nadiātu acted – in a symbiotic relationship with the family and
temple group – as officials of the temple, providing status to their family
35
lineage group (Stone 1982:55).
36
The nadītu received her dowry and ring-money during her initiation to
the institution. She is afforded some opportunity to obtain property for her
own means with her wit and labour. At her death, her dowry returns to her
family, securing the continuation of her family‘s patronage estate (Van
Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:59-60; Harris 1975:307, 316-318,
1968:119).
The cloistered groups‘ structures of enclosed places of living differ.
The cloistered nadiātu of Sippar lived in a gagûm. This was a walled
enclosed area, consisting of buildings where administrative staff and
workers lived and carried out administrative tasks and chores, so that the
Sippar nadiātu could focus on their business dealings (Harris 1975:38-
37
208, 306, 310-312). The cloistered Nippur nadiātu lived in a structured
area called the ―place of the nadiātum‖ (ki-lukur-ra), where men, for
instance, were not owners of houses (Stone 1982:56).
Another difference between the groups is the manner in which a nadītu
received and managed property for herself and to the advantage of her
family and institution. The Marduk uncloistered nadītu provides for her
own support, but Roth (1999:457) reasons from LH §110 that she was not
allowed to compete economically with other occupations such as the
sābītu. The uncloistered nadiātu owned property (Roth 1999:458).
However, she was not completely independent, for in an anomalous text –
the only sales text – she appears as a party in the sale of land, represented

uncloistered Sippar nadiātu of Marduk seem to have no ―pious names‖ (Harris

1975:309).
35 In FN 17 P 56 in PBS 8/2, a nadītu receives a considerable amount of gudu4-
ship from the temple of Ninlil (Stone 1982:55). The text illustrates the ―degree
of freedom from economic constraint‖ enjoyed by the nadiātu, and the secular
nature of temple offices (Stone 1982:55).
36 ―Ring money‖ is a phrase found in the sale contracts. This was jewellery that
the nadītu‘s father gave to her at her initiation (Harris 1975:316).
37 Harris (1963:122-124, 125-126) gives a concise description of the layout of the
cloister and of the type of houses within the walled area.
110 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

38
with her brothers (Harris 1975:317). The cloistered nadiātu of Sippar
and Nippur in certain instances did acquire property such as fields, houses
and slaves, and some of these purchases were next to or near their father‘s
holdings – thus, the nadiātu could increase their ownership in an area
(Stone 1982:68; Harris 1975:310-311). In various Sippar gagûm records,
the cloistered nadiātu obtained and leased property without the assistance
of male family members (Harris 1975:310-312). In Sippar the cloistered
nadiātu received property via inheritance from their father or other
nadiātu. In Nippur, the nadiātu received gifts of property (Stone 1982:57).
In contracts between the Nippur family members – during and after the
lifetime of the father – the nadītu received property and benefits in the
form of a dowry, gifts of various properties and maintenance (Stone
39
1982:57-58).
In the Sippar division agreements and the Nippur contracts, the brothers
agree with their cloistered nadītu sister, on the death of their father, to
provide for their sister‘s maintenance needs for the rest of her life (Van
40
Wyk 2014a, 2014b). The cloistered nadītu only received some of the

38 The text, Szlechter Tablettes 45 Mah 15935, gives a confused picture of the
property rights of the uncloistered nadiātu. Harris (1975:317) thinks that either
she was limited in selling her property (probably family property) or she could
not, like the cloistered nadītu, sell land without male family representation.
39 In text ARN 29, three types of property were awarded to the Nippur nadītu,
Beltani. This included a list of goods in the form of a dowry, consisting of
household goods, grain and a slave girl, then a ―substantial plot‖ of an
eighteen-iku field coming originally from her nadītu aunt‘s estate (Stone
1982:57) and a three-iku plot provided by her father and her eldest brother. (1
iku is 3600m2.) A third group of property consists of her maintenance support,
which the nadītu by agreement received for a lifetime. In a later agreement,
CBS 7112, PBS 8/2, her maintenance was reduced and Beltani received from
her brothers a monthly ration of grain, oil and an annual ration of wool for life
(Stone 1982:58).
40 In my contributions on the nadiātu, I focus on the maintenance and inheritance
provisions for the nadiātu from Sippar (Van Wyk 2014a) and those of Nippur
(Van Wyk 2014b). Also, LH §178 states that, if the father does not give his
nadītu daughter the freedom to alienate the property, then the brothers must
support her by managing her property and allotting the proceeds to her. This
form of maintenance consists of food, oil and clothing allowances in
accordance with the value of her inheritance share. Furthermore, the onus is on
the brothers to ensure that she is satisfied with the allowances. In the instance
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 111

