Behrendt The Buddhist Architecture of Gandhara PDF

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Library of Con!P'ess Cataloging-in-Publication Data '
Bchrendt, Kurt A., I 964- J
The Buddhist architecture of Gandhara I by Kurt A. Behrendt. ,
p. cm. - (Handbook of oriental studies. Section two. India. ISSN 0 I 69-93 77 ; v. I 7 = '
Handbuch der Orientalistik, Indien) '
Includes bibl.iograpbical references and index.
ISBN 90-04-1 1595-2 (hardback : alk. paper)
I. Architecture, Buddhist-Gandhara (Pakistan and Afghanistan) 2. Sculpture,
Gandhara-Gandhara (Pakistan and Afghanistan) 3. Sculpture, Buddhist- Gandbara
(Pakistan and Afghanistan) I. T itle. U. Handbuch der Ol'icntali~tik. Zwcite Abteilung.
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I
Indien ; I 7. Bd.
NA6010.72.G36B44 2003
722'.4-dc22
2003045 119
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ISSN 0169-9377
ISBN 90 04 13595 2
IQ Coj!)lrig!Lt 2003 by KoninJdijke .Brill NV, L.eiden, V.e Netherlmzds
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CONTENTS
I .i!(t o( l'lh JStrations . ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, , ,,,, ..... ,................ ,. >;;V
Acknowled men ts ................. ........... .... ..................... ......... ........ .. x:xvu"
In trod!Jction " "" """" , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,. I

Chapter One: O verview of Greater Gandha.ra .... .. .. ............ .. 12
I. I Historic Smvey of Archaeology in Gandhara .......... .. 16
I .2 Geography of Greater Gandhara and the
Distribution of Buddhist Sites ..................................... . 22
I .2. I Major Buddhist. Sites in the Peshawar
Basin· Ancient Gand bara 24
I .2.2 T he Buddhist Complexes of Taxila ................ 25
I .2.3 Buddhjst Remains in the Swat Valley:
Ancient Udayana .............................................. 26
I .3 Charact"eristic Architectural Featmes of Gandharan
Buddbj st Cen ters .................... , .. ..... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 27
1.3. I The Main Stapa ................................................ 28
1.3.2 Small St1ipas ........................................................ 29
I .3.3 Swpa S hrines and Direct-Access
R elic- Shrin es 30
I .3.4 Direct-Access Main Stii as ................................ 31
I .3.5 Distribution of Sculpture in the
Sacred Area .. .................................... , ............. ., 3I
I .3.6 M'onasteries ......... ... ................................. ........... 33
Qyadrangular Monasteries ................................ 33
'M'cumtain Viharos 37
Chapter Two: Architecture and Sculpture from Phase I ...... 39
2. l T he MaUJyan Pe•iod in Gandhara ............................ 39
2.2 Pbasr I Architectura l Evidence .................... ................ 41
2.2. 1 Dharmara,jika Complex in Taxila: Phase I .... 41
2.2.2 Buddhist Structures in the Taxila City
of Sirkap: Phase I .. .. .. .. ...................................... 45
2.2.3 Butkara. I in Swat: Phase I .. ..,,,,,,,,,,,, ... 47
2.3 Architectural Links to the Indian Buddhist
T radition During Phase I .................... ........................ 50
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VIJJ CONTENTS
2 03 0I The Phase I Stupa. 00 00 00 00 00 .... 0............ ...... 00 ...... 00 51

20302 Use of Columns During Phase I .................. 00 55
20303 Phase I Sculpture 0000.......................................... 56
204 Conclusions About the Nature of Phase I
Mate rial from Northwest India .. 00 00 00 .......... 00 ................ 59 ·
Chapter T hree: The Development of Relic Shrines:
Phases I and Il .......... ....... oooooooooooOoooo . oooooo . . . . . . . . . . . . ooooooo" " ' " " " 61
301 Chinese Pilgrims' Accounts of Direct-Access
Relic Shrines in Gandhara 00 ....................................... 0 61
302 Architecmral FNidence for Direei'-Access Relic
Shrines in and arou nd Sirkap: Phases I and 11 oooo.... 65
303 Two-Celled Stztptt Shrines and Direct-Access
Shrines: Phas«'S I and II 00 ................... 00 00 . 00 . 00 00 . 00 00 0 73 ·
C hapte r Four: The Phase IT Sacred Area .... 000000 .................. 00 77
401 Taxila: Phase IT Architectural Evidence oooooooooooooo · ooooo · o 79
40101 Kalawan: Phase IT ArchitecOJre ...................... 81
40102 The Dharmariijika Complex: Phase I1
Architecture a nd the Relic Shrine 84 .
40103 Dharmara,jika Satellite Monastic
Complexes: Phase Il Architecture .. 00 00 ....
OOoO . . . . . . 93
401.4 Mohra Morii.du: Phase IT Architecrme oo oooo oo 00 94
4. 105 Pippala: Phase 11 Architecture ............ oo . . oooooOoo 95
402 Peshawar Basin: Phase II Arc hitectural Evidence ...... 96
40201 Ranigat: Phase IT Architecture .................. 0.... 0 97 :
4.3 Swat: Phase U Arcbitecn,ral Evidence 99 0
4 ,3, I Butkara I: Phase II Architecture 00 00 00 000000 00 00 00 00 00
99 '
40302 Piinr: Phase IT Architecture ............................ .. 101 0I
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4.3.3 Saidu; Phase IT Archi tecn1re
4,3.4 Butkara ill: Phase U Architecture oooo oooooooo oo . . oo
102 '0
104 (•
I
40305 Marjanai: Phase li Architecture .... 000000 ...... ... 000 105 '
404 Architectural Organization and Development I
o f the Sacred Area in TaKila, the Peshawar
Basin, and Swat During Phase rr ..... OOOOoOOOOOO OOOO OO oOoO . . OOOO 107 .
Chapter Five: The Phase 11 Distributio n and Function
of Sculpture .. 00 00 ................ 00 ..... 00 .. .00 00000000000000 00 000 00 00
ooO . . oo . . 0 oOOOOOO l 09
5, I The Issue of Provenance': Late 19th and
Early 20th Century Photo Documentation
of Ganclharan Sculpture 0...... 0............ 000 00 00 00 00 00 00 .. 00 .... 00 0 J 12
502 Narrative R eliefs from Phase TT: In Sitn Evidence .... 114
5020 1 Sculpture from Phase IT Main Snipas:
T akht-i-biibf and Saidu .. .............................. .... 115
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CONTENTS 1X
5.3 Evidence of Phase II Original Sculptural

Placement .. .... ... .. ............................ .......... ..................... 116
5.3.1 Upper Nathou Sacred Area: Original
Sculptural Placement ..................... .... .. ............. 11 6
5.3.2 Lower Nathou Sacred Area: Original
Sculptural Placement .............. ...... ........ .. .......... ll 7
5.3.3 Sikri: O riginal Sculptural Placement .............. 11 8
5.3.4 Karkai: Original Sculptural Placement ............ I 19
5.3.5 Marjanai: Original Sculptural Placement ........ 120
5.4 T he Phase II Small Stiipa: Sculptural Embellishment
and a Proposed Reconstruction .................... .... .. .. .. .. .. 121
5.4. 1 T he Base ............. ........ ................................... .... 124
5.4.2 The Drum: Developments in the Narrative
T radition .. .. .. .. . .. . .. .... ., ............ .. .... 127
5 4 3 The Fa lse Gable: The Focal Narrative .......... 132
5.4.4 The Dome, Hcmnika, and Clzattravali ........ .. ...... 133
Chapter Six: Phase IIl Architecture and Sculpture
from 1'axila ..................................... .. ............ ... .... ......... ......... 135
6.1 Introduction to the Phase Ill Developments in
the Sacred Areas and Monasteries of T alcila
and the Peshawar Basin .... ............ ................................ 135
6.2 The Phase Ill Increase in Patronage .......................... 137
6.3 Taxila: Phase Ill Architectural and Sculptural
Evidence .. .. .. .. .. .............................. ...... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... .. .. 141
6.3.1 The Dharmarajika Complex: Possible
Late Phase II Image Shrines ...................... .. .... 142
6.3.2 T he Dharmarajika Complex: Early Phase Ill
Slilpas with AJcial Image Shrines .. .. ... ........ ....... 144
6.3.3 The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase III
Monasteries ................................................. .. ..... 145
6.3.4 The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase ill Image
Shrines Along the Northern Avenue .............. 146
6.3.5 The D harrnarajika Complex: Phase UI
Additions to the Prad(l}qirzapatha and
Main Stil a .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 149
6.3.6 The Dharmarajika Complex: Late Phase JII
Architecture ........................... ,,,.,,,,,............ 150
6.3.7 Kalawan: Phase fll Architectur e and the
R elic Shrine .. ................ .... .. ........................ .... .. 154
6.3.8 J auliaii: Phase III Architecture and the
Image Shrine ...................................................... 156
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X CONTENTS
6.3.9 Mohra M oradu: Phase III Architecture

and Additive Imagery ... ..... .............................. 159
6.4 Phase Ill Taxila: Site Typo1ogies and Religious
Affiliation .. ..... ....... ... ................................................ ....... 161
6.5 The Phase Ill Small Stiipa ....................... ..................... 163
6.6 Phase Ill Use of Images and R elics in
Quadrangular Monasteries ............ .. .. ... ..... ........ .... ....... 166
6.6.1 Pha$e rn l Jse o f Personal Devotional
Images in Monasteries ...... .. .. .. .. ... ...... .. ... ... .. .. .. . 16 7
6.6.2 Monastic Images: Phase Ill Pedestal
Images and Image Shrines Built in
Pre-existing Residential Cells .. .. .. ... .. ..... .. ... .. .. .. . 169
6.6.3 Monastic Images: Late Phase Ill
Gandhaku# Image Niches ...... ............... ... .. ........ 17l
Chapter Seven: Phase m and IV Architecture in the
Peshawa1· Basin ........................................ ............... .... ...... ... .. 175
7. I M ekhasanda: Phase II and TU Architecmre .. ... .. ..... ... . 177
7.2 Takht-i-bahi: Architecture ............ ......... ....................... 18 1
7.2. 1 Takht-i-babl: Phase JI Remains ...................... 182
7.2.2 Takht-i-bahi: The Earliest Pha~e Ill
Remains ....................... ... .... ................................ I 83
7.2.3 T akht-i-bahi: The Second Period of
Phase ill Construction .. .. .. .. ......... .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ...... 185
7.2.4 Takht-i-bahi: Late Phase ill Construction ...... 186
7.2.5 Takht-i-bahi: A Summary of Its
Development ........................ .............................. 188
7.2.6 Takht-i-bahr Patronage and the Phase Ill
Multiplication of Sacred Areas .. ....... .. .. .. .. ....... 189
7.3 Thareli: Phase JI and ill Architecture ...... .... ..... .. ....... 191
7. 3. I Thareli: Mountain Viharas ... .. .. .. .. .. ... . .. .. .. .. ...... . 194
7,3,2 Thareli: Monastic Sma ll Sacred Areas 1Q5
7.4 .Jamal G<q:h1: Phase I1 and m Architecture .............. 197
7.5 Ranigat: Phase JI to Phase lV Architecture .............. 200
7.6 Pha$e IV: T he D ecline of Buddhism ............ .. .. ....... ... 204
Chapter Eight: Phase ID Sculpture in the Peshawar
Basin ........................................................................................ 211
8.1 Lot·iyan Tarigai: Loose Sculpture ................................ 212
8.2 T akh t-i-bahi: Loose Sculptme .. .. .......................... .... .... 215
8.2.1 Takht-i-bah.f: The Upper and Lower
Sacred Areas: Loose Sculptme .. .. .. .. ........ .. ...... 2 16
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CONTENTS XI
8.2.2
T a kbt-i-biibi: Sacred Area XX Loose
Sculpture · .................. .............. .. ... .. ............... ...... 218
8.2.3 Takht-i-babi: T wo-Celled Shrine XXIII:
Loose Sculpture ........ ......... .. ....... ....... .. ............. 219
8.2.4 Takht-i-bahl Small Sacred Area XIV:
Loose and In Situ Sculpture .... ........................ 220
8.3 Loose Sculptura l Finds fro m the Sahrr-Bah.lol
Sites I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 0 I I I 0 I I I I I 0 I I ettttt00 0 , . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 •• , ! ! ! 0! 0 0 0 0 0 0 f 0 f f f!!!!!! 221
8.3. 1 Sahri-Balu ol B: Loose Sculpture ...................... 222
8.3.2 Sahrr-Bahl61 C: Loose Sculpture ........ .............. 222
8.3.3 Sahrr-Ba hJ61 D: Loose Sculpture .................... 223
8.4 Thareli: Loose Sculpture .. .. ............. ..... ............ ... .. ....... 224
8.5 M ekhasanda: Loose Sculpture ....... ............................... 226
8.6 Ranigat: Loose Sculpture ...... .. .... ............................. .. ... 226
8. 7 I n Situ Imagery from Sites in the Peshawar
Bas in a nd Swii.t .................... .......................................... 228
8. 7.1 Sikri: In Situ Sculpture and the
Architectural Organization of the Site ..... ..... .. 228
8. 7.2 Sahn-Balllol: Some Possible In Situ
Sculpture .. ......... ....... ................................... .. .. ... 230
8. 7.3 Mekhasanda: In Situ Sculpture ........................ 231
8. 7.4 T hardi: In Situ Sculpture ........ ...................... .. 232
8. 7.5 Sa idu: In Situ Sculpture ............................. ... .. 233
Chapter ine: Buddhist Architecture and Sculpture
of Gandhiira: Conclusions .............. .. .. ........................ .. .. .. .. .. .. 234
9, 1 Phase l ......................... ,,,,,,,,,.,,............................ 23:'>
9.2 Phase n .......................................................................... 237
9.3 Phase m ...... .. .. ............................ .................................. 244
9.4 Late Phase IJI and P hase IV .................................... .. 2.53
Appendix A: The Four-Phase Chronological System ............. . 255
A I Phase I .............................. ...... .................................. .. .. .. 256
A I . I P hase I Dating Evidence from Sirkap ........... . 256
A 1.2 Phase I Character of Masomy in T axila .. .... .. 258
A 1.3 Phase I Structural T es ................................. . 259
A2 Phase II .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . .. . 259
A2. 1 Phase H Dating Evidence .......................... .. .... 259
A2.2 Phase II Character of Masomy in T axiJa ..... . 260
A2.3 Phase li Struc tural T ypes .......................... ...... 261
A3 Phase m . . ?62
A3. I Phase Ill Dating Evidence ............... .. ... .. .... .... 262
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Xll CONTENTS
A3.2 Phase ill Character of Masonrv in Taxila 264

A3.3 Phase m Strucrw-al Types .............................. 265
A4 Late Phase Ill .......................... ...................... ................ 266
A4.1 Late Phase Ill- Phase IV Character of
Masonry in Taxila ...... ...................................... 266
A4.2 Late Phase ill Structural T ypes ......................
AS Phase IV
267
I
A5.l Phase IV Dating Evidence .............................. 267
A5.2 Phase IV Structural Types .............................. 267
Appendix B: Dating Gandharan Sculpture .. ............................ 268
Bl Relative Chronological D evelopment from
Narrative Sculpture to Iconic Images and the
Development of Mudriis: Phase IT to Late
Phase ill """"'"""""""""""'"'""""'"''''''"''''''''''''''"'' 274
B2 Dating Gandharan Sculpture on the Basi~ of
Stucco Evidence: Phases ill and TV ................ "'"""' 277
B3 Dating Monumental Schist Devotional Icons of
Buddhas and Bodhisattvas: Late Phase III ... .. .... . .. .. .. 28 1
B4 Schist Images with Inscribed Dates .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 281
B5 The Sravasti D evotional Icons: Phases ITI and IV .... 284
Appendix C: R euse of Ima.ges and It~ Bearing on the
Dating of Gandharan Sculpture .... ............ ...... .... .. .. .. .. .. .. ...... 288
C 1 First Period of R euse: Phase III .......... .... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... 290
C 2 Second Period of Reuse: Late Phase III and
Phase IV ................................. ..... .................................. 292
Appendix D : Num eric Count of Sculpnn·e T ypes from
Some Peshawar Basin Sites .. ............... .. .... .. .. .. ...... .. .. ........ .. . 296
D 1 Loriyan Tangai ............................... .... ... ....................... . 296
D 2 Takht-i-bahi ...................... .. ..... .................................... .
D2.1 Takht-i-bahi' Upper and Lower Sacred
297
I
Areas lV- V ............................... .. .. .. .. ... ............. . 297
D2.2 T akht-i-bahf Sacred Area XX ...................... .. 298
D2.3 T akht-i-biihi Two-Gelled Shrine XXill ........ .. 299
D 2.4 T akht-i-bah i Small Sacred Area XlV .......... .. 299
0 3 Sahrf-Bahlol Sites ..................................... ..... ............ ... . 300
D3.l Sahr!-Bahlol A .............................. ... .. .............. . 300
D3.2 Sahrr-Bah161 B ................................................. . 300
D33 Sabrf-Babli\1 C 301
D 3.4 Sahrf-Bahlol D !I •••••• ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
301
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CONTENTS XJ]]
D4 Thareli oo o o 0 0 0 o o 0 0 oo o I o I o o o o 0 o o o o o o + o o o o o + o 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o + o o o o oo o o o o o o o o o o o o 302
D5 M e khasanda t' t t t' 't I t 0
ID" , ' ' ' ' t I t 0 303
D6 Rani at •••••••••••• 0 ••••••• • ••••••••••••• 0 •••••••••••••• • ••• • •••••••••• • • • • ••• ••• 303
Glossar ...................................................................................... 305
Biblio. 31 1
Index I 0 0 I 01 I I 0 I 0 " 100 I DO I 0 I I I 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 'P' I I ft I I I I I I I I I I I ft00e0tt0fttt0t00000! f , •• 0 f 0 0 0 0 f 0 323
UST OF ILLUSTRATIO NS
I. Plan of Dharmarajika complex, Taxila (modified from Marshall,

195 I, pl. 45).
2. Plan of Takht-i-bahl (Peshawar basin) main sacred areas and
quadrangular monas tery, showing all periods of construction
(modified from Hargreaves, 1914, pl. XVII).
3. Map of Greater Gandhfu-a (modified from Foucher, 1905, 627).
4. Map of major Taxila sites (modified from Marshall, 1951 , pi. 1).
5. Chart of the phase chronological system in relation to architec-
tw·al types, sculptural development, and T axila masonry.
6. Maj or Buddhist sites in Taxila, the Peshawar Basi n, and Swat
and their approximate occupation phases.
7. Numismatic chronology for the coins mentioned in this work
(alter Errington, 2000).
8. R econstructed phase U small stupa. A- conjectural base with
atlantes, lions, and elephants; B- base with pilasters; C- circu-
lar step with lotus ba.nd; D- band of narrative reliefs; E- band
with pseudo-uedika relief; F- band with figu res under arches; (}-
false gable relief; H-garland band; 1- dome with lotus motif;
j - fow- faced harmika with narrative reliefs; K- upper steps of
lzarmikii.; L-chaltravali and support rods (Behrendt, l.ine drawing
by W . Hipsman).
Architecture, Pla11s, and Sculplure from Taxi/a
9. Sketch showing main Taxila maso nry types; phase I rubble

masonry, pha~e ll diaper masonry, phase Ill semi-ashlar masonry,
and late phase Ill double-course semi-asWar masonry. Note the
thin flat pieces of wa~te rock (herein referred to as interstitial
chips) (modified from M <u-shall, 1916, fig. I).
Sirkap
10. Plan of part of the city of Sirkap, Ta.xila (modified from Mars hall,
1951, pi. I0).
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XVI LLST OF "lLLUSTRA"riONS
11. D ouble-eagle stii.pa, block F, Sirkap, T axila (after tvlarshall, 1916,

pi. 27).
12. Insctibed garland holder from Sirkap Block J, square 148.51 ,
Stratum II, Taxi.la. A: 3/ .. view, B: side view (line drawings by
W. Hipsman after Marshall, 195 1, pl. 213, no. 11, l'vlarshall '
1960, pi. 19).
lvfohrii lvfaliii.rii.fi
13. Plan of Mohra Maliarail A temple, Taxila. A- front porch, B-
side rooms, C---rear cella, D-circumambulatory path, P plat-
form (modified from Marshall, 1951 , pi. 120 A).
]wuf.iiil Sites
14. Plan ofj aJ)t;lial C temple, T ax.ila (modified from Marshal!, 1951,
pl. 44). I
15. Plan of j aQt;lial B sacred area, Taxila. Note the plinth and shrine
in court T (modified from Marsh all, 1951 , pl. 91 ).
~
Dlzarmariijikii Complex
16. Plan of D harmarajika monastic area, Taxila (modified from
Marsh all, 1951, pl. 61 ).
I 7. Elevation of Dharmarajika main stii.pa from east, Tax.ila. ote I
•
the east image shrine. Inset shows the tr.ilobe trapezoidal niches I
•
(modified from M arshall, 1951 , pi. 46b, c).
18. K l stii.pa, Dharmarajika complex, Taxila, detail showing a seated
Buddha on the east facade in an axial trilobed niche. The
I
ma~onty of tlus stupa was produced during the transitional period
from diaper to semi-ashlar (Marsha.U, 1916, pl. 12b).
19. Dharmarajika complex, T axila, N 18 shrine. This double-semi-
II
ashlar image shrine contains the feet of a monumental stucco .I
•
Buddha..• as well as an added seated Buddha to the left and an '
•
added standing Buddha to the right (MarshaU, 1918, pL 2).
Kii.lawiin
20. Plan of Kalawan sacred area and monasteries, Truci1a, wid1 phase
ll and phase ill construction indicated (modified from Marshall,
1951 ' pl. 72).
Akho.uri and Khiider Mohra Siies

21. Plan of Akhaurr A (Chir tope A) sacred area and monastery,
Taxila (modified from MarshaU, 195 1, pl. 67a).
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xvu
22. Plan of Akhauri B (Chir tope B), sacred area and monastery,
Taxila (modified from Marshall, 195 1, pl. 67b).
23. Small copper seated bodhisattva, found in cell 18 of the Akhaurf
B monastery, Taxila (ASIDGS 1921 - 22 no. 74, courtesy of the
British Library).
24. Plan of Akhauri C (Chir tope C), sacred area and monastel)',
Taxila (modified from Marshal!, 195 1, pl. 68a).
25. Plan of K hader M ohra D l , sacred area and monastery, Tax1Ja
(modified from Marshall 1951, pl. 68b).
26. Plan of Khader Mo~·a D 2, sacred area and monastery, Tax:ila
(modified from Marshall 195 1, pi. 69a).
}auliiiii
27 . J auliaf\ plan of sacred area and monastery, T axila, showing all
period~ of construction (modified from Marshall, 1951 , pl. 10 I).
28. J aulian D I stfipa, Tax:ila, west face showing phase ill stepped
format with rows of stucco figures including atlantes, lions, ele-
phants, and Buddhas exhibiting dharmacakra mudrii and dhyiina
mudrii (photo by K. Behrendt).
29. E l gandhakuti niche in the entranceway to the J auliaii monastery,
Taxila ("Warburg Institute).
30. In situ schist plaque showing the Buddha flanked by worship-
pers, J aulian monastery niche in cell 2, Taxila ('.Varburg Institute).
31. Trapezoidal doorway in thejauliafi monastery, T ax:ila (ASIDGS
1917- 18 no. 158, courtesy of the British Libral)1) .
Mohrii. Moradu
32. Plan of Mohra M oradu sacred area and monastery, Taxila
(modified from Marshall, 195 1, pi. 93).
33. General view of Mohra Moradu main stupa and uihii.ra, T axila
(photo by K. Behrendt).
34. Over-life-size stucco seated Buddha that was added to the plinth
of the Mohra Moradu main stupa, Taxila; note the depiction of
the alms bowl (the Alkazi Collection of Photography).
35. Multiple additive stucco sculptures attached to the side of the stair-
way of the main stupa of Mollpl Moradu, T axila (Warburg Institute).
• 36. Two over-life-size stucco seated Buddha images on pedestal B2
in fi·ont of Mohra Moradu monastery cell 2, Taxila (Warburg
Institute).
37. Gandhaku# image niche S7, from the entranceway of the Mohra
Moradu monastery, Taxila (Warburg Institute).
Marep1-1an. 3allll-1llleHHbl~ asropCKI-1M npasoM

XVlll LIST OF ll..LUSTRA'nONS
38. Standing schist bodhisauva from cell 8 of the Mo~·a Moradu

monastery, T axila (Warburg Institute).
Pippala
39. Plan of the Pippala sacred area and monastery, Taxila, with .
phase II and m structures indicated (modified from MarshaU, .
1951 , pi. 98a).
40. Small stiipa in cell 31 of the Pippala monaste1y, Taxi la (ASIDGS
1921 - 22, no. 79, courtesy of the British Library).
Kuniila
41. Plan of Kunala stiipa and monastety, TaJ::iJa (modified from
MarshaU, 1951, pi. 86).
Bhamiila
42. Plan of Bhamala sacred area and monastery, Taxila (modi11ed
from Marsh all, 1951, pi. 114).
43. Stucco Paranirvii1.w image found in situ, southeast corner of base .
plinth of Bhamilla main stiipa, Tax.iJa; length is approximately
1.3 m (line drawing by W . Hipsman after Marshall, 1951, pl.
118b).
Arckilecture arui Sculpture ftom the Peshawar Basin
T akltt-i-biihi
44. Plan of Takht-i-bahr main sacred area and outlying mountain
v£hiiras, Peshawar basin (modified from Hargreaves, 1914, pi.
XVTI and Bulletin qf the Research. Center for Silk Roadology, 2000: 41 ).
45. General view of main sacred area of T a kht-i-bfLhl, Peshawar
basin, seen from southwest. Note the massive foundation of the
extended court and a~sembly hall (H argreaves, 19 14, pi. X VIIIa).
46. Takht-i-bahr, looking east, showing construction in the lower
sacred area (court V). Note the PI main stiipa, stucco decora-
tion of many of the small stiipas, and the reuse of phase m devo-
tional icons (ASIFC 190, courtesy of the British Libra•y).
47. Nlonwnent<ll shrines along the southem edge of lower sacred
area V, Takht-i-bahi, Peshawar basin. On the lt:ft is monumental ·
image shrine M3 (note the visible socket holes for affixing a .
stucco image) and the largest image shrine to the right is M l
Marep1-1an. 3allll-1llleHHbl~ asropCKI-1M npa,sol l

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LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS XlX
(11.2 m tall). The PI main stupa and some small stilpas are vis-
ible in the foreground (photo by K. Behrendt).
48. Small stilpa P37 in court XX, T a.kht-i-bahi, Peshawar basin. Note
the row of in situ stucco images of standing Buddhas under
trapezoidal arches, some of which display the varada mudrii (ASIFC
857, courtesy of the British Library).
49. Two heads and four sets of in situ feet of monumental Buddha
images against the south ""'<tU of court XX; note the sockets in
the wall for attaching the stucco images; T akht-i-bahi, Peshawar
basin (ASIFC 859, courtesy of the British Library).
50. Detail showing heads and in situ feet of three monumental
Buddha images against the south wall of court X..:'C, T akht-i-
bahi, Peshaw;u· basin (ASIFC 860, courtesy of the British Library).
5 1. In situ image base showing nistoric Buddhas and Maitreya from
sluine c in court XIV, Takht-i-bahi, Peshawar basin (ASIFC
960, cowtesy of the British Librmy).
52. In situ image base from shrine d in court XIV, Takht-i-bahr,
Peshaw<u· basin (ASIFC 961, courtesy of the British Libraty ).
53. Three plaques from two-celled shrine T4 in court XXIII, Ta.kht-
i-bahi, Peshawar basin. The first shows the Buddha in dhanna-
ca.Jrm mullrii flanked by haloed worshi.pers, the second shows the
Buddha seated on a lotus throne flanked by bodhisattvas, and
the third shows the Buddha in a pseudo-architectural frame
flanked by kneeling haloed figures , making it akin to Sravasti
composite images. The first two plaques have fill eted frames,
while the third has the same kind of base molding and is of a
similar scale (ASIFC 943, courtesy of the British Library).
Sahri-Baltlol Sites
54. Plan of Sahrf-Bahlol Site A, Peshawar basin (modified from
Spooner, 1909, pi. XXXVI).
55. R ow of in situ images consisting of one Buddha and seven bod-
hisa.ttvas, nonh fa~ade of a rectangular basement that probably
supported a two-celled relic shrine, Sahri-Bahlol Site A, Peshawar
basin (ASIFC 33, courtesy of the British Libraty).
56. Small stii.pa with stucco relief~ at Sahrr-Bahl61 Site B, Peshawar
basin (ASIFC 722, courtesy of the British Libr;uy).
57. Plan of Sahn-Bahlol Site C, Peshawar basin (modified from Stein,
1915, pi. XXXllla).
Material com direitos autorais

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XX LL'IT OF ILLUSTRATIONS
58. R eused sculptures from Sahri-BahJ61 site C, Peshawar basin,

found around stupa base iii as seen from the southwest (ASIFC
11 0 I , courtesy of the British Library).
59. Plan of Sahn-Bahlol Site D, Peshawar basin (modified from Stein,
1915, pl. XXXJJTh).
60. Plan of Sahn-Bahl61 Site G, Peshawar basin (modified from
Stein, 1915, pl. XXXVc).
]amal Garhi
61. Plan of J amal Garhr, Peshawar ba~in, showing sacred areas and
mountain vil!iiras (modified from Cunningham, 1872; Hargreaves,
1921 - 22).
62. Stair risers from J amal Garhl, Peshawm· basin (Warburg Institute).
63. Reliefs from J amal GarbJ, Peshawar basin (ASIM 1015, cour-
tesy of the British Library). A- Stacked relief showing in the
lowest register Buddhas with attendants separated by boxed
pilasters, a pseudo-vedika in the middle register, and standing
figures under arches in the top register. B- Row of seated
Buddhas under arches. C and D- Row of naked putti under
arches; they venerate a central Buddl1a, also under an arch. £-
Relics under arches, including the alms bowl, a cremation flame,
a11d a reliquary under a cloth.
Mekhasandcl
64. General plan of Mekhasanda, Peshawar basin, showing sacred
area and outlying mountain mhiiras (modified from Mizuno, 1969,
plan 1).
65. Plan of Mekhasanda sacred area, Peshawar basin (modified from
Mizuno, 1969, plan 2).
66. Schi~t Buddha image found in situ in shrine 21, Mekhasanda,
Peshawar basin (Mizuno, 1969, pi. 36 no. 2).
67. Standing Buddha from annex room ix, Mekhasanda, Peshawar
basin (Mizuno, 1969, pi. 35 fig. 2).
17zareli
68. General plan of Thareli, Peshawar basin, showing sacred areas C
and D , the outlying mountain uihiiras, and small monastic sacred
areas (modified from Mizuno and Higuchi, 1978, plan 1).
69. Plan of sacred area D , Thareli, Peshawar basin (modified from
Mizuno and Higuchi, 1978, 30).
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LIST Of' ILLUSTRA'MONS XXl
70. Single-celled stftpa shrine D 6 and single-celled shrine D5, Thareli,

Peshawar basin. Note the form of the trabeated dome structure
(photo by K. Behrendt).
71. In situ seated Buddha adjacent to image shrine on the north
face of D 26, T hareli, Peshawar basin. This image shrine sits on
an earlier stupa base (Mizuno and Higuchi, 1978, pi. 67 nos. 2,
3, 4; pl. 92 no. 3).
72. In situ stucco narrative depiction of the first sermon, base of
small stupa St2 in sacred area D, Thareli, Peshawar basin (Mizuno
and Higuchi, 1978, pi. 69 no. 3).
73. Row of stucco Buddhas on the base of image shrine D7, Thareli,
Peshawar basin (Mizuno and Hjguchi, 1978, pi. 52 no. l).
74. Plan of T hareli sacred area C, Peshawar basin (modified from
Mjzuno and Higuchi, 1978, plans 8 and 9).
75. Plan of monastic small sacred area C 106, Thareli, Peshawar
basin (modified from Mizuno and Higuchi, 1978, plan 13).
76. Plan of mountain vilzara D60, Thareli, Peshawar basin (modified
from Mizuno and Higuchi, 1978, plan 30).
77. In situ stucco door guardian with halo, holding a mace and
spear and sitting on a lion, T hareli, Peshawar basin (line draw-
ing by W. Hipsman after M izuno and Higuchi, 1978, pi. 78,
no. 4).
Ranigat
78. Plan of R anigat sacred areas, Peshawar basin (modified from
Nishikawa, 1994, plans I, 5, 6).
79. Core stripa LOO in east sacred area, R anigat, Peshawar basin
(after Nishikawa et al., 1988, pl. 1).
80. Early small str1pa 134 from pha~e II in east sacred area, Ranigat,
Peshawar basin (after Nish.ikawa et al. , 1988, pi. 4, no. l).
8 1. Pavement stones and bodhisattva at base of stairs of the mrun
stiipa in the east sacred area, Ranigat, Peshawar basin (line draw-
ing by W. Hipsman after Odani, 2000, fig. 6).
82. VedikDs from the double-headed eagle stupa, block F, Sirkap TaxiJa;
the east sacred area of Ranigat, Peshawar basin; and from the
main stiipa of Butkara I (GSt3), Swat (line drawing by W. Hipsman
after Marsh all, 1951, pi. 34c; Nish.ikawa, et al., 1986, pi. 23 nos.
7- l 0, I 3-·14; Faccenna, 1980, vol. 3, no. 5. 1 plate 68a).

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xxu LIST OF U.LUSTRATIONS
Slziih1'i-kf-rj.heri
83. Shah~jl-kr-<;lherr plan of main swpa and some surrounding small
stUpas, Peshawar basin (modified from Harg1·eaves, 1914, pl. Xill).
Loriyiin Tii(lga:i
84. Loriyan Tir;lgai main stupa, Pes hawar basin (ASIM I 033, com·-
tesy of the British Library).
85. Group photograph showing mostly narrative images, Loriyan ·
Ta1~gai, Peshawa.r basin, taken in the 1890s (Warburg Institute).
86. R econstmcted small stii.pa, 1.4 m high, composed of miscella-
neous architectural elements from the site of Loriya.t1 Ta~Jgai,
Peshawar basin. Photo taken in the 1890s, now in the Calcutta
museum (ASIM 1036, courtesy of the British Library).
8 i. Schist lzarmikii panels showing the Birth and Great Departure,
Loriyan T ar:tgai, Peshawar basin; height is 45 cm (Foucher, 1905,
figs. 154, 182).
88. Group photograph showing iconic images found at Loriyan
Tir;lgai, Peshawar basin, taken in the 1890s (Warburg Institute).
89. Second group photograph, taken in the 1890s, showing iconic
images found at Loriyan T fu)gai , Peshawar basin (Warb1.1rg
institute).
Sikri
90. Plan of the site of Sikri, Peshawar basin (modified from Dean,
1889, plan; Dar, 2000, fig. i ).
91. Sikri, Peshawa.r basin, stii.pa reconstruction circa 1880s (Burgess,
1899, fig. 4).
.Nalhu Sites
92. Plan of upper Nathu sacred area, Peshawar basin (moclifi.ed from
Cole, 1883, pl. 8).
93. Group photo of sculpture recovered from upper Nathou sacred
area, Peshawa.r basin (the Alkazi Collection of Photography).
94. Plan of lower Nathu sacred area, Peshawar basin (modified from
Cole, 1883, pl. i ).
95. Group photo of sculpture from lower Nathou sacred area,
Peshawar basin (the Alkazi C ollection of Photography).
Bahan dengan hak cipta

LlST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xxm
Ali M~id
96. Medium-sized stiipa with phase Ill stucco decoration from Ali
Masjid, Peshawar basin (Warburg Institute).
Architecture and Sculpture )Tom Swat
Butkara I
97. Plan of Burkara I sacred area, Swat (modified from Faccenna,
1980, vol. 3, no. 1, pi. VI).
98. Reconstructions of Butkara I main stiipa (GSt 1- 5) and two-
ceUed shrine (Great Building), Swat (modified from Faccenna,
1980, vol. 3, no. I, pi. 5, figs. 6, 18, 30, 56; vol. 3, no. 3, pi.
XII).
99. Relief depicting a round-based small stupa in a shrine from
Butkara I, Swat (Faccenna, 1995, vol. 2, pl. 267 , l nv. no. 920).
Butlwra Ill
100. Plan of Butkara Ill, Swat (modified from Khan, 1993, pl. 2).
I01. R elief depicting a stiifJa with four pillars surmounted by lion
capitals, Butkara ill, Swat, height 24 cm, width 30 cm (Rahman,
1987, fig. 10).
I 02. Stii,fJas in two-celled shrines D aeft) and C (right), Butkara Ill,
Swat (Rahman 1987, fig. 3).
Plinr
103. Plan of Panr showing all phases of construction and axone-
metric reconstruction of Stiipa 1 and surroundi ng monuments,
Sw~H (modified from Faccenna et al., 1993, figs. 87, 139).
Saidu
I04. Plan of Saidu sacred area and monastety, Sw·a t (modified from
Faccenna, 1995, figs. 22, 23).
I 05. R econstruclion of main stujJa, Saidu, SwfLt (Faccen na, I 995, fig.
282).
Mmjanai
I 06. Plan of Marjanai sacred area, Swat (modified lrom K han, 1995,
pl. 33).

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:lC'<IV UST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
I07. T wo-ceUed stupa shrine 3, Marjanai, Swat (after Khan, 1995,

pl. 3b).
108. Narrative set found in two-ceUed shrine 3 at base of srupa,
Ma~anai, Swat. The set is composed of reliefs showing the
feast following the horoscope, the birth of Siddhartha, the first
bath, return to Kapilavastu fi·om Lumbini, Siddhartha in school, ·
offering of grass for the seat of enlightenment, a panel ·with
the Pariniroii~za (right), cremation Qeft), and division of relics
(modified from Khan, 1995, pis. LOa, I Ob, 11 a, 11 b, l2b, l3a,
17a, 17b).
Ninwgram
109. Plan of Nimogran1 sacred area, Swat (modified from K han,
1993, pi. ll b).
Abba Sahib China

I I 0. Plan of Abba Sahib China sacred area, Swat (modified from
Barger and Wright, 1941 , pl. XI, 3).
I I I. General view of north part of the Abba Sahib China sacred
area, Swat (photo by K. Beh.rendt).
Tokar Dara
112. Plan of Tokar Dara sacred area and monastery, Swat (modified
from Khan, 1993, pi. 7).
113. Possible direct access relic shrine and enclosing wall, Tokar
Dara, Swat (photo by K. Behrendt).
Chakpal
114. In situ garland holders set into the drum of the ashlar Chakpat
stupa, Swat, near the Chakdara fort, no longer extant (ASIM
1158, courtesy of the British Library).
Architecture and Sculpture from Afg!tanistlm
115. Bamiyan Great Buddha, Afghanistan, height 53 m (courtesy of

Richard Edwards).
116. False gable set into the drum of the Top-Darrah main stiipa,
Afghanistan. Note socket<> for affixing stucco images and traces
of halos (Mizuno, 1970, pi. 49 no. 2).
llllllh\lh\1 l J;lnrfllfi
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XXV
11
11 117. Detail of plan of Tapa-i-kafruiha sacred area, H ac;!<;la, Kabul
basin, Afghanistan (modified from Barthoux, 1930, plan A).
Sculpture with Miscellaneous or Unknown Provenance
1.18. Depiction of a cloth-covered relic on display in a shrine, frag-

ment of a schist false gable relief: Peshawar basin (Warburg
Institute).
119. D epiction of a shrine that sits on a strlpa-like plinth; schi~t,
height 13 cm, Peshawar basin (after Foucher, 1905, fig. 4 1).
I. 20. Depiction of a sma.ll stupa:, schist, from Buner (Warburg Institute).
121. Stacked narrative relief, schist, Pes ha war basin. In the lower
register on the right is the Dipafikara jataka. T he center shows
Maya's dream: on the left is probably the interpretation of the
dream; the center register contains a pseudo-vedikii; and the tOp
register i~ filled with a row of Buddhas under arches. Now in
Lahore Museum (\1\larburg Institute).
122. False gable, schist, Peshawar basin . The alms bowl of the
Buddha is shown at the top; the upper register shows the
Buddha in the Indrasala cave; the middle register shows the
Buddha with worshippers; and the lower register contains a
scene of d1e Great Departure (Burgess, 1899, fig. 94).
123. Standing Buddha with in situ crystal urna from Aman Kot,
Peshawar basin. Note the alms bowl shown on base (Spooner,
19 10, pi. 9a).
124. In situ over-life-size standing schist Buddha images from Palai,
Peshawar basin (ASIFC 998, courtesy of the British Library).
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125. Sravasti triad, Buddha and flanking bodhisattvas from Sahri-
Bahlol, now in the Peshawar museum. Sinlliar to a Sravasti
triad with <ll1 inscribed date mentioning the 5th year of an
unknown era in a private collection, Brussels (Spooner, 1910,
pi. 2a).
126. Sravasti composite relief from village of Mohcunmed Nari,
Peshawar basin. Now in the Lahore museum (Foucher, 1905,
fig. 79).
127 . Sravasti composite wid1 an i.mbedded triJobe composite from
village of Mohanun ed Nari, Peshawar basin (Burgess, 1899, fig.
11 2).
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ACK!~Ov\'lJEDGME TS
There are many people without whose help tllis book would never
have become a reality. I thank my Ph.D. advisor Robert Brown for
shaping me as a scholar and for his guidance in this project. My
brother Marc Behrendt deserves special thanks for spending a year
with me doing fieldwork in South Asia and for critically debating
many of the issues presented herein. My editor, Faith Rogers, helped
me to present my data and thoughts clearly. Research for and shap-
ing of this work would not have been possible without the support,
patience, and insights of my wife and coUeague Pia Brancaccio.
l am indebted to the giants in the field of Gandharan archaeol-
ogy, Maurizio Taddei, Shoshin K uwayama, Domenico Faccenna,
and Elizabeth Errington, scholars who suggested new tines of inqillry
and whose work provided me with tJ1e foundation for tJus book. I
also e"'J)ress my gratitude to Ronald Bernier, Pierfrancesco CaUieri,
Susan Downey, Anna Filigenzi, Phyllis Granoff; Wayne Hibschman,
Donald McCallum, Michael Meister, David Nelson, Anna Maria
Quagliotti, Koichi Shinohara, Waiter Spink, and Michael Willis.
Scholars all over tJ1e world who share an interest in Gandhara
provided great help to me. My work in Pakistan was facilitated by
many scholars, an1ong whom Abdur R.1.man and Ashraf Khan deserve
special recognition. I also thank tJ1e many people working in the
museums in Lahore, Pesh.awar, Swat, and Ta.xila, as well as the
many chokidars who were so kind to me and who brought to my
attention many features of tJ1ese sites.
1 received institutional support from T emple University, wluch
gTanted me an academic leave, and from the University of Califonua
Los Angeles for two Dickson Support fellowships. The University of
Kyoto (Zinbun Institute) supported me while I completed work in
their outstanding arcluves. Paul Taylor, at the Warburg Institute,
Sophie Gordon, who made the AJkazi Collection of Photography
accessible, the British Libraty's unsut'J)assed holdings, the British
Museum, Istituto Italiano per !'Africa e l'Oriente R oma, lstituto
Universitario O rientale Napoli, tl1e American Institute of Pakistan
Studies, and the American Institute of Indian Studies all were invalu-
able sources. Many other people contributed in various ways to this
venture; I appreciate their help, and I thank tl1em all.

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INT RODUCTION
Although the architectural tradition of ancient Gandhara, in the

northwest area of the Indian subcontinent, has been studied for more
than 150 years, it has only slowly come into focus. It is not a lack
of evidence that has hindered progress, but rather an overabundance.
Considerable documentation exists, even from the mid-19th century,
when sites were being cleared ostensibly in an effort to collect sculp-
ture. The late 19th and early 20th century work of the Archaeological
Survey of India uncovered such a wealth of archaeological and sculp-
tural remains that the two provincial museums in Peshawar and
Lahort: were filled to capacity and there was still ample material to
form major collections in England and throughout its colonial empire:
Gandharan sculpture was housed in Calcutta, Bombay, A!Jahabad,
Madras, and Rangoon. Although the reports produced by the
Archaeological Survey of India tend to lack some important infor-
mation (the T axila reports being the notable exception), the thou-
sands of labeled photographs taken at the sites have proven to be
invaluable. Later 20th centu.ry archaeology in Greater Gandhara,
undertaken by teams from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Italy, France, and
J apan, have produced data that have gready expanded our knowl-
edge, especially of the Swat valley and Afghanistan. However, the
Peshawar basin (proper ancient Gandhara), which was the focus of
the earliest archaeological work and which produced most of the
recovered sculpture, remained poorly understood. The goal of this
book is to characterize the Buddhist tradition of ancient Gandhara,
using all of the data sources mentioned above as well as the exten-
sive e..xtant architectural remains themselves, which constitute a vast
untapped primary source of evidence.
T he focus of this book is the region of ancient Gandhara, a geo-
graphic designation that appears in early texts and inscriptiom and
that was used by the Chinese pilgrims Faxian and Xuanzang.1 Ancient
Gandhara can be identified a~ the agricultural plains of the Peshawar
1
Fa-hian, Si-Tu-/G. Buddhist &cords qf lite Wesum World, x:xxi; Hsiian-tsang, Si-:Yu-Ki.
B11ddhist Records qf the W«rtern World, 97.

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2 IJ\'TRODUCTION
basin, in northwest Pakistan (fig. 3), that are bounded by low moun-
tains to the north and west, by the Indus river to the cast, and by
arid land to the south. In this book I refer t:O this specific geograpl1ic
area as the Peshawar basin or as ancient Gandha ra. The tenn Greater.
GandhfLTa is used here for the larger culturaJ sphere that includes.
parts of Afghanistan, Kashmir, and the Swat valley, as well as the ,
Pes hawar basin. H owever, "Gandhira" has been used rather loosely .
in 20th century scholarship to refer to an area that includes the Swftt
valley and Ta.xila as well as to a style of sculpture found in these
regions. To avoid potential confusion, I use aucien.t Gandhlira or the
Peshawar basin in this work to indicate this geographic entity (see sec-
tion 1.2 Geography of Greater Gandhara and the Distribution of
Buddhist Sites).
Greater Gandhara has been of interest historically because it was .
the Buddhism of tlus region that spread to Cllina and other parts
of east Asia. Moreover, only in ancient Gandhara can we observe
an uninterrupted pattern of religious development starting in the 2nd
century B.C.E. and continuing to the 6th centu•1' C .£.; a fragmen- '''
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tary record extends the pattern to the 8th century C.E. International <
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trade indirectJy fimded continuous construction of new centers of
worship and expansion of existing sites in ancient Gandhara, whereas
in other parts of south Asia gaps in patronage resulted in an incom-
plete record of BuddJlist arch.itecturaJ and sculptural development-
two key sources for understanding ideologicaJ change. Until recently,
only a few inscriptions and text fragments were known from Greater
Gandhara, so the architectural and sculptural remains were the best
sources of evidence concerning tllis early culture. The recovery of
thousands of manuscript fragments (ea. 1st centu ry-8tJ1 century C.E.)
will w1doubtedly transform the way •ve understand this active Buddhist
community.
This book characterizes the organization and function of the .
Buddhist religious architecture in the public sacred areas as well as .
in the monasteries. While the main focus is on structural features, '
sculpture is also addressed in terms of its integration and use in these :
devotional settings. In this sense, the sculp ture provides evidence for ;
interpreting how various su·uctures functioned, and it provides insight
into how people moved within these sites. R eciprocally, the archi-
tectural evidence contributes greatly to our understanding of how
sculpture was used, and it provides clues as to why these pattems
Bahan dengan hak cip, a

... - ~
INTRODUCTION 3
changed through time. The two variables taken into consideration

are the radical transformations Buddhism underwent between the
2nd century B.C.E. and the 8th century C.E. and the considerable
regional variation that seems to have occurred.
vVhile many attempts have been made to establish a chronology
for Gandharan art and, to a lesser extent, its architecture, only Lim-
ited progress has been made. In particular, chronologic systems based
on analysis of style or motif have failed to gain acceptance by schol-
ars. For these reasons, in this book a relative phase chronology based
on the most secure forms of evidence is used. Although this allows
only a broad grouping of archaeologically ordered material (some
phases span centuries) such categories can provide an accurate, if
general, picture of Gandharan material culture. As iurther evidence
comes to light, the phase structure used here can be expanded or
compressed like an accordion without disrupting the relative order.
The foundations of the phase chronological .rystem are in the archi-
tectural evidence, which can be broadly dated by using numismatic
data, masonry systems, and structural superimposition. Because build-
ings were constructed on top of or against one another, it is possi-
ble to document recurrent patterns and to determine a clear sequence
f(>r structural types used in Gandharan sacred areas and monaster-
ies. The establishment of a chronologic framework based on archi-
tecture also provides a means of understancling Gandharan art in its
original context. While it is usually impossible to say where a given
sculpture might have been located, it is feasible to establish patterns
of image placement and to group images into common types. This
c.:""Ltegorization of the imagery into units that fall into a relative
sequence is vital for interpreting architectural data at sites where
sculptu re was recovered, but numismatic or masonry evidence is not
available.
For exan1ple, this methodology can help us understand the dev-
elopment of iconic Buddhist images generally located in shrines
facing the main sl!l.pas in the sacred areas. Careful study of the
architectural evidence indicates a relative series f()r shrine construc-
tion, both at single sites and across groups of related sites, and there-
fore a recurrent broad chronological pattern. This archaeological
sequence in turn offers a framework for organizing the body of prove-
nanced images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas that can be related to
the shrines on the basis of scale, mate,;al, and means of attachment.
4 lNTRODUCTION
The result is a flexible sequence of image production that does not

rely on subjective methodologies like stylistic analysis. 2
The Phase Chronological Sequence
The analysis of Buddhist architecture of Gandhara in this book relies

on a lour-phase chronological system (fig. 5) (see Appendix A). A
study of the development of the architecture must begin with analy-
sis of the numismatic data (fig. 7), which furnish the most widespread'
and secure chronological indicators. The many coim found at urban.
and Buddhist sites, especially in stilpa relic deposits, help us to deter-
mine a sequence. Even though the date of a coin's production does
not directly correspond to the time of its deposition, a reliable suc-
cession emerges. 3
Currently, a fairly definite numismatic sequence has been estab-
lished for the Greater Gandharan region, a cultural area that extends,
beyond the borders of the Peshawar basin to include Taxila (fig. 4):,
and the Swat valley of Pakistan as weiJ as parts of Afghanistan, from·
the 3rd century B.C.E. to the 8th century C.E. However, an absolute
chronology for the early Buddhist period depends on the date of the
Kushan king Kani~ka l's ascension to the throne. Vigorous debate
2 The analysis of sculptw·al remains is restricted here to objects recovered in ,

scientific excavations and those collected and placed in museums in the 19th and;.
early 20th cenl11ries. Thus, the problem of forgeries can be largely avoided. Whil~
little has been published on the issue of Gandhliran forger1es, the an rna.rket is cur- .
rently overwhelmed with such spurious production. See K. Tanabe, " lconographicaJ.r
and Typological lovestigations of t11e Gandha.ran Fake Bodhisattva Image Exhibitccll
by rhe Cleveland Museum of Art and Na.-a ational Museum," Orienl. 24 ( 1988).
' M. AJram, " Jndo-Panhian and Eady Kushan Chronology: The Numismatic
Evidence," in Coins, Art, all(l Cltrorwlu!J)I: Essqys on the Pre-ls/amic Hist.ory qf !he lndo-
franian Borderlands, ed. M. Al.-am and D. Klimburg-Salter (Vienna: Verlag der
Osten·eichischen Akadcmic der Wisscnschafteo , J999); J. Cribb, "l11c Eady Kushan
Kings: New Evidence for Chronology-Evidence from the Rabatak Inscription or
Kanishka 1," in Coins, Art and Cltrorwlo!J)I: Essqys 011 the Pre-lslmmc Hirtory qf dre lndo-
Jraniall Bordcrla11d.r, ed. M. Alram and D. Klimburg-Salter (Vien.oa: Verlag der
Osterreich.ischen Akademie der Wissenscharten, 1999); E. Errinbrton, "Numismatic
Evidence for Dating the Buddhi.s t Remains of Ganclha.t<J," in S£/.k RMd Art mul.
ArcJwl,()/ofO>, P"pers in Honour qf Franci11e Tissot, ed. E. Eningl.on and 0. Bopea;chchi~
(Kamah1ra: The Institute of Silk Road Studies, 1999- 2000); D. i'VIac:Dowall, ''"T'he:
Chronological Evidence of Coins in Swpa Deposits," in Soudr Asimr Arclraeolo.IO' 1987,.
ed. l'v!. Taddei (Rome: lsl'viEO, 1990). G. Fussman, "L' lnscription de Rabmak et.
l'Origine de l'cre Saka," JmtmaL Asiatiqut, no. 286 (1998).
.
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... .·
INTRODUCTION 5
has led to proposed dates for that ascension ranging from 78 C.E.
to 144 C.E. or later. 4 Without taking a stand on this complex issue,
I accept the date 120 C.E. simply as a convention until new evi-
dence surfaces.
Sir J ohn MarshaU proposed an architectural chronology based on
stratigraphic relationships among the distinct masonry patterns pre-
sent in his excavations at the sites of Taxil.a, which he dated using
coin s.~ The dating system he developed at the beginning of the 20th
century was a major breakthrough. H e recognized four major types
of masomy: rubble, diaper, semi-ashlar, and a variety of late semi-
ashlar (for a full description and discussion of these masomy types,
see Appendix A) (figs. 5, 9). This relative sequence of masonry types
can be applied to at least 15 different sites at Taxila excavated
between 1912 and 193 7 (fig. 6). Because the superimposition of
masomy is still pt·eserved at many of his excavation sites, this sequence
can be corroborated. 6 Although :rvla.rshall's broad sequence is fairly
wel.l determined, his identifications of chronologic sub-units based on
the quality of the fabric in a single masonry type cannot always be
accepted. Different workshops and the amount of money invested
are variables that are not chronologically dependent, yet they alfected
the quality of the masonry fabric. 7 Since Marshall's excavations at
• See D. KJimburg-Salter, "From an AJ·t H.istor·ical Perspective: Problems of

C hronology in rhe KWiar:ta Period," in Coi11s, Art, tmd Chronolog,.- Es.sqys on lhe Pre-
Islamic History• if the lndtJ-lra11ia11 Borderlmul.s, 5-6.
' Marshall refined this chronological schema r.broughout his reports on Ta.x·iJa;
his final conclusions appeared in his fmal site report of 195 1 (Marshall, Taxila: A11
fllustrated Account if Ard1awlogiwl ExCIJ.vatums Cam"ed out at Ta.~ila. utuler lhe Orders of the
Govemmcnl if /11(/ill between IM Years 1913 011d 1931, 3 vols. (Cambridge: University
Press, 1951). For· analysis or MarshaU's rm•sonry chronology, see T. FitzSimmons,
Stupa. Designs at Taxila (Kyoto: Institute for Researcl1 in Huma nities, Kyoto University,
2001). Kuwa)'ilma, " [n the T ime of Late Sirkap and Early Oha m1arajika: How
Taxila lntroduced Stt1pa Architenu.re," paper presented a t the conference "On the
Cusp of an Era: Art in the Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.
6
Afier neru·ly a year ( 1993-94} surveying the sites · in Taxila, Swat, and the
Peshawa.r basin, I cross-checked my results with the maoy unpublished Archaeological
Survey of [ndia photos in the India Office collections in d1e Btitish Libra ry, because
modern "conservation» has in many places obliterated the original rnasomy fabric.
Fortunately, it is possible to distinguish the more recent reconstnJction on ihe basis
of lichen growth, because the growth on unrestorcd masonry exposed since d1e
early 20th century is, of course, much mo re developed than that in unexposed
material. For a discussion of lichen growth rates, see E. Larson and P. Birkcland,
Put11am's (JeQiog)!, 4th ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 25-26.
' Throughout his reportS MarsbaU created subdivisions within the diaper masonry
category, such as la rge 0 1· smaU diaper masonry, to which he then assigned dates.
6 INTRODUCTION
Taxila., considerable progress has been made toward a better Lmder-

stancting of the dynastic history of Ga.ndhara. The result is a clearer
nmnisma6c chronology and a more precise ar ch.itecwral sequence.
The fo ur-phase relative chronological system used in this book
conservatively u·aces tJ1e appearance, popularization, and disappear-
ance of various types of Buddhist architectural structures between
circa tile 2nd century B.C.E. and tJ1e 8th century C.E. The basis :
of the system is the characterization of certain strucwral types from
Taxila that can be assi&rned a relative sequence on the basis of
masoruy. This broad developmental fran1ework is then used to char-
acterize other Gandharan sites in the Peshawar basin and to a much
lesser extent Swat, when similar structural patterns can be observed.
While this methodological approach might not anS'A•er all of the ques-
tions or provide an absolute resolution, it does highlight the cultural
unity witJnn tile cliversity of Greater GancU1ara.
In what ways does Taxila become the model to interpret other
Buddhist sites in ancient GancU1ara? lt would seem impossible to
apply tile sophisticated masoruy-type succession initially developed
in T axila by Marshal! to otiler sites in the Peshawar basin, Swat,
and Afgha11istan, because local schist, which is ve1y friable and there-
fore difticul.t to cut into blocks, was used as building stone.8 H owever
the architectural typology securely established at T axila on the basis
of limestone masomy l)1Jes i~ useful for establishing a sequence of
structural form s in tile Greater Gandharan region.
The four-phase architectural sequence establishes a datable con-
text imo which certain categories of scul.pnu·e can be placed (see
Noc only was he inconsistent with Utis intetvretacion, but he did not present solid
criteria for his relative dating. Recent study does u1dicate U1at some chronologic
subdivisions can be made within the cliaper sequence; however, for the purposes of
this book, all of the diaper stTuctures are grouped togeth er. See Fitzsimmons, Stupa
Designs at Taxi/a, 5-14, 53--9; Kuwayama, "ln the Time of Late Sirkap and Early
Dbarmarajika: How Ta.xila Introduced Stfijill. Architecture."
8 The Buddhist structures of Sw·at and the 'Peshawar basin were fabticated from
schist, a britrle rock with strong internal nonplanar bedding, which flakes irregu-
larly. These characteri~tics caused the builders tO use less systematized masotU)'
techniques, which varied from site to site, depencling on Ute available J.ocaJ stone.
T he Peshawa.r basin and Swat construction techniques were obviously refined over
time, but a da.tftble pattern does nol emerge. At the Peshawar basin site of Takbt-
i-bllhi, fo r example, walls of image silrines made in the late periods stand as higb
as l3 m. TI1ese walls are lbinner, more flexible, and appitrently more durable than
those erected in eadier ]>eriods a t this same site, }'et a chronologic masonry pro-
gression ClliUlOl be determined.
.
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...
lNTRODUG'TJON 7
Appendjx B). lt provides a general sequence that seems more reli-

able than a chronology based on supposed Greco-Roman stylistic
influences on Gandharan art. Establish.iJ1g an architectural frame-
work for Gandhar<U1 sculpture is the key to understanding the chang-
ing use of images.
Phase I (circa 200 B.C.E. to circa middle to Late Lst century C.E.,
see Appendix A and figures 5 and 6) is characterized in Taxila by
the creation of the early Buddhist sacred areas and temples in and
around the city of Sirkap (figs. 4, 10, 13, 15) and the earliest remains
from tJ1e Dharmarajika complex (fig. L). The first structures from
Butkara 1 in Swat also date to this period (figs. 97, 98). Using this
body of evidence, we can characterize the nature of the early Buddhist
tradition in the urban context of Si.rkap, in the public parts of the
Dharmarajika complex and Butkara I, and "~thin the more resuicted
confines of the early monasteries. C entral to iliese discussions is
Gandhara's complex relationship with. the already established Buddhist
communities of norm and west India. Was Gandhara simply an area
of provincial tradition that was dependent on L1dian centers for
direction, or was it an independently developing Buddhist locus?
Phase I pre-dates the popularization of tlle Buddha image in nar-
rative reLiefs or as an independent devotional icon. This phase has
been ch;uacterized l<u·gely by urban finds from Sirkap, mostly pro-
duced before ilie widespread appearance of Buddhist figural art.
These finds include luxury items decorated witll non-Buddllist tl1emes
and terracotta and stone images of popular goddesses. Some of these
objects show stylistic affinities \~~th the lndo-PartJlian and H ellenistic
traditions. Some Buddhist art was being produced at this time (fig.
12), and we cannot rule out ilie possibility that some of the earliest
Buddhist narrative sculpture belongs to this period; this point is highly
controversial, however.
Phase U (circa nliddle to late 1st centUJy C.E. to early 3rd cen-
t:wy C ..E.) is the period when many of the extant sacred areas were
established. Sites such as the Dharmarajika complex and Butkara r
were greatly expanded with tlle addition of stupas, shrines for holy
relics, and monasteries; to a great extent these sites can now be
regarded as regional centers for the exp<U1ding Buddhist institution.
The extensive pha~e II remains can shed light on \•vhat appears now
to be a distinctly Ganclharan religion, wllich emphasized tl1e venera-
tion of relics and utilized me biography of tlle Buddha, presented
in the form of narrative reliefs. Because so many new stnactures were
8 INTRODUC'li'ON
fabricated, it is possible to characterize trends in patronage and rec-

ognize ideological interests, observ<ttions that can be extended to
both the public sphere and the realm of the monastery.
Phase IT is characterized by a large body of Buddhist-themed nar-
rative sculpture, in which the anthropomorplllc image of the Buddha
is present (see fig. 108). T his form of Gandharan art developed as
a direct outgrowth of an earlier narrative tradition seen in other
places on the Indian subcontinent, such as Bharhut, Sai'ici, ami the
Andhra region. However, evidence of the Gandharan practice of
recounting large sections of the Buddha's Life sequentially in multi-
ple relief panels, to be read in the process of circumambulation, is
not found in other parts of India. Reconstructing the sculptural
embellishment of the small stupas (fig. 8) can shed considerable light
on the meaning and specific function of the narrative reliefS. These
schist reliefs, which emphasize the Buddha's birth, his Life in the
palace, his enlightenment, scenes of conversion, the moments sur-
rounding his death, and the establishment of his relics, transcend a
simple didactic function; they have more specific kinds of devo6onal
significance. Further, it is in this phase II narrative tradition that the
foundation was laid for the large Buddha icons used later.
Phase Ill (early 3rd century C.E. until the decline in patronage
at Taxila sometime late in the 5th century C.E.) was a period of
great prosperity: the phase I and Il sacred areas were modified,
refurbished, and literally engulfed in new structures that reflect reli-
gious concerns quite different from those of earlier centuries. Although
stiipas and relic shrines were still being conso·ucted, patrons turned
their considerable resources to commissioning devotional icons, and
the shrines to house them. A middle and late period can be clearly
demarcated in phase Ill: in Taxila there was a shift toward more
sophisticated forms of semi-ashlar masonry,9 and in Greater Gandhara
a clear trend toward creating images on a monumental scale. The
great quantity of architectural evidence dating to this phase provides
a means to trace how people moved through these sacred areas, and
it bears witness to their devotional interests. Without question the
9
Early semi-ashJa•· is found at only a few structures at the Dhannan1jika com-
plex (K I, K2, K3, P3, P6, N4, and the benn of the main slfi/Ja). This masonry
subcategory can be atnibur.ed only to the earl)' pan of phase rn, because it seems
to exhibit experimental qualities; thus, it is less useful for dating (:M.arshall, Taxila,
261 - 2).
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..
I
•I
INTRODUCTION 9
I shift to iconic imagery is a reflection of changing ideology. However,

because the sequence of the sculpture is not easily determined , only
the architectural evidence tells us about popular and monastic prac-
tices. This structural evidence indicates how these religious changes
might have occw-red through time.
Phase Ill is the period in which narratives gave way to devotional
images of the Buddha and bodhisattvas (figs. 123, 38). T he begin-
ning of phase nr marks the introduction of the practice of placing
small image shrines suitable for housing iconic images ~ess than life-
sized) around the main stupa in the sacred areas (fig. 2). T he small
stupas, formerly covered with narrative panels, also came to be embell-
ished with rows of Buddhas and bodhisattvas (figs. 27, 28, 96). It is
Likely that during the middle and late parts of phase III, complex
devoti.onal images probably depicting Buddhist miracles or heavens
acquired importance (fig. L27). 10 Although schist remained an impor-
tant medium for creating images, sculptors began in phase Ill to use
stucco, clay, and terracotta (fig. 34); 11 many of these images have
survived in situ. During the late part of phase m, monumental image
shrines and massive images of the Buddha, some more th<m 11 m
high, appeared in the sacred areas (figs. 4 7, 49, 50).12
Phase IV (circa 5th century C.E. to circa 8th century C.E.) is a
poorly understood period of Gandharan histOJy, when Buddhism still
survived in the Peshawar basin and Swat, but patronage declined.
No characteristic Taxila type of masonry defines tlus period, and
although several cruciform stupas and at least two Buddhist complexes
"' Whether these images represent the Sravasti Miracle is debated , but similar
iconography is found at Aja(•!li, Ka(lheri, and many other ,;tes, indit-ating the pop-
ularity in India of !Jus iconographic program as early as the late 5th century C. E.
and continuing for several centuries. See R. Brown, "The Sravasti Miracles in the
Art of Lndia and Dvaravati," Archives tf A.Mn Art 37 (1984); J. Rhi, "GandJ1aran
Images of r.he Sravasti Mjracle: An Iconographic Reassessment" (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of California, 1991); W. Spink, "Aj<tnta in a Historical and Political
Context," Malun·ashtra Pathik 2, no. I (1990).
11
For a broad discussion of this issue, see M. Taddei, "Chronological Problems
Connected "~th Buddhist Unbaked-Ciay Sculptures from Afghanistan and Surrounding
Areas," in Coins, Art, and C!rratwlotp: Essays 011 Pre-ls!JJmic History tf the Indo-lranum
Borderlands.
11
Sh1ine M2 at Takht-i-bahi is more than 11 m tall. Monumental feet and heads
have been found at many sites, including Takht-i-bahi, 1\llckhasanda, Oharrnarajika
and Jauliiifi. See also M. Tadclei, "Afghanistan, Sculpture, 4th- 9th Century A. D.,"
in Dictionary tf Art (MacmiUan Press, 1996).
10 LVfRODUCTJON
in Swat were created, 13 this was generally a time when large parts
of the sacred areas were abandoned. Evidence for the nature of
Buddhist practice is thus sparse, although we can assume that Buddhism
was still being practiced, as indicated by the addition of late coins
to pre-e,.::isting relic deposits of main sltipas.14 The decline in patron-
age is most evident in the Peshawar basin; a limited patronage base ·
in Swat still existed, and extensive construction in Afghanistan and
the Sind is evident.
Previously, it was thought that the invasion of the H ephthalites in .
450 C .E. resulted in the persecution and eventual destruction of the
Buddhist community in ancient Gandhara. However, recent work
has shown that Buddhist pilgrimage sites in the Peshawar basin, such
as the one that housed the alms bowl of d1e Buddha, remained vital
until the middle of the 6th centu ry C.E.; these fmdings suggest d1at
the period of major Buddhist decline coincided with me collapse of
the H ephthalite power. 15 While it is difficult to link mese numismatic
finds with tl1e archaeological data, it is obvious that building of new
structw·es halted suddenly at many sites in the Peshawar basin and
TaxiJa.'6
Extensive reuse of sculpture occurred in the Peshawar basin at
many sites during phase IV (see Appendix C). It appears that moved
sculptures were placed 11ext to me few devotional relic structures that
were still in use at this time of disruption. Patterns of recontextual-
ization can thus help us to underst<md which parts of d1e sacred
areas remained devotionally significant, even if new patronage did
not supply a developing sequence of new architectural fonns. In d1e
Swat valley, where patronage appears to have endured, late images
were installed at some sites, <md many mck-cut figures of Buddhas
" CnJciJonn stupas were built at Shah-jf-ki-t;iher·f and San ri-Bahlol Site G in the '.
Peshawar basin, and .Bhamala in Ta..xila. ln Swat the related sites of Abba Sahib (
China and Tokar Dara probably date r.o phase IV. The domed monastery found
at Tokar Dara io Swat is comparable to a phase rv monastery at the site of
Culdm"R, in the Kabul basin. See C . fussman, Monummts &udlfltiques de la Rigio11 tk
Cahou~ vol. 22, Mbnoires de In Deligotirm Archlolbgiljue Frmzrmu en lljgllmlistan (Paris:
Diffusion de Boccard, 1976), fig. 13, pis. vt-vi.i.
14 Enington, ' um.ismatic Evidence for Dating the BudcU1ist Remains of Candhara,"
199- 200.
'~ S. Kuwayama, "The Buddha's Bowl in C<U1cU1ara and Relevant Problems," in
SoutlzAsian llrciloeolbgy 1987, ed. M. Taddei (Rome: lsl\ltEO, 1990), 964- 71.
6
' For exmnple, at the site of Takht-i-bahi, an expanded sacred area, involving
consu·uction of a massive and cost!)' terrace, was never filled with donated struc-
tures (see section 7.2.4 Takht-i-bahi: Late Phase lU Construction).
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I. ;
INTRODUC'l10N 11
and bodhisattvas were created, 17 but this body of evidence remains

one of the least understood aspects of the Greater Gandharan tra-
dition. ln Afghanistan many clay and stucco sculptures were pro-
duced during this phase, d1e most well known being the monumental
Buddhas at Bamiyan, the largest of which stood more than 53 m
tall (fig. 1J5).
T he monumentality and iconographic complexity characteristic of
late Gandharan sculpture have counterparts in other regions of the
subcontinent. At the end of the 5th century C.£., monumental images
were erected at the sites of M.irpurkhas in Sind, at Ajal)ta, Kal)heri,
and EUora on the Deccan plateau, and at K usinagara in the Ganges
basin. This type of image use and corresponding religious practice
apparently spread from what is now nmthwest Pakistan and Afghanistan
to other parts of the Inclian subcontinent.
17 A. filigenzi, " Marginal Notes on the Buddhist Rock Sculptures of Swat," in

South A.tian Arclweolo~-· 1997, ed. M. Taddei and G. de Marco {Rome: lslAO, 2000).
'
CHAPTf:.R ONE
OVERVIE"W OF GREATER GANDHARA
The region of ancient Gandhara, located in the northwest of the

Indian subcontinent, was the center of a flow·ishing Buddhist tradi-
tion between the 2nd century B.C.E. and the 6th century C.E.
Inhabitants of this area, today pmt of Pakistan, became affluent .
tlu·ough international trade, as objects were exchanged among India,
China, and the Mediterranean. Traffic in luxury goods brought
streams of foreign traders into this already culturally diverse region,
and it is tllis mix of different people and ideas that makes the study
of Gandhara both complex and intriguing. In this prosperous milieu,
many large Buddhist complexes were bui.lt at the beginning of the ·
common era. Works of art, also produced in great quantity, reflect
soutl1 Asian tastes and religious ideolo&'Y imbued .,..,ith western char-
acteristics. The people who lived in Gandhara embraced this mul-
ticultural hybrid and over time creatively recontextualized outside .
forms and ideas to suit tlleir own needs and interests.
1
I
The Buddhist architectural remains in Greater Gandhara (fig. 3)
offer glimpses of tl1e religious life tllat tltrived in tltis region for nearly
I ,000 years. The development of Gandharan art and arcrutecture,
an extensive range of structures and figurative sculpture, also offers
a paradigmatic model for tile study of the larger soutll Asian Buddhist
tradition. It was in Gandhara that some of the earliest antltropo-
morpruc images of the Buddha were created as a complement to
worship practices centered on relics . Only by considering how
Gandharan Buddhists understood and used relics of the Teacher and
why imagery became so ubiquitous does tJ1e Buddhist tradition of
Gandhara come into focus.
Around 330 B.C.E. Alexander tl1e Great conquered lm·ge parts of
what are now Afghanistan and nortllern Pakistan. After Alexander's
death, his generals divided tile empire, initiating a complex period
of political hist01y known primarily tllrough scattered numismatic
evidence recording rulers witl1 Greek names. The excavated ciry of
Ai Khanoum, in Afghanistan, with its gymnasium, amphitlleater, and
temples, indicates that for a time a Hellenistic colony existed in the
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.. ·- .
OVERVlEW OF GREATER CANDHARA 13
northwest of the subcontinent. ' The root~ of the Greater Gandharan

taste for classical forms are apparent in the material culture pre-
served in this polis. In the middle of the 3rd century B.C.E. King
Asoka, a powerful Mauryan proponent of Buddhism, directed that
several edicts stressing altiuisii and dlzarma (nonviolence and duty) be
carved on boulders in northem Pakist.:m and Afghanistan. T his is
generally understood as the beginning of Buddhism in the north-
west, even though these isolated inscriptions do not explicitly refer
to Buddhism, which would have been just one of many religions
practiced in this area..
Over the following 200 years, Greater Gandhara was repeatedly
invaded by different ethnic groups, which sought to control key passes
through the Himalayas. In rapid succession the Parthians, Scythians,
l ndo-Scythians, Indo-Parthians, and others fought over this region
before the powerful Yueh-chih began to move toward Afghanistan
from the western Chinese borderlands. Bearing the dynastic title of
K ushan, the Ytieh-chih gradually invaded Greater Gandhara in the
lst centmy B.C.E. Their rule culminated under the kings Kani~a
I and Huvi~ka in the 2nd century C.E., by which time the Kushans
had established a large kingdom, e>..'tending beyond the Hindu Kush
to northern India. They established political stability and unified the
many cuJtures and religions within a single political system.2
In the 2nd century B.C.E., while political turmoil was churning
Gandhara, tl1e first Buddhist sites were established in the region
(fig. 6). The two earliest centers, Butkara I in the S·wat valley and
the Dharmarajika complex in Taxila, share many characteristics with
contemporary Buddhist sites in India. At this time, relics of the
Buddha housed in massive hemispherical stupas were the focus of
worship (figs. I , I 7).
ot until the lst and 2nd centuries C.E., however, were a significant
number of Buddhist centers founded in Gandhara. 3 Beginning at tllat
1
D. MacDowaU and M. Taddei, "The Eady Historic Period: Achaemenids and
Greeks," in 17•e Archaeology '!! Ajglumistan .from Earliest Times to tlte Timurid PerWd, ed.
R . Allchin and N. Hammond (London: Academic Press, 1978), 2 18- 32.
2 Ibid., 204- 12; D. MacDowall and M. Taddei, "The Pre-Muslirn Period," in
17•e llrcluteOlogy '!/ Ajghani.rta11 .from Earliest Times to lite Timurid Period, ed. R. Allchin
and N. Hammond {London: Academic Press, 1978), 233- 4, 245- 8.
' Eni.ngton, " 1umismatic Evidence for Daring the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara,"
194; G. Fussman, "Numismatic and Epigraphic E'~dencc for" iJ1e Chronology of
Early Gancllm-a n Art," in h11Jesti.f50hllg Indian Art,· Etoceedings if a ~ymposium on the