fruits and income derived from her maintenance property. Thus, during
the lifetime of the nadītu the family – father and then his sons – was the
representative owners of the nadītu‘s maintenance property and upon her
death became the ultimate owners of such property (Van Wyk 2014a,
41
2014b; Harris 1976:133). However, in the Sippar texts the cloistered
nadiātu of Sippar was sometimes involved in conflicting roles with their
family members by adopting and bequeathing their maintenance property
to their beneficiaries (Harris 1975:335-357; 1963:152-154). Still, at the
best of times the cloistered nadiātu of Sippar and Nippur and their family
members played mutually supportive roles (Van Wyk 2014a; 2014b).
Furthermore, in Nippur, three social institutions played a dynamic role
in defining the nadiātu‘s role and contained risk-sharing attributes for the
advantage of the survival of its inhabitants (Stone 1987:133; 1985:55;
1977:283-287).42 These institutions were the patrilineal lineages, the
temple office group and the nadītu institution (Stone 1982:55). The

of non-compliance, the nadītu is given the power to appoint an agricultural

tenant who can then make better use of the land to provide her with
maintenance from the proceeds of the fields and orchard. LH §179 states that if
the nadītu‘s father gives the land-dowry as a free disposition, the nadītu has the
freedom to bequeath it to whomever she pleases, otherwise the land is her
brothers‘ land and they must support her.
41 The following paragraphs of LH and LL give a glimpse of the property rights
of the nadiātu. In LH §180, the cloistered nadītu shall, as a lifetime
maintenance, ―have a share of the property of the paternal estate comparable in
value to that of one heir‖. However, ―her estate belongs only to her brothers‖.
LH §181 states that a nadītu who did not receive her dowry shall, upon her
father‘s death, ―take her one-third share from the property of the paternal estate
as her inheritance‖ for a lifetime maintenance and ―her estate belongs only to
her brothers‖ (translations by Roth 1995:180). Thus, the nadītu keeps a close
connection with her family. The property gained by the nadītu was ―at least
partly‖ controlled by her brothers (Stone 1981:18). Then §22 of LL reads that a
nadītu shall share as equal heir with her brothers in her father‘s estate (Roth
1995:31). Whereas LH §180 and 181 specify that the nadītu sister has only the
use of the property, because the property belongs ultimately to her brothers, LL
makes no such statement. Thus, Jackson (2008:121) states that in LL §22, there
is a ―slightly different attitude‖ towards female inheritance.
42 In Van Wyk (2014b:457-480) I outlined how the OB Nippurians managed
property through institutions which resulted in spreading different risk-sharing
attributes among these institutions.
112 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

Nippur nadītu had a symbiotic relationship with her family lineage and
retained ―close economic ties‖ with her family (Stone 1981:19), which is
extended also to her welfare (Van Wyk 2014b). Her family utilised her
position as part of the temple office group to control and extend family
property, whereby she acted as a party in the transfer of property from one
lineage to another. In this way, the family obtain property from other
lineages rather than through the traditional means from their minor branch
(Stone 1981:24). Thus, the Nippur nadītu institution served the family‘s
interests and acted as a link between the patrilineal lineages and the
temple office group, while being protected by her family (Stone 1981:18).
Still, in Sippar, although the nadītu institution once had a ―spiritual and
social role‖, in time the function of the temple office became of lesser
importance (Stone 1981:69; Harris 1968:117, 119). The emphasis in
Sippar developed towards some independent economic advantages which
a cloistered and uncloistered nadiātu might or could gain, especially in the
later period of OB (Van Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:69).

3. CONTRADICTORY AND DISTINCTIVE ATTRIBUTES OF THE

NADIĀTU
In our evaluation of Mesopotamian data by period and area, religious and
other types of symbols and titles undergo continuous changes and
replacement, giving way to different meanings (Westenholz 1989:251). It
is these different meanings that can elude historians when we superimpose
with a contemporary bias our ideals and present-day meanings onto OB
concepts and institutions. In this section, I give my concluding remarks on
the contradictory attributes of the nadiātu as prostitutes or celibate-virgin
nuns. This is followed by conclusions on the distinctive attributes of the
nadiātu, namely, the considerations of the family to save the nadiātu from
the consequences of pregnancy and childbearing and the presumptions
that the nadītu acted as an independent person, outside the bounds of
patriarchal authority.
3.1 Contradicting classifications: prostitutes versus virgin nuns
In historical studies, there is a tendency to discuss women of ancient times
in terms of their sexual functions. Women are seen as wives and mothers
based on their ―biological function‖ such as fertility, maternity and sex,
and placed in roles such as ―wives, mothers, witches, midwives, nuns or
whores‖ (Hackett 1989:65-66). This limited view is extended to the
priestesses of the ANE and, more specifically, the nadiātu groups. As
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 113

previously discussed, there is no valid reason to impose on the nadiātu the

label of illicit sexual behaviour and prostitution.
I disagree with Launderville (2010) and Stol (1995, etc.), who believe
that the cloistered nadiātu‘s ultimate destiny was to live a virgin-celibate
life – similar to that of a present-day nun – in religious dedication to their
gods and having no sexual intercourse. Although the nadiātu performed
religious duties for themselves and their family, we should recognise that
to reconstruct the sexual life of ancient Mesopotamians is ―fraught with
many uncertainties‖. At least we know from the sources that ancient
Mesopotamians had fewer prohibitions against sex than our own
43
civilizations (Bullough 1971:191). The nadiātu groups‘ celibacy can
only be limited to vaginal sex to prevent pregnancy, for there are no
textual sources stating that the nadiātu were forbidden from conducting
44
other forms of sexual acts.
However, the focus of studying the priestess groups should not be
directed towards the priestesses‘ alleged sexual and virgin-celibate lives,
or the topics of prostitution and sex. Attributing to the nadiātu sexual acts
or abstinence from sexual acts does not add to our understanding of their
role and position in society, but rather reveals biased presumptions and
the superimposing of present-day sexual taboos and sexual behaviour onto
classes of women who did not fit the mould of the wife/mother. In
addition, the bias and negative connotations of superimposing present-day
translated terms such as ―prostitutes‖ and ―nuns‖ contribute to the
misreading and misunderstanding of ancient texts – in the quotation and
re-quotation of translated primary sources. We should rather in our
45
translations retain the terms ―nadītu/nadiātu‖ and follow the slower and
more complex road – communicating in debate – for at least some
common understanding of cuneiform terms.

43 See discussions of ANE (OB) sexual life, customs, eroticism, conceptions of

the male/female body, etc. by Bahrani (2001), Asher-Greve (1997) Leick
(1994) and Bullough (1971:191).
44 Different forms of sexual conduct, including anal sex, are inferred from texts
and from representations of partners coupling (Bahrani 1993:13-14, fig. 1;
Bullough 1971:191).
45 This suggestion is extended to all terms which need clarification, such as all the
priestess classes, e.g. kulmašītu, ugbabtu, ḫarimtu (kar-kid), šamḫatu, ēntu,
etc. who are mostly classified as prostitutes, while their functions and roles in
family and society differ.
114 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