14 CHAPTER ONE
time, sculpture was used to embellish the relic structures. Narrative

reliefS recounting the Buddha's life were attached to stupas, and they
are invaluable to any study of early Gandharan Buddhism (figs. 8D,
108). In this early phase, great emphasis was pla.ced on the historic
personage of the Buddha (Sa9'amuni); reliefs depicted his miraculous
birth, childhood, rejection of life in the palace, path to enlighten-
ment, and role as the teacher of the Buddhist dhamw. These depic-
tions also stress his death, focusing on his cremation and how the
relics came to be distributed. This emphasis on the Buddha's relics
is also seen in the architectw·al remains where stupas and relic shrines
were predominant.
Begi•ming sometime in the 3rd century C.E., the patronage of
Buddhist sites dramatically increased- old sites were expanded and
many new centers were founded. Relic monuments such as stUjJas
and shrines, initially primary foci of devotion, were augmented with
large Buddha and bodhisattva images, placed in chapels enclosing
rhe sacred areas (fig. 5; see also figs. 38, 2, 46, 88, 123). By the 4th
and 5th centuries, these iconic images were produced on a monu-
mental scale (figs. 47, 49, 50), a trend cuhninating at the late 6th
century site of Bamiyan in Afghanistan, where a Buddha image more
•
than 53 m tall dominated the landscape (fig. 115).
The emergence of iconic images marked a transition i.n Buddl1ist
practices, in contrast to the narrative traditions that characte•ized
the e;ulier art of Gandhara, central India, and Andhra Pradesh.
Some scholars have seen this as an indication of the doctrinal shift ,
from H rnayfma to Mahftyana Buddhism, although recently this has
been questioned.'1 Although the "iconic" inutges became monumen-
tal and the iconography acquired increas1ng complexity (fig. 127),
relics remained the focal objects of veneration in Greater Gandhara.
The rnost active period of Buddhist patronage was benveen the
3rd and 5th centuries C.E.; the mqjority of swvivi.ng architectural
material dates to this period. The increase in pan·onage probably '
----
.Dwelj)pmu111 of .Eor{y Buddhist mu! Hind11. lconogropl!)',Held ot the Museum of lndi.aJz llrt •
Berlitz ·in Mqy 1986, ed. W. Lobo and M. Yaldiz (Berlin: Museum fu.r Indiscbe
Kuost, 1987). See Chapter Four herein on phase n architectural evidence and
Appendixes A and B for discussions of da.Jing.
• .For a full sunumuy of the issues sun·ouoding Hina)lfliJa and Mahliyana Buddhism
sec W. Zwalf, A Cakdoguc if tile Cmu!Jwm Sculp111J"e in tile British. Museum., 2 vols. {London:
British Museum Pt·ess, I996), 30- 3.
Bahan dengan hak ci )

..
OVERVIEW OF CREATF.R CAl'IDHARA 15
was not dynastic; the great K ushan empire was losing power at this
rime. Only a vague idea of the political landscape of this period can
be formed from coins of the Kushans, Kushano-Sasanians, Sasanians,
and Kidarites. The 5th to 8th century C.E. period is even more
obscure, as Gandhiira feU under the control of the H ephthalites,
Hunas, and Turki Shahis. By the time the Hindu Shahis attained
power in the 9th century C.E., Buddhism in Gandhara was fu.lly
eclipsed. 5
Between the 5th and 7th centuries C.E. , Chinese Buddhist pil-
grims began to visit Greater Gandhara to see famous relics like the
Buddha's alms bowl or his skull bone (u~f~). Short biographies of
many of these Chinese monks survive. The extensive travel accouncs
of f axian (40 I C.E.) and Xuanzang (630 C.£.)6 reveal much about
the late Buddhist tradition of Greater Gandhara. AU of these sources
suggest a dramatic decline in Buddhist patronage in the late 5th cen-
tUJy. The archaeological evidence appears to support the written
records; few post-5th centllly coins have been found in the religious
areas, and new construction was abruptly stopped at most sites.
Sparse evidence of Buddhist activity at some isolated sites in the
Peshawar basin survives, and a few of these centers seem to have
remained active until perhaps the 8th centUJy C.E. The collapse of
patronage was not so severe in the Swat valley, and throughout this
long period Buddhism continued to flourish in A(~hanistan. 7
·' Bnington, ''Num.i;1natk EvidenC'e for Dating tht' Buddhist Remains of Gandhara,"
20 I 3; S. Kuwayama, "Th(' Hephthalites in Tokharistan and Gandhara; Pa11 1:
Gandhara," Lalwre Museum Bulleti11 V, no. I ( 1992); S. Kuwa)•arna, "The H ephthalites
in Tokharistan and Gandhara; Part ll: Tokharist.an " Lal!ort Museum Bulleti11. V, no.
1
2 ( 1992}; A. Rahrnan, Th Los/ Two Dynasties if the ::,ahis: An Analysis if 17wir Hiswry,
Arrhaeology, OJinll!ie and Polorogmf>I!Y (lslamabad: Centre for the Study of the Civilizations
of Ctntral Asia. Quaid-i-Azam University, 1979).
•· Fa-hian, Si-1'u-Ki. Buddhist R=rtls 'if flu 11-~tem World, tnms. S. Beal {London:
Triibner & Co., 1906); H siian-tsang, Si- Yu-IG. Budilhist Records qf tlu Wtstem World,
trans. S. Beal (London: Triibner & Co., 1906}; Kuwayama, "The Buddha's Bowl
in Gandhara and Relevant Problems."
' Eningt.on, "Num.iSll'latir E'~dence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhar<t,"
199; D. Klirnburg-Saltcr, 77u Kmgdom qf Bam!ywt· Buddhist Art and Cul!ure qf tlte HiJuiJt
Ktuh. (Naples and Rome: lstituto Universitario Orientate Dipart:imento di Studi
Asiat.ici, IsMEO, 1989), 90 -2; Kuwayama, "The Hephthalites in Tokharistan and
Gandhara; Part 1: Gandhara; Part n: Tokharisran"; M. Taddei and G. Verardi,
''Tapa Sa r'((ar: Second Preliminary Report," Ea.,·t and We.rt 28, no. L- 4 ( 1978).

J6 CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Historic Survl!)' rif Archaeology in Gandhiira
At the beginning of the l9th century, British colonialists occupied

the northwest area of the Indian subcontinent, today Pakistan. After
their first encounter with Buddhist art in the Peshawar basin, schol-
ars correctly identified this area as tl1e ancient Gandhara mentioned ·
in the epigraphic and literdl)' sources.8 When comparable Buddhist
artworks from neighboring regions stufaced, they also came to be ;
labeled as "Gandharan," thus creating a false perception of the area
of this ancient region. "Greater Gandhara" as used herein includes
the Peshawar basin, Taxila, Swat, Afghanistan, and Kashmir.9
The British w1derstood the Gandharan sculptural style as a regional
product of the Greco-Roman world and saw in the classically dressed i
Buddha image the perfect emblem of the west giving shape to the ·
east. The Buddhist sculpture from Gandhara appealed to the neo-
classical interests of the Briti~h colonialists, and they preferred it to :
art from other parts of soutl1 Asia. 10 · 1
·;
Early collections, mainly of coins and reliqua ries, were put together 1
.'
by va1;ous members of the European military, notably the officers :
Ventura and Court, the deserter Masson in Afghanistan, and a mil- i .,
itary unit called the G uides stationed in the town of Mardan in
Pakistan. 11 Aliliough some sculptw·e was collected at iliis time, these ·
I
early adventurers primarily collected coins. Often they cut open mas-
sive slupas to recover precious reliqua.lies, which were known to
8 Zwalf, Crmdlwra Sculpture, 13.

• R. Salomon, R. Allcbin, and M. .Bamard, Ancieul Buddhist Scro/IJ from Gr111dhoro: .'
17te British Libra')' Kharostlti Fragmmts (Seattle: University of Washi111,rt0n J>,·ess, I999),
3. The ancient lands Gandhara, Udliyana, Nagarahara, and Kashmir do corre- i
spood to the modem regions of the Pesbawar basin, Swlit, central Al.gllaniWi.n, and
Kashmir, but use of this terminology risks li.1rther conlusing the issue. N; a result, ·
Buddhist sculpture 1.e1med Gandhliran has Lost its specific geographic associarion, j
although this terminology doe.~ describe art that e.wbiL<> elements from the Greco-
Roman wol'ld.
10 S. Ab<:, "lnside the Wonder House: Buddhist AJt and the West," in Cumtors
qf th!J BuddJ111: 7ne Stmfy qf BuddJ1ism u11der Colonialism, ed. D. Lope"~ (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1995); P. Almond, Tlte British Dirc011e1y of BuddJtism (Cambridge
and Ne" ' York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); P. 1\lfitter, Mud1 Maligmrd Monstm:
History qf E1uopean Reactions to Indian Art (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977). i
I
11 E. F..rrington, "The \<\1estern Discovery of the Art of Gandlutm and the F'mds
ofjanllil&>arbi" (Ph.D. thesis, London University, 1987), 3 1- 2 14; C. Mas.~on, "Memoir

on the Buildings Called Topes," in Ariana. A111iquo; a Descriptioe Account of tlte AJ1tiquities
and Coi11s qf Afghanistan, ed. H. Wilson (Delhi: O riental Pubijshers, l 841; reprint,
197 1).
llllllh!'hl1 IJ;lnrf' J
a !
OVERVIEW OF GREATER GANDHA.RA 17
contain coins. General Alexander Cunningham oversaw d1e first gov-

ernmental archaeological excavations carried out under d1e auspices
of the newly created Archaeological Survey of India. H e dug at me
sites of Mru:tikyala, Taxila, and Jarna! Garhi and produced reports
that represent early attempts to create a scientific record. 12 [n 1864,
H. W. Bellew pubtished a report, and in 1871 Sergeant R. E. Wilcher
surveyed and excavated at the site of T akht-i-bahi. 13 The frrst exca-
vations of Buddhist centers for which plans >vere drawn, and from
which the recovered sculpture is still known today, were carried out
in the 1880s. Lieutenant-Colonel H arold D ean e excavated the site
of Sikri (fig. 90), and Major H. H. Cole published plans, sketches,
and photographs of sculpture from the sites of Sanghao, Tar:'gai,
upper and lower . athou (figs. 92, 94), and Mian Khan. 1 '~ The pho-
tographer Alexander Caddy subsequently documented much of the
sculpture found by Deane and Cole (figs. 84, 85, 88, 89, 93, 95, 96,
114). These artworks, added to collections in Europe and India, laid
the foundations for the loosely conceived notion of "Gandharan" art.
At me beginning of the 20th century, the newly established Frontier
Circle of me Archaeological Survey of India initiated a series of
official excavations at the most important sites in the Peshawru· basin
of Pakistan. Excavations were undertaken and plans were drawn of
d1e ma:jor Buddhist centers of T akht-i-bahi (figs. 2, 44, 45), J amal
Garhi (fig. 61 ), Sahrr-Bah161 (figs. 54, 57, 59, 60), and Shah-jl-kf-c;lherT
17 A. Cunningham, ':J ~•m!il Garhi," Archaeological Survry '![ India 5 ( 1872- 73);
" ManiltyaJa," Arclweologicai Survry rif India 2 (1863- 64); " Manikya.la," ArchMOlogical
Surory '![India 5 ( 1872- 3}.
u H. BeUew, A Gmeral Report 011 lhe Tust![<:Pis (Llhore: Sang-c-Mcel Publications,
1864; reprint, 1977); F. Wilcher, " Report on the E1tploration of the Buddhist Ruins
at Takht-i-ba.i, .January to Ap1il 1871 , Punjab Government Gazette, Supplement,
6th August 1874, 528- 32," in E. Errington, "1l1e Western Discovery of the Art of
G<llldhara and the F'mds of J arniilt:\"arM" (Ph.D. thesis, London University, 1987).
" D eane's report has been lost; nevertheless, much is known of this site (S. R.
Oar, "The Su:ri Sculptures: Prolegomena on an Exceptional, but U.-w:uc:licd, CoUection
of Gandharan Art in Lhc Lahore Museum," in Silk Road Art and ArciUJeology, Papers
in H01wur rif Fran&int Tissot, eel. E. Errington and 0. Bopearchchi ( 1999- 2000};
H. Dcane, Memorand1m1 011 Excaootions a1 Sikri. Tusqf<Pi (Lahore: 1889; lost). Elizabeth
Errington kindly provided me with two reports: H. H. Cole, Memorandum 011 Ancienl
Afomm1ents i11 Eusof<;ai, witlt a. Description of the &ploTiltimu Undertaken .ftom lite 411t Febmary
to the 16th April 1883: Curator rif Ancient Monuments in India, 1/lwtrated ID• a Map, 8 Pums
if Building.! and 17 P/ats if Rough Sketcltes, June 1882 (Simla: Government Central
Branch Press, 1883); H. H. Cole, Preservation rif National Monuments, bufia: Greeco-
Buddhist Sculptures .ftorn. Tusf<;tzi (Paris: I884 - 5).
18 CHAPTER. ONE
(fig. 83). 15 The prinuuy goal of this work was to gather antiqlllttes
that could be displayed in the major colonial museums in Calcutta,
Bombay, and London. T he recovery of several thousand schist and
stucco sculptures led to the establislunent of tJ1e Pesbawar and Lahore
regional museums to house this material. More than 2,000 unpublished
photographs taken by the Archaeological Survey document the exca-
vations and today represent an invaluable source of information for
reconstructing the work done and the mace1ial recovered at that
time; photographs from this period appe<u· throughout this book. 16
At the peak of British power in south Asia, Sir J otm Marshall
began to dig the urban and Buddhist centers in Taxila in a series
of excavations between 1912 and 1937. 17 Unlike bjs predecessors,
---
" H. Hargrea.ves: "Appendix V: List of Antiqu.ities Recovered During Operations
at J amalgarhi, 1920- 21," in Arcluu!IJiogicnl Sttrol')' of India Fro11Iicr Circle Roporl l 920- J
(Peshawar: Caxton Printing Wor.ks, 1921); "Conservation at Takht-i-bah.i," in ;bmual
Report of tlu: Archacowgiwl Sltrol')' of l11dia, FronJier Circle (Calcutta: 19 11- I2); "Excavations
a t ShlU1-jil<I-<i.herr," in Amwai Report of tile Arclwi!/Jibgical Sttrv!J of India, Fronti11r Circle
(Calcutta: 19 11 - 12}; "Excavations at Shahji-ki-c:lhe!i," in llrdzai!IJ/f)giwl SuTVI'J' of /TUiia
Amwal Rtport (1910- 11) (Calcutta: 19 L4); "Excavations at Ta.kht-i-bahi," in A-rd1D#Jiogiwl
Suro9 of bzdia Armual Repcrt (1910- 1.1) (Calcutta: 1914); D. Spooner: "E.>:.cava.tions
at Sahri-Bahlol," in ArdweobJgicaJ Surory of lndin Annual Report {1906-07) (Calcutta:
Superintendent Government Printing, I909); " Excavations at Sahri-Bahlol," in Ardzaco-
logicai Sunny of lruli11 Annmtl Repcrt (1909 - 10) (Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Priming, 1914}; "Excavations at Shft.h-jiki-Qlleri," in Armltlu Report. of tile !lrcluuo/f)gicai
Su1VI'J' of lrulia, Fronlicr Ci1dc (1907- 08) (Calcutta: Superintendent Covenuncnt Printing,
1908); "Excavations at Shah-ji-kr-cj.bc;ri," in Ardweologicai SwVI})' of /m/Ut Annual Report
(J 908- 09) (Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, l 9 13); "E."cavati.o ns at
Takllt-i-bahi," in ArcJtaJ!fJibgical Sv'TVI'J' of India. Amwal Report ( 1907- 08) (Calcutta:
Superintendent Covenuncnt Printing, 191 1); A Stein: ArrJweqlogica/ R=mum!tllzus in
.Nmtll- Wesl.tm India and SouJJ1.-l:."asl.tm lro.n (London: I93 7}; "Excavations at Sah ri-
Bahlol," in AJdwoologietJL SullJ!Y of.li1dia. Annual Rctmt (1911- 12) (Ca.lcutta: Superintendent
Government Printing, 19 15). l! was also at dtis time that Swlit was first swveyed;
see A. Stein, On Alexaruler's Track Ill the !tuhJS: Persmwl .Narralive of ExpllrraMrlS on the
.North-West. Hrmtier of bufia. (London: Phoenix Press, 1929; reprint, 200 I}.
16 A complete archive of Archaeological SuiVe)' of India. photographs is hou.sed
in r.he J.ndia Oflice collections in the Bri tish Libnuy in London.

11
J. M.arshall: Arduwowgiall Guide lb Taxi/a, 4th ed. Uodhptu~ Scientific Publishers,
1960; reprint, 1985); The Buddhist. Art of Gatulham: 171e Stl)ly of the &vfy Sci11XJ~ Its
Birth, Gmwtl~, a.nd Det:line (Cambridge: Ocpt- of ArchaeoiOg)' in Pakistan, Unive rsity
Press, 1960); " Excavation at Taxila," in Arrrwal /<£port of the Arclwt!Oibgiwl Sun:C)' of
1fldia 1928- 29 (Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1933}; "Excavation at Taxila.," in
Annual &part of tl1e Arcluuologiwl Su1VI')' of India 1929- 30 (Dellu: Manager of Publications,
1935); " Excavations at T:u.~Ja," in A11nua/ Report of the A?~fwt!IJitJgical Sll17JI[f of India
1912-13 (Cal~otta: Stoperi.ntendent Goverrunent Printing, 19 16); "Excavations ar
T a.xiJa," in Amma/ Report of the Ardw.eoitJgicai Su~ of India 1915- 16 (CalcULlll.:
Superintendent Government Printing, 19 18); .E:ccavaJ:iJms a1 Taxi/a: 17w Stupas a11d
Mo11asteries o.t Jtmlillll, vol. 7, Memairs of ll1e Arclweowgical Suroey of lrulitt (Calcutta:
llllllh\lh\1 lJ;Inrfl 1
I
OVERVIEW OF GREATER CANDH.".RA 19
I
~ Marshall used a much more scientific approach in his archaeologi-
cal excavations and kept accurate records of his finds. While Marshall's
archaeological methodology might seem inadequate when compared
to modem practices, his activities mark a turning point for our under-
standing of the Gandharan architectural tradition. His detailed exca-
vation reports of the sites in T axi!a remain i.mpona:nt for understanding
the region.
In the 1950s, after a break because of th e pobtical turmoil that
led to the partition of south Asia into the modern nations of Paki~tan
and India, archaeological activities were resumed. Several foreign teams
began to work in Pakistan. Giuseppi Tucci initiated an Italian archae-
ological mission in the Swat valley; major excavations were carried
out under Domenico Faccenna at Butkara I (see fig. 97), Panr (see
fig. 103), and Saidu (see fig. 104). 18 Pierfrancesco Callieri, who beg-dll
the excavations at the urban site of Barikot in the 1980s, has con-
tinued the work. 19 This research has proved to be fi.mdarnentally
Superintendent Government Printing, 192 1); ''Exploralion at Taxila 1930- 34," in

Annu11l Report '![the Archaeological Suroey if flulia for the rem:< 1930- 31, 1931- 32, 1.932- 33
& 1.933- 34 (Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1936); "G reeks and Sakas in India,"
Joumal if lhe Ruyal Asiatic Socie!)' if Great Bri1ai11 and lrelmul (1947); " 1o1them Ci rcle:
Taxila," in Annual RefJort if tlu: Archaeological S1m19 if lrulio 1923- 24 (Calcutta:
Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1926); " Northern Ci,·cle: T axila,"
in Ammai Report. qf tht ArclwoologictJi Swv9 qf India 1924- 25 (Calcutta: Govemmenl of
India Cenu-al Ptiblicarion Branch, 1927); "Taxila," in Annual Reporl qfilze Archll£1)[ogical
Suroey qf l11dia 1926-27 (Ca.lcuW1: Government of l ndia Central Publication Branch,
1930). See also: A. Foucher, "The Decoration of the Stuccoed Stiipas," u1 &caoati11n
al Taxila: 111e Slupas mul klonasttlies at ]aulia11, Me11U1irs if lhe Arcltll£1)/ogical Survey if
India (Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, 192 1); A. Siddique, "Exca,~Ition
at Taxila," in A111111al Report qflhe Archaeological Suro~· if.lnduJ 1934- 35 (Delhi: Manager
of Publications, 1937) and "Excavation at Taxila," in Aruuuzl Rtport qf the Archaeological
Surmy if India 1.935-36 (DeU1i: Manager of Publications, l938).
16
P. Callieri, Saidtl Sluuif I (SwaJ, Pakisla!!): 1?1e Buddhist Sacred A reo. 17te Morwste>)•,
vol. >..'XIIJ. I (Rome: I.sMEO, 1989); D. Faccenna, Butknra 1 (Swtll, Pakistat~ 1956-1962,
5 vols. (Rome: lsM.EO, 1980) and Saidu Sltarif (Su;al, Pakistan), 2. 17u: Buddhist Sacred
Areo.. 17te Sh1[Xl Ttn·ace, 2 vols. (Rome: lsMEO, 1995); D. FacceJUla, R . Gobl, and
A. Kl1an, "A Report on cl1e Recent Discovery of a Deposit of Coins in the Sacred
Area of Burkara I. (Swat, Pakistan),» East and West 43, no. I- 4 (1993); D. Facccnna
and G. Gullini, Reports 011 the Campaigns, 1.956-1958 -i11. Swat, PaJ:istall, Miugoro: Site qf
Bulkara I (Rome: ls1iruto poligrafico dc.llo Stato Libreria, I 962); D. Faccenna, A. Khan,
<u1d I. adiem, Pmtr 1 (Swat, Pakista11), vol. X."\.'VI, &ports mul Memoirs (Rome: IsM EO,
1993); D. Faccenna and M. Taddei, Sculptures from till! Sacred Ana if Butkara I (SwaJ,
Pakistm~, vol. 11, Rtf>111"ts aJld Mmwin (Rome: I.'IM£0, 1962- 4); Robert Gob!, A Cata-
logue ifCaillsfiom Butkara l (Swat, Palci.rlm•) (Rome: lsMJ~O, 1976); G. Tucci, " Prelim-
inal)• Report on an Archaeological Survey in Swat," East mtd West 9, no. 4· (1958).
9
' P. Callieri, A filigel17i, and G. Stacul, "Excavations at Bi.r-Kor-Ghwandru,
Swat: 1987," Pakistan Archaeology 25 (1990). P. Cailieri et al., " Bir-Kot-Ghwandai
20 CHAPTER ONE
important for om understanding of Buddhism in Swat and its role

in the Greater Gandharan tradition.
The J apanese archaeological mission started working in the Peshawar
basin in the 1960s under the direction of Seiichi Mizuno, who exca-
vated at Mekhasanda (fig. 64), T hareli (fig. 68) and K ashmir-Smast 20
In the .1 980s Koji N"LShikawa excavated Ranigat (fig. 78).2 1 Photographic
documentation by the J apanese of sculpture found at these sites is
fundamental for om· understanding of the Peshawa.r basin tradition.
The Archaeological Survey of Pakistan and Peshawar University
also have conducted important excavations since the 1960s, partic-
ularly in the Swat valley. This work has brought to light several
important sites, the most significant being Andandheri, Butkara m
(fig. l 00), Chatpat, Marjanai (fig. I 06), Nimogram (fig. l 09), Gumba-
tuna, and Shnaisha.22
In Afghanistan, French teams carried out much of the archaeo-
logical work between the 1930s and 1978, when the Soviet Union
took over the country. T he French archaeologists excavated major
Buddhi~t complexes at H ac;lc;la, Gulda.ra, Bamiyan, and Fondukistan. 23
199Q-1992. A Prc!iminruy Report on the Excavations of the Italian Archaeological

Mission, IsMEO," Arma/i de/J'/stituto Unwtrsitario On"enliJle di Napoli 52/4, Suppl. 73
( 1992).
20 S. Mizuno, eel., Haibalc and KII.Jhmir-SmasL· Buddhist C<W~ Tempkr in Ajghanirtan and
Paki.stm1 Suroeyed in 1960 (Kyoto: K)'Oto University, 1962) and MeldrasmuitJ: Buddlrist
Monastery in Pakistan Suroe.J'ed in 1952-67 (Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1969); S. Mizuno
and T. Higuchi, eels., 17rareli: Buddhist Site in Pakirtan Surot!j>ed in 1963-67 (Kyoto:
Doihoisha, 1978).
11 K. Nishikawa, iUllligal: ;J Buddhist Sile in Gr11Jdhara Pakista11 Surot!j·ed 1983- 92
(Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 1994); K Nishi.kawa et al. , Canrll1ara 2: Preliminlll)•

Report on the Ccmprehetlsive Sunr~ qf Candluun Buddltisl SilA< (Kyoto: Kyoto University
Press, 1988); K. ishikawa, N. Odani, and Y. amba, Preliminary &port 011 the
CcmpreJzensiue Sunr~ qf Candltara Buddhist Siw, 1983, 1984 (Kyoto: KyotO University
Scienti6c Mission to Gaodhara, 1986).
2'l A. Datli, " Excavation at Chatpat," AndeTII Pakistar~ IV ( 1968-9}; A. Dan.i,
"Excava.tions at Andandheri," Ar~eient Pakistan IV ( 1968-9); M. A. Khan, .Buddhist
Shrines iTI Sr.oot (Saidu Sharif: Archaeological Museum, 1993}; S. N. .Kban, ".P relimin<uy
Report of Excavations at M.arjanai, Kabal, Swat," Ancient Pakistm• XI ( 1995);
A. Rahman, " Butka.m ID: A Preliminary R eport," in South Asum ArciiO(f)WfJl, ed.
M. Taddei (Rome: lsl\II:EO, 1990) and "Shnaislla Gumbat First Prclimirllllj' E.xc:w·ation
Report," Aruitnt Polrisli11r VID ( 1993). Also see S. Rchman, ed., Ardweo/QgiC<ll Rf't'I)Jlrrais.ranee
ill Candlwra (Karachi: DepL of A.rchaeolob'Y, Govt of Pakistau, 1996}.
23 W. Ball and J. Ga rdin, Catalogue des Sites ArclraeofDgiques d't!fglumistan (Pruis :
Editions Recherche sw· les civilisations, 1982}; J. Ba.rthoux, IJJS Fouilles de Hatlda, 4
vols., vol. l, Merrwires de la. .Deligation ArciW1logique Franyaise en Ajglumislm• (Paris: Edi-
tions d 'Art et d'Hist.oire, 1930); .Fussman, Monurmmls Bouddhiques de la Rigion d8 CabouL.
J. H ackin, "Divers R echerches Archeologjques en Afghanistan ( 1933- 1940)," in
lllolll hllhl">•l J•lr •1''

OVERVIEW OF GREATER GANDHARA 21
T eams from od1er countries were also active. Maurizio T addei led
an Italian excavation of d1e late Buddhist complex of Tapa Sardar
in the 1960s.2'1 The Japanese archaeologists Mizuno and Shoshin
Kuwayama worked at the urban site of Cha.qalaq T epe, the Buddhist
cave sites of Haiba.k, Basawal, Hazar-sum , and Fil-K hana, and the
stupa and sacred area at Lalma, and they conducted a major photo
documentation project at Bamiyan. 25
T he ongoing destruction of evidence of the cultural heritage of
Afghanistan has made the study of d1e Greater Gandharan tradition
increasingly difficuJt. Following the Soviet invasion and the subse-
quent civil war, the Kabul museum was looted mu16ple tinles, as
were many smaller public and ptivate collections. Many archaeo-
logical sites, in par6cular the complex at H a<;l<;la, were deso·oyed dur-
ing the protracted conAict. Political instability since the Soviet
withdrawal in 1989, coupled with extreme poverty, has driven peo-
ple to loot sites; large numbers of artworks of A(~han provenance
con6nue to appear on the international art market. Millions of land
mines placed throughout Afghanistan will prevent any archaeological
Memoires de la Diligat:Um Archeo/Qgique Fra11f(lise en A}gha11irtan (Paris: Presses universitaires

de France, 1959); J. Hackio, "L'Oeuvre de la DC!egation Archeologiques l'ran~ise
en Afghanistan ( 1922-32)," in Archeologie Bouddhirjue (Tokyo: 1933); J. Hackin, "NouvcUcs
Recherehes Archeologiques a Bamiyan," in Mb110iru de la Deligation Archeologique
FrOJlfaise en Afghanislan (Pmis: G. van Ocst, 1 939~ "NouveUcs Rechcrchcs Archi:ologiques
a Begt'llrn (1939- 1940)," in Mhlwiru de la Dtligation Archio/Qgique Franyaise en Ajghanistwz
(Paris: Presses universita.ircs de Fra.oce, 1954); "Sculptu re Greco-Bouddhique du
Kapica," Momonmt Piot A.'XVIII (1925- 6); J. Hackin and J. Cad, "NouveUcs Recherchcs
Archl:ologiques a Barniyan, » in Jl1hMiT~.! de la Deligation Archtologique Pratlfllist en.
A}gharlistm1 (Paris: G. van Oest, 1933); J. Mcuni~ Sltotorolc, vol. X, Mirrwires de la
Diligatio11 A1'chtologique Frmlfaise /!11 A}ghlUiistan (Paris: Editions d'A•t et d'Histoire, 1942);
Z. Tarzi, L'Archiietiure 111 le Decor Rupe.stre de.s Crottes de Bamf)'all, 2 vols., Archiologie en
Asie Centrale et en 1lfghanisla11 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 19i7); Z. Tarzi, "Tapa-
E-Top-E-Kalan (ITK) of Hadda ," in South Asia" Archaeologp, ed. J. Schotsmans ;md
M. Taddei ( laples: lstituto Universitario Orientate, 1983). See also S. Kuwayama,
"Tapa Shotor and Lalma: Aspects of the Stlipa. Court at Hadda," Aruuzli dell'lstitu!JJ
U11ivusitario Orie11Iale di .Napoli 4 7 ( 198 7).
2-• M. Taddei, "Tapa Sardar: First Prclimina.y Report," East mzd We.st 18, nos.
1- 2 (1968); Taddci and Vemrdi, "Tapa SardJ!r. Second Prelimina ry Report."
:n T. H iguchi, cd., Bami)•an I. Art 1111d Arcllaeologiccal Re.~earclze.s 011 the BuddJtist Caoe
TemJ!les in 1lfgltanis1an /970- 78 (Kyoto: 1983); S. Mizuno, cd., Basawal and ] elalabad-
Kahu/: Buddl1ist C111Je-Temples 011d Topes i!t South-East Ajg!umistrm S'lLTlle)•ed Main!y iJ1 1965
(Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1970); Chaqalaq Tepe: Fortifld Village iJz North J!fghanistmz
E.u;(J1)(1ted i11 1964- 67 (Kyoto: KyotO Uruvcrsity, 1970); .Dumwn Ttpe and LA/ma: BudtUrisl
Siles in Afghanistan Suroeyed in 1963- 65 {Kyoto: Kyoto University Mission to the
lranian Plateau and Hindukush, J968); Haibllk and Kashmir-Smasl; H~~I:.ar-Swn rmd Fil-
K!tana: CmJe Sites in Afglwttistmz Suroe;'tfi i11 1962 (Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1967).

22 CHAP'Tt:R OIII'E
actiVIUes there in the foreseeable future. A particularly severe blow

to further study was the Taliban miJjua·s destruction of the monu-
mental (53 and 38 m tall), 6th centwy Buddha image. at Barniyan
in March 200 I (fig. I 15).
Documentation of many excavatjons conducted in Afghanistan
before the Soviet invasion is poor, because many of the archaeolo-
gists have died, leaving excavation descriptions unpublished. In light
of these problems, the material from Afghanistan is covered here
only to a limjted extent.
T he western edge of Greater Gandhara includes the area of Ka!ih-
mir, wllich is currently (2003) inaccessible because of civil war. The
early Buddhjgt arcllitectural tradition from Kashmjr has been docu-
mented only sparsely; it is not included here.
l. 2 GeograjJI!)' qf Greater Gandhara (IIUi the

Di.rtrihulum if Buddhist Sites
The ancient region of Gandhara (not to be confused with tl1e Greater

Candharan cultural sphere) was located in ilie rich agricultural plruns
of the Peshawar basin in the low foothills of the Himalayas, in what
is today nortl1west Pakistan (fig. 3). The name Gandhara appears in
early texts and inscriptions and was used by the Chjnese pilgrims
Faxian and Xuanzang. 26 This ancient territory, so important to Lhe
early Buddrust world, is clearly defined by natural boundaries: the
H indu Kush mountain range to the west, a set of rugh foothills to
the north, and the Indus River to the t~a~t. In the south, the Pt~sh uwar
basin opens onto the plains, whjch become arid not far from tJ1e
basin. The Indus and Landai rivers made the Peshawar basin agri-
culturally rich, but the source for the region's economic prosperity
was its key position along the major trade route connecting China,
the ~ lediterranean world, and India.
The Peshawar plain and the surrounding areas of Swat, Afghanistan.
and K ashmir together formed Greater Gandhara, sharing strong cul-
tural affiruties. Immediately to the north of the Peshawar basin was
the ancient region of Udayana, having the high Swat v-alley at its
"' Fa-hian, Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist fiLcordJ qf lfze Wt.rtem World, x;"xi; Hsiian-tsang, Si-
Yu-IG. Bwldhist Ruords qf /M f1!tt1/1'1?1 World, 97.
OVERVIEW 01' GREATER CANDH.A.RA 23
core; it probably included prut~ of Dir and Buner. To the west,

beyond the Hindu Kush mountains in Afghanista n , lay the aJ1Cient
region of r agarahara, with Bactria to the north and west. 21 To the
east of the Peshawar basin, beyond TtL'<i!a26 is K ashmir, a region
that has retained its name since ru1tiquity. Even though these ancient
kingdoms were isolated from one anotl1er by high mou ntains, they
were connected by active trade flowing through a {ew importam cor-
ridors, notably the Kru·akoram, Khyber, Malakand, Lowari , and
Bamiyan passes. Because control of these passes allowed rulers to
levy taxes on the merchants who used them, political boundaries
were continuously being fought over and reestablished. Between the
4th cennny B.C.E. and the 8th centlll}' C.E., the Peshawar basin
was conquered by the Greeks, Indo-Greeks, Sakas, Parthians, Saka-
Part11ians, Indo-Scythians, K ushru1s, Sassanians, H ephthalites, Hi:u~as,
and other minor political entities. While this constant warfare to con-
trol the trade routes went on, the Buddhist communities apparently
were able to avoid political involvement and to thrive in this pros-
perous commer<:ial environment. lt is possible that Buddhism Aout;shed
specifically because its religious institution$ were not pillaged during
times of war and thus provided stable way stations for the transient
merchant communities.
The Peshawar basin was a vital trading center because of its su·ate-
gic location adj acent to the Karakoram ru1d K hyber passes, crucial
to the India-China trade. T he major urban and Buddhist centers of
Taxila were constructed near the mouth of the H unza valley, which
provides access to the Karakoram Pass. As long as the Karakoram
route was the mai.n transit point into and out of south Asia, the
economy in the Peshawar basin probably thrived, and many Buddhist
monasteries and sacred areas were built. Beginning in the 6th cen-
tUty C .E., however, an alternative route to China via Afghanistru1
may have become popular. T he accounts of tl1e Chinese pilgrims
?'I For a ftall discussion of r.he ancient geography, see Kuwayama, "'The Hcphthalites
in Tokharistan and Gandhara; .Part [: Gandbara"; "The Hcphthalites in Tokharistan
and Gandhara; Pan U: Tokharistan"; "Kapisi and Candhara According to Chinese
Buddhist Sources," Orient 18 ( 1982): 133-9; "Route Changes and the Decline of
C<uldhara," in Sources rf GlJII(/h/iran Buddhism: Archaeology, A1t and Ta·ts, eel. K.. Behrendt
and P. Brancaccio (VanCOllVet·: University of British Columbia Press, in press).
29
.Because the Taxila sires are beyond the Indus River, they cannot be included
in Candhara p•·opcr, although they share many common features.

24 CHAPTER ONE
suggest that this longer but easier route through ancient Nagarahar~
was favored after 520 C.£. 29
The decline of patronage in the Peshawar basin appears to have
coincided with a period of economic prosperity in the Kabul valley
and the construction of many new Buddhist centers in Afghanistan.~
It seems possible that the shift in txade routes might have been the
cause of the economic and artistic coUapse of the Peshawar area.
I. 2.I Mqjor Buddhist Sites in the Pesh(!war Basin: Ancient Gandhiira

In a mu1ticu1tural region like Gandhara, Buddhism was one of many
religions practiced. H owever, most of the sacred ;u·chitecture that
survives in the region is of Buddhist character. The chronology of'
the spread of Buddhism into the Peshawar basin is blurred. Although
an Asokan inscription fi·om Shabazgarhi records contact with north-
ern India in the 3rd century B.C.E., it was not tmtil the 1st or 2nd
centwy C.E. that significant Buddhist centers were established. II1
the Peshawar basin, the largest extant sites are T akht-i-biihi, J amal ·
Garhr, Thareli, and R anigat (figs. 5, 6, 44, 45, 61, 68, 78). T hese '
complexes have survived in good condition, as they were in low, iso- ·
lated foothills above the fertile plains. Smaller excavated sites i11 the ·
mountains include the upper and lower Nathou monasteries, Gangu ·
Dhcr, and Mekhasanda (figs. 92, 94, 64).
It seems likely that the most important Buddhist centers would
have been located in the plains, near major ci6es. Howeve.r, mod-
ern urban construction, reuse of the stone for building rna[eri.als, and
farming destroyed most of this archaeological evidence. A good exam-
ple is the village of Sahr1-Bahl61 on a massive foundation of ancient
Gandharan masonry and surrounded by a consteUation of smaU
Buddhist s1tes. The massive a.x:ial stttpa at Shiih-jl-ki-qh erl, associated ·
with the Kushan king Kani~ka (fig. 83), is another plains site that,
although excavated, has been swallowed by modem human activi-
ties.so Recent surveys in the Peshawar basin and to the north have
2'.1 Kuwa.yanuo, "The Hephthali[CS ill Tokharismn and Gandhara; Part I: Oandhara";
"The Hepbthalites in Tokharistan and Gandhara; Part U: Tokharistan"; "Kapisi
and Gandhara According to Chinese Buddhist Sources," 136.
,., Spooner, "Excavations at Sahri-Bahlol (1906- 07)"; "E.xcav-ations at Sahri-Bahl6J
(I909- 10)"; Stein, "Excavations at Sahri-BabJol"; f. Tissot, "SaJu·i-BabJ6l {Part IV),"
in South Asiatz Archoeology 1993, eel A. Parpola and P. KoskikaJiio (Hclsiol..:i: t994);
F. Tissot, ''The Site of Sahri-BabJol in Gandhara (Part ni)," in Soulh Asian Ardweo/og)>
Material com direitos autorj:;

• •
OVERVIEW OF GREATER OANDHARA 25
revealed many unexcavated Buddhist sites, further confin ning the

area's primary role in the history of south Asian Buddhism.3 '
1.2.2 77ze Buddhist Complexes of Taxila

T he urban and Buddhist remains at Taxila lie just to the east of
the Peshawar basin, beyond the Indus river and thus tech nically
beyond d1e boundary of ancient Gandhara (figs. 3, 4, 5, 6). It seems
likely that Taxila became a maj or center because of its posi6on at
the juncture of two major uade routes: one through the H unza val-
ley leading over the K arakoram Pass into China and the other run-
rung east-west from Afghanistan th rough the Peshawar plain to India.
The earliest urban center in Taxila is known as Bhir mound, active
between the 5th <mcl 2nd centuries B.C.E., in a time that pre-dates
the introduction of Buddhism into the northwest. 32 T he later city of
Sirkap includes very early urban sacred areas, some of which are
probably Buddhist (fig. I 0).33 Near the walled metropolis of Sirkap
is the D harmarajika complex, {ounded in the lst or 2nd century
B.C.E. This ;vas the most important Buddhist center in the Taxila
region and the focal hub of more than a dozen smaller sites, includ-
ing K.a.lawan, ] atiliai'l, Mohra Moradu, Bhamala, J ar:H;Iial B and C,
Akhaurf A, B, and C, Khader MohJ·a D I and D2, K unala, Pippala,
1987, ed. M. Taddci (Rome: ls.lv!EO, 1990); F. Tissot, "The Site of Sah ri-Bahlol
in Gandhara, Pakistan: Further i nvestigations," in South. 1lritm Archaeology 1985, ed.
K. ftifclt and P. Sorrensco (London: Riverdale: .1989); F. T issot, "T he Site of SaJui-
Balllol in Ga.ndham," in Soul11 Asi1111 A:rdwt10/ogy /983, ed. J. Seho~Srnans and M. Taddci
(Naples: !stituto Univcrsitatio Orientale, 1985). Shah-ji-10-<;lheri was excavated at
the beginning of the 20th century by the Archaeological Survey of India, but it
does not survive today; a modem cemetery has enveloped this site. H argreavcs,
"E.xcav.uions at Sh§hjr-kf-<;lherl( 1910- 1I)"; "ExcaV"ations at Shfth-jT-kf-<lherf ( .1911- 12
AS!FC Circle)" S. Kuwayama, Tile Main Stupa o1 Sltlihji-/(i-rj}un· A ClmmologicaL Owlook
(Kyoto: Institute for Rescat'Ch in Huma nities, Kyor.o University, 1997); "Excavations
at Shah-ji-ki-<;lhcri (J 907- 08)"; " Excavations at Shah:ii-ki-<;lheri ( 1908- 09)." Gaogu
Dher was excavated by tbe Peshawar University Department of Arcl>aeology under
the direction of rarid Khan.
" Saecd-ur-Rehman, cd., Ardweological .RwmnaissmUA in Gandlwra .1996 (Kara.du:
Department of Archaeology & Museums, Ministry of Culture and Spot'tll, Govemmcnt
of Pakismn, 1996).
" G. Erdosy, ''Taxi.la : Political History and Urban Structure," in South Asian
Ardweofbgp 1987, ed. M. Taddei (Rome: IsMEO, .1990), 662- 66.
33 P. Ca.llie,;, "Buddhist Presence in the Urban Settlements of Swat, 2nd Cent.
.B. C. - 4th Cent. A.D.," in Sourus of GandhllraJI Buddhism: Ardweology, Art and Texts, ed.
K. Behrendt and P. Brancaccio (Vancouver: University of Bf'itish Colutnbia Pf'ess,
in press).

26 CHAPTER ONE.
Lalchak, Ballar, and many other uncxcavatecl sites (figs. 16, 20, 27,
32, 42, 15, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26). ear Taxila is also the large Mai)ikyala:
stzipa, which has not been fully excavated. The concentrat ed archi-'
tecturaJ evidence from T axila that can be dated between circa 2nd;
century B.C.E. and 7th cenn.uy C.E. ~ fundamentally important for
understand ing the larger Buddhist tradition of Greater Ganclhara.
Although the art and architecture from Taxila arc slightly different
lrom those of the Peshawar basin, the dose proximity of lhe two
areas and the common use of certain types of religious and monas-
tic structures allow for productive comparisons.
1.2.3 Buddllist Remains in the Swat I 'alltj·: Ancient Uda;·iina

lmmecliately to the north of the Pt:~hawar basin is the high valley
of Swat, which appears to be the core of the ancient dayana men-
Lioned by the Chi11Csc travelers (figs. 3, 5, 6).34 The Swat valley is
about 500 meters above the Peshawar plain, and even though the
passes into Swat arc easily traversed, they are steep and seem to
have insulated this region from the political and religious de,·elop-
ments of the plains. Thus, while Taxila and the Peshawar basin were
intimately related, t.he art and architecture of Swat followed a different
trajectory. As late as the 7th or 8th century C.£., the Buddhist com-
m unities in Swat were still active, while onl y 40 miles to the south ·
in the Peshawar basin, .Buddhism was no longer receiving patron-
age and had declined dramatically.
The most significant Buddhist center in Sw·at is Butkara I, located
at the east end of the valley (fig. 97). This site was the hub of reli-
gious activity, like lhc D harmarajik a complex in Taxila or Sahn-
Bahl61 in the Pe~hawar basin. f\ group or smaller satemte sites built
near Butkara l include Saidu, Panr, Butkara Ill, Baligram, Rod other
unexcavatecl sites in the J ambil valley (figs. 104, I0:1, I00). In a
strategic posirion dominating the ccntcr of the Swat valley is the
urban cenrer of Barikot, tentatively identified as the ancient city or
Bazira of Alexander' s time. 3~ Immediately LO the south or Barikot
l• Fa-hian, Si-Yu -Ki. Buddhist Rtcortfs ~/ tllr Wt.~ttm World, xxx; Hsi~<ll>-t>ang, Si- Yu-
Ki. Buddlti.st &rortir rf lilt I Vtrlml World, I I 9.
" Callieri, Filigenzi, and Stacul, '·Excavations at Bir-Kot-Gh"a nda.i, Swat: 1987."
M t nal com dire1tos aulor

..l
OVERVIEW OF GREATER GAl'IDHARA 27
are several late Buddhist complexes, which include the sacred areas
of Abba Sahib China and Tokar Dara (figs. l l 0, 112).36 In more
remote valleys to the south of the Swat River are the massive stiipas
at the sites of Shnaisha, Shingardar, and AmJukdara.37 The sacred
areas and monasteries at these complexes have yet to be excavated.
Other important sites in Swat located nord1 of the river and at me
west end of it'l valley include Nimogram, Gumbatuna, Ma~anai ,
Andan Dheri, and Chatpat (figs. 109, I06).38 A recent survey of Swat
conducted by the Department of Archaeology in Pakistan has identified
many other sites du-oughout d1e valley.39 The majority of the Swat
Buddhist complexes were constructed along the southern edge of the
valley, indicating that contacts with the religious communities of the
Peshawar basin were important.
I .3 Characleri.st:ic Architectural Fea/:ures qf Gandhiiran Bzuldhist Cenle~s
In ancient Gandhara, Buddhist religious centers were usually built

outside of urban centers. They were composed of a sacred area for
public worshi p and a more private monastic section with vilziiras
(monasteries) and small devotional structures. The public sacred area
and private monastic space were built to serve the religious needs
of at least three distinct communities: lay followers, resident monks,
and local and long-distance pilgrims. To begin to understand how
these complex religious centers functioned and to get a sense of the
internal dynamics, ir is useful to survey the component parts of a
characteristic Gandharan site. A typical sacred area is composed of
a main stftpa surrounded by smal.l stupas and shrines eitl1er for relics
or for ima.ges, as at the site of Jauliaii in Taxila (fig. 27).
96
Khan, Buddhist. Shrines in SWIJt, 59- 62, 64 - 66.
31
Ibid., 53- 55, 62-64; Rahman, "Slmaisha Gumbat: First Preliminary Excavation
Report." An early general survey of Swat, which included the sites of Barikot,
Amlukdara, and Abba Sahib China, was carried out by E. Barger Md P. Wright,
"Excavations in Swat and Explorations in the 0:..-us Terrimries of Afghanistan: A
Detailed Report of the 1938 Expedition," in Memairs qf the Archaeological Swvry qf
bulia (Delhi and Calcutta: M.anager of Publications, 1941).
38 A Dani, "Excavations at Andandheri," Ancient Pakistan IV { I 968-9); A. Dani,
" Excavation at Char.pat." A11cient Pakistan TV ( L968-9); Khan, Buddhist Slni11es in Swat;
Khan, " Preliminary Report of Mrujanai."
l'} Relunan, ed., Archaoological Reco1maissmrct i11 Cmuilwm.

28 CHAPTER ONE
Consistently, in both India and Gandhara, a relic of the Buddha!

was the central object of veneration, giving power to the site. The
sacred area served the needs of the monks and the lay population,
and its structures were thus for public use. In contrast, shrines found]
in the monasteries would not have been so readily available to the
common people, and they have a very different cha1acter.
1.3. L ·ne Main Srupa

The site ofj auliaii provides an exceUent point of departure for under~
standing the range of devotional structures at Buddhist sites in Greater.
Gandhara. The first structures built at Jauliaii were the main stupa,
a single ac\jacent smaller stti.pa, and the monaste1y, all of which were
constructed in diaper masonry characteristic of phase 11 (fig. 9). T he
main stiipa was believed to contain powerful relics of the Buddha.
and was always the primary devotional focus for all groups of devo-'
tees who used the complex.
In northwest Pakistan and Afghanistan, main stupas have a high'
square or rectangular base, which supported a dome or (J(uj.a that
could be accessed through a flight of steps placed at the center of
the stupa's main faryacle. The square base ma.rked the sacred space
of the stupa and gave the monument additional height, making the
dome more visible. 40 T he domed aJ:tl/.a would have been surmounted
by a square harmikii from which rose a pole (ya,r!i) and a set of
stacked umbrellas (chattriivalf) to mark the axis of the stupa and the
sacred relics of the Buddha in the monument's solid core. People
would walk clock·wise around the base of the main stitpa to be in
close contact: with the relic, a practice known as pradaf..yi~a. This rit-
ualized movement around the stz'lpa appears to have dictated the
placement of additional devotional structures, as patrons would want
their donation to be easily seen and used by all who visited. Because
the power of the relic was conceptualized as radiating outward, added
religious structures were grouped tightly around the main stilpa to
be in the presence of the Buddha. T hus, a main stupa was at the
'10 Gera.1'd Fu.ssman suggested, in an open discussion a1 r.be conference " On the
Cusp of an Era: Art ill the Pre-Kusban World" Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City, that
the tower-like aw.fa was purpose!)• raised on a high base to increase its visibility and
make it a rnore eHective religious monument.
Material corn direi'2s autorais _

OVERVIEW OF GREATER GAJ®HARA 29
core of every site's public sacred area, and inevitably this stiipa was
one of the first structures erected.
l. 3. 2 Small Stiipas
Smaller stuj)OS in the sacred areas are typicaUy grouped close to the
main stilpa, as in the case of J auliaii (fig. 27). Although most of the
ht:terogeneous subsidiary stftpas were added over time, usually one
of them was constructed at the same time as the main stiipa.4 1 D uring
the phase Ill period of active patTonage at Jau.lian, 28 smal.l stiipas
were built in the sacred area. Some of the subsidiary stiipas, gener-
aUy donated by devotees, contained important relics considered wor-
thy of independent vene1·ation. An example is the small sw.pa D6,
placed in its own enclosure on the east edge of the sacred ar·ea. In
tlus instance, as the site expanded and space for donative offerings
around the main stupa was exhausted, this smaller stiipa was con-
sidered important enough to impinge on the enclosure of the main
stiipa.
The function of these small stiipa.s remains an enigma . Scholars
have suggested tl1at they may represent votive offerings or perhaps
may have hou_~ed the remains of monasl'ic dead. 42 The tradit-ion of
creating min.iatuTe funerruy stii.pas is weU documented at late sites in
other parts of India, where hundreds of stiipas were packed into the
sacred areas (as at R atnagiri), but the situation may have been
different in Gandhara. For instance, the site of Jaulian, like others
in the region, had for about 300 years a multi-storied monastery (it
contain ed at least 56 residential cel.ls), yet only 28 small stiipas were
constructed throughout the life of the site. If the stiipas contained
a~h es of the most important monks, th.ey would have been special
stmctures and not ordina1y burial units; many more monks would
have died at this site in 300 years.
" At Jauliiiii the main stlipa was constJ"U<:ted at about the same time as a small
stilpa to d1e east (Al5 in fig. 27). Kuwayama bas kindly poimed out several other
instances of this practice: Mekhasanda (stilpas 2 and 4), Lalma (sllifia 4}, and Tapa
Shotor (.rttipa 5). See also Kuwayarna, "Tapa Shotor and Lalma: Aspects of the
SWJ!Il Court at Hadda."
42
G. Schopen, "Burial 'Ad Sanctos' and the J>hysical Presence of the Buddha
in Early lndian Buddhism: A Study in d1e Archaeology of Religions," Religio11 17
( 1987).
30 CHAP'l'ER ONE
1.3.3 Stilpa ShriJzes and Direct-Access ReLic Shrines

Buddhist rel.ics were unquestionably the focus of worship in the early
Buddhist tradition. They were generally deposited in main stupas;
however, shrines where sacred physical remains could be placed a.nct
worshipped became very important in Gandhara. These shrines con~
sist of either chambers containing small masonry stii.pas or strucUJre~
suitable to openly display relics such as the Buddha's alms bowl o»
a piece of hjs skull, both of which we know could have been seen
and touched in Gandhara (see section 3. I Chinese Pilgrims' Account:Si
of Direct-Access R elic Shrines in Gandhara).
Good examples of relic shrines housing stii.pas can be found at thq
site of K.alawan in Taxila, where at least six can be identified (fig.
20; see also fig. 102). On the western edge of the sacred area, thC't
A l and A 1.3 shrines both have stiipas in a rear cell accessed tlu-ouglt
an antechamber. Typically, the rear chamber containing tl1e sttipa.
could be sealed with doors and tl1e antechan1bers are flanked with
low plinths suitable for supporting donative offerings of sculptme.
Such structures are quite diflerent from the open apsidal C(l;itya hal.ls
carved in the basaltic slopes of west India; herein, they are referredl
to as two-ceUed stupa shrines.
Anotl1er type of relic slu-ine is a two-celled structure that does not
contain a stiipa, s 1.1 Ch as units A2 and AS on the northem border off
the K<Uawan sacred area. O n the basis of evidence fi·om a range o€
Gandharan sites, it seems certain that t!Us category of shrines wa$
used to openly display relics to be seen and touched by worship·
pers. T his would have been the kind of structure that contained the
Buddha's alms bowl or rus skull retic, which are described by the
Chinese pilgrims who visited GandlUira (see section 3.3 Two-Gelled
Stupa Shrines and Direct-Access Slu-ines: Phases I and 11).'~3 A par~
ticularly good example of such a direct-access relic sluine, one that
rivaled tile main stftpa in importance, is the Great Building (GB}
located at the north edge of the sacred area of Butkara I in tl1e
Swat valley (figs. 97, 98).
0 K. Behrendt, "Relic Sluines of Gandhara: A Reinterpretation of the Archaeologi-

cal Evidence," in Sources lff Gamilulra11 .BuddJrism: Arclww{Qgp, Art and Texts, ed. K. Behrendt
and P. .Br<mcaccio (Van couver: University of British Coltm,bia "Press, in press).
OVERVIEW OF GREATER GANDH.ARA 31
1.3.4 Direct-Access lvlain Sti"'pas

Ai. a few sites mai n sllipas were conso·ucted in such a way that their
room-sized relic chambers could be entered. It appears that such
direct-access main stiipas were buil t to house relics that were suit-
able for open veneration, as is discussed above. A characterisl1c exam-
ple of such an openable stupa is th e A.l main stupa at Kalawan (fig.
20), which had a large, finished relic chamber. It is clear that this
chamber was routinely entered, because its interior was repainted on
several occasions. In the case of Kala wan, this direct-access slilpa was
flanked by a conventional large stupa and a two-celled stiipa shrine,
providing a three-p<u't focus for this sacred area.
13.5 Distribution qf Sculpture in the Sacred Area

R eugious art, particularly sculpture, was ubiquitous in the sacred
areas of Gartdhara. ·while some of this material was purely decora-
tive, much of it was central to the religious goals of the community.
In the earliest period~, circa phases I and II, the sculpture consisted
of mu-rative reliefs illustrating the Buddha's life, aff1_-<ed to stapas so
that they could be read du ring circumambulation . A good idea of
how Gandharan small stupas would have been embellished can be
gleaned from a nearly complete assemblage of sculpture found in a
two-celled stupa shrine from Marjanai in Swat. A full set of nine .life
scenes of the Buddha and a larger panel in the shape of a false
gable were recovered within the shrine in1mediately adj acent to tl1e
stilpa (fig. I 08, also see fig. H).« The p<U1e.ls, worked in schist, depict
scenes of the Buddha's birtl1, childhood, enlightenment, and death;
special emphasis is given to the cremation and distribution of the
relics, one of which presumably resided in the stzipa eo which these
reliefs were attached (see section 4.3.5 Marjanai: Phase II Architecture;
section 5.4.2 The Drum: Developments in the Iarrative Tradition).
T he false gable contained panels depicting an additional set of key
life events, commonly surrouncling the departure or the enlighten-
ment, so that it could serve as the primary devotional focus (fig.
122).
In the eru·Jy part of phase Ill , shrines designed to contain life-size
Buddha images began to appear·, as is evident at J auliai'l (fig. 27).
..., Khan, "Prelirninruy Report of iVfrujanai."
•
32 CHAPTER ONE
The first image shrines added to this site were small and functionecf
to define and enclose the main stiipa court. In contrast, the latet
phase III image shrines C 14- 16 on the southern edge of the site
were huge and must have contained monumental sculpture. A co~~
sistent cluonological trend can be observed in Greater Gandharj
smaU image shrines gradually give way to larger shrines and ulti~
mately to massive chapels.
Image shrines were usually added one at a time to sacred areas·
apparently by different patrons, and d1erefore they are heterogeneo
in character. At many sites it is still possible to reconstruct the build
ing sequence of these additions, because one shrine overlaps th~
foundation of the next or uses an existing wall for part of its supe~
structure. Generally these U-shaped structures were equipped witli
hinged shutters that could be opened and closed, possibly suggest•
ing resuicted access. 45
Most image shrines appear to have been placed facing the maim
stupa, defming the bolLildaries of tl1e public sacred area. Such clona•
tive structures were also created next to pa~sageways into the sacre4
area (fig. 65) and at prominent locations, to create a dramatic effect
for tlle worshipper approaching the main stii.pa (fig. l, shrine P2 a1
tlle northern entr<mce). However, image shrines were always place4
dose to relic structures,46 and their distribution helps us to undert
stand how a devotee would have moved through dle site and ho"~
this would have ch<mged through time (see Chapters Six and Seven)!
For example, at Jaulifui nine image sluines were added to the past
sageway leading to the sacred enclosure of the subsidiary stilpa D6i
indicating tll.at this particular stupa was important enough to war'~<
• I
rant ongomg patronage.
Small images in stone or in cheaper materials like clay or stucc~ I
were also donated by individual patrons who could not afford tq

place a stiipa or inlage shrine in the sacred area. These small image '.
were placed where space permitted, but they were concentrated ~
devotionally significant places, especially near important relics house1
in slilpa shrines or close to the main stupa.
., Many of the ir·on hinges sun~ve, and the fi·ont faces of the image shrines hav(,l
a recessed step to accommodate the shutter. ·
46 .Except lor a few late sh:rines placed in monasteries (sec section 6.6 Phase IIJt
Use of Images and Relics in Quadrangular Monasteries).
..
•
OVERVlEW OF GREATER GANDHA.RA 33
Thi~ practice is weU illustrated at Mohra Moradu in Taxila, where

the primaty fa<;ade of the main stupa was crowded with many het-
erogeneous images likely given by a host of minor donors (fig. 35).
At Takht-i-bahr, in the heart of the Peshawar basin, the many recov-
ered large schist sculptures of Buddhas and bodhisattvas Jiu out-
number the image shrines, suggesting that multiple images were
crowded into a single shrine or that they were placed against the
enclosure walls (see section 6.3.9 Mohr:l M01·adu: Phase ID Architecture
and Additive Imagery; section 7.2.3 T akht-i-bahr: The Second Period
of Phase I1I Construction).
1.3.6 Monasteries
A sacred area could not exist by itself; it relied on the care pro-
vided by a resident monastic community. All the religious complexes
in Gandhara invariably have one or more monasteries, or viltiiras;
two main varieties are found in this region. Well known are the
large, multi-storied quadrangular structures, like the one at J aulian,
which have monastic cell~ organized around an open courtyard and
attached rooms for cooking, storage, etc. (fig. 27). When the steep,
mountainous terrain precluded the construction of quadrangular
monasteries, clusters of mountain vihiiras were built. They consi~t of
groups of small, multi-sroried structures set on the hills acljacent to
the sacred area. Each of the independent residential units typically
has two or three rooms per floor, facing out onto an extended foun-
dal'ion serving as a porch (figs. 68, 76 outlying structures).
OJtadran(JI.dar Monasteries
Large mull'i-storied quadrangular monasteries were generally pre-
ferred not only because monks could live together, but also proba-
bly because these large buildings surrounding a courtyat·d offered
more security from passing bandits. The foundations of tower-like
structures can be seen at several sites. A good example is the square
solid foundation attached to the exterior of the northern wall of the
Dharmarajika G monastery in Taxila (fig. 16).4'
41
Also on the northern edge of the Bhamiila monastery. At J amii'tl Garhi, struc-
ture 6 immediately to the east of the main stiipa. coun stands on a massive base,
suggesting 1.hat it too may have functioned as a defensive stmcture of some sort
(fig. 61 ). Buddhism was not exempt from forms of self-defense involving violence;
arrowheads were found at the sites of Kunala, Dhannarajila, and Thru·eli.
34 CHAPTER ONE
At j auliaii in Taxila and at other sites, the quadrangular monaster~

was built at the same time as the main stilpa; building a residenc!l
for monks was a fundamental requirement for establish.ing a ne\y
religious center (fig. 27).48 Inscriptional evidence confirms that kin~
built stii.jJas to establish relics in new locations; to complete the offering}
they donated monasteries and made financial provisions to support
monks. 49 For the donor, merit was generated only when the offering
was used; thus, establish.ing a residence for the community of monks
ensured the ongoing use of the donated stllpa.~0 I
Ideally, the monastery was constructed to face the main st7ipa, as '
J
is the case at Akhauri A and B, KJ1ader Mohra D l, and Takht-.i.l'
bih1 (figs. 21, 22, 25, 2), although many other alignments were als(l)
used because of geographic constraints. The Jaulian quadrangula~
monaste•y is a fairly typical medium-size exan1ple, having 26 resi,.
dential cells arranged around a central courtyard. This masonry struc.
ture, wruch has swvived in the archaeological record, se1ved as thq
fLTSt floor of a multi-story building, as an extant stone staircase testifies-;
The Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang in the 7th century described ~ '
monastery in India; while this cannot be said to apply di1·ectly t<t l

Gandhara, it does shed light on what these structures might hav&
looked like: ;
The saitgharamas are constructed with extraordimuy skill. A three-sto&
ried tower is erected at each of the four angles. The bearns and the
projecting heads are carved with great skill in different shapes. The
doors, windows, and the low walls are painted profusely; the monksf
ceUs arc omamental on the inside and plain o n the outsicle. 51
As in medieval Europe, the inner courtyard of a Gandharan quad~

•-angular monaste1y was covered along the edges by a ve1-anda sup~
ported by colwnns, the bases of whjch have survived at many sites,
The center of the rectangular court, accessecl fi·om each side by ,
flight of steps, was sunk about 60 ern in order to catch the rain,
water from the ve1-anda, and it was equipped with a drain.~2 A sma4
48 Monasteries were founded with main stupas in Taxila at.Jauliai'l, Mohra Moriid~
Pippala, Kalawlin, Ku.nlila, and the Akhauri-Khaclq· i\lloh.1il sites.
• Salomon, paper presemed at the conference "On the Cusp of an Era: Art id
the Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.
50 Schopen, paper presented at the conference "On the Cusp of an Era: Art id
the Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.

lo Hsiian-tsang, Si-rit-Ki_ B1uldhis t !WIXJrds if tile Watem World, 74.
~2 In the case of J auliai'i, the drain took the water to the north of the monaster)l
OVERVIEW OF GREATER GANDHARA 35
room, accessed by a short flight of steps, is usually found in the open

courtyard, but its function is not clear.
The monasteries were modified over time in response to the needs
of the community. At J auliaii, for instance, large chambers were
added to the west of the residential area (fig. 27, rooms G, H , J ,
K, L, M, and I) and were accessed by a doorway cut into the back
wall of cell 15. Probably most of these rooms were used to store
and cook lood, as the drains found in rooms J , K, and L suggest.
The large chamber G has four central pillars supporting the ceiling,
so it may have been used as an assembly hall instead. Although no
positive evidence exists for this supposition, the presence of similar
large halls attached to quadrangular monasteries at many Gandharan
sites indicates that they fu lfill ed some important function . At
Mekhasanda a standing Buddha and its masonry pedestal were found
in one of these chambers, suggesting a ritual function (figs. 65, 67
and section 8.73 Mekhas<mda: In Situ Sculpture). Some of these
assembly halls are quite large; at Takht-i-bahf, for example, the so-
caJJed assembly hall was probably one of the most expensive struc-
tures at the site, judging from its massive founda6ons (figs. 2, 45).
The uniform residential cells l.in.ing the four sides of the structure
opened onto the courtyard. At Jauliai'i each cell was accessed by a
low, trapezoidal doorway, probably the charactetistic entrance at all
monasteries (fig. 31 ),~ 3 and many cells had a high slit window, ideally
suited to the hot summer climate and in accordance with the security
concerns mentioned above. Presumably, the cells wo uld have been
furnished with wooden beds; stone counterparts arc commonly found
in many monasteries from north and west India . Pots, likely used
for storage or for water, were found in eleven of the Jauliaii cells.
In cell 29 one of these ceramic vessels contained fragments of a circa
5th centllly .Brahmr text, wtitten on birch bark.54 Similar pots con-
taining bi1·ch-bark manuscripts from Afghanistan have recently come
to light; tl1ese fragment~ in the Gandhari language, written in KharoW.f
script, at'e the earliest known Buddhist texts Y' The discovety of these
under the wall of cell 21. Marshall's cross section of this monastery shows lhe slope
of this Aoor, ald1ough he did not discuss d1at feaw rc in his report.
" Although only one early photo documents a trapezoidal doorwiL)' in Swiit, lhis
architectural element is common in the relief sculpture.
$-I Marshal], Taxi/a, 380, 87.
~~ Salomon, Allchin, and .B amard, A11C'itnt Buddhirt SC1'olls Jivm Gmullwl'll: 71~t BriJislz
Librmy h?umJStlli Fmgmm/s, 20- 2. The most complete section of this unprovenanccd
•
36 CHAPTER ONE
manuscripts would suggest that textual material was also stored m

these monasteries and was a significant part of the Gandhara(!.
Buddhist tradition, in spite of the scarcity of written documents foun4
in this area.
The monastic cells all have a niche that might have been use
for storage or as a place to set a lamp. However, evidence sugges~
that sometimes images were placed in these recesses, making priva~
sh,;nes. In cell 2 at J auliaii, a schist panel with a depiction of ~
Buddha flanked by two worshippers (see fig. 30) was found in sit\!
in one of these niches. The presence of this image together with ~
small bronze bodhi.sattva image from the J auliaii monastery, a coj"
per bodhisattva figure from the Akhauri B monastery (ftg. 23) an
a copper Buddha from Shah-ji-kr-c,lherr,~6 indicates that monks we
using personal image shrin.es by phase III (see section 6.6.1 Phas~
III Use of Personal Devotional Images in Monasteries).
While only rarely were images found in individual cells, common
shrines, presumably for the use of the resident monks, were built i
the courtyards and cells of quadrangular monasteries. In phases
and Il this would be a stii.pa or slii.pa slu·ine; stii.pas were common
placed in monastic cells as at Dh;u·marajika, Mohra Moriidu, Pippall
and Kala wan (figs. I, 32, 39, 40, 20), but in other instances inte
nal two-celled stii.pa slmnes were constructed, as at the mo:nastery ·
Akhauri B (fig. 22).57 Later, during phase III, image niches we11i
inserted into the courtyard walls (see figs . 29, 37) and large iconii:
sculptures were placed on low platforms along the edges of tl"$
monasl'ic enclosure (see fig. 36) or in cells converted into shrines (fig$.
38, 27, cell 8). While the placement of such small sh1;nes was n<1t
standardized, the iconography clearly anticipates what is found at
the rock-cut monasteries of west India and in particular at the la!.}:
fmd is a seclion described by R. Salomon and A Class, A Camllllbi Version of t}jt

Rhinoceros Slllra: Brilis!t Library .Kharof?hf Fmgme11t 5b (SeatrJe and Londoo: U rriversi~
of Washington Press, 2000). . . . 4
l6 Buddha Banked by worslupers, Jauliafi monastery cell 2 (Marsh all, Taxila, 3~1,
pl. 226, no. 197); bronze bodbisaltva from Jaullao monastery cell 2 1 (MarshaJ!,
Taxi/a, 385 no. 424); copper Maitreya figure fmm Akhauri B monastery cell FIJI
(ASIDGS 1921 - 22 photo no. 74); see also l\IIarshaU, Ta:rila, 3 17; corroded bron:te
or copper Buddha from Shab-ji"-ki-qherf (ASIFC photo no. 759, 760).
~7 [n some itlS[ances, a stfJpa was simply constructed in the courtyard of a quad-
rangular monastery, as in !.be M monastery in !.be Dh<u1nariijika..
OVERVIEW OF GREATER GA.l\I'OHARA 37
5th century site of Ajanta (see section 6.6.3 M onastic Images: Late
Phase lli Gandhaku\:i Image Niches).58
Mountain Viharas
Mountain vi/zii.ras, found primarily in the Peshawa1· basin and Swat
(figs. 44, 61 , 68), can generally be dated to phases II- TV.59 They
differ dramatically from the quadrangular monasteries; most were
organized in clusters perched on steep hillsides, the associated sacred
a.rea being located on the mountain crest or valley Aoor.
Each individual mountain vilziira was a two- or three-story build-
ing (two to four rooms per Aoor) having a small front porch (fig.
76). Typically, the upper Aoors were reached via external stairways;
massive fow1dations were constructed to support these structures on
steep hillsides. The foundations are not solid but sit above trabeated
chambers apparently included to increase structural stability, although
they were also probably used for storage. 60
The uihiiras are groups of two or three buildings, depending on
available space, and are linked together by common terraced areas
bounded by low walls, a feature most clearly seen at Thareli (figs.
68, 75 and section 7.3.2 Thareli: Monastic SmaU Sacred Areas).
These terraces have private devotional areas at their junctures, here
referred to as monastic small sacred areas.
T he monastic smaU sacred area, reproducing on a smaUer scale
the plan of larger public sacred areas (fig. 75), had a function sim-
ilar to that of the shrines foW1d in the quadrangular monasteries.
:M ost monastic small sacred areas have a single small stupa. in the
middle surrounded by shtines that would have contained life-sized
in1ages. 61
~ W. Spink, Ajanta: A Briif History 011d G11idt (Ann Arbor: Asian Art Archives of
the University of Michigan}.
"' Little is known about this category of monastery because so few have been
excavated; hw1dreds of these structures survive at sites like Jamal Ga.rhr, Taklu-i-
b5.hi, Thareli, Mekhasanda, Tokar Da.ro, and Abba Sahib China. ·
60
Callie ri, Saidu Sluuij, t!te Moruzsury, 69- 85.
61 The central sttipos in these monastic small sacred areas are similar in form,
size, and probably embellishment to the middle phase m type (see section 6.5 The
Phase 111 Small SllifiCLr; section 7.3.2 Thareli: Monastic Small Sacred Areas}. The
image shrines surrounding the small central stiipa were sometimes constructed as a
set by a single patron (Jamill Garhr area 2 being a possible example), but more
often the image sluines appear to have been added one at a 1:ime by diflercnt
patrons. Thus, rypically a group of heterogeneous shrines will ring the small <:en-
tml stripa (field observa[ion, 1993- 94).
38 CHAPTER ONE
Few mountain uihiiras have been excavated, and little is know!)