3.2 Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of childbearing

and acting outside the bounds of patriarchal authority
Old Babylonian society was socially/group-orientated and the family
formed an integral part of society in maintaining relationships, especially
46
kinship relationships (Claassens 2012/1:35). The nadiātu – cloistered
and uncloistered – had a predestined social role to play. For each person
had a particular ―juridical relationship in their position in the family‖ by
contract (Fleishman 2001:93-97) or birth (Frymer-Kensky 1981:210-214).
The individual moves in his/her life through different stages, which has a
direct influence on his/her status and position in social and family life
(Roth 1998:717). The family structure can be labelled as that of
―patripotestal in authority‖ and ―patrilineal in descent‖ (Frymer-Kensky
47
1981:210). However, there were differences in kinship relationships in
northern and southern Mesopotamia with regard to ownership influencing
the status of the family members and the roles they play within the family
48
structure and other societal institutions (Forster 1995:442; Stone 1985).
In the predestined roles of each individual, women were expected to
have children. The OB woman, squatting with her feet on birth bricks and
giving birth with only the attention of a midwife, was a different reality
from that of the present-day woman who gives birth in the comfort of a
hospital bed, with the aid of trained medical personnel and advanced
49 50
medical knowledge (Assante 2009b:1-2). Still, childbirth in the ANE
and to a lesser extent in the present day is accompanied by possible
serious and painful complications for both the mother and baby, as the

46 See my discussion of the nature and characteristics of performative legal

traditions of OB Mesopotamians (Claassens 2012/1:29-50).
47 However, two practices concerning the daughter were a ―modification of male
succession rule‖: receiving a donation during her lifetime in the form of a
dowry and/or receiving as a priestess-daughter support from her family
(Postgate 1992:97).
48 Roth (1998:175; 1997) warns of superimposing our present-day understanding
of social categories on those of the ancient world.
49 As Assante (2009b:1) puts it, ―we hardly dare to imagine them‖. However,
notwithstanding the social and cultural differences, there are similarities in the
biological processes of our bodies (Assante 2009b:1).
50 See Stol (2010), who also discusses the diagnosis of complications during and
after childbirth in the ANE.
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 115

51
stark reality of procreation: starting with the date of conception,
52 53
possibility of miscarriages, complications of childbirth and secondary
54
complications thereafter.
ANE civilizations were painfully aware of this and to such an extent
that the female body was considered a house to be guarded from entry by
demons (Assante 2009b:6). Threats to the mother and baby were
personified by the demon Lamaštu, who caused miscarriages, stillborn

51 For instance, a complication is hyperemesis gravidarum, which is the abnormal

and excessive morning nausea with vomiting. This may cause electrolyte
disturbances and can be fatal if not treated medically (World Health
Organization 2003:S1).
52 Some complications in pregnancy that can be fatal without any present-day
medical assistance include: ectopic pregnancy where the fertilised egg is
implanted outside the uterus. Without any medical and surgical intervention,
the mother will die (World Health Organization 2003:S-9). Also placenta
previa, where the placenta is situated over the cervix (uterus opening) which
can cause vaginal bleeding as the pregnancy progresses and end up in maternal
death (World Health Organization 2003:S-18). Placenta abrapsio: where the
lining separates the placenta from the uterus, which may cause severe bleeding
and is today a major contributor to maternal mortality worldwide (World
Health Organization 2003:S-18). Eclampsia and pre-eclampsia: immediate
assistance is needed when the woman goes into convulsions, otherwise both
mother and baby can die (World Health Organization 2003:S-27, 38).
53 Some complications during childbirth that can be fatal without any present-day
medical assistance include the following. Cephalo-pelvic disproportion is a
condition where either the mother‘s pelvis is too small or the baby is too big
(World Health Organization 2003:97). Fetal presentation: where the foetus is
lying in an abnormal position – for instance, a breech baby, shoulder
presentation, horizontal presentation etc. (World Health Organization 2003:S-
74, S-75, S-83, S-74, S-73, S-73, S-75). Umbilical cord issues, where the cord
is looped around the baby‘s neck or otherwise entangled, which can possibly
cause compression (World Health Organization 2003:S-97). Perineal
lacerations: tears in the perineum which is the area between the vagina and
anus (World Health Organization 2003:S-97S-136).
54 Infections as a result of unsterilised environment and instruments will make the
birth-giving mother and baby susceptible to life-threatening infections. Good
sanitation and hygienic after-care of the baby and mother are prerequisites to
secure the well-being of the mother and baby (World Health Organization
2003:S-108).
116 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