about their chronology. A small number, probably dating to phase
Ill, were excavated at Mekhasancla and Thareti,62 but many othe~
remain unexcavated at J amal. Garhf, Tak.ht-i-baJu, and the later sitei
of Abba Sahib China and Tok<u· D ru·a in Swat (see section 7.3.f
Th<treli: Mountain Vihii.ms).
62
Mizuno, ed., Mekhas(mda, 87- 8; Mizuno and 1-liguchi, eels., 17umli., 146--50. .
Copyrighted mate! al
CHAPTER TWO
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PHASE I
2.1 The Mamyan Peril!d in Gandhiira
The edicts carved on boulders and pillars at the behest of the north
Indian Mauryan emperor Asoka perhaps helped to consolidate his
empire and to stress some Buddhist values such as dharrna or ahimsii.
More than half a dozen of these rock-cut edicts survive in Afghanistan
and northem Pakistan, but the most famous and pertinent to the
Peshawar basin tradition is rhe one at Shabazgarhi. 1 i\lthough the
edicts do not clirectly address tl1e inr.roduction of Buddhism into
northwest India, most scholars consider them to be evidence of the
beginning of Buddhism in tllis region.
In the legends of Asoka (recorded in the later Afokavadiina), this
emperor is credited witl1 rl1e extraordinary act of constructing 84,000
stzipas containing true relics of the Buddha. 2 It is by means of this
mythic act that relics were "credibly" established throughout the
Indian subcontinent; however, such sti'ipas are very cliflicult to iden-
tify in the archaeological record. It has been suggested that BuddJ1ist
__.... -·
1 For a di scussion of the Kharo~\hi ASokan inscription from Shabaz&>"<~rhi in temlS
of its social and political significance, See R. Thapar, Asoka mu/ lhe Decli.n~ if lhe
Mauryi/S: Wiilz a New A.flerword, Biblwgraplry, and lmlex, rev. eel. (Delhi and New York:
Oxford University Press, 1997), 123- ll. Several M:awyan inscriptions from Afghanistan
have come to light: (I) <ul Aramaic iJ1scription ti·om Laghman {fifth or seventh pil-
lar edict of Noka); (2) a second Aramaic inscription from Laghman {dated to tenth
year of A.!oka; discusses his conversion to Buddhism, expulsion of vanity, a nd pro-
hibition against fishing); (3) a bilinguaJ rock inscription (Greek and Aramaic) found
at Kandah;;u·; (4) a Greek building ulSCI~ption from K andahar {end of ASoka edict
XJI and beb•inni.ng of edict XUl); {5) an lndo-Ara.maic inscription from Kandahar
(pa rt of Asoka piUar edict Vll). See M.acDowall and Taddei, "The Early H iswric
Period: Achaemcn.ids and Greeks," 192- 8}. For· a description of a fragment tl1at
ma)' record an ASokan Brahmr i11Scription /i·om the Buner area of Pakistan, see
B. N. Mukherjee, "A Note on a Briihmi Inscription of Asoka fr-om Pa kistan," in
A~qyanfvf, cd. G. Bhanacharya (Del11i: Sri Sat.guru Publicat:iOilS, 199 1), 5 1- 4.
2 Versions of this text da te to the 5th to 16th centuries C.E., the 5tll cenrwy
Sri Lankan i\IJ:ahavarpsa pi-ovidiJ1g crucial evidence. See J ohn Su·ong, TM Legend If!
IG.ng Asoka: A Study mul TraJislalion if llze A.fokiiuadiino. (Princeton, 1J.: Princeton
University Press, 1983), 18- 2 1, 109.
J
'
40 CHAPTER TWO
centers like Sanci or Sarnath have Mauryan origins, because of the

presence of inscribed columns and polished Chul)ar sandstone sculpt
ture, but such early attributions cannot be made in Ganclhara. 3 T he
name D harmarajika was hypothesized to mean a stiipa erected b~'
Asoka and thus a stiipa containing the actual relics of Sa9a~rumd
Two early inscriptions associated with the main stilpa of Butkara i
in Swat (GSt I) indicate that at some rime this stiipa had the name
Dham1ru.·ajika, suggesting that it was believed to contain relics of th~
Buddha or that this title had other meanings. 5 The most importat"l$
stilpa in Ta.x:ila is also given the name Dharmarajika in a 1st cen?
tury C .E. inscription, which led Marshal] to suggest an ASokan fou~
dation for this stupa, which he believed contained relics that we
established by Asoka. 6 He attempted to strengthen this dating b
noting the recovery of two small grain-grinding stones made o
ChGt:tar sandstone, which he believed were made from the debris of
an ASokan Chfu:tar sandstone pillar. 7 T his hypothesis seems unlike]~
however, because the extant Asokan edicts from the northwest an4
Afghanistan were inscribed on rocks, and there is no evidence t<S
suggest that the monolithic Chut:tar sru.1dstone columns, typical of
the Ganges basin, were transported tl'lis far into the provinces of the
ASokan empire. Although it is difficult to date the origins of this Of
other Buddhist complexes, th.ere is no reason to think that these
foundations date back to the Mauryan period (see below and Appe'*
dix A ). While the significance of the name Dharmadijika from thi~
site in T axila or from Butkara I should not be underestimated, il
cannot be used as a chronological indicator.
3 An inscribed ASokan piUar stands true south of Safici stUpa I; see J. Mru·shaiJl,
A Foucher, a.nd N. Majumdar, 17re Ado11ummts of &melt£, 3 vok (London: Probstha~i
1940), 25-9. In 1998, at Satdb!u-a, one of the Bhilsa topes, T was shown a polishe
Chu1~ar sandstone fragment of a bull that was found within the stone encasing
main stii.pa (cir ca lsr--2nd century B.C.E.) adjacent to the brick core. For a discu -
sion of Satdhara, See R. Agrawal, "Stflpas and Monasteries: A R ecent Discove
from Sardhara, India," in Soutlt Asian Ardweology, eel. R. Allchin and B. AUcl"
( 1995); D. Sahru, Guide Ill tlte Buddhist Ruins of SamaJh (Delhi: Antiquarian Boo
H ouse, 1982), 4. .
• MarsbaU (T~ila, 235) made this assertion with respect to the .l:>ha.rma.rajil.ii
stitpa in Ta11:ila.
~ The name Dharmariijika was found at Butkara I painted on a vase associated
with GSt I and also on a schist slab used in the con.st•·uction of the base of th~
stupa (Faccen.na, BaJkora I, vol. 3, no. I, 167).
6 Marsh all, Ta:..-ila, 235, 56.
7 Ibid., 235.
Copyrighted materi 11
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PHASE I 41
2.2 Phase I ArchitecturaL Evidence
2. 2. I Dhamtarii.jikii Complex in Tto..ila: Phase I

The phase I foundation of the Dharmarajika complex in T axila can
be established on the basis of coins and architectural remains.8 Some
of the earliest structures at the Dharmarajika complex ring the main
stujJa (fig. l, structures Yl- Y2, Y7- Y8, Yl 2-Y13). Although the exact
nature of these edifices is difficult to detem:Une, their placement sug-
gests that they were a heterogeneous group of small stiipas. Their
dating is fairly certain, because they underlje other phase I stiipas
and phase II shrines. 9 The presence and arrangement of these early
structures are helpful in determining d1e round shape of the main
stii.pa and its initial point of access to the south. It i,~ Likely that devo-
tees approached the main stii.pa from this direction, because that is
where the greatest number of these early undocumented stiipas
(Y9- Y 16), as well as three other Later phase I stiipas were donated. 10
The round encasement of the main stupa seen today, dating to phase
m, seems to have been based on the plan of the early core stitpa,
which no longer survives. All that is actually known about ilie orig-
inal main stupa is that it was encircled by a plaster-paved circum-
ambulatory path (praLia~rwpatJw) with embedded sheU bangles arr',tnged
in geometric patterns. 11
' Four 2nd century B.C. E. Indo-Greek coins and another 26 coins fi·om the 1st
centwy B.C.E. together Sl.l,gg~oost a founding date no em·lier than the late 2nd cen·
tury B.C.E. (Enington, "Numismatic Evidence for Dating the Buddhisr R emains of
Gandhara," 192). vVhile thi.s provides a general date, some specific strucurrcs also
have associated coin finds. For instance, in the monastic a r·ea of the Dhar-mariijikii,
the kafijrir ashlar sl!ipa 4 had in its relic deposit a coin of Azilises (10 B.C.E.- 6 C.E.)
and another of Augustus (27 B.C.E.- 14 C.E.), which points r.o a 1st cemury C.E.
date for building this strucrure (Marshall, Taxiln, 27 7).
9 !V!arshall did not mention these structw·es in his excavation reports. These
probable stiipas clearly date to phase I; subsequent phase I structures were built
over them; this group was mapped during a field swvey in 1993-94. They consistently
exhibit phase I ea1·Iy rubble and kaiijflr ashla.r masonry rypes (see Appendix A).
10 The D4 stripa. immediately opposite the south gate has in its core a round-
based sttipa similar to the set of I 2 stupas or pillars ringing the main stupa (MarshaU
noted this stiif>a in his 1913 report but did not discuss its significance in d1c final
publication; see MarshaU, "Excavations at TaxiJa," 15 and Taxi/a, 244. Dur·ing
phases 11 and IT!, the northern quadrantS of the prada/cyi!IOpaiha were rebuilt. Therefore,
additional su·ucull"es relar.ed to the Y group, discussed above, could be concealed
under these later monuments .
11
MarshaU, Taxiln, 238.

42 CHAPTER TWO
At some time during phase I, axial gateways were added to th~

stiipa enclosure. Traces of these korijra ashlar gateways with clistinc•
live moldings can be seen in the north, south, and east quadrant$
(fig. l, gares Yl - Y2, Y7- Y8, Yl 2- Yl3).12 A fourth gate, now undel.l
the phase Ill shrines built to seal off this point of access, probabl;f
once stood at the west entrance. '
The org<mization of the Dharmarajika sacred area becomes mucl'4 <
clearer toward the end of phase I. A unified set of 12 structures w~ I
placed at regular intervals around the main stiipa; all are nearly ideM
tical, square-based, rubble-cored kai'ijur ashlar constr-uctions (fig. I ~
structures R 4, S8, S9, B3, B7, Bl6, B20, Dl , D2, DlO, Dl 3).13 Thd
suggestion that they were built simultaneously as a set is also confitmedj
by relic deposits recovered from five of these structures. 14 A large~
unified set of stupas is unusual; small stilpas were almost always addedj
one at a time by individual donors ru1d were therefore not consis-
tent in plan or distribution; consider the heterogeneous nature of the
earliest phase I sUipas (the Y group). It has been suggested that thes~
structures were not stii.pas, but rather were tall pillars, as compara-
ble structures have been found in Swat at the sites of Butkara I and:
Panr. H owever, the upper superstructures at D hru·mariijika do not
survive, ru1d thus only a tentative identification is possible.15 This evi-.
12
Marshal! dated these .r,rateways to his diaper masonry period, or into my phase
II, but th.is is not in ~~f:,"'ecmcnt with the type of /avJjilr masonry employed and does
not account for the fact that the phase f1 0 9 shrine was constructed over the edge
of the south gate (Marshal~, 1916, 12). By phase III, gates Yl- Y2 and Y7- YB were
incorporated into the fabric of' late shrines.
13 Of the original 12 stilpas or pillars, the bases and the L o•ver drum of 11 of
them a.l'C still extant and one (0 9) is known 1:hrough excavation. lt is possible that
there ' "as a thirteenth stilpa or pillar, framing the nortb &rate, which has gone uJmo-
ticed; it would be buried under the S 10 and BS, 6, 9, and I0 sh.rines. T here are
very few diAerences among these sltipru or pillars in terms of size, construction, a.nd
overall form. The one stiipa or pillar r.bat has a round base (B3) might be an exam-
ple of e1u·ly restoration.
" CommonaJ:iries among the five relic deposits include similar inner gold reli- .
quaries coniaining tiny fragments (identif-Ied by Marshall as bone), in tb.e deposits :
of R4, B3, and SS, and a tiny silvery b l'OilZC reliquruy in BG. Each deposit con- ·
t:a.ined beads and other precious ivory and gold objects. :Fw-ther, both. rhe R4 and :
B3 reliquaries wer·e found 1.52 m (5 feet) below the ground-level of the stupa or .
pillars, an unusual feature that links these structur es (Marsh all, Tll:Xi.kl, 241- 3). See
also Kuwayama, ''In the T im e of Late Sirkap and E~u~)' Dhannari'~ikii.: How Taxila
l.ntroduced Stfipa Architectw·e," paper presented at tbe conference " On the Cusp
of an Era: Att in the .Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8- J2, 2000, Kansas City.
•~ Faccerma, paper at the conference ''On the C usp of' an Ern: A.t·t in the Pre-
Kushan World," 'ov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.
Material com direitos autor;: s

j
ARCH !'J'ECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PHASE I 43
de nce taken togethe r indicates that these 12 stilpas or pillars were

constructed imultaneously, in accord with a single plan. They seemed
to have been given by a single patron to demarcate the prada~?zapatha
of the main stz!pa. They certainly were of religious significance, as
indicated by their placeme nt, and they must have been understood
as relic monuments because both :03 and R 4 were later incorpo-
rated into relic shrines.
The Dhal'rnarajika complex also o-ffers useful information about
the general distribution of monastic reside nces durin g phase I, espe-
cially when compared to similar features at Sirkap . At this time no
separation existed between the monastic residences and the public
sacred area, although in this period image shrin es with restricted
access began to appear (see below). Rows of monastic residential
cells bound the main stzipa complex to the north and west, with a
wall to the south (fig. I , note the phase I boundary structures, EFT
to the east and V l- 5 to the northwest; fig. 16). 16 Tllis practice of
enclosing the public sacred area continued in one form or another
tl1ro ugho ut tl1e history of Gandhfu·an Buddhist a rchitecture. Other
phase I examples of monastic cells built to enclose sacred areas
include the fragmentary Dharmarajika A and B complexes, and all
but two of the Sirkap stftpas are enclosed in courts with a few small
rooms along the borders (fig . 10). The block lA sacred area, the
largest of the Budclllist complexes in the urban context of Sirkap, is
enclosed in a compound measUting 33.5 m by 29 m . H ere the st1ipa
is SUITOunded by heterogeneous rooms built piecemeal in different
periods; they may have been used by monks. 17 Another e xa mple is
tl1e organized group of rooms that were integrated into the w·a lled
courtyard of the block IF stupa (Double Eagle stUpa) at Sirkap, sug-
gesting that this arrangement of monastery enclosing main stupa may
have become established ve1y early.
T he Dharmarajika monastic population, living to the nortl1 in cells
boundirrg courts A and B and to the west in the long monastery
(rooms .E, F, T), 18 would have used tl1e sacred area as tl1e lay com-
munity did. However, the monk~ also had access to additional restricted
16
lt is possible tl1at there are additional early su·uctures, now butied under piles
of excavation debris 10 r.be east.
17 Marshall's sug&resrion, but it is open to debate because no fi.ncls were reported
in these cells (Marshall, Tw.i la, W2).

18 Ibid., 76-78, 246.

•
CHAPTER 1WO
stripas. The northern A and B courts at the site were both configured
so that the individual mona~tic cells encircled a large kmrjiir ashla:Ji'
stiipa. 19 The lay population probably would not have used these devo•
tional centers, as they were isolated ITom the main sacred area (by
enclosing waUs in the case of court B). These two courts were sep•
arated from the sacred area by a row of monastic cells (Vl- 5) (figs,
I , 16, northern monastic areas).
In the long EFT monastery on the west edge of the Dharmarajiklil
complex are two Jtiipa shrines, E l and E2, that appear to have been
restricted devotional so·uctu:res, because they are enclosed in cham•
bers that are attached to the residential monastery. Rather than organ•
izing the residential ceU.s around a large central stiipa, as v.ras the
case with courts A and B, in tllis instance one of the stiipas ~
placed in a pre-existing cell and the other was fabricated togethev
with an enclosing shrine structure complete with a circumambula-;
tory path. These shrines face the public area, but they are in. enclosed]
chambers attached to the monastic living quarters, and thus are quita
unlike the small niipas in the public sacred a.rea. 20 T hese monastia
stfljJa shrine~ are a vital testament to the devotional needs and inter-<
ests of the monks, in contrast to those of the public (see section 6.6!
Phase IH Use of Images and Relics in Quadrangular Monasteries).21
19 Borh courrs A and B a.re in a very fr1rgmencary condition, but they minor tho
organizational distribution of main stupa. and monastic cells seen a t Sirkap in, among
olhcrs, the t A and IF complexes. Clearly, Ohannarajika stiifXJS 1 and 4 were impor·
tanl, bt:catL~e they remained in use into phase rv. Later construction and use have
di srupted the phase [ form of these monasteries, especia.Uy court A. See also
Kuwayama, Tilt Main SIItj}(l. at Shiih·ji·ki-tjlt8ri, 88-9.
20 Variations between the masonry of st1ipa Et and the cell walls suggest that the
stiif}(l was inst'<~.lled in a pre-existing monastic cell (field observation, 1993- 94).
21 Although monk's ash es could have been placed in an independeor stilpa shrim:;
suitable for veneration, it seems unlikely that this sllipa. shrine was primarily a fuoer-
aiy monument. Marslmll argued d1at the eady pmctice of placing a stupa in a res-
idential cell commemorated or enshrined an important member of the sang/10. who
had died, thus filling the cell and converting it permanently (MarshaJJ, Taxi/a, 246).
Schopcn has also addressed the issue of the monastic dead (Schopen, "Burial 'Adi
Sanctos' and rhe l)hysical Presence of the Buddha in Early Indian Buddl1ism: A
Study in the Archaeology of Religions"; "Rin1al Rights and Bones of Contention;
More on Monastic Funerals and Relics in the Mulasa:rvastivada-Vi.naya," Jourrud qf
f11diOJl P!Lilosoplry 22 ( L994); "Stilpa and Tutha: Tibetau Mortuary Practices and an.
Unrecogni7..ed Form of Burial Ad Sanctos at Buddhist Sites io India," in 111e BuddJ1isl
Fomm 111 1991- 1993: Papers i11 Honour and Appreciation qf Professor Daoid S!lfort Ruegg't
Calltrilmtion to lndologica~ Buddhist and Ttbeum Studw, ed. P. T. Skorupski (London:
t 994). While these arguments are helpful, they do oot address the presence of stilpm
shrines and later image shrines wid1in Gandl1aran monasteries.
Copyrighted mate 31
...
ARCHTTECTURE Al'iD SCULP'tUR.E l'"ROM PHASE 1 45
Another feature of the phase I Dharmarajika sacred area is that

the lay community living in the city of Sirkap would have had to
walk about I kiJometer south to use this complex. This indicates that
the D harmarajika complex was important enough to compete with
the various urban religious centers in the city itself. Devotees from
Sirkap, upon reaching the Dharmarajika complex, would have come
first to the massive building H (fig. 1). On the basis of evidence pre-
sented in Chapter 3, struct1u·es like this would have conta.ined stu-
pas or relics that were openly displayed. Thus, before approaching
the main stiipa, lay worshippers probably first venerated relics con-
tained in the H shrine.
vVhile the southern entrance of the main stupa appears to have
been initially the most important, by the end of phase I devotees
started using the western gate; four large stupas were constructed
there (fig. I, stUpas G3, G8, S 7, and Ql ). These stilpas, together with
two of the set of 12 stilpas or pillars (R 4 and S8) defined a proces-
sional path and emphasized a specific point of access into the
prada~i1tapatha. 22
2. 2.2 Buddhist Structures in the Taxila Ci/:y if Sirkap: Phase I

Many of the earliest datable stupas in Ganclhara are found at Ta.:·ola,
in the city of Sirka.p (fig. 10). These stupa complexes, built during
phase I in the Sa.ka and Parth.ian periods, can be roughly dated
from circa I st century B.C.E. to the first half of the I st century
C.E., on the basis of extensive numismatic evidence.23 T his material
not only provides insight into how Buddhist complexes were organized
in urban contexts (almost all later Buddhist monuments are isolated
22
Of the 12 stiipas or piUars arOtmd the prada/rfiwtpatha, the only one that breaks
the regular pattern is the R4 stupa or pillar, which marked the soud1 edge of the
west gate to the main stiijJa and wh ich was later converted into a direct-access relic
stuine.
23
For a dL~cussion of this evidence, see Appendix A. Signiftcant works on this
topic include: P. Call.ieri , "The North-West of the Indian Subcontinent i.n the Indo-
Greek Period: The Archaeological Evidence," in In the I.muf if" tlze C1Jphons: Papers
on Ce11tral Asimt Archaeology and A1lliqui~, ed. A . lnvernizzi, Monografie di Mesopotamia
(Fir·enze: Casa Editrice le Lettere, 1995), 293- 308; S. Dar, "Dating the Monuments
of Taxila," in Urban Fom1 and Mea11i1v; in SouJh Asia: 17ze Shaping if" Cities f rom. Preltiswric
to Prerolonial 7imes, ed. H. Spodek and D. Srinivasan (Hanover, New Hampshire
and London: University Press of New England: 1993); Erdosy, "Tax.ila: Political
History and Urban Structure"; Marshall, Ta.rila, 30- l, 37- 8, 49- 50, 123, 210- 13.
'
46 CHAPTER TWO
oULside of cities), but also helps to better define phase 1 architectural

forms. Within irkap there are six moderately large public stiipa com-
pound~; a handful of lesser, possibly private, religious loci have also
been idemified. 2' T he only other Buddhist sacred areas found in
urban comexts occur in the cities of Barikot and Charsada. 2~
t\Iost of the phase I stii.pa.s from Sirkap have low, square base$
with inset pilasters and rubble cores, and they are faced in kafijt11
ashlar masonry, making them formally identical to the phase I smpa:s
found at the D harmarajika complex and to the early st!i.pa atJru:H;Iial
B (figs . 11, 15).21> Because there are no earlier precedents for square-
based st!ipas in south Asia, it seems reasonable ro assume that this
was a Gandharan innovation. T he distinctive form of the square-
based kaf!jilr ashlar slii.pas from Sirkap can be used as an early chrono-
logical indicator. 27
Almost all of the Sirkap stupas have only small pilasters on their
exterior surlaccs, except for the D ouble Eagle stii.pa, in block I F,
which has more sophisticated smface decoration (figs. I0, 11 ). The
from of this stlijJa is embellished with three niches, now empty, tO
either side of the stair.vay. T hese niches, modeled as miniature builcb
ing fa<;ades, take the form of a north Indian tmm_za, a cai!Ja hall, and
a Greek pedimental temple. T wo of the three niche designs that
adorn the base of the sliipa follow Indian formats (the caiga fas-ade
and the lora?w), motifs that othenvise appear ,.,;thin t11e relief sculp-
ture but not in the architectural remains. 28 It has been suggested
that these empty niches can be viewed as passageways connectjng
the worshipper to the pre ence of the enclosed relic. ~
2' R. Coningh:m1 and B. F.dwards, •'Space and Society at Sirkap. Ta.xila: A Rt>
E.xamination of Urban form and Meaning.'· Anamt PakiJtm• XIl ( 1997 8): 57 60;
Marshal!, 7a,\1la, 50 I, 54, 58, 63, 67, 73, 83, 91, 142.
1' Callicri, '·Buddhist l'rescncc in the Urban Senlements of Swat, 2nd Cen~
B.C. 4th Crm. i\.D."; Callkri. Filigen1.i, and Stacul, "Excavations at Bir-Kot,
Ghwanda.i, Swa1: 1987.'"
26 Marshall, 7 ttrilt•, 142 44.
~· Klll!jiir ashl~r a~ n ma~cmry technique occasionaUy was used in later period>

the Swllt site of Baligmm is a good example-but d'Lcse later stfJJms arc not akio
structurally to those or Sirkap.
28 G~ndh!lran relief.~ depicting cni!J•n <uchcs have been found at Butkara I an(!
among the Bcgrnm ivories.

29 P. Brancaccio, "Gateways to the BuddJ1a: Figures under Arches in Early Gand~
ha ran Art," in Souret.r qf Gtmdhamn Buddhism: ArdllUtllofU, Art a11d Texts, ed. K. Bclucnc(.L
and T'. Brancaccio ( l'oronto: University of Toronto Press, in press).
•
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE r'ROM PI-IASE I 47
The most prominent devotional structure in Sirkap is the 69.4 m

long apsidal temple in block D. I ts fi·agmentary foundations date to
phase I, and it was rebuilt in phase II (fig. 10). Nothing is known
of its phase I form, though clearly it was an important p lace of wor-
ship, as indicated by its size a nd the fact that it was rebuilt and
maintained at a time when the city of S irkap was in decline (for
further discussion of this structure, see section 3.2 Architectural
Evidence for Direct-Access R elic Shrines in and Around Sirkap:
Phases I and ll).
Aside from the apsidal temple, all of the Buddhist monuments in
Sirkap appear to have been fabricated during phase 1.30 The latest
structures at Sirkap, made i11 phase U, were fabricated in diaper
masonry, whereas for the underlying monuments the earlier rubble
constl"uction technique was used. At the Dharmarajika and Kalawan
sites, inscriptions can be used to date two diaper structures to 78
C.£. and 76 C.£., giving a reasonably clear benchmark for the phase
l/II boundary (fig. 5; see Appendix A for a discussion of phase dat-
ing). Thus, Sirkap appears to have been a th riving metropolis dur-
ing phase I. A declining population maintained and constructed only
a few important structures during phase 11, and the city was aban-
doned by the end of this phase. 31
2.2.3 Bwkma I in Swat: Phase I

Butkara I is another m ajor Buddhist site where stTuctures from pha~e
I are extant (figs. 3, 97, 98). Until sornetime after the 8th century
C.£. , this complex was the largest and pro bably the most important
Buddhist center in the Swat Valley. 32 I t was excavated by the Italian
archaeological mission under the directorship of Domenico Faccenna;
"JO Marshal! argued that Sirkap was abandoned at a lime coinciding with the
introduction of' diaper mason•y, at the boundary between phases l and 11. He pos-
tulated that an earthquake occu•·red in 30 C.E., creating a clear horizon or destruc-
tion; repairs were made by using the more stable phase U diaper masonry technique
(i\l[arshall, Taxila, 137). While an earthquake cerlai.nly could have occurred at Tax:i.la,
Marshall's e\~dence is circumstantial, and dtis transition in masomy need not be
linked LO such a dramatic event.
51
For a full review, see Erdosy, "Taxila: Political History and Urban Structure,"
669- 73.
" Late coins fow1d at Butkiu-a l include Varlmm TV, Yazclagird n, Khusra u !!,
Umayyad, Salm b. Ziyad, and Vakkadeva (Erringwn, ". Tuntismatic Evidence for
Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 211, 216).
'1
48 CHAPT:&R TWO
the resulting multi-volume report is the most detailed account of any

excavation in northwest Pakistan or Afghanistan, maJ.::ing this sitd
central to the study of Greater Gandhara. Butkara I is a compli•
cated amalgamation of phase I to pha~e IV devotional structures,
grouped around the main stilpa. Although the development of tlus
extensive sacred area can be accurately traced, no monastic stmc~
ttu·es have been identified or excavated.
T he organization of the Butkara I sacred area during phase I is
markedly different from that: of the sites in Taxila. T he earliest core
of the main stupa, which was encased or modified on eight separate
occasions, was called Great Stiipa I or GStl by the excavators. It iSI
a simple, round stii.pa >Arith a high drum fabricated fi'om rounded
river cobbles, a rather unstable masonry type reminiscent of the earl)'
rubble masonry of T axila in terms of technical sophistication (see
fig. 98). This modest-sized structure was likely the hub of a provin~
cial Buddhist center, in contnst to the more important Dharmarliji.ka
complex, which served the metropolis of Sirkap.
In the second phase of constntction of the same Butkara I Great
Stitpa (this form of the stftpa was identified by the excavator as GSt2),
an upper prada/r.fi"(lapatlw was added as a ring arotmd the unmoclifiecf
dome of the orit,>i.nal stii.pa (figs. 97, 98). It appears that axial niches
were chiseled into the face of this raised plinth, possibly to hold relief
sculpture of some kind.' ' If these niches did indeed contain images,
they would be the earliest instances of axially placed scul.pt1.1res in
Gandhara (and all of south Asia, for that matter). Another possibil~
ity is that they were u_~ed to display reucs, although they could have
had another, unknown cultic function (see section 3.3 Two-Celled
St:Upa Shrines and Direct-Access Shrines: Phases I and II).
T he next addition to the main stiijJa was a plinth, attached to th e
southem edge of the GSt2 upper pradak;iJ:t.apatha ring, which could
have been the base of a stairway.S4 While the exact function of tltis.
plinth or stairway element cannot be determined, its existence is
helpful for establishing that an early south-facing access to the main
str1pa existed. At the same time tl1at the plinth was added, the first·
donative structures were built in the sacred area around the main
" Fae<:enna, Bullwra. I, vol. 3, no. l, 35.

" Ibid., vol. 3, no. l, 30- 44. Only the base of this element Stnvives, so tit1le
can be determined about the form or function of the stl"ucture.
ARCHJn: CTlJIU: AND SCULPTURE FROM PH."\SE I 49
stilpa, in the form of five columns and a single smaU stupa (fig. 97 ,
columns 66, 140, 149, 209, and 214 and stiipa 2 1 8). :~; These columns
were not org<mized to enclose the prada/cyinapatha, nor is there evi-
I
dence of a vedika or other fom1 of demarcation. This somewhat ran-
I dom organization of subsidiary structures is markedly different from
that found in the earliest archaeological evidence from the Dharma-
rajika complex in T axila, where the donative monuments were orga-
nized around the circuman1bulatory path or at entrance points.
The next major renova tion of the main sttipa (GSt3) involved a
total encasement of the earlier dome and plinth.36 The sW.pa was
considerably enlarged , so that four axial stairways led to an upper
prada/cyirwpaJ!za enclosed within a low vedikii railing (fig. 98).
The relative daring of the early Butkara I core stupa (GStl- 2) and
its subsequent modifications and encasement (GSt3) is problematic,
because very few coins were found in association with the earliest
structures. A single Maurya.11 coin hint~ at an early foundal'ion , and
certainly GSt I was in place by the 2nd century B.C.E. (early in
phase I). T he modifications and encasement (GSt2 and 3) can be
placed in the middle and end, respectively, of phase 1.3' In con-
junction with the next encasement (GSt411), 107 coins were found-
mainly of Azes IT and K ujula Kadphises-and one reliquary, which
may have been a later addition , containing coins of Huvi~ka. 38 Tllis
» [bid., vol. 3, no. 3, 630.

36 [bid., vol. 3, no. I, 47- 75.
" 'Jlle cxcavai.O!' dated the core stilpa of Burbra I (GStl) as Asokan period on
the basis of a single coin of Candragupta M.aurya and on the basis of a coin of
Menander found behind the south niche of the GSt:2 plint.h (Tbid., vol. 3, no. I,
32, 45). The date of the next encasemcm (GSt3) is also based on a single coin, of
Azes U (dated by Gob! to 22- 1 B.C.E.), found in a good state of pr·csc•-vadon,
along "~th a reliquary, in the plinth of column I35. On the basis of this evidence,
Faccenna att~·ibuted GSt3 10 tJ1e end of the 1st cenrury B.C.E. or the beginning of
the 1st centwy C.E. (Faccenna, Butkara 1, vol. 3, no. l, 57}. Errington has sug-
gested a date after 200 B.C.E. fo r the initial foundation of BULkara 1, on d1e basis
of her analysis of this coin evidence (Errington, "Nwnismadc Evidence fo r Dating
the Buddhist Remains of Gandh ara," 192). Dating Gandhara material is never sim-
ple or stmightforward, and it is especiaUy problematic to date structures on the
basis of single coin finds. Still, the p•·esence of this coin leaves a Mauryan date
open as a possibility.
~ A large propo•t ion of the I07 coins in the GSt4/ l encasement are late phase
I coins of Azcs Il and Kuj ula Kadphises. One re[jquary recovered contained
significantly later coins of Huvi.5ka, suggestiog a phase II date (Faccenna, Butkara I,
vol. 3, no. l, 69, 115- 18). Thus the GSt4/ I encasement provides num ismatic
50 CHAJ'TE R TWO
numismati.c evidence allov.'S GSt4/ l to be dated to sometime near

the boundary of phases I and II. 39
2.3 Architectural Links to the Indian Buddhist

Tradition During Phase I
Many scholars in the 19th and 20th centuries were preoccupied with
tracing Greco-Roman influences that they believed shaped Gandhara .
This line of inquiry has produced inconclusive results in terms of
elating and characterizing the nature of Ganclharan cultur-e. It did
serve to identify the many foreign groups that came into contact
with the people of northwest India, but the nature of these interac-
tions remains unclear. Perhaps this is because the people in Gandhara
were actively filtering foreign "influences" and selectively appropriating
forms and ideas coming fi·om abroad. Gandha.ra's art, architecture,
and religious tTaditions cannot be seen as a pastiche of Mediterranean,
Parthian, Chinese, and south Asian influences. The view of Gandhara
as a passive recipient obscures and denies independent development
and has led to interpreting tllis culture as one that was polluted-
or ennobled- by the Classical tradition. 40 It is especiaUy tempting to
see the phase I beginnings of Buddhism in Gandhara simply as an
extension of the larger north Indian tradition; without doubt, Buddhism
was introduced to Gandhara from the Ganges basin. Only phases I
and Il in Ganclhara include north Indian architectural forms, all of
which were rapidly changed or modified to serve local Gandharan
evidence that is confused by the p resence of phase ! Md ll coins, some of which

could have been added in conjunction wilh funeral)' deposii:S inserted after this
encasement was in place. It seems logical mat GSr3 postdates the Azes U. coin
found in associarion with iiS consrruccion and thus falls neaY the end of phase l.
This dating is supported by the presence of a vedikti !.hat can be compa.red to sim-
ilar phase I vedikiis of Sirkap.
" For useful discussion of the clu·onological development of Btrtkara I, Plinr, and
Saidu, sec Faccenna, Saidu Slu11if, tl~ S=ed MM., 15!">-63. See also CaJJieri, Soidu
Shmif, the MonaSIIIIJ', 117- 20; Faccenna, Kban, and Nadiern, Pa11r I (Swot, Paldsta11),
J29- 33 .
.., Ma11y of the old arguments of Alfred Fouclrer and Ananda Coomara.-wamy
are still vital today. See A. Coornaraswamy, "The 01igin of the .Buddha Image,"
Art Bulletitr 9 (1926-7); A. Foucher, L. Thomas, and W. Frederick, 'nre Beginnings Q/
Buddhist Art 011d Other Essqys in buiian arui Cemral-Asinrt Ard1a80/ogy (Varanasi: Indological
Book H ouse, 1918; reprint, 1972).
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULP'lURE .FROM PHASE I 51
needs. Large round stilpas) vedikas, and post-Asokan columns crowned

by lions are specific examples.
2.3.1 The Phase I Stii.pa

While the Sirkap evidence shows that square-based stupas were pop-
ular during phase 1, the most significant main stu.pas at the cores of
both the D harmadijika and Butkara I sacred areas were round. In
India the earliest structural stftjJas are large round monuments, com-
monly enclosed within carved vedikii railings such as the stiipas in the
Sanci-Bhils a topes area, Pauni, Bharhut, and BocU1gaya.41 T hese struc-
tures were clearly meant to be circumambulated, because the embell-
ishing imaget)' is arranged around the circunuerence to facilitate
such ritual pmctice. Although circumambulation (pmdak.fi!Ul) appears
to have dictated the placement of donated stupas, shrines, and columns
at the Dhar·marajika complex and at Butkara [, this practice gener-
ally was le s important in the nonhwest. While a few of the small
donative stupas that crowd the sacred areas are round, such as those
at Butkara III (fig. 100), most have square bases. 1t appears that stii-
pas with round bases were more common during phase I than in
later periocls. 42
-··--
" T he Bhilsa stii/JaJ, on ne-drby 1~dges surro~Ulding SaJ'ici, were constn1cted between
the 3rd and I st cenruries B.C.E. See K. Behrendt, "AJ1 Unnoticed Relief fr·o1n IJre
Bhilsa Topes and Its Relationship to the Sculpture of Sai\ci," South Asian Sludies 16
(2000); A. C unningharn, 77ze Bhii.sn. Topes; or, Buddhist Monumen!.J of Cenlral !tulia:
ComprisiJ~g a Brwf Hist.oricai Sketch of du: Rise, Progress mu/ Dedi!u: of Buddhism; witlt llll
Accowrt of dte Operti!tg mui E.wurrirullioll of du: Varimu Groups of Topes arozaul. Bltitsa (London:
S n'l.ith, Elder, and eo., 1854}; Malwbodhi: 77te Great Buddhist Temple w1der lile Bodki Tru
oJ BudJJJw-Cf!YO (D eUri: Munshiram M:anoharlal, L892; reprint, 1998); and 171e Stupa
of BlurrlmL· ll Buddhist Mommrmt Omammted wilil )lftmwrous Sculph.rts, 2nd ed . (Varanasi:
lndological Book H ouse, 1879; reprint, L962); S. D eo and J. J oshi, Pmm:i E~c{IQ(Jtion
(1969- 70) ( agpw~ 1972); M. Willis, Buddltist Rdiquari£sfrom An.UmJ bulia (London:
British Museum, 2000).
' 2 In a very general sense it is reasonable to assume that ma ny of the li·ees1a nding
round-based small slllpas found in sacred areas were created during phases I and
!I when lin.ks to northern lndia were strong. Few slflpos of this type appear a t Late
sites, and some of these ma)' be inswnces of ea1·lier stufJOS being r·estor·ed in Late
masonry types. Small row1d stilJXIJ ue found in phase f masomy at the Obannariijika
complex (Sitlpa. B3 and the core slilpa in D4), among the early finds fi·om Butkara
I (sltipas 66 and 209), and at C hal--pat (ashlar s111pa). They a.lso a1·e found at a vati-
ety of phase 11 sites such iiS at Butkm-a lJJ and Ma1janai in Swlit, at Ranigat in
the Peshawar basin , and in the mon a.'tery of Mohrll Moradu in Ta.'--i.La. A few
rou nd sliipas do appear within the phase UI remains from the Dharmariijika com-
plex, slfijlas J 6 a.nd U 1- 3 (a related group that appear to have been constructed at
52 CHAP'l'ER 1WO
At Butkara I, the main stz1pa in its earliest form is a small, round;

almost columnar structure (GSt l ). T he drum (arz(ia) is elongated,
tapered only at the top and ringed by a plinth to create a11 uppe11
prada/c.MlapatJw (fig. 98, GStl - 2). The Butkara I stilpa, with its hig.ll
drum and shm-ply tapering aru/.a, is one of the closest to the stan-
d.u·d Indian prototype.
There is a common rni~conception that early sffipas were hemi-
spherical, based on the awf.as of massive examples like Sanci stupa 1
or the Dharmarajika stilpa from Taxila.'~3 T hese hemispherical stupas
are the exception- most extant early stiipas had high vertical drums;
with the hemispherical crown starting near the top of the a~;uj.a. The
many rock-cut stilpas from west India or the structural 1st century
B.C.E. Bhojpur (C3) stripa just east of Sai'icf all have high drums·
comparable to the Butkara I core sti1pa:~·~ Thus, the form of the
earliest stilpa at Butkara I is part of a well-established south Asian
pattern.
Although round stiipas were built during phase I in Gandhara,
square-based stupas accessed by frontal stairways were more com-
mon. The radially organized, round-based stiipas originated in India; .
the square-based pattern seems to be a GancU1aran innovation. The
phase I Double Eagle sti4pa fi·om Sirkap is a good example of this
e.u·ly Gandharan type (fig. 11 ). The six niches fran1ed by gateway
motifs (see above), in conjunction with the stairway, emphasize the
front of this square st!ipa, probably marking a change in ritual prac-
tice from the round north Indian stapa type that emphasized cir-
cumambulation. The Double Eagle stftpa's facade decoration was not
conceptualized to facilitate prada/cyil:ta:, instead, it emphasizes the front
of the stilpa so that this structure would have a more dramatic impact
on a worshiper entering from the street (fig. l 0, stiipa 1F block).
the same time). One of these stiipos, U I, which eJthibits phase IT! masonry, has a
very early relic deposit that, on tbe basis of coins, can be dated to phase [ (Ma rshaJJ,
Ta:r:ila, 272- 3). Thus, at least in the case of the U l stupa, its cwTent form may be
a phase ill restoration of an earlier archaic stilpa type. Round stupos can be use-
ful in determining chronological parameters, but only in the presence of other sup-
porting evidence .
., lt appears t.hllt it was stt·ucturally impractical, if not impossible, to construct
a taU, vertical-walled aTJI/.a with stiijm of this size. f or a gcner-d! discussion of south
Asian stiipa construction, see Kuwayama, The A1fain Stupa at Sllfilt·:Ji-ki-<llmi.
H But.ka.r a l stilpa GSt 1- 2. The core of the Ranigat main stripa has a similar
columnar a1'(ia; however, this early phase U example has a square base typical of
the northwest.
____ .... Copyrighted materi I

ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PliA~E I 53
Thus, in Gandhara, the popularity of the square-based stupa with

attached frontal stairways seems to reflect a specific use of the ·mon-
tunent. Tlus is not to say that circumambulation was not practiced
in the northwest, but rather to suggest that this north Indian idea
was introduced, and lost strength over time.
It is tempting to think that worshipers would have ascended the
stairways of these square-based stupas and then circumambulated the
wuf.a on the raised plinth, as can be done at Safici stupa I in north
India. However, this was not the practice, as the diameters of Gandha-
ran domes an: consistently nearly equal to the ....~dth of the square,
leaving the devotee a dangerously narrow path.4s
The vedikii is another element that was briefly incorporated in the
phase I and IT architecture of Taxila, the Peshawar basin, and Swat
(fig. 82). T his kind of stone railing, wluch enclosed the sacred space
of main stupas, consisted of uprights, cross bars (suci), and coping
stones (u,srzi,ra); examples are at Sanci, the Bhilsa topes, Bharhut,
Bodhgaya, and Sarnath.46 The Gandharan examples are all smaller
and were placed on the plinth of the stiipa surrounding the m:uf.a.
T he main stupa of Butkara I had a low, freestanding stone vedikii
surrounding the upper circumarnbulatory path of the late phase I
GSt3 encasement of the main stiipa (fig. 98)Y At Sirkap, four stiipas
had phase I vedikiis, carved out of kaffjiir and finished in lime plas-
ter, that ran around the upper plinths: the large block A stiipa, the
block I F (Double Eagle) stiipa, the block G stiipa, and the block C
stupa (fig. I 0).48 Several small sliipas, dating from phase ll, at the
Peshawar basin site of Ranigat had freestanding vedikiis, some with
•s An intensive su.rvey or the extant main stilpas in Swal, Taxila, and the Peshawa r
basin reveals that it was usually impractical or simply impossible tO circumambu-
late at the level of the drum. By phases IT and ill the base was often quite high;
at a late sl ilpa like Shna.isba in Swlil, the full would have been more than 6 m.
46 While the genesis of such uediklis in nonbem India is unknown, there is a small
monolit!Uc example in a Buddhist context from Siimlith that may date as eady as
the Mnuryan petiod; it is made of polished Cbii~1ar sandstone. However, Asher and
Spink ("Maurya l'lgural Sculpture Reconsidered," Ars Orientalis 19 [ 1989]} ques-
tioned th is polishing teclm.iquc as a dating criteria, because polishing of sandstone
continued into the Kushan period. Small vedikii railings arc also lo und at the circa
1st century B.C.E. Bhilsa sites .
., Facccnn a, Bulhlra I, vol. 3, no. I , 57- 74.
43 Marshall said that the block A vedikii was pieced together \\~th indepcndendy
cut stones and then finished with Lime plaster (Marshall, Taxi111, 143, pi. 23c; for
the block IF and G uedikls, 163, pi. 34c; for block C, 167, pi 29; for' block C,
191).
54 CHAPTER TWO
sculptural decoration (f'ig. 78 and see section 4.2.1 Ra.nigat: Phase

II Architecture):f9
In south Asia the vedika was used to mark sacred places, trees,
and, in Buddhist contexts, tl1e stftpa and its relic. For example, at
Saiici, the vedik("is used as harmikli elements encircle the vertical ax':is
of the monument along which the relic would have been placed. In
1
the G<mdharan examples, these fences were placed on the plinth,
surrounding t.he circular dome of the stupa. This suggests that the
circular a~u!a was the "stiipa" proper, the raised squru·e base creat-·
ing a sacred enclosure (see section 5.4.1 The Base). At Butkru·a l
the low uedikii ringed and marked an upper circumambulatory path.
In contrast, the Ranigat or Sirkap sl!i.pa.s were probably not cir-
cumambulated on the level of the plll1th, and yet the vedikii. was still·
present to enclose an area that could only be approached by using
the front stairway. Many phase 11 sculptural reliefs placed on the
drums of small stiipas include a continuous uedikii. motif, the vedikli
surrounding the ci.rculru·, most sacred prut of the stupa. The base
and drum of Gandharan st11pas cannot be seen as equivalent; rather,
the base was used to separate and elevate the sacred space of the
relic. Supporting this idea are the extant relic shrines on high sti"tpa-
1ike bases at Nimograrn <md T okru·dru-a as well as the depiction of
such shrines in the relief sculpture (figs. 99, 112, 113, 109).
Freestanding vediklis around stzipas we1·e built in Greater Gandhftra
only during phase I and at the beginning of phase II; even the sculp-
tural exan1ples seem to disappear after phase 11. ·while Gru1dharrut
soluti.ons were found to demarcate the sacred space of the relic dur-
ing phases Ill and IV, the limited presence of vedikiis is helpful for
underst<mcling how the JtujJa was conceptualized in the northwest.
T he very limited presence of freestanding l!erlikas also reflects early
interaction among the aforementioned centers in Tax.i.la, the Pesha...var
basin, and Swat, and it suggests a fairly common date of production.
49 The fmd spots of the Rani&rat railin&rs arc poorly reponed , alr.hough the exca-
vators noted that they were probably placed arOlUld the circular upper drums of .
small stilpas, as the "coping stones are curved in shape" (Nishika.wa., Odani, and
amba, Preiimi!lory Report 011 Gandluua Budd1tisl Sites, 8 7). A$ many as five different
uedikas may have OJiginally adomed the early rtiipas surrounding the main stiipa in
the east sacred area, but r.his can be onl)' roughly deduced lrom a close examina-
tion of the published photographs. See Nishikawa, Rtmigat, pis. 168- 70.
•
ARCHTTECTURE 1\J'ID SCULPTURE FROM PHASE I 55
I
2.3.2 Use of Columns During Phase I
I Freestanding columns were also important for early Buddhist com-

munities tl1roughout south Asia, including Gandhara. At Saner stupa
I
I, Lauriya 'anclangarh, Lumbini, and other sites, Asoka's monolithic
I columns were placed near stiipas. The importance of these landmarks
to the Buddhist communities is shown by the nuu1y relief sculptu res
I
depicting similar columns found at Bharhut, Bodh gaya, Saner and
the Bl1ilsa topes, Karli, Ka~heri, and sites in Andhra. Even as late
I
as the Gupca period, an ASokan li.on capital was re-cut at SancL50
I On the basis of Xuanzang's 7th century C.E. observations, it would
seem that the Buddhists legitimized the importance of a given site
by making reference to its ASokan 01igins. Thus, both Asokan columns
and their repre entations functioned to link sites to the mythic ASokan
division of the Buddha's relics and ASoka's erection of 84,000 sliipas
to contain them. Perhaps these columns indicated the presence of
the Buddha's bodily remainsY
All of the Gandhanm BudcUlist columns are post-Asokan, but they
seem related to this larger n·adition; some were even placed in sim-
ilar locations. For example, a freestanding column was placed next
to the east gate of the Dharmarajika stupa (fig. I, just south of the
east stairway to the main stii.pa),52 a placement that is readily com-
pared to the location of the Saficl ASokan column. In Gandhara
there is considerably more evidence for the placement of columns
on the corners of stupas. Capitals and crowning lions were found on
the corners of the square phase I Sirkap block G stUpa, and many
other later excunples from Greater Gcu1dhara conform to this design.
While these Gandharan colunm are ve11' different from those in
1101th India, in terms of both form and pattern of placement, it is
clear that an Indian element was being reconte;..'1:ualized and modified
to suit Gandharan needs. Along with the phase I example from
Sirkap, this practice became common in Sv.'iit: four large phase li
coltmms stood on the pl.inth of the Saidu main stitpa (tJ1e actual
!>0 J.
Williams, "A Recu t ASokan Capital and tbe Gupta Attitude T owards the
Past," llrtibus llsiae 35 ( l98H32).
$t However, this expla nation does not account for the depiction of such a col-
umn on the balusu·ade of S1il'ic1 sillpa D, a strtpa. that contained relics of monks.
52 Cunningham •·eported finding a column to tbe east side of d1e main sllipa. at
J am!tl Garbr (see fig. 61), but Errington ("The Western Oi covery of the Art of
Gandhara," 229 - 30) noted critical inconsistencies in his reports.
56 CHAPTER TWO
remains of columns A and C were excavated), and similar column

bases can be seen at the phase ill and IV sites of Shnaisha, Tokat
Dara, and Gurnbatuna.~3 The use of the column in Greater Gandhara
is probably best illustrated in a relief from Butkara m (fig. 101).'*
In tltis panel, four colunms with Lion-topped capitals rest on the cor.
ners of tl1e square plinth of tl1e stii.pa, providing a clear pictme ot
how the above architectural examples would have looked. In another
relief, columns are on the four corners of the base of what appears
to be a relic shrine (fig. 119). This panel indicates the Gandharact
symbolic link between the column and the relic.
Over time, 14 massive columns were built to encircle the pradak;qza•
patlza at Butkara I, a pattern that also appears at the Dharrnarajika
complex in T axila (figs. 97, 98, 1). Some of the Butkara I columns
had relic deposits in their bases.~5 They appear to have been anal-
ogous to small stiipas, because of the relic deposits and their role in
marking tile prada~'irtapatha. Perhaps relics were present in oilier
columns in Gandhara but were overlooked by excavators. It also
seems probable that some of the small st1"tpa:.· found in Greater
Gandharan sacred areas are actually co1unm bases.56
2.3.3 Phase I Sculptu:re

Any discussion of early Gandharan sculpture must start '""itll d1e evi-
dence from tl1e city of Sirkap in T axila, even though Litde of it can
be considered Buddhist. The luxUJ-y objects, mainly jewelry, and
small, non-Budd.ltist personal religious images, such as male and
female figurines and Mediterranean deities, from me 3rd century
" For a fUll discussion of t.be use of columns in Swat, see FaccenM•, Saidu. Sharij.
the StWred Area, 5 1, 481- 502.
M See Ralunan, "Butkara IU." Most of the evidence for the use of colunms in
Gandhltra is fragmentary, because tbey were fabricated in masonry rather than
being monolithic, like those of northern lndia. As a result, commonly only the bases
on tbe corners of stiipa.r survive. However, many depictions of columns apperu· in
relief sCIJ.Iptur~-s and in stiipa-shaped reliquaries done in stone and metal.
" These colunms were built during pbases l- ID. Relic deposits were found in
nos. 33 and 135. For descriptions of individual columns, see Faccenna, Buikm·a I,
vol. 3, no. 2, 263, 265, 296-300, 437; for columns wid1 re[jc deposit~, see Faccenna,
Butkara I, vol. 3, no. I, 57; vol. 3, no. 3, 643.
$6 Faccenna has discussed fully the significance of columns found in sacred areas
in a paper presented at the conference "On the Cusp of an Era: Art in the Pre-
Kushan World," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.
Material com direitos autora ~

•
ARCHITEGTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PHASE l 57
B.C.E. to the lst century C.E. are highly diverse.57 Multiple reli-
r,r:ious traditions are represented, and the objects were produced in
a range of local and foreign styles. Ant1uopomorphic depictions of
non-Buddhist deities clearly appealed to t11e taste of the urbanites of
Sirkap.
The small cosmetic dishes decorated with relief sculpture, com-
monly referred to as toilet trays, have been singled out for study
because they provide a link between the heterogeneous imported lux-
ury objects found in Sirkap and the later Buddhist narrative tradi-
tion. The trays were loca!Jy crafted in schist and exhibit what have
been called lndo-Parthian and Hellenistic artistic styles. Some later
Buddhist narrative panels display these same styles and, like the toi-
let trays, they depict groups of interacting figures in small, framed
compositions. The Indo Parthian style has been connected to some
Buddhist sculpture from Butkara I and the Dharmarajika complex,
in particular to a few complex moldings and figural garland hold-
ers used in the decoration of small stupas. 58 A garland holder from
Sirkap (fig. 12) can be considered Indo-Parthian in style on the basis
of it~ wide-open, bulging eyes and the very fine pleating of the drap-
ery (close parallel lines).~9 It has been noted that this Indo-Parthian
style is also strongly related to "Indian stylistic elaborations, partic-
ularly those of Bharhut,''60 and the narrative content of the north
Indian component is ctitical to understanding its appeal in Gandhara.
This garland holder from Sirkap has a donative inscription that
reads: " Presented by Sruvatrata in the Vihara, in honour of his
57
These objects include many terracotla and stone figurines, a V'ariety of tcrra-
cotta heads, schist toilet trays, a small bronze (which Marshal! identified as depict·
ing the Egyptian god Harpocratc:s), and a variety of h.h~uoy objects bearing um1ges
of Greek deities. Tllis last categ01y includes a silver repousse head of Dionysus, a
gold refX!ussi figure of Aph rodite, and many pieces of jewel!)' and coins sho"~ng
images of deities (see M.arshaU, Taxila, 137- 2 1.3).
58 D. Fabrcgues, "The Inclo-Parthian Begumings of Gandhara Sculpture," Bu.lleti11
l!f ll~e Asia /nstituu 1 ( 1987). Fabr~gucs did, however, argue that her Buddhist mate-
rial is stylistically linked to the van Lobuizen-De Leeuw early Buddha images and
rh at they arc not widely separated in time. Fabregues, "The lndo-Parthian Beginnings
of Gandhara Sculpture," 4l. See J. .E. van Loh uizen-De Leeuw, "New Evidence
with Regard to the Origin of dte Buddha Image," u1 South Asian ArdzaeoiiJgy, ed.
H. Hartcl (Berlin: 1979).
~ Fabrcgut-s, "The Indo-Pardl.ian Beginnings of Gandhara Sculpture," 40.
60 M. Taddci, "Oral Narrative, Visual Narrative, Literary Narrative in Ancient
Buddhist India," in l11dia, Tlhet, Clzi11a: Genesis a11d Aspects l!f TradiliiJnal NarratiJJe, eel.
A. Cadozma (Florence: L999), 80.

58 CHAPTER 1W0
mother and father, D evadato." 61 This inscription is important for

our understanding of early patronage and for daring the object itse~
in t.ttis case the donor paid only for a small decorative element of
a Buddhist monument (presumably a small stz4pa). It seems quite pos~
sible that structures in early Gandhara were financed through the
donations of multiple patrons-a pattern seen also in west India, the
Bhilsa-Saiicf area, Bharhut, and for two stupas that were embellished
with phase m StuCCO Buddha images from the Ta>..'ila site ofJauliafi.G'l
On the basis of the paleography of the Sirkap inscription, the holdelt
has been elated to circa 30- 40 C.E., or to the end of phase I. This
atttibution is reinforced by the style of the holder and that it was
found in strata II. 63 This dating further corroborates the argument
for attributing this kind of garland holder to phase I, although iu
my opinion the margin for error associated with sty listic analysis,.
paleography, and Marshall's early excavations in Sir·kap leaves an
opening for attributing tlus genre of objects to early phase IT.
A set of in situ garland holders can be seen attached to the dome
of a round stupa from Swat in an 1880s photo (fig. 114-).64 This stup(,;.
which has been destroyed, was almost certainly fab1·icated in phasa
I: it wa.~ round, was constructed with ashlar masonry, and had a
pmdakri1wpatlw enclosed by a wall. Wlllie few details of these garland
holders can be seen in the picture, and thus no strong comparison
to Indo-Parthian material can be made, it is likely that they date ta
the p e1·iod of construction of the stupa--phase I. While mosr of the
very limited nwnber of garland holders are in tl1e Indo-Parthia.tl
style, it seems likely that this type of architectural element contin-
ued to appear in phase U.
At J amal G~·hi a set of 16 stair risers was found in situ leading
up to a phase Ill form of the main stftpa court (fig. 62), another
possible example of phase I sculpture in an original contex-t. Thes6
61
T his garland holder was found loose but in a stratigrftphic context in block J
of Sirkap (Marshall, "Taxi!a," 118, pi. XXVIII, 9; Taxilo, 700-Q2, pi. 213, no. I l~
62 The A L5 and 0 5 small stUpas were embellished with phase TTI stucco Buddha
images that were individually donated, as indicated by inscriptions (lbid., 374- 75).
"' S. Konow a.nd H. Hargreaves, in Marshall, Taxi/a, 702.
64 T lus sllipa is no longer extant, but Foucher published two photos, ta.ken .in thCI!
l880s, together wid1 a plan. Foucher ml.lSt have seen this stlipa, because he said!
that it was located near the fort of C hakdara in Swat. See A. Foucher, L'Art Grko-
Bmuldltique du CandMra; Elulle sur les Origine.r de l'b!fluence Classique dans i'Art Bouddflique
de l'bule et de l'Extreme-Oriant, 2 vols. (Pa ris: E. Leroux, 1905), 67- 69; figs. IO- l2.
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM PHAS.E I 59
stair risers do not show the anthropomorphic representation of the

Buddha. Instead, foli age motifs, musicians, and rows of what may
be donor figures adorn them. T en of the risers show jii/.aka stories,
only t\vO of wruch have been identified;65 their early presence in
Gandhara is interesting because they were almost never depicted in
later centuries, whereas in north India at early sites like Sanci and
Bharhut they are common. According to Taddei ''j(ltakas are mainly
allegories while the stories of Gautama are to be taken and under-
stood per se." 66 Perhaps the growth of Gandha.ran narrative art occurred
in conjunction with the popularization of the life stories of the Buddha,
which Taddei sees as occurring in the 1st centu1y C.E.- around the
phase I- ll boundary. 67 The jiitakas at J am a! Garhi are atypical; there-
fore, I suggest that they were sculpted at an early time, before a set
body of canonical life stories of the Buddha had become established.
2.4 ConcLusions About the Nature qf Phase 1

Material ji-orn Norlhwest India
The subsidiary relic structures at the D harmarf~ika complex and

Butkara I functioned to define and enclose the pmdalcyi:rzapatlza in a
way that is analogous to th e vedikii format found at north Indian
sites like Bharhut. Botl1 were constructed with the patronage of mul-
tiple donors (monks and lay followers) and thus reflect the concerns
of a broad segment of the religious community. While little can be
said about the beginning of tJ1e Gandharan mu-rative tradition (which
probably started in phase I <U1d certainly in phase IT), the reli ef.~
illustrating episodes from the Buddha's life would have presumably
served functions similar to dwse of tJ1e narratives found on the gate-
ways of stii.pas like Bharhut or Saner I. At some p oint during phase
I, the main stzifJas at the Dha.rmaraji.ka complex and Butkara I were
refurbished to stress axial characteristics; plinths and a vedilca with
four stairways were added at Butkara l, and four directional gate-
ways were placed at the Dharmarajika complex.
65 f or a discussion of how d1ese stair risers can be reconstr·ucted and the scenes
identified, see Errington, "T he Western Discovery of the A11 of Gandha.ra," 246- 51.
66
Taddei, "Oral Narrative, Visual 1an-ative, Lit.enuy Narrative in Ancient Buddhist
India," 8 l.
6
' rbid., so.
60 CHAPTER T\.VO
Monastic structures were constructed along the boundaries of the

Dharmarajika sacred area, and a similar pattern is observed in Sirkap.
The enclosing monasteries and the distribution of small stftpas indi-
cate that the sites were organized around the main stupa to take
advantage of the power perceived to be radiating from its relies;.
D uring pha~e I, both the Jay and monastic communities focused theit
devotional activities on relics. Strong Links appear to have existed
between Gandlu1ra and the larger Indian Buddhist community du~
ing phase I. From an architectural standpoint, tl1is is reflected in th<t
diffusion of round stUpas, the brief adoption of stone vedikiis, and the
popularity of post-Asokan Lion-crowned colwnns. While these specifie
forms can be correlated to those of north India, such foreign mod-
els were rapidly recontextualized and transfo.r med to serve Gandharad
needs: round radial stii.pas gave way to square frontal formats, the
vedikiis were dropped in favor of encircling the main stupa with smaller
stzipas, and the colwnns were placed on stupa bases following a pat•
tern unique to Gandhara.
Other phase I remains are difficult to identify soldy on the basis
of the extant architectural evidence. At J amal Ga.rhr, the sta.ir risers
may indicate that this site was active during phase I, but the stair-
way leading up to tl1e main stii.pa court, to which tl1ey are attached,
is clearly a phase lii construction. T he Chakpat stupa in Swat can
be attributed to phase I on the basis of multiple lines of corTobo-
rating evidence, such as its round shape and enclosed pradak.riTJ.apath{tJ
kaiijur ashlar masonry, and the in situ garland holders; whether phase
I sites other than Butkara I were active in this region is unknown.
Evidence of the early development of sculpture is much debatedj
and little consensus has been reached. O n the basis of Marshall's
excavation of Sirkap, there is general agreement that the non-Buddhist
anthropomorphic images, notably the toilet trays, are a!llOng the ear-
liest sculptural remains. T oday, most scholars will also accept that
the Indo-Parthian style is very early, especially when applied tO
objects that do not show d1e Buddha in anthropomorphic form, such
as d1e garland holders, which could still date to early in phase I]
(fig. 12). However, it seems clear d1at multiple styles were popular
in Greater Gandhara, as is evident in the extensive corpus of nar•
rative sculpture.
•
CHAPTER THREE
THE DEVELOPMENr OF REUC SHRINES:

PHASES I AND fi
Relics of the Buddha were important to the people of Gandhara,

especially during phases I and II. T his is attested by the many slit-
pas built as foci for veneration in the sacred areas and monasteries.
Also important were shrines that openly displayed relics so that they
could be seen by devotees. Until now, such shrines have gone un-
noticed in the architectural record , but there i~ considerable evidence
in texts, sculptural depictions, and architectural remains to provide
us with insight into the function and importance of such structures.
These "direct-access" relic shrines were constructed at many Gandharan
Buddhist sacred areas to provide a place where import<mt relics, Like
the alms bowl of the Buddha, could be seen, touched, and vener-
ated. These shrines also had to be constructed in such a way that
they provided security for the relics when they were not on display.
While some shrines fulfilled the dual function of display and secur-
ity, in other instances two separate structures were created. 1
3.1 Chi11ese Pilgrims' Accounl.s of Direct Access

Relic Slm1zes in Gandhi.ira
The Chinese pilgrims Faxian <md Xuanzang wrote about relics that
could be seen and touched in Gandhara (direct-access relics). Their
accounts stress the importance of the alms bowl and the Uf?~i$(1 por-
tion of the skull of the Buddha, which appear to have been central
objects of veneration for local p eople and rhose on pilgrimage,
although other signmcant reJjcs, such as the eyebaU, staff, and robe
apparently were also on display. In 630 C.E. Xuanzang visited the
shrine of the sk'1.11l in Ha<;k,la and described it in the foUowmg manner:
1 Behrendt, "Reuc Shrines of Gandhara: A Rcinteq,retation of l11e Ard1 aeological

Evidence."
62 CHAPTER TIIREE
There is here a two-storicd tower: the beams are painted and the
columns colored red. In the second story is a Little slllpa, made of the
seven precious su bstances; it comains the sL:uU-bone of Tathligata; it
is I foo L 2 inches round; th e hair orifices are distinct: its colo ur is
whitish-yellow. It is e nclosed in a prc<;ious receptacle, which is placed
in the middle of the stupa. 2
T his passage tell~ us not only about the shrine that housed tlw skull
bone and its precious receptacle (herein referred to as a stupo/rdi-
quary), but also about the physical nature of the relic itself. The
Chinese pilgrim also described the practices surrounding seeing and
touching the Buddha's si..'UII.
Those who wish to make lucky or unlucky presages (marks} make a
paste of seemed earth, and impress it on the sk-ull-bone; then accord-
ing 10 their merit is th e impression made.... All who wish to see the
skull-bone of Tathiigata havt~ to pay one gold piece; those who wish
to take an impression pay live pieces ... tJ1ough the c harges arc heavy,
the worshippers are num croux. 3
Actually touching the skull-bone was very important, worth the high
price. This relic had spirilllal importance for the d«>votees, pilgrims,
and monastic community, besides being a source of revenue.
Two hundred years earlier, when Faxian was in Gandhara, circa
400 C. E., he visited a shrine in the Peshawar basin containing the
alms bowl of the Buddha, a nd wrote:
The alms-bowl of the Buddha is still in this country ... There are per-
haps iOO priests. At the approach of noo n the priests bring out the
alms-bowl, a nd with the Upasil kas make all kinds of ofterings to it....
lt lthc bowl) is of m ixed rolour, but yet c hiefly black. The lour divi-
sio ns are quite clear. . . . lt is glistening and bright. 4
This account indicates the impo rtance that such relics had fo r the
foreign pilgrim. After Faxian's two companions, Pao Yu n and Sang
King, made offerings to the begging bowl of the Buddha, they
returned to China;l apparently, seeing the bowl was the climactic
goal of the pilgrimage. The writings of Xuanzang, Sung Yun, and
many others, including more than half of the 96 Chinese monks
whose accoun ts are preserved in the Gaosengz/man (The lives qf Eminent
2
Hsilan-tsang, Si-'Yu-Ki. Bluldhist Rl't:MdJ ~l the We.rtern WtrrM, 95 6.
' Ibid., 96 7.
4 Fa-hian, Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist Ruords ~j'tJu IVutem IJ1qrfd, xxxiii.
' Tbid.
(, y hied me 'e 11
"flU: DEVELOPME!'IT OF RELIC SHRJNES: PHASES I At'IJD ll 63
Monks, edited in 519 C.£ .)6 attest to this also. It appears that Chinese
pilgrimage gready increased in the 4th and 5th centuries C .E. and
that the shrine of the alms bowl was regularly visited. 7
T he importance of direct-access relics is also seen in the relief
sculpture. The mundane origin of the alms bowl is recounted in the
narrative reliefs: the fow· bowls that the Lokapalas offered were fused
into one just before the Buddha broke his fast . Perhaps more
significandy, the alms bowl is shown sitting on a low throne and
being venerated by worshippers. Iotably, these devotional scenes
appear as focal object~ in false gable stapa reliefs (fig. 122, top reg-
ister) and on the bases of iconic images (fig. 123).8 T he many depic-
tions of the Buddha's bowl in the art show the importance it acquired
in Gandhara where it was enshrined.
The sculptural evidence shows that relics, like the alms bowl, were
placed on low platforms, and this method of display was noted in
the Chinese accounts. Faxian, describing the skull bone at Ha<;l<;ia
wrote:
They place it (the skull bone of the Buddha] outside the viM.ra9 [direct-
access relic shr:iJ1e] on a high throne; taking a circular stand of the
seven precious substances, the stand is placed below (the reEc] , and a
t,>iass bell as a cover over it. All the;;se are adorned wi!.h pearls and
gems.10
The Chinese accounts consistendy tell us that direct-access relics were
displayed on thrones or platforms, and this is corroborated by the
sculptural evidence. In addition to the alms bowl, reliquaries simi-
lar to those recovered from Gandharan st!ipas are shown sitting on
low platforms. We even find depictions of relics on platforms, enclosed
in bell-shaped forms, with a clod1 draped over them (fig. 118)--per-
haps the glass bell mentioned by Faxian. These accounts by for-
eigners and the extensive sculptural evidence indicate that shr;nes to
store and display relics were important elements of Ganclharan sacred
areas.
• Kuwayama, "The Buddha's Bowl i.n Gandhara and Relevant Problems," 946.
' Ibid.
3 K. Behrendt, " Relics and Thei.r Representa tion in Gandhara," in Atlmg, ed.
P. Pal (Mwnbai: Marg Publicmions, in press).

9
l11e terrn vilwra as used in this book refers to the monaste1y, but it can also
refer to a shrine, as in Faxian's writing.
1
° Fa-hian, Si-'Y'u· Ki. BtUIIUlisl Records tif tlw Wuu~?l World, xxx.iv.

64 CHAPTER THREE
In narrative reliefs depictions of shrines show devotees venerating

them as they would a stiipa (fig. 119). It is therefore surprising thaJ
no edifices associated with these practices have been identified in the
;uchaeological record. I contend that a variety of such structures dG
exist and have gone tmnoticed, rnisidentified as shrines where images
were placed. Buildings such as the H structur e at the Dharmarajik~
complex, Mohra Maliaran, and the Great Building at Butkara I an:
likely all direct-access relic shrines (fig. 1, northwest area; figs. l ~
97, 98). All of these structures were built too early to have contained
images, and each occupies a prominent position.
Direct-access relic worship, on the basis of the 5th- 7th cennuy
C.E. accounts of the Chinese pilgrims, would seem to require archi-
tectural structures to display the relic and to house and safeguard it
when it was not on display. Such openly displayed relics appear to
have been extremely valuable; a 6th centwy northem Wei text (the
Fiifa<.angyiri:J>Uanl)wan) tells us that Kani~ka accepted as tribute thcJ
Buddha's alms bowl in lieu of 300 million pieces of gold. 11 While
this account is probably not historic, it does suggest that certain relics
had great value and needed careful protection.
Faxian wrote in great detail about both the display of the skull
relic and the security measures taken to protect it from theft. In thd
morning, before the shrine doors were opened, the seal~ of eight
men of the first families of the country had to be inspected; these
men then washed their hands in scented water and brought the skul]
bone out and placed it on a high stand (possibly the platform seen
in sculptur.U depictions). After the offerings had been made, the men
returned the skull bone to the shrine, which is described as a "final~
emancipation tower (a tower shaped like a dagaba [stupa])." Within
this shtine the skuJI bone was kept in a stupa/reliquaty about 1.5 m
tall, that could be opened and shut, made of the seven precious
substances. 12
Using Faxian's description, we can identify three stilpas with large
relic chambers that were regularly entered: the phase I Jaz:~<;lial B
complex outside of Sirkap (see fig. 15); the phase IT main A4 stttpa
of KaJawan (fig. 20), and the probable phase IV stupa at Mohenjo·
Daro in the Sind. Additionally, several related structures appear to
11 Kuwayama, "The Buddha's Bowl in Ganclha''' and Relevant Problems," 96 1;

Ftifa</IIVJ!i'!J"at~}trwz (Taisho 50: 3 l5b}.
12 Fa-hian, Si-ru-IG.. Buddltist Ru:ords l!fthe W~tem World, xxxiv.
Bahan dengan hak ci a

•
THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELlC SHRINES: PHASES I AND 11 65
have had this same function: the phase I Ja~:tc,lial C temple near
Sir.kap (fig. 14), probably the pha~e ll Sirkap aps1dal temple in block
D (fig. 10), the phase m or IV Najigram stupa and the pha~e III or
IV T okardara structure (fig. 112). The function and inclividual char-
acteristics of these openable stitpos and specialized shrines are clis-
cussed below in the appropriate chronological sections.
There i~ also clear evidence from China that helps us identity
openable stftpos and shrines used as direct-access relic structures. At
the Chinese site of Famens1 active during the Tang dynasty, four
relics of the Buddha were kept in a chamber under the superstruc-
ture of the stupa, accessible by a pa%age. 13 We know from court
documents that the Famensi relics were removed only for special
occasions, not on a regular basis, as at Ha<;l<;la. 14 Court records show
that this site received imperial patronage, and on at least eight occa-
sions between 625 and 874 C.E., the relics were brought from
Famensi in procession 120 kilometers to be clisplayed in the capital
of China (usually for a period of three days). 15
3.2 Architectural Evidence for Direct-Access Relic Shrines

in and around Sirkap: Phases I and 1I
The earliest relic shrines in Greater Gandhara are found in Taxila.

Immecliately to the west of the city of Sirkap is a group of religious
monuments d1at served d1e citizens of this metropolis: the j aJ,l<,lial B
stiipa and monastery, the JaJ?.<;iial C temple, and Mohra Maliaran,
the latter a temple excavated by Cunningham but no Longer extant.
In the J al)<;lial B complex (fig. 15), there is a square-based stiipa, con-
structed of phase I kaiijur ashlar masonry, similar to those found in
Sirkap; it has an unusual 3.35 by 4.25 m relic chamber whitewashed
\vith several layers of lime on the interior. 16 Sometime in phase Ill,
" Z. Qixin, "Buddhist Treasures from Famensi: The Recent Excavation of Tang
Underground Palace," Orie11Uitio1LS 21 (1990); R. Whit:field, "Esoteric Buddhist Elements
in the Famensi Reliquary Deposit," Asiatische Studien XLIV, no. 2 (1990).
" Qixin, "Buddhist Treasures from Famensi: The Recent Excavadon of Tang
Underground Palace," 77.
I$ Whitfield, "Esoteric Buddhist Element~ in d1e Famensi Reliquary Deposit,"
248.
16
The early date of this stiifJa is also ~1.1pportcd by the recovery of 12 coins of
Soter Megas in the debris arow1d the stttpa:, these coins were buried after the ear-
lier stiipa. was built but before d1e later one was established, accorcting to MarshaU

66 CHAPTER THREE
after this early stiipa had fallen into ruin, a round drum of semi-ash-
lar masonry was built on top of the original base, which retained
the earlier relic chamber. The refurbis ~une nt shows that this monu-
ment continued to be important enough to be repaired long aftar
the nearby urban site of Si.rkap had been abandoned.17 The multi-
ple layers of paint: within the oversized relic chamber suggest that
thjs space was not sealed. It seems likely that it was used to store
relics that were pe•iodjcaiJy taken out, and the fact that people
needed to enter the relic chamber accounts for its large size a nd
interior finish .
Sun-ounding trus possible direct-access slilpa was a phase I mon ~
tic court with rooms that, though irregular, can be compared to the
Sirkap block A sacred area, where the stiipa sat in a vilzara court.
Within trus monastic court is a large slui.ne with a raised platfo•·m
that Marshall suggested was an image shrine (fig. 15: court T and
chapel).18 Because no other image shrines, especially so large, caa
be dated to phase I (most date to phase ill) it seems likely that this
platform was used to display the direct-access reljcs that were housed
in the enterable stupa. The oversized enterable relic chamber would
have provided security for these relics when they were not on clis.-
play. The accounts of the Chinese pilgrims and the many sculptural
depictions or relics being placed and worshipped on thrones cor-
roborate this hypothesis.
Another phase I monument that may have been used to display
direct-access relics is the massive 48.1-rn-long jaJ)c;lial C temple (fig.
14), which, along with J a•:H;lia.l B, is near the main gate into the city
of Sirkap.19 Considerable debate surrounds the function and religious
("Excavations at Taxila," ·~0; Taxilt.z, 356). Only the base of this stiipa survives (circa
lst century B.C.E. Saka pe tiod), but the <-elk chamber can be t-ela ted to this phase
I stage of construction.
11
Marshal!, Tt~.liltz, 354. A small silver relic c.,-u;ket was fou nd in the debris by
an early treasure hunter, who had opened the relic chamber (Marsh.,1.U, "Excava tior!S
at Ta.xila," 40).
18
Jvfarshall, Taxw, 356.
19 Marshal! initially da ted jat;~Qial C to the 1st centtuy B.C .E. because .he believed
it was strucwraJJy similar to Mollfli i\llaliaraii (known to Man;haU only through

C tumingham's description and dated by coin finds) (lbid., 225). However, in a post-
script, ~vlarshaU attributed jat~\lill.l C to the time of the construction of the walls of
Sirkap, or the Greek period (MarshaU, Taxi/a, 229}. Various coi11S were found at
j aJ)(lial C, including three Azes, four Soter MC!:,>"3S, three Kadphises II, 6ve Kan~ka
I, two Huvi~ka, four Vasudeva, one Siu11an1.3.deva., and one Ha.rsh;:, of Kashm.iJr
(Ma.rshaU, Taxi/a, 225). This numismatic evidence indicates that the site t'emained

•
11iE DEVELOPl\-!fuVf OF RELIC SHRlNES: PHASES J AND Jl 67
affiliation of tlus temple, but several characteristics suggest that it

was used as a direct-access relic shrine. Like many other Buddhist
relic shrines (fig. 1, H structure; figs. 97, 98, 20, shrine A5), it has
both an antechamber and cella enclosed witllln a circumambulatory
path, and an inner sanctum, which contains a large platform (1.66
m high and 2.43 m wide). Tlus cella was equipped with doors for
restricting access into tJlis part of the temple. In the rear of tl1e
structure are stairs that led to an upper sto•y, possibly some sort of
tower, where the relics could conceivably have been securely stored;
the foundation of tllis part of the temple is about 6 m thick, indi-
cating that it supported a massive structure. 20 Again, the Chinese
accoun ts help us to understand tills feature, because they tell us that
relics were secured in upper stories. I believe that the relics would
have been taken out of the (presumed) tower, where they had been
protected and were then displayed pe,·iodically on tl1e throne in tile
cella. In other words, the ]a.J:.l<;lial C templ.e would have functioned in
a manner similar to tllat of the Ja~<;lial B openable stftpa and shrine.
The design of tl1e Ja.J:.l<;iial C temple probably has foreign origins,
which, togetller witl1 its early date, account for its unique charac-
teristics among Buddhist monuments. Marshall argued that it fol-
lowed a Classical Greek temple plan because of its surrounding perst:Jle,
here a ci.rcumambulatory corridor pierced witll windows, its t\VO ionic
columns framjng the entrance, its pronaos or front porch, naiJS, and
opisLiwdomos (the stairway area).2 r Scholars have suggested that Ja,~Qial
C was built to serve some religious tradition other than Buddllism,
in use long after the ci ty of Sirkap had been abandoned, and cenainly imo phase
IJI, if not later.
20 The ]aJ:J~iaJ temple was built of coarse r·ubble with kwijur molclings and was
covered in stucco. There is evidence of repairs, which Marshall took to indicate
th at this building was f.1b.ricated before the 30 C.E. earthquake he hypothesized
(Marshal!, Taxiia, 223). As Marshall's earthquake can only be seen as a Likely pos-
sibility, this suggestion must be treated caULiously . The platform in the inner san c-
tum was added; it overlaps the base molding of the room, and a plaster coating is
vi sible in earl)' photographs, sho''~.ng that this element is not the product of 20th
century restoration. Also, the inner san ctum had doors; fragments of the jambs and
pa.rts of the fi-amc.: were found (Marshal!, Taxi/a., 224). Little significant sculpture
was recovered, with d1e t:xception of a stone image depicting a footprint of the
Buddha (l:v[arshal l, Ta.r:iln, 224). Marshal) concluded that it was not a Buddhist mon-
ument bt:catL~e of a lack of r·elics and images. However, we would not expect tO
6nd images in association with such an early temple, and if this was a direct-access
relic shrine, the relic alrnost certainly would have been taken when d1e site was
abandoned.
21
Marshall, "f:.xcav~ttions at Taxila," 35- 6.