infants and snatched the foetus‘s life from the woman‘s body (Scurlock
1991). This swamp creature was portrayed in horrendous detail,
representing painful and life-threatening conditions. It includes the feet of
an eagle; a bird of prey; hands as signs of decay; overgrown fingernails
55
and unshaven armpits (Assante 2009b:13).
The prohibition of the nadiātu from having biological children
preserved her from the perils of pregnancy and childbirth (Harris 2000:53,
90). The concerned rich parents could choose rather to enter their
daughter into the nadītu institution, or at least contemplate the advantages
of their daughter‘s childless life. As an added advantage, the nadītu
institutions had religious undertones, making the nadītu occupation
socially acceptable and one of prestige. The nadītu‘s economic functions
refute the emphasis on the religiously-destined life as the sole purpose for
the institution.
This brings us to the classification of the nadītu as a man-woman, an
independent woman acting outside the bounds of patriarchal control. The
nadītu never could, as a baby, toddler, adolescent or adult woman, possess
56
personal autonomy to decide her fate. Although the nadītu‘s contractual
capabilities exceed the mother-wife woman who was bound to patriarchal
control, the nadītu did at best have a limited contractual capacity. Her
rights were demarcated by her group, societal rules and her family‘s
choices. Also, a person in any society, especially in a group-orientated
society, who gains entitlements (rights), carries with those entitlements
obligations towards others.
With the naditu‘s initiation, she received or should at least receive her
dowry and ring-money. The nadītu must as soon as possible accumulate
her estate by her wit and labour in order to ensure provision for her old
age. A few cloistered Nippur and Sippar nadiātu did own estates
accumulated from their dowries, because of favourable circumstances and
through using their business skills. On the other hand, some Sippar
cloistered nadītu had to resort to adopting someone as a daughter or son in
order to secure her financial wellbeing, causing tension in her family by
violating her brothers‘ inheritance property rights (Harris 1975:309). The

55 See a plaque with figure of the demon, Lamaštu (Harper 1985:4). The
likenesses of the Lamaštu were used in two ways: as amulets that warded off
her approach and as effigies that were killed, destroyed, buried, sent
downstream or dispatched to the desert (Assante 2009b:13).
56 In contrast, Launderville (2010:269) thinks that a nadītu could choose her
occupation.
REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 117

uncloistered nadiātu of Sippar were limited in their contractual

independence and even in one instance in a contract represented by male
family brothers. The Nippur nadītu was mostly dependent on her role in
Nippur‘s society institutions. She was used as a link between the temple
group and the paternal lineage to obtain property for a family lineage
group. Although the Sippar nadiātu had a greater economic freedom than
her Nippur counterpart, all the groups of nadiātu, especially the cloistered
nadiātu, were in many instances in dire financial need, depending on their
male family members for support.
The occasional representation by her male family members, her need
for maintenance support, and the nadītu of Sippar‘s problems with her
families in choosing her heir to provide her with support show that we
should be careful when considering the nadiātu groups as independent
women not under patriarchal control. There was a thin line between her
dependency and presumed independency. Many aspects shaped the
nadiātu‘s role and status, such as the temple group and city-state‘s
ownership philosophy. Other aspects included the family‘s hidden or even
outspoken motives of seeking prestige in society and/or utilising the
nadītu daughter‘s position for the family‘s economic and social
advantages and/or pleasing the gods and/or rescuing the nadītu daughter
from the consequences of pregnancy and childbirth.

4. CONCLUSION
Until recently, the focus in the study of the nadiātu was on their presumed
contradictory sexual or ascetic roles and/or religious behaviour, describing
them as prostitutes or celibate virgin nuns. Roth, Stone and Harris open up
the opportunity for a new look at the nadiātu‘s status and role. The
different nadiātu groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the
type of group and social-economic circumstances in space and time,
together with the hidden choices and motives of the paterfamilias and
male family members. The institution was to the advantage of the family
and society and, when allowed, the nadītu by her wit and labour could
accumulate property for herself for her own financial independence.
However, the nadītu was in many instances a maintenance dependant; and
her independence from the patriarchal household was only possible in
certain instances.
118 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

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