68 CHAPTER TfiRE~:
as it is very different from other known Buddhist monwnents. Marshall

thought that the tower w-as similar to a ziggurat and speculated that
it was Zoroastrian; 22 recently, it has been suggested that it might
have been a Hindu temple devoted to Vishnu.23 Both of these hypothe-
ses are based on the presence of the platform in the cella, becauss:
tJus temple seemed too early to house an iconic image of the Buddha...
However, neither considers the possibility that d1e platform w·as used
to display relics.
Evidence from the nearby Mohra Mal.iarai'i temple can. be used.
to better understand j a.J)<;lia.I C witll.in a Buddhist context. This strucr
ture no longer ex.ists; it is known only from Cunningham's 1870$
plans and description.H After finding Ionic pillars, Cunningham
decided to excavate the site of Mohra Maliara.i'i (fig. 13), where a
massive shrine (27. 7 by 19.5 m) similar to ja.J)Qial C was brought
to light. It had a fi·ont porch area (A), flanked by two smaller rootn.s
that gave way into a rear cella (C), all of which were enclosed by a
circumambulatory path (D). The rear cella was ringed with a raised
platform, apparently for statues (P). Cunningham found 12 coin~
which he identified as issues of Azes; they were buried in the floor
adjacent to the platform; he used them to date d1e foundation of
this monumc;nt to the lst century B.C.E. T hese coins would date
the monument to phase I even if they were minted by Azes II. Cun-
ningham s;ud a well-known digger of ru1tiquities named Nur had
removed large plaster statues and quantities of gold leaf from the
cella., and Cunningham found more plaster images in the circU!Th-
ambulatory path. He identified d1ese images as Buddhist, describing
them as having curly hair and "hands in the lap or raised in the
attitude of teaching." 25 Cunningham concluded that this was a Buddhist
22 M.arshall, Taxiu1, 226, 333. J. Modi argued that the fire altar would have beeo
on dte platform io tbe main sanctum (Marshall, Ta.:ci.la, 226).
113 C . Rapin, " Hinduism in the Indo-Crcek Area: Notes on Some lndia.n Finds
from Bactria and on Two Temples in Taxila," in In the Land qf the GryplronJ: PapetS
011 Cmtral Asian Archaeology in Anliqui!J•, ed. A. lnvemizzi, Mor10grqfie di M=fJolamio.
(FLorence: Casa Editrice le lettcrc, 1995}, 290.
"' A. C unningham, "Shahdheri or Ta.-..-ila," in Ardweological Suro9 qf 1rulin: Repo'fJ
for lhe .rear 1872- 1873, ed. A. Cunningham (Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent
of Government Prirtting, 1875}, 69 - 72. Eni.ngton has attempted to trace Cunningham~
finds; in an analysis of bis excavation, she has pointed out that Cunn.iogham recorded
uncovering the fo undations of only two pillal'S, whereas his plan indicated siX\
Errington ("The Western Discovery of the A•·t of Gandha.ra," 181 - 3) ha.s sugges~.ed
that the portico is a cor~ecrural reconstruction.
2S Cunningha.m, "Shahdheri or Taxila," 70.
......
THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELIC SHRINES: PHASES I AND 1l 69
temple and suggested that the two columns in the cella supported a
canopy for an image tJ1at was, perhaps, placed on the back wall.
This edifice clearly is similar to the ] aJ!Qial C temple; I believe that
it was built to house a direct-access relic, which was displayed in
the rear cella. The plaster sculptures reported by Cunningham were
probably donated later, during phase Ill, as important Buddhist relic
structures were common loc1 for gifts of sculpture (see section 6.3.9
Mohra Moradu: Phase III Architecture and Additive Imagery).
Cunningham's description of the sculpture corresponds to the typi-
cal phase Ill stucco production from Taxila (see fig. 34), with which
he was familiar. It leaves no doubt that Mohra Maliaraii, and prob-
ably by analogy J ru:H;lial C, were Buddhist shrines, not temples ded-
icated to Vishnu or Zoroaster.
The apsidal temple D at Sirkap (fig. 10) is a somewhat later struc-
tw-e that appears to be related to the above direct-access relic shrines.
T he entire temple and the outer square enclosure were fabricated
out of phase II diaper masonry. 26 T wo small bases bracketing its
entrance could have supported columns or small slftpas.V The apsi-
dal D temple had an antechamber <u1d rear apse separated by a
doorway, and in place of the stii.pa is a finished pit 9.75 m in dia-
meter and 5.5 m deep. R unning around tJ1e temple is a passage that
is too narrow for circumambulation. The temple was constructed on
a massive scale like J aD<;Iial. C and Mohra Maliarafi, although its
form can be compared to smaller phase II structures such as the I3
apsidal hall in the Dharrnarajikii. complex (fig. 1: western avenue)
and the A 1 two-celled shrine at Kalawan (fig. 20).28 All of these
Gandharan apsidal halls differ from their lndi<u1 counterparts in that
a doorway separated the entrance foyer from where the relics were
kept. In the case of the Sirkap apsidal temple D, the doon vay sep-
arating the cella and antechamber was 4.25 m wide; a massive hinge
for turning the door back against the wall indicates that the chamber
26 This structure may have been reconstructed on the sire of an earlier monu-
ment; if this is rhe case it was ex-panded, because the walled enclosure sits on the
filled-in, leveled remains of earlier buildings (Marshall, Taxila, 150).
v Kuwayama, "L1 the Time of Late Sirkap and Early Dharmarajika: How Taxila
Introduced Stiipa Architecture," paper presented at the conference "O n the Cusp
of an Era: Art in the Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8-12, 2000, Kansas City.
28 Only the fou ndations of d1e apsidal halls in Gandhara sul\livc (Sirkap block
D and 13 at d1e Dharmarajika complex), so it is impossible to know if they had

wagon-shaped roofs like the cai!J'a halls in west lndia.
70
could be sealed. 29 These doorways seem to indicate that restricted

access was important to the Gandharan Buddhists, whereas in north
India no division between foyer and stilpa or relic area is found.
Suggesting that this temple housed a relic is the fact that Cunningham
found the lid of a reliquary in the antechamber. 30
The lack of a stilpa in the cella of the Sirkap apsidal D temple is
problematic. If tllis was a direct-access shrine, a possible explana--
tion for the massive pit in the apse is rel.ic storage, but it is impos-
sible to say what kind of cover or structure existed over tllis chamber.
Marshall believed that tl1e stilpa was destroyed "doubtless by trea--
sure-seekers, even before Cunningham examined the builcling in
1863." 31 In contrast, Cunningham said that "the walls of the pit are
plastered, and its floor is solidly paved with rough stones to a deptil
of more than 4 feet." 32 I have exan1ined many looted stilpas (tl1e reJ.i,..
quary has been a common goal of treasure seekers), and I have never
found that the superstructure of the stilpa had been leveled; more-
over, looters would be most unlikely to dig a finished hole 9.75 m
in diameter and 5.5 m deep. 33
T his huge sunken chamber is not easily explained and cannot be
readily linked to a sti1.pa. The apsidal temple at Six.kap seems mor~
closely related .in function to the nearby JaJ.lc;liill B direct-access relie
stilpa, with its oversized fi11ished relic chamber. The large, finished
chamber where tl1e stiipa should have been could have housed relics,
and the apsiclal hall would seem to be ideally suited for the display
of such objects of veneration. Perhaps this underground chambe:r
was covered by an openable st7i.pa made of some sort of perishable
29A. Cunningham, "Ta.Aila, or Takshasila," in Arclwcologiutl Suroey qf India: Fow

Repmts Made Dwing tile rau> 1862- 63- 64- 65, ed. A. Cunningham (SimJa: Govem.ment
Central Press, 1871), 127.
30
T his stea1ite box lid (7.5 cm in diamercr) found in the antechamber (Ibid.,
127- 8), was subse<ll•endy given to the British Museum (BM 1887, 7- 17, 44) (En'ingtou,
"The Western Discovery of the Art of Gandhara," 180). The lid clear!}' belonged
to a reliquary.
31
Marshall, Ta:rila, 15 1.
32
Cunn.ingham, "Sh~1hdheri or Taxila," 74. In an earlier repon, Cunninghaoo
discussed the form of this chamber at length, noting that d1e ,,-alJs still bore traCC!S
of stucco (Cunn.ingham, "Taxila, or TakshasiJa ," 127- 8).
53 Cwmingham's pit had been filled in when .M arshall excavated, but Ma1'Shafl
did note that inside the sunken apse, at a depth of 45 cm, "'as a horizontal cow11e
of timber with da.do pa.neling (the wood having been replaced by mud) (.Marshall,
Taxi/a, 15 1- 2). He preserved this by filling it with ashlar Limestone blocks.
Bahan dengan hak ci~ a

THE DEVE.LOP~IEJ\"1' OF RELl C SHRINES: PHASES I Al"'D 11 71
material; d1is is likely, as other Buddhist apsidal halls on the Indian

subcontinent do contain st1ipas.
Cunningham described the antechamber of the Sirkap apsidal D
temple as a "hall of statue" and he reported the recovety of " numer-
ous pieces of burnt clay statues of colossal size, which would have
been arranged, round the four sides.":H He estimated that some of
the figures must have been about 3 m tall, as one recovered head
had a face measuring 26.6 cm and one hand 14 cm broad, across
the four fingers. 3$ Unfortunately, these images were never photo-
graphed, and they have since been lost. When l\t{arshall excavated, he
found stucco heads within the apsidal temple's courtyard. 36 One of
these heads was 32.5 cm tall, indicating that the complete in1age was
larger than life -size, supporting Cunningham's observations about
the images in the antechamberY
The presence of this circums~:.:mtial evidence and the Hel.lenisric
style of the sculpture led Marshall <md others to suggest that iconic
images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas might have been created as
early as the phase U foundation of this court, or earlier. 38 While a
phase II attribution is generally consistent with the foundation of
tllis site, it seems possible that some of the monumental stucco and
terracotta images that Marshall and Cunningham recovered could
be later aclctitions (see section 6.3.9 Mohra Moradu: Phase ill Architec-
lure and Additive lmagety).39
34 Cunningh am, "Shahdheri or· T axi.la," 74.

3S Cunningham, "TaA-ila, or Takshasila," 127. Marshall (TOX1lll, 154) recovered
several swcco heads that he asserted once adorned the small structures in front of
the apsidal hall.
36 On.ly the very bases of these two structures survive; they were built with heavy
limestone blocks. This masomy type is atypic,1.l, and the associated sculpture has
been dated to a wide range of periods on the basis of stylistic evidence (Marshall,
Taxila, 154- 55).
" Ibid., 154.
~ Ma r-shall arg·ued on the basis of ha.i rstyle t.hat one of the heads might depict
the Buddha ([bid., 155, pi. 148, no. 6). Susan Huntington has suggested d1ar one
of the heads (see Ibid., pi. 148, no. 5) may be a represema tion of a bodhisattva,
on the basis of the hairstyle, which is a standa.rd f.e ature of later bodhisattva images
(S. Hurrtington and .J. Huntington, 'n~e Art qf Ancient. b1dia: Buddhist, Hiudu, Jain, 1st
eel. [New York: Weathcr·hill, 1985), 117). Also see L. Nchru, Origi11s qf tl1e Gtmdlwran
S!fle: A Stut!y qf Cantribu/Qry lnjlumces (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), 71;
Kuwayama, " lJl the Time of Late Sirkap and Early Dharmarajika: How TaA-ila
Introduced Stltjm Architecrurc," paper presented at the con1e rence "On the Cusp
of an Era: Art in the Pre-Kus.ban World," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City.
S9 In fact, the only othe r images larger than tile-size li·om phases I and li ar:e

72 CHAPTER THREE
The fact that the apsidal temple was rebuilt during phase U, after
the city of Sirkap had already begun to decline, indicates that this
religious sanctuary continued to be important to the people of Tax.ila.
The addition of later sculpture to tllis sacred area is an indication
of ongoing patronage and indicates the importance of the relics that
must have been housed in this apsidal hall.
Another Taxila direct-access stilpa from phase ll can be found m
the sacred area of Kalawan. The phase II main st1ipa A4 (fig. 20~
has a circular relic chamber 4.03 m in diameter, which starts t<l
taper inward about a meter above the floor. The interior walls of
this chamber were fulished ; the multiple layers of whitewash indi~
cate that it was regularly entered and that its appearance was significant
enough to necessitate repainting from time to lime.'10 This was one
of the la~t monwnents MarshalJ excavated in Tax.ila; he stated that
he was "quite certain that in this case the chamber could not have
been filled in." 41 This structure was rep<lired throughout the occu~
pation of the site 42 and served as the main monwnent of the sacred
area (see section 4.1.1 Kalawan: Phase II .Architecture). The unfilled
relic chamber of the Kalawan A4 stupa is crucial to an understand-f
ing of the oversized chamber of the j a.t)<;lial B stlipa and the pres~
ence or a finished pit in the cella of the Sirkap apsidal D hall. Aln
three of these monwnents had la..·ge, fmished relic cha..nbers, and
they seem to have shar ed a corrrmon function: to store relics when
they were not on &~play. 45 One puzzling feature is the absence of
doorways leading into the large relic chambers that are at the core
of each of the monuments. It is my opinion that they were all entered
from above via ladders that could be removed, to protect the relics
from the casual thief or passing ma..·auders.+~ Reliquaries are often
in Mathura; examples are the Bala bodhisat.tva or the non-Buddhist Kushan d)rnas~
tic portrai ts from Mat.
"' Marsball, Ta.xila, 323.
"' Marshal], "E.~ploracion at Taxila 1930- 34," 160.
' 2 Mm·shall, Ta.xila, 323-4.
+s 'll•e circa 5th centUiy C.E. main stupa at Mohe•~o Daro had a hollow relic
chamber about 6 m in diameter; painted plaster 6-ag:ments indicate that it 'vas plas-
tered and painted on the interior U. Mm·shall, Mohtrrjo-Daro and lhe buirJJ Cioili.J:pti.fJII.
[London: A Probsthain, 193 1), l I 5). MarshalJ's repo•t questioned the work of his
assistants Banerji and Wartekar, but in his later publication on the Kalawan remains
he reconsidered his skepticism about the finishing of the Mohenjo D aro relic cham-
ber (M.arshaU, Taxila., 324).
44
Marshall (" Exploration at Tax:ila I 930- 3<l," I 72) suggested that the treasuries
in monaste1~cs were scaled cells that were accessed from above.
Bahan dengan hak cip a

"tli'E DEVELOPMENT OF R.EUC SHRINES: PHASES I AND 11 73
found stacked along the central access of solid stupas, some of which
were reopened on occasion. T his pattern of relic interment indicates
that regular stilpas were opened, to add or divide relics, by digging
down from above along the vertical axis of the monument. 45
3.3 Two-Gelled Stupa Shrines and Di:rect-Access Shrines:

Phases I and 11
While the phase I and II temples in and around the city of Sirkap
and the openable stiipas fi·om Ja,r:tqial B and Kalawan form an eclec-
tic group, a coherent relic-shrin e type does begin to emerge at non-
urban Buddhist centers near the beginning of phase II. T he
"two-celled" shrine characteristically had a front antechan1ber, some-
times an open porch, that provided access to a restricted cella where
the stiipa or relic was housed; good examples in clude the stiipa shrines
along the edge of Butka.ra Ill (figs. I 00, 102) and the G5- 6 shrine
in the Dharmarajika complex (fig. 1). The codification of the two-
celled shrine occurred in conjunction with its popularization at many
sites in Taxila , Swat, and, to a lesser extent, the Peshawar basin.
While it is difficult to know what the upper superstructure of these
shrines would have looked like, they do appear in the relief sculp-
ture, sometimes as closed structures (fig. 119), sometimes . .vith relics
on display (fig. 118), and there is a relief from Butkara I that shows
an internal stupa on display (fig. 99). By phase ITI, the construction
of new two-celled shrines had dramatically declined; eventually they
died out.
The two-celled relic shrine appears in part to have grown out of
the Gandharan apsidal halls like the D harmarajika 13 shrine and in
part from temples like Mohra Ma!iarai'i or J ai).qial C (fig. 1, west
side; figs. 13, 14). In both of these groups, the rear cella could be
secured behind doors, in contrast to rock-cut ca.iiJ'a halls, like Bhaj a
•~ Stacked relic deposits were found in the Mar:Ukyala and Devnimori main stfi-
pos (R. M ehta and S. Chowdbary, Ercavation at Dll(lni,wri; a Report qf the F..xcavatiorl
C.onductcd .from 1960 to 1963 (M.S., University of Baroda, 1966). ]<or further infor-
mation on the Mal)iJ..-yaJa stUpa, see Cunni.ngham, " Mani.b:yala-1863," 152- 72;
Cwmingharn, " Manikyala-1872," 75-9; S. Oar, "Excavations at Manikyala- 1968,"
Pakistan Archaeology 7 (1970--71); J Fergusson, J. Burgess, and R. Spiers, History qf
Indian wul Eastern Archi18clure (London: J. Munay, 1910); Stein, ArthtuOlogir.t~l Reco>uwissrmu.s
·ill North-Wu tem lrulia cmd South-Eastern lran.

74 CHAPTER THREE
or Karlf, in west India which do not have a restricted relic area.

The only apsiclal-shaped relic shrines in Gandhara are the 13 shrine
and the Sirkap apsidal D hall, but there are contemporary rectan-
gular structures that are related, such as the phase II A l and A I $
stiipa shrines at K.alawan (fig. 20, east of sacred m·ea). Perhaps tJ1e
Gandharan predisposition for rectangular temples appeared em·liest
in the Jan<;tial C and Mohra Maliaran examples; these structures
seem linked to tl1e later two-celled shrines, as they have antecham•
bers, rear cellae, and enclosing circwnambulatory paths.
Two-celled shrines containing masonry stupas can be found in pub·
lie sacred areas in T axila at Kalawan Akhaurf B, the Dharmarajik$
complex, and Bharnala, and in the Swat valley at Butkara Ill an4
Marjanai.-16 Many similar two-celled shrines are devoid of sWpas, sudl
as those at the D ha1marajika complex, Lalchak, Mohra Moradt~t
Kalawan, Takht-i-ba.hr, Jamal Garhr, and Butkara I.H Only in the
D harmarajika complex have loose relics been found in the two-ce.lledi
46 Kalawan stupo. sbri.nes AI , A l3, and Al4. Ao extra <ultechambcr was added
late r to the fr-ont of the Kalawan Al4 structure (Marshall, Ta.:rila, 325, pl. 72). The
Akhau ri B monastery has two two-ceUed stftpa slu·ines io the monastic enclosu r·cs,
but this is the only i.nstance of tllis shrine rype appearing "~ chin a monastery that
I arn awm·e of (Marshal!, Taxi/a, pi. 67b). At the Dha nnariijikii complex, lwfiiur frng.
ments of a sttipa were found in the early phase U G4 shrine (.Marshall, Taxiill, 255,
pi. ·~5). Tbere is a stilpa in tl1e .B8 Bhamala two-celled shr·ine (Mar:shall, Taxila., 39~
pi. 1 14). The Bhamala two-celled shrines are slightly difthem; the antechamber is
open on the sides, thus functioning rnore like a porch than a preceding room. A.t
Butkara Ifi, five two-cellecl sttipa sluines were excavated along the edges of the
sacred a rea, wh ich had been cut into tJ1e hil.l;;ide to form cave-Like cha mbel'{l
(Ra.hrnan, " Butkara ID."). At Matja.nai there is a two-celled stiifm shrine (sliipa 31
and the bases of three other str1pas were enclosed in si mple chambers (see fig. IOtf)
(Khan, " Prcli.mi.nary Report of Matjanai," 33).
., T he Dharrnar;ij:ikli two·ceUed shrines incl ude the early H structure; shrineS
GS- 6, L, M2- 2, and probably others originally had the two-celled configuratio~
including C l- 2, 12, and possibly MS and M9 (MarshalJ, Taxi/a, pl. 45). At Lalchal\',
Marshall assumed that tbe shrine to the left of the main stilpa was an image slvin~
but it follows IJ1e two-celled pattem, and, in any case, no images were found. 011
the basis of its shape, l believe the foundation to u1e right was p r·obably a two.
ceUed relic slui.ne (Ma.rshaU, Taxila, 389). The two-celled shrine at Moll.ff; Moriidtl
is not included in Marshall's plan of the site; it is just sou tJ1 of the entrance to tJte
main Jli1Jx• (field observation, 1993- 94}. T he A2 and A5 slu·ines at Kalawan follow
the two-celled format (MarshalJ, Ta.xila, pi. 72). Takht-i-bahi Tl, T2, T3(?}, and
T 4 m·e rwo-celled relic shrines (field observations, 1993- 94). At J amii.l Garhr, immer
diately behind the ma.in stfipa is a sh rine that basically follows the t1vo-celled par,.
tem, altJ1ough it has windows-a unique feature (field observations, 1993-94). The
Butkara I Great Building clearly follows the two-cdled format (Fa.ccenna, .Butkara
I, vol. 3, no 3, pi. A.'Vlii).
Copyrighted materi
•
THE DEVELOPllilEl\"1' OF REUC SHRlNES: PHASES I AND 11 75
shrines.48 It was here that d1e famous silver scroll inscription of the
year 136 was found, together with some relics in ihe G5- 6 two-
celled shrine (fig. I , just nord1 of the western avenue).19 Tllis inscrip-
oon says:
In the year 136 of Azes, on the 15th day of the month of Asha<;lha,
on this day relics of the Holy One [Buddha) were enshrined by Urasaka,
scion of J.riltavhi.ra, a Bactrian, resident of the town of Naocha. By
him these relics of the H oly One were enshrined in his own bod-
hisattva chapel at the Dharmadi.jika stripa at Takshasila, lor the bestowal
of health upon the great king, king of kings, the Son of H eaven, the
Kustmn; in honour of all Buddhas; in honour of the individual Buddhas;
in honour of the Arhats; in honour of all sentient beings; in honour
of (his) parents; i11 honour of (his) fri ends, advisors, kinsmen, and
blood-relations; for the bestowa.l of hea.lth upon himself May this thy
right munificent gift lead to Nirvan a .50
Thus, we know that an individual had relics of the Buddha placed

in his own t:wo-cel.led shrine; tllis inscription provides us with an idea
of how such shrines came into existence. That a single patTon pos-
sessed a relic of the Buddha and that this person from tl1e distant
town of Naocha in Bactria chose to donate this shrine is highJy
significant. It is unfortunate that we do not know the meaning of
the donor's reference to this structure being a Bodhisatvagahami,
translated by Marshal] as a bodhisattva chapel. Wllile the meaning
of tJ1is unique reference r-emains unclear, this inscription leaves no
doubt that tllis bui.lding was privately constructed witllin a larger
sacred area to house relics of the Buddha.
Empty two-ceLLecl sJu·ines, such as this one in the Dharmarajika
complex, which we know to have contained relics of the Buddha,
have been ignored or mi.sidentified by excavators. The main reason
is tllat tlley originally contained direct-access relics and/ or stupas
43 Relics were found i.n the C5- 6 shrine and in a.~sociation with the SlO sluine.
Tlus latter structure could have been ust:d either as a stilpn shrine or as a direct-
access relic shrine; two relic caskets wer·e found near the base of the west wall
beneath a block of kaiijur. Fu rther, the basic layout of this fi·agrnentary shrine gen-
erally fo llows the two-celled format, though later reconstruction makes tl1is conclu-
sion rermttive (M arshall, Ta.\'ila, 26 7).
49
Relics were found (apparently purposely buried) in a casket in the G5- 6 rwo-
cellccl shrine nem· the back wall of the a lia. This casket W 'd S abo\rt 30 ern below
tl1e floor <utd contained bon e fragments, along with the silver scroll inscription of
the year 136 (Ibid., 256-7 1).
)() [bid., 256.
76 CHAPTER THREE
made of precious materials that have not survived in the archaeo-

logicaJ record. The value of viewable relics and their reliquaries pro!)..
ably explains why the two-celled shrines in Gandhara had doors for
sealing the cellae and usually another set to close off the an.techam~
bers. While it is not surprising that these valuable relics or their pre•
cious stiipa-reliquaries have not been recovered, a significant number
of two-celled shrines, which contained more conventional stone stil•
pas, have survived relatively intact. T his i.s not to say that every
empty two-celled slu·ine housed direct-access relics, but rather that
some of the large, prominent two-ceUed shrines may have housed
relics of this kind. The distribution of two-ceUed shrines within th<!l
sacred areas also appears related to how worshipers would have
moved through these spaces as they visited subsidiary devotional
structures in conjunction with venerating the main str2pa.
An interesting aspect of the two-celled direct-access relic shrin~
especially the major ones like the Dharmaraji.ka H structure or tha
Great Building at Butkara I (figs. 97, 98, 123), is that the relic would
not always be on display. Thus, even when the relics were not 0 11
display, these buildings must have been perceived as places resonating
with the power of the relic. While there are assembly halls attached
to many uiM:ra complexes, which in most cases were devoid of images~'
or relic monuments, in Gandhara the only other La.rge strucnu-es that
could have accommodated multiple worshipers are these two-celledJ
shrines. It seems possible that these stmcnu-es wet·e used for othe11
religious functions when the relic itself was not on display.
SI A standing in situ schist sculpmre of the .Buddha was found in Annex Roo1t1;
ix at Mckhas<u1da (see ftgs. 65, 67), which Mizuno, the excavator, identified as a
kitchen. lt seems unlikely that an image of the Buddha would have been placed
in a kitchen. T he ((moat of this chamber is simila r to rl1e assembly rooms pre-
sent a.t other sites; an assembl)' room seems a more likely location for a devotional
icon. See S. Mizu.oo, Meld1asanda: .Buddlrist Monastery in Pokisllm Suruc;red in 1962- 61
(Kyoto), 87.
CHAPTER FOUR
TH E PHASE II SACRED AREA
In phase ll, the patronage of new and old Buddhist sites grew dra-
matically. T his is the period in which the majority of the extant sites
in Taxila, the Peshawar basin, and Swat were founded (fig. 4). In
Taxila these include: Kalawan (fig. 20), J auliafi (fig. 27), Mohra
Moradu (fig. 32), Pippala (fig. 39), Kunala (fig. 41 ), Giri, Akhaurf
A, B, and C (figs. 21, 22, 24), Khader Moltra D l and D2 (figs. 25,
26), the apsidal temple D at Sirkap (fig. 10), and the maj or addi-
tions to the Dharma•·ajika complex (fig. 1). 1 Although it is harder to
date the Peshawar basin sites, it seems that many important centers
were established in phase Il, including Ranigat (fig. 78), Thareli (figs.
68, 69), and Mekhasanda (fig. 64). While Takht-i-bahi (fig. 2), J amal
Garhi (fig. 6 1), and Shah-jfkf-<;lherr (fig. 83) may all have phase l
foundations , they certainly were active by phase ll; the extant remains,
however are p hase m and IV. 2 In Swat, Butkara I (fig. 97) remained
important, and the sites of Saidu (fig. l 04), Panr (fig. l 03), Butkara
Ill (fig. l 00), M arjanai (fig. l 06), Damkot, Andandheri, and prob-
ably Snaisha were all established.3
' The Taxila si tes can be placed in phase 11 on the basis of d iaper masonry and
numismatic evidence. For a table of coins found, see l?.rrington , "N umismatic
.Evidence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 212.
1 At Takht-i-bahf a siu.gle T.ndo-Greek coin of ApoUodotus in the fill of the phase
]Jl underground chambers seems t.o have been a stray llnd (Ibid., 194; Ha.rgreaves,
"Excav-ations at Ta.kht-i-bahi," 33-4). An inscription mentioning the I03rd year of
Gondophares is said 1.0 have come from Takht-i-bahi, but it may not be from this
site a nd t11us cannot be used (Errington, "The Western Discovery of the Art of
Gandhara," 115). For coin finds from the various siteS, see £rringtOn, "Numisrn:Jt]c
Evidence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 213. Kuwayama elated
the early round stiipa. at the core of the Sbiih-ji-kf-Qherf slllpa to roughly the same
time as the Dha rmarajika core stupa- e.g., sometime in phase I or possibly as late
as the beginning of phase II (Kuwayama., The Main Stupa at SM.h·jf-ki-ljlzen~, 23- 26).
Errington has concl tL~ivcly shown that the "Kani~ka reliquary" dates to later than
this monarch's reign, although probabl)' still withi.n our phase Il (Errington,
"Numismatic Evidence lor Dating the 'Kani.shka' Reliquary from Shah-ji-ki-qheri,"
in South Asian Archarolog, 19.99, eel. E. Raven (Leiden: in press).
' f or coin finds from the various siteS, see Errington, "Numismatic E'~dcnce for
Dating the Buclcllust Remains of Gaodhara," 211. For discussions of the elating of
'
78 CHAP'I'ER FOUR
A broad comparative analysis of sites from Taxila, the Peshawar

basin, and Swat provides a contextual fram ework for understanding
a range of various devotional edifices common during phase ll. T hese
include main and small stzlpas and a variety of new architectura:l.
forms developed for d1e storage and display of relics: openable stupa4
two-celled shrines, and two-celled stupa shrines. The distribution and
organization of these structures widun the sacred area should help
us to better understand why individual monuments were donatedi
how they were used, and how they functioned together to creatl'l
charged sacred spaces.
In Taxila, phase Il structures can be reacWy identified and dated.
because tills was the period when diaper masonry was used (see
Appendix A). In contrast, masonry cannot be used to determine the
chrono.logical sequence of architectural structures in the Peshawa11
basin and Swat; in these two regions diaper masonry was used from
phase rr to phase rv. b1 these regions the <u·chitecture can be chrono~
logically sequencecl using structural typologies in conjunction witlt
the nunlismatic evidence (see Appendix A). For instance, the typol•
ogy of the two-celled relic shrines c<m be established in Taxila, where
masonry can be used to date these structures, and then applied tO
Peshawar basin structures (see Chapter Tlu-ee). While specific nunus-
m at:ic information is sparse in the Peshawar basin and Swat, when
taken together >vith the architectural evidence, it confirms the broad
pattern laid out in the phase system presented here. In Greater
Gandharan sacred areas, a researcher can recognize the earliest struc•
tures at the core of a given site and can trace the successive adcli4
tions; commonly, one structtu·c is built up against or overlaps another.
providing clear evidence for a relative chronology in the site. Further,
sacred areas were expanded with terraces (often massive construc-
tions), and patterns of repair also provide a m eans for determining
periods. Given our cun·ent understanding of early Gandbaran clu·onol..
ogy, phase li dates from circa middle to late 1st century C .E. to
approximately 200 C.E., although these clu-onological bounda1·ies ar~
sure to slllfl as more evidence surfaces over time .
Snaisha, see Rahman, "Shnaisha Cumbat: Fi.rst Prelimi nary Excavation Rt:port,,.
16; M. Taddei, "Some Remarks on the Preliminary Repo rts Published on the
Snaisha Excava.tions, Swat," East a11d West 4-8, no. 1- 2 (1998). Some sculpture cer·
tainly can be attributed to phase II , but the major Sll1.1Ct:ures in their present form
date to phase m, with phase IV addi6ons.
Copyrighted mater
THE PHASE 11 SACRED AREA 79
In general, while stftpas were ahvays fab1i cated at Greater Ganclharan

sites, construction of relic shrines dominated phase II production,
and image shrines appeared and became vety common during phase
Ill. The moment of this tr ansition is linked to the emergence of
devotional icons and thus to a key ideological shift in Gandharan
Buddhism (for sculptural chronology, see Appendix B). H owever,
until issues like the date of Kan i~ka I's era can be resolved , it is
unwise to tr.y to fix the phase boundaries in absolute terms.
In T axila, where masonry evidence allows for clear attributions,
the fact that no irnage shrines can be atuibuted to phase II indi-
cates that patrons instead preferred to support the construction of
relic shrines, stilpas, and monasteries. Circumstantial evidence indi-
cates that schist narrative relieF.>, prima1ily illustrating the life of the
Buddha, embellished these relic shrines and stilpas (see section 4.3.5
Mm:janai: Phase II Architecture; section 5.3.3 Sikri: Original Sculp-
tural Placement; section 5.4 The Phase II Small Stitpa: Sculptural
Embellishment and a Proposed R econstruction). Narrative produc-
tion was greatest in the Peshawa r basin and in Swat; imported reliefs
primarily from the Peshawar region were used in T axila. ln the
K abul basin, the few narrative panels that have surfaced are dis-
tinctly different from those of the Peshawar basin or Swat Considerable
scholarship on Gandhara has focused on the narrative reliefs, but
their architectural context, so crucial for understanding the religious
function of the earl y stiipas, has received scant attention.
4.1 T axila: Phase If ArchitecturaL Avidence
As mentioned previously, many of th.e small monastic centers estab-

lished in T axila during phase II were satellites of the Dharmarajika
complex (fig. 3).1 H owever, some of these new monastic establish-
ments, constructed several miles fi·om the religious hub, can be viewed
as semi-autonom ous. These outlying sites can be grouped into a few
clusters, the most signi11cant being J auliafl, Mohra Moradu, and
Pippala to the northwest, Giri and surrounding unnamed sites to the
southwest, m1d the large site of Kalawan just east of the D harmarajika.
• It is important to note tha.t MarshaU excavated a nd named only the most

significant sites in the Ta.xila area. Many other unnamed sllipas and small monas-
te,;es are linmd in the surrounding hills.
80 CHAPTER FOUR
Two more complexes were constructed in phase IV: the poorly doc-
umented Ballar tope in the north and Bhamala to the east. Because
the Dharmarajika drew the major share of available pao·onage at
this time, significant changes were made to the phase I core of the
site; in turn, the phase II structures were built over, repaired, an4
modified in pha~es ill and IV.
When a new phase II Buddhi~t site was created, typically a medium~
sized (7.5 by 9 rn) main stupa was constructed, together with an adja--
cent monastery; examples are the Taxila sites of Jauliiiii or M oh:ra
Moradu (figs. 27, 32).s These two architectural components are con..
sistently found together; public sacred areas were never establishe4
with.out housing for a monastic community. T he reverse is also trud
we never find monasteries that are not connected to public places
of worship. Even though some monasteries are so insignificant or
remote that it seems unlikely that their sacred areas were used by
the lay public, they all had a main stupa. Examples are the minor
sites of Akhauri A <md C, near the Dharmarajika, which have sacred!
areas almost devoid of donative structures. Only a single small stiipa
was added to the sacred area of Akhaun C (probably built togethe:t
with the main sl71pa) (fig. 24}, while Akhauri A appears to have had
no donated structur es at all (fig. 21).
In addition to the public sacred area organized around the main
stiipa, special devotional structures were invariably placed >vithin the
monastic enclosures, apparently for the use of monks in a restricted
and undisturbed setting. During phases I and ll, these took the form
of monastic stiipa. shrines;6 in phase Ill, they were image shrines (see
section 6.6 Phase ill Use of Images and Relics in Quadrangular
Monasteries). Thus, the monks would have used for devotion the
large main stupa adjacent to their monastery, but also other places
that were not readily accessed by the public.
) At both Jauliai'i and Mohra Moriidu, the monastery and main stupa. were ini;.
tially constructed with phase Il late diaper masonry and were later repaired io
phase m with semi-ashlar masonry (Marshal!, T axila, 358, 69). Like the pilasteQl
on the Moh:rfl Moradu stupa, the kaiijur pilasters on the Jauliai\ main stiipa are inte-
grated rather than mot\olithic, and the diaper masonry technically approaches the
semi-ashlar format (field observations, 1993-94). See also Marshall, Emwalions lit
Ttaila: The Sb.pas and Monasteries at ]aulian, 4. All of these features suggest that Jaulian
and Moll:rfl Moradu were founded near the end of phase U.
6 The best known example is the st1ipa placed in cell 9 at Moh.ra Moradu, but
there arc many other inst<mces, including the sWpa in cell 3 1 at Pippala, the sllif;i/1.
at Kalawan in monastery F cell 12, and the stupas in cells El and E2 and in the
courtyards of monasteries G and M at the Dharmarajika.
Material com direitos autora·

1'HE PHASE ll SACRED AREA 81
4.1.1 Krilawiin: Phase 11 Architecture

Kalawan i$ a complex site that was both established and ell:panded
during phase II (fig. 20). This site is useful for understancling phase
II concerns and values as reflected in the various types of structures
included in the initial plan and those added later by independent
patrons. After the Dharmarajika, Kalawan was tl1e largest religious
center in T axila. These two sites are separated only by 2 km (they
are in sight of each other), and this proximity must have led to easy
communication among the monks (fig. 4). It even seems possible that
the lay followers might have used mese two centers in conjunction.
The extensive constn1ction of subsicliary structures and adclitional
monasteries indicates that Kalawan must have been important in its
own right, not just anotl1er satellite of the Dharmarajika complex.
The types of religious structures found at Ka.lawan have strong
similarities to mose at the Dharmarajika complex; an examination
of Kalawan, me smaller and simpler site, is instructive for under-
stancling me more complex forms present at me Dharmarajika. The
centr'dl monument at Kalawan is the A4 clirect-access stilpa, with its
accessible (more man 4 m in diameter) whitewashed relic chamber,
which presumably contained some sort of relic that was probably
removed and perioclically clisplayed. To one side of this structure is
a large conventional stii.pa (A 12), and to me other is a large two-
cellt::d stupa shrine (A14).7 T hese three relic structures and the C
monastery were apparently constructed together when the site was
founded . The C monastery (inducting the auxiliary rooms D 1- 0 7)
is precisely me same widm as me platform of me orif:,rinal sacred
area (where me A4 stiipa, me A 12 stii.pa, and the A 14 stf.tpa shrine
are). In turn, all. the later phase II devotional structures added to
me sacred area relate to this core. Perhaps a single patron paid for
thest:: core structures. This would suggest mat the conventional stilpa,
the two-celled stilpa shrine, and me direct-access stiipa in some way
1 During phase n, a second porch and stairway were added to the front of this
otherwise fairly typical two-ceDed stii.pa shrine. lo phase ill, two small image shrines
were added to its south wall. At the time of excavation, the west wall of this shrine
'vas found in a good state of preservation and thus gives us an idea of phase lJ
pilaster decoration. Although Marshall did not photograph it, he did note IJ1at the
plinth was decorated with "Corinthian pilasters standing on a molded base wilh a
dental cornice above and nor.ched Hindu brackets inserted beneath the architrave"
(MarshaU, "Exploration at Taxila 1930- 34," l 60- 1).
82 CHAPTER FOUR
functioned together. 8 Over the course of phase II, these three cen·
tral monuments were enclosed within a court bounded by multiple
relic shrines to the north, east, and west, with the original monastery
(C) to the south (monastery F seems to have been added a bit late11
in phase U).
To the north at K.al.awan stand two empty phase Ill two-celled
shrines, which rest on earlier phase U diaper remains. 9 It is cleat
that during phase II a structure (or several structures) with a 13.1 m
square base was fabricated here in cor~junction witl1 the other shrin~
flanking the east and west of the sacred area. Remains of founda~
tions indicate that this was rebuilt again in phase II and replaced
by the pa.ir of two-ceUed shrines in phase lii. Clearly, the phase I]
northern shrine(s) must have been vital to the site or there wot1ld
not be evidence of reconstruction on three occasions. Further, it
seems likely that this succession of structures to the north probably
fun ctioned in co•~jllllction with the openab1e direct-access stupa A4
that they face. 10 Although we know nothing of the phase Il build·
ing(s), the pair of phase III shrines exacdy COl-responds to the two-
celled shrine format, and it is likely that they were used to display
relics (see Chapter 3).
Large pans of shl"ines A3l - 34·, west of the sacred area, have fal.len
down the hillside, 11 but on the eastern side the large two-ce.l.led st11pa
shrines A l and Al3 were found relatively intact. Next to the reli~
quary, in shrine A 1, a long do native inscription on a copper plate
was found. T his inscription dates the diaper masorny fabrication of
this shrine to the 134tl1 year of Azes (according to MarshaJJ, 86
C.E.; 12 see Appendix A).
The copper plate inscription, found in the donated Al two-celled
8A ve1y similar configuration is found in Swat at the site of Nimogram whe re

a conventional slilpa, a stilpa shrine, and a direct-access display shrult: sit in a row·,
having idemical stiipa-l.ike bases (f.g. I 09).
9 Marshall, "Exploration at Taxila 1930- 34," 166.
10
At Butka ra I the massive two-ceUed sruine (G B) was at the nonhem ax.is of
the site, and it is clear that worshippers used dus shrine in conjunction with thtl
ma.in s1!1pa. that it faced. A similar relationship between stripa and two-celled shrinc(s}
is evident at KaJawan.
11 Shrines A3 1- A34 were probably stlljJa or relic shrines. Marsh all noted d1at
stuine A33 is the mirror image of the two-cellcd stripa shrine A I and 01ight have
contained interesting relics (Marshall, "Exploration a t Ta.xiJa 1930- 34·," l 65).
12 Ibid., 162- 3. Tilis dating is based on Ma.rshall's assumption that the V iJmuna
era (of 5B B.C.E.) is tbe same as that of A:4es (:Nfarshall, Taxikl., 53, 257).
Copyrighted materi, tl
• •
nm PHASE 11 SACRED AAEA 83
stupa shtine, tells about a lay female householder establi~hing relics.

MarshaU offered the foUowing translation:
~n the year 134 of Azes, on the twenty-third 23 day of the month
Sravana, on this date Candt-abhr, the fem ale worshipper [upasikli],
daughter of .Dharm a, the householder (grilafJati], wife of Bhadrapala,
establishes relics in Chac;laS.ila, in the stilpa-shrine, together with her
brother Nandjvardha.na, the house holder, together with her sons Sama
and Sacitta and her daughter Dharma, together with her daughters-
in-law Raja and Inch-a, together with J avananrun, th e son of Sama,
and her teacher, in acceptance of tJ1 e Sarvastavadas, having venerated
the country-town, for the veneration of all beings; may it be for the
obtainment of i.nrli.J)a. 13
Many of the features of this text are mirrored and corroborated by

the nearby D harmarajika G5- G6 silver scroU inscriptions to which
tllis donation is intimately related 14 (see section 3.3 T wo-CeUed Stupa
Shrines and Direct-Access Shrines: Phases I and II). T he inscription
shows that the source of patronage for a major devotional structure,
used by tl1e public and occupying a prominent position witllin the
sacred area, came from a member of the lay community. It shows
that this individual financed an important religious building critical
to the function of tl1e Kalawan sacred area. T he inscription shares
the merit generated with this donation with other members of the
donor's family (three generations are indicated) and her teacher. T his
shrine is described in the inscription as being for the common good
and for the veneration of all beings (can tllis be understood as pub-
lic use?), but it seems that the real benefit of the offering was directed
to the donor a nd to other named people. In this insta nce, it appears
that building a shrine to house important relics helped one to reach
irvfu)a (often, more mundane goals appear in inscripti.ons). T he
direct reference t.o the Sarviistavada Buddhist sect is intriguing, espe-
cially considering that it appears in five od1er Gandh;Lran inscrip-
tions; the nature of tl1is I st century C ..E. religious sect is not well
understood. '~
Altl1ough inscriptions are rare, tl1e distribution of dona.tive struc-
tures provides considerable evidence for popular religiou values and
13
M:arshall, "Exploration at Taxila 1930- 34," 163.
14 Both have been used to date the rnasOnJ)' and structures with which they are
associated (see Chapter T hree).
15 Zwall; Candlurra Sr:ulpture, 30.
84 CHAPTER FOUR
tastes; tllis is indicated by the types of structures donated and by

their number within a given sacred area. For instance, at K alawan
considerable money was spent on the creation of multiple two-celled
relic shrines that seem to define the botmdaries of the public sacred
area. In contrast, at tJlis same time only six small stupas were con-
structed, indicating that tllis was a less popular form of offering.
At Kalawan the phase II sacred area is remarkably intact, dis..
playing oribrinal core structures built when the site was founded:
apparently the A4 open able stupa, Al2 stupa, A 14 two-celled stupa
shrine, and C monastery. Later in phase II, additional relic and stupa
shrines were donated along the perimeter to embellish and augment
the sacred area; they include the probable relic shrines A31- 34 and!
stiipa shrines AI and A 13. Kalawan bears an interesting connection
to the earlier phase I sacred areas, such as the D harmarajika com-
plex, ] a.JfQi.al B, and the sacred area in Sirkap block A, where the
main stitpas were augmented with small donated stapas and enclosed
in courts bounded by monastic residential cells. At the phase II s.ite
of K alawan, in addition to the core structures, the perimeter of the
sacred area is filled with auxiliary relic shrines that the devotee would
have used w.llile circumambulating the central monuments. A monastery
originally formed the southern boundary of the Ka.lawful sacred area,
and phase II and m shrines (A19- A26) were added to th.is face. By
phase II, therefore, the practice of enclosing the sacred area with
monastic structures was apparently no longer in use; multiple devo-
tional stm ctures built by independent patrons now surrounded the
focal monuments of ilie site.
4.1.2 The Dharmariijikii Compte.>.:: Phase If Arcltilecture

and the Relic Shrine
The patterns of phase II construction observed at K alawan, espe-
cially patterns of donation, should help us to understand the remains
at the Dharmarajika complex in Taxila (fig. I). Unlike at Kala wan,
the phase Il structures at the Dharmarajika were added to a pre-
existing phase I sacred area, perhaps modernizing the site to serve
the changing needs of its community.
Who directed or organized construction in these centers? It is
probable that the monastic community channe.l ed patronage to fund
certain .large pr~jects (such as encircling the main stupa with shrines).
Because phase II spans a period that included many generations of
l
THE PHASE U SACRED AREA 85
monks and lay patrons, the planning of the site must have been a
collective process, involving the lay and monastic communities, occur-
ring through time. The needs <md goals of one generation may have
been quite different fi·om those of the next.
At the end of phase I, the Dharmari:'ijikii complex was made up
of a main stzlpa surrounded by a unified set of stupas or columns.
The main stupa was approached primarily from the west, as indicated
by several large stupas placed to form the beginnings of a processional
avenue, which was greatly expanded during phase li (fig. l; note
the phase I and phase II structures). Rows of monastic cells bounded
the west and north sides of this massive sacred area, and a wall is
visible to the south. To the northeast, two monasteries had been
built (courts A and B), both with large kaiyzlr ashlar stupas at their
cores; these stii.pa courts appear to have been used by a restricted
monastic community (fig. I 6). Lay followers coming from Sirkap
would have entered the site from the northwest (fig. 4), where the
massive two-celled relic shrine H stood; the cella exhibits phase I
masonry.
During phase II, the Dharmarajika complex was ve1y active, as
indicated by the extensive remains surviving from this period. T he
pradalq£1_1.apatha of the main stiipa was augmented witl1 at least 19
shrines, 16 which probably housed relics. These shrines were placed
to emphasize the axial points of access into the prada~1_1.apatha already
marked by gates in phase I. The western gateway was indisputably
the most important entrance into the main stupa's circumambulatory
path. During phase II, the western avenue becan1e fully aJ·ticulated
with the addition of a group of large two-celled shrines 17 and an
apsidal hall, which together augment the earlier pha~e I stii.pas. These
stfipas and shrines fran1e and emphasize the processional avenue in
a way that is analogou$ to the relic shrines that bounded the Kalawan
sacred area (fig. 20). The north gate must also have been important,
judging from the cluster of shrines (poorly preserved) along the pra-
M.k,rirla/Jatha and the large stzlpa Pl 18 opposite this entrance. In general,
16
Much of the phase (U construction in the northern quadrants sits on a com-
plex group of phase [[ structures, making ident:ification difficult.
" The L, G5-6, and M3--2 structures all follow the classic two-celled format
(Marshall, Ta.xila, 25 1- 9, pl. 45).
' 8 It seems likely that this strucr:ure was a relic shrine rather that a •·lfipa (only
the base survives). It can be compared to the Swat core structures at the site of
Nimogram or to the large base at Tokar Dara (figs. l 09, 11 3).
86 CHAPTER FOUR
during phase 11, patrons chose to construct two-celled relic shrines

rather than the small stiipas typical of phase I. During phase U . in
the outlying sacred area of the D harmarajika complex. I I large two-
celled shrines were built in contrast to only seven small stiipas and
tl1e large PI stiipa. This difference is even more striking if we con-
sider that two-ccllcd r.hrines would have been more e.xpensivc than
small stiipas.
Patrons could more easily donate structures in the outlying pa~
of the sacred area where space was more available; thus, analysis oC
these areas rcrlects phase rt interests and concerns. The largest and
most significant addiLion to the Dharmarajika sacred area is t.he
expansion of tlw pre-existing huge two-celled shrine H located a.L
the northern cntrann; (fig. 1). The inner chamber of this shrine was
added in phase ll. 19 The form of the H temple dUJ·ing phase 1£
roughly corresponds to the massive phase I Ja~~Lial C temple in
Sirkap (fig. 14). This connection is not coincident.a.l, as the phase E
core of th(! H structure is fabricated in an unusual type of rubble
masonry similar to that of j ar:1<;lial C . The inner chamber of the I{
two-cdlt:d shrine has no sliipa, but almost certainly it would have
housed relics of some sort, probably in a valuable stupa/rcliquary
that ha~ not survived in the archaeological record (see Chapter Three).
T he one structural variation that does appear among this and other
oversize two-cclkd shrines is the enclosed pra~apalha. an element
that further supports the ident.ification of these as relic monuments.
Similar imernal circumambulatory paths are also found in the mas-
sive temples of J ar:t~ja.J C (fig. 14\, ~ [ohra :\ laliara.ii (fig. I 3), d1e
two-cdled shrin!' at Butkara 1 (GB) (figs. 97, 98), and the Kala wan
A2 and A5 rwo-ccUed shrine dating to phase III {fig. 20). Pradak-
~i!wpatlws are commonly found around main stiipas and arc impor-
tarll elcmcnL~ in the western Indian caiga halls.
19
Th!' !'arlit'st ulla of the H Slrucrure dates to phase I; this shrine w-d.'l gr~atly
expanded in phase [(. The inner chamber of the H SU'UCture was sealed sometim e
in phase Ill with semi-ashlar masonry; by this time the phase 0 additions were
probably in ruins. Although Man.hall postulated that this addition consisted of a
plinth to support a monumcntnl pc~riJ1irrci1w image, he found no traces of an image,
and ihc plHI>C lll addition is without deco•-ation. Monumental pan'niroli!W images
and assuciatcd structures found at sites like Tapa Sardar [n Afghan istan are quite
different , RO Mm\,hall 's suggcs1ion seems unlikely. See Marshall, 7ilXi/.a, 21·7 8;
Taddei, ·'Tapa Sardar: First Preliminary .Repo n "; Taddei and Vcrardi, "Tapa
Sard1ir: Second PrcliminaJ)' Rc·po rt." The phase I, IT, and lii additions nnd modi-
fica tion~ indica te 1hat tJ1is cdillre was impo rtanl enough to be renovated throughout'
the life of the Ohru·m:uiljikll compl ex.
THE PHASE ll SACRED AREA 87
An important two-celled shrine, just southwest of tl1e main stzi.pa,

is tl1e L structure. Only me base remains, so little can be said about
the form of this building, but the 35 sculptural and architectural
fi·agments found around it testif)r to its importance. 20 The heteroge-
neous nature of these reliefs suggests mat tl1ey did not originally
embellish tl1e building, but were instead donated over time. T his
structure is an ideal example of early redeposition of used culpture.
Most of this material can be broadly dated to phase II, witl1 only
a few pieces of arguably early phase Ill devotional icons included;
mus, it seems likely that iliis shrine was abandoned in phase liT.
This deposition of reliefs is consistent with a common pattern of
reused image•)' being placed in relic shrines or against sLtl/Jas (see
Appendix C).
Another outlying two-celled shtine constructed dwing phase Il was
G5- 6, d1e only two-celled shrine to contain loose relics. The silver
scroll inscription mentioning me I 36th year of Azes was also found
here21 (for a full ctiscussion of tJ1is shrine and inscription, see section
3.3 Two-Gelled Stupa Shrines and Direct-Access Shrines: Phases I
and II).
The p•imary approach to the Dhannarajika m ain stuf;a, al.ong the
western avenue, was a particularly desirable place for a patron to
make a major donation; not surprisingly, we find a concentration of
two-celled relic and sllif;a shrines constructed in pha.~e 11 ma5onry.
These shrines created a well-defined processional patJ1 mat wouJd
have provided the devotee witl1 multiple places to worship in tl1e
presence of relics prior to ente1ing the pradak~apatlza of tJ1e main
stapa. The phase li relic shrines (Gl-·2, G4, 13, 12, and Rl - 4) aug-
mented me five phase I stiipas bracketing this entr<mce (G 3, G8, S7,
S8, Ql , and R4) (fig. l , western avenue). Outside of this proces-
sional corridor, five oilier two-ceUed shrines were built, 22 including
me L structure and the G5- 6 shrine.
T he most revealing of tl1e phase II additions to the western avenue
is the R 1- 5 relic shrine that flanks the gateway and cutS into the
circumambulatory path of tl1e main stftpa. Although this shrine is
relatively small, its location made it perhaps the most important
20 Marshall, Taxila, 250- L.

21
Ibid ') 256--71.
22 M2- 3 is definitely a two-cellcd shrine, and MS and M9 probably are as well,
although ne) internal separation w.ills

.. Stlrvive in the lauer buildings.
88 CHAPTER FOUR
structure along the relic-dominated western avenue. Constructed dlll'-

ing phase I and expanded and repaired into phase IV (fig. I, wesc.
ern avenue) tJ1e shrine apparently continued to be used throughout
the life of the site. T he Rl- R5 complex has all the elements of :i
direct-access relic shrine: a chamber to house the relics (R3) and a
shrine witl1 two thrones for their ctisplay (R I).
Tracing the progressive modifications helps in determining the
significance that the various components had over time at the Dhanna~
rajika. During phase I tlle R4 sHlpa or pillar was built23 as one of
the set of 12 stapas or pillars constructed around the main sffipm
While the other I l related stupas or pillars follow a regular :.pacing,
this structure is a little too far west and too close to stilpa or pillat
D3.24 This placement was probably intended to align the R4 stflpt!,
or pillar with the Ql stilpa, thus framing the gate that led from UlG
pradafr.ri!Japatha onto the western avenue. Soon after the initial con•
struction of tlle R4 stiipa-pillar, a phase I kaifjflr ashlar stupa-like base,
similar to those found in Sirkap, was attached to the west side of
the intact R4 stflpa or pillar (bisecting it). This stzipa-like base sup.
ported the walls of the R3 chamber, which presumably contained
relics (thus, this base is under R3 and cannot clearly be seen on the
plan).2$ In other words, the structure is analogous to the Kalaw-<Uli
23 An intact reliquary was recovered about l.S m below the g•·ound-level of the
phase I R4 stfipa (Marshal!, Taxi/a, 253). The somewhat unusual placement of this
relic implies d1'n it may not have been the only one enshrined in this st1lpa. Mulriplc
reliquaries were commonl}' interred along d1e a.xis of d1e stupa, one above d1e other.
The relic finds from the Mal)ikyala, Bin1aran, and Devnimori stftpas are good exam•
pies of this practice (.Errington, 'vfbe Western Discovery of the Art of Gandhara";
Mehta and Chowdhary, ExClWation al Deuninwri). Therefore, the reliquaJy found below
ground kvcl may indicate that it is just one of a group of relics int<.'tTed within
this stupa.
24 "Dle adjacent D3 stupa or pillar, like the R 4, was encased in a shrine during
phase IJ. Because of the poor state of preservation of the 0 3 enclosure, nothin~
conclusive can be said of it as a whole, but its location and the association "~th
an added st.fijJa base Oike the R comple..-x base) suggest that it w·dS related in use tO
the R direct relic complex.
2$ Marshal! argued that after IUs suggested earthquake of circa 30 C.E. a mb-
ble-cored kn;rjur stiipa base (of the Sirkap type) was built as a repair of the R4 stiipa
(Marshal!, Taxila, 253). This possible encasement ex~~ts now only as a base, Oil.
which the R3 slui.ne sits exacdy (and d1us it is not appar·ent on the plan). M.arshall'~
expl<IJlation of the base being a post-30 C .E. repair of the R1· stiipa appears faulty
/or several reasons. .First, it bisects the intact R.4 stupa. exacdy; a repair would have
involved surrounding and encasing d1e pre-existing stupa. Second, a rubble wall (a
masonty type used mainly before Marshall's suggested earthquake) reinforces the
south wall or the base, indicating that it is a pbase I su·ucmre (field observation,
Material com direitos autorai ;

..
THE PHASE I! SACRED AREA 89
A4 enterable stupa with its oversized relic chamber (see section 4.1.1
Kalawan: Phase Il Architecture). During phase II, a shrine R 1 with
two platforms for relic display was built. T he two platforms, deco-
rated with life events and jatakas, 26 were attached to the west edge
of the base; thu~, for a worshipper using the R 1 sh•;ne, they would
appear as extensions of the stitpa-like baseY
Before entering the prada/q-ir_wpalha of the main stilpa, a devotee
would have used only the R I section of this shrine, where the relics
would have been displayed on the two low platforms. Such thrones,
or plinths, are often seen in sculptural depictions of relics in Gandhara
(fig. 118). Once inside the prada/r.ril.lapalha of the main stii.pa, the devo-
tee would have encountered the R5 stiipa shrine, which abuts the
back of the R3 relic chamber (this shrine survives only in .its late
phase m fi)rm).28
In general, the outlying sacred area of the Dharmarajika is dom-
inated by two-celled relic shrines built to channel the worshippers
along a prescribed path, although the distribution of a few of these
slu-ines does not follow a tightly organized plan. While most of the
additions to the sacred area relate to the western avenue, stii.pa Pl
was fabricated at the main stupa's northern gateway; mirroring this
addition, the large D4 stiljJa just out~ide the south gate was given a
new encasement. Thus, whi.le it is clear that a devotee was meant
to enter the site from the north near the H structure and to approach
the main stiipa using the western processional avenue, the north and
1993- 94}. Third, the style of the base is identical to that of early siUpa bases from
Sirkap. Therc!ore, it seems likely that the base was added, built against the R4
sttipa during phase I, and d1at it~ main function W"'dS to support a relic chamber
(R3), rather than being a repair of the R4 slilpa.
It would seem that the R4 sll1pa was an important element of the R3 relic dum-
be,·, which ;i ts exactly on the edge of the lower base; thus, it is tbe extant R4 stiipa
that constituted the east wall of the R3 relic chamber; that is, tl1e eastern part of
the R3 chamber was the dnm1 of the R4 stitpa. l infer lium this evidence that tl1c
lowe r base was built to support the R 3 shrine not long after tJ1e constJ·ucrion of
the R 4 stupa.
26 The identification of these reliefs is problematic and is complicated by the fact
that some parts were not photographed.

21
Marshall, Taxiln, 253. Foundations of a phase U stnJcture facing the pradakyi!wpa/ha.
(east of the R4 stilpa) arc extant
28
During the late part of phase Ill, the R5 stiipa. shrine was constructed on d1e
foundations of an earlier phase 11 structure. Because earlier foundations underlie
the R5 stiipa shrine, it seems Likdy d1at a sttipa shrine existed in d1is location dur-
ing phase D and d1at it w·dS simply refurbished in phase m. AU of this indicates
the significance of the shrine through time.

90 CHAPTER l'OUR
south gates were still impo•tant enough to attract major donations.

T he axes of the main stiipa seem to have been marked with major
devotional structures. It appears that multiple patrons independently
chose to construct shrines and st·rtpas at key points where worship~
pers would have been numerous. For example, the eastern side of
the main sti1pa was ignored by both patrons and devotees during
phase II. PatJ·ons hoped to gain merit by having others use their
donated structures; thus, the di~tribution of sh.tines and stUJHlS provides
a record of how devotees would have moved through the monument
T he pr01la~7J.apatha of the main stupa in the Dharmarijika corn·
plex was fully endosed during phase II with a group of large sru·ines
that fdJed the spaces between the set of 12 stii.pas or pillars con·
structed in phase 1.29 Many of these shrines have disappeared under
later construction, but in rhe south this alternating pattern of stii.pa
or pillars and shrines30 is clear (fig. l). The shape and disu·ibutiou
of these shrines are co n~~istent, an indication that they were built at
one time, not as multiple independent commissions. Already by the
end of phase II, this regular pattern had been clisrupted in the north-
west quadrant, where many auxiliat)' structures were built late in
phase II and into phase Ill. A devotee circumambulating the rnain
stiipa during phase ll. would have been able to enter these large
shrines (in a few cases, steps survive) and thus would have had a
much different experience from that available during phase I, when
only stil.pas or pillars31 lined the pat11.
The shrines built between the set of 12 .rtilfJas or pillan must have
originally contained relics, but this is not immediately apparent.
MarshaiJ, a strong advocate for a Gandha.ran origin of the Buddha
image, 32 believed that t11ese and many of the other phase I and I1
cells and two-celled shtines contained devotional images, but this
seems to be incorrect. These particular Dharmarajika prada/cyiJ,zajJaJha
shrines are very lru·ge; a typical example, D 14, is about 3.5 by 5.5 m,
29 M.arshaiJ, Tarila, 248.

!10 Shrine 0.14, stiipa-pillar 0 13; shrine 0 1. 2, stlipa-pillar 0 10, shrine 0 9, gate,
shrine 0 6, shipa-pillar 0 I, shrine 08, stilpa-pillar 02, sh1'in e 06, and so on.
31 As mentioned earlier, the phase l unified set of 12 "slupas" may have been.
taU columns like those found at Butkara I. If this was the case, then even during
phase ([ these columns would have been an impressive presence, toweriog over rhe
ci•·cumambularory path.
n Among the many references, see iM arshall 's discussions of the phase I struc-
tures at the site of Jru:u:jiiil and his analysis of' many phase II shrines a.[ Kalawan
(Marshal!, 7lL\ikl, 222- 30, 322- 4 1).
Material com direitos autorai

THE PHASE I! SACRED AREA 91
comp arable in Aoor area to late phase TU monumental image shrines

like 18, wnich contained in situ sculptural remains (fig. 19). H owever,
the pradak~U;wpatha shrines could not have contained monumental
images; their thln diaper walls, which probably supported low >vooden
roofs, are quite different from the high, thick, and stable semi-ash-
lar walls of the extant phase Ill and JV image sh1ines. The later
image shrines are also different in that they have completely open
fac;ade , so that the imagery could be well lit. Thus, the image shrines
have a U-shap ed plan, unlike the prada/cyil_zapatha shrines, which had
protruding walls in the front to fram e a doorway, giving this type
of structure a distinctive C-shaped plan.
L1 many ways the pradak;ir.zapatha shrines most closely resemble the
rwo-cel.led relic structures. In the lower sacred area at T hareli, four
similar C -shaped shrines survive, one of which (D6) contained a
small stupa (figs. 69, 70). This single-celled stiipa shrine corresponds
to the two-cellecl type, except that the an techamber has been omit-
ted to conserve space within the sacred area. At Thareli, miscella-
neous schist and stucco images found in association with these shrines
suggest that they functioned in a way analogous to shrines like the
D ha.tmarajika L two-celled shrine or other relic shrines cliscussecl
above, appearing to have attracted through time the donative offering
of irnages.33 Another single-celled relic shrine containing a small stupa.
is recorded from the site of Sikri; shrine R l (see fig . 90) contained
the famous Si.k.ri stfijJa now in the Lahore museum (fig. 91) (see sec-
tion 5.3.3 Sikri: Original Sculptural Placement; section 8. 7.l Sihi:
In Situ Sculpture and the Architectural Organization of the Site).
Miscellaneous donative sculpture was found in and aro und the D har-
marajika main stii.pa., although we cannot be sure when it was deposited
or if it was placed in these shrines.34 However, the pieces of sculp-
ture actually found in these shrines ru·e all fi·agments of phase II
schist reliefs used to embellish small slilpas.'JS
33 The single-celled Thareli shtines include 03, 0 4, 05, and 06, the last of
which contained the base of a small stupa; a range of unrelated srone and stucco
sculpum:s were found in and a round these stntctures (Mi zuno and Higuchi, eds.,
Thareli, 153- 4). For a full discussion of these shrines, see Behrendt, " Relic Shrines
of Ganclhara: A Rcinterpt·etation of the Archaeological Evidence."
,. Marshall, Taxi/a, 249- 50.
)$ These finds include a schist tlie-Le with acanthus leaves and Lhe heads of a
male ~md a female from the 0 5 shrine, a female head f.r orn the 0 8 shrine, and a
f-ragment from the 012 shrine of a narrative panel depicting the cremation of the
Buddha (Ibid. , 249).

92 CHAPTER fOUR
The shrines at Thareli also have large fioor areas and low roof&,
and they also have the trabeated dome structure characteristic or
Peshawar and Swat architecture (figs. 69, 70).36 On the basis of the
characteristic C-shaped plan, the Dharmarajika shrines (fig. l , shrines
D5, DS, D6, D9?, D l2, Dl4, B9, and B lO)s 7 can be compa1·ed with
shrines at Kalawan (fig. 20, shrines Al9, A20, and A26),38 Jauliaij
(fig. 27, shrines C 19, B 17),39 Takht-i-bahr (fig. 2, shrines T I, T~
T3, and T4), and Thareli (fig. 69, shrines D 3, D4, D5 and D6), ancl
in Afghanistan to shrines at sites like Tapa-i-kafariha (fig. 117, shrines
20, 22).40
Another factor that hints at the relic association of the Dharmariijiki
prada~?zapmha shrines is that they enclosed the main stiipa. At botb
Ka.lawan and Butkara m, two-celled relic shrines define the perimet
ter of the sacred areas (figs. 20, lOO). Although we do not know the
exact function of the Dharmarajika prada~~wpatlza shrines, the fact
that they were reused, modified, and restored during phase ID4 1 indio~.
cates that they initially housed relics or small stupas.
In his efforts to show that the pradak.ri~wpatlta shrines contained
images, Marshall compared them to the open-faced phase ill imagt~
shrines encircling the main stupa at J amal Garhf (fig. 61).12 Tlris
incorrect suppositionH has led to a general assumption that many o~
the image shrines iJ1 the Peshawar basin could elate to as early as
phase II. T his would mean that image shrines containing large devo"'
tional icons of Buddhas and bocUusattvas were being produced du.r-
~ 1l1cre is no evidence at Taxila that rrabeatcd domes were built as in the

Peshawar basin, Swat, and Afghanistan.
" Much m.iscelhmeous sculpture was recovered in and ru·ound these shr·ines
(MarshaU, Ta.'l:ila, 249).
38 MisceUaneous sculpture was also found in these shrines (Ibid., 332).
39 Two small stucco sculptures were f01md in C 19, and a pedestal in front of
B L7 (Ibid., 377, 79) may have been used for tbe display of relics.
.o Barthoux, Les Foui/ks de Hadda., plan A.
•• Shrines like B 13 in d1c northeast were rebuilt in middle and late phase lli
masonl)', retaining pbase n layout. In other instances, large phase lli image shrines
like B4 completely replaced the earlier sr.ructun:.
41 Marsha!J, Taxi/a, 248.
43 The size and s.hape of the J amal Ga:rhJ image shrines arc completely different
More important, the n:tai.n stupa (ru1d s1.uwundi.ng COttrt of image shrines) at Jamlil
Garhr sits on a high platform built over earlier structures. This plat1orm is only
about one-third the diameter of the Dharrnarajikli main siUpa com·t. The ooJy sim-
ilarities between the rwo courrs are that lhe sWpas are round and d1M bod1 are
e11circled with subsidia.r)' S[I"Uctures, a d ra.ractcril."tic found in one fom1 or another
at most Peshawar basin sites.
Material com direitos autor< s

THE PJoL<\SE II SACRED AREA 93
ing the time of Kani~ka I, but that dating is not supported by the
archaeological record at other sites in Taxila, nor by other significant
data from Swat or the Peshawar basin (see section 6.3.1 The D harma-
rajika Complex: Possible Late Phase II Image Shrines).
4.1 .3 Dharmarii.jika SateLLite ManastU; Complexes: Phase 1I Architecture

During phase II no new monas6c so·uctures were built at the D har-
marajikii. complex. Instead small independent monastic centers were
constructed v.rithin a five- or ten-minute walk (see fig. 4). Several
unexcavated sites are to the north and five excavated sites to the
southeast: A.khaurf A, Akhauri B, Akhaurf C, and two adjacent sites,
Khader Mohra D 1 and D2 (figs. 21, 22, 24, 25, 26; see figs. 3 and
6 for a general ctistribution of sites). Though Kalawan is a 20-mjnute
walk away, it probably was initially constructed as a satellite com-
munity of the D harmarajika complex (fig. 20).
In the Akhaurf and Khader Mohra group, I. 19 phase II monas-
tic cells are extant. Many cells have not survived, however, and it
is p ossible that some of these monasteries were multi-storied, so the
number must have been significantly higher. D uring phase II, another
90+ cell~ were constructed at Kalawru1 (45 cells survive in monas-
teries knO\o\lll to be at least two-storied on tlle basis of extant strurs),
and the unexcavated sites to the north of the D harmariijika would
add to tllis number.
Were these subsictia•1' sites created because the monks wanted pri-
vacy, or because of sectariru1 divisions or economjc considerations?
There are no definitive answers, but we do know that many of tlle
satellite sites had different configurations of devotional structures.
Thi~ Taxila phase II pattern of multiple small sites surrounding a
large Buddhist center can be observed in Swat, where multiple small
sites are in proxjmjty to Butkara l, and to a lesser degree in the
Peshawar basin, where a group of undated secondary sites surroun ds
the central Sahrr-BahJol mound (see figs. 3, 5b).44 T his pro bably a lso
explruns the presence of the many sites in the vi.cinity of Ha<;l<;la in
Afghanistan. The same pattern appears in north India; Sanci' stii.pa
I had the satellite sites of Andheri, Bhojpur, and Sonari (the Bhi.l~a
.., £ . £rrington, "In Search of Palusha, a City of the Cenu·aJ Gandhara Plain,"
Bulletin of lhe Asia fnstitule 7 ( 1993).

94 CHAPTER FOUR
topes), and other comparable ex<unples are foLmd in west India. 4~

In the case of the Akhaur1 and Khader Mohra group, it appeatiS
that these subsidiary sites existed in the shadow of the Dharma.rajiMi
complex. The monks living there must have used these minor sacred
areas, but it is hard to imagine that pilgrims or people in the majeir
cities visited much, especially if major relics were housed within the
Dharmarajika complex. The archaeological record shows that tire
Akhaurf and Khader Mohra sites attracted almost no patrons; on:Jr
Akhaurf B has a few donated structures in the sacred area. T his
competition for patronage might be one reason that sites establi~hen
some distance away from the Dharmarajika, Like J auJian., Moh~
Moradu, and Kalawan, were able to grow into significant inde--
pendent religious centers. In conu:ast to the Akhaurii and Khad<rr
Mohra group, these other sites attracted significant patronage an'rl
over time grew into important independent religious centers. The
Peshawar basin site of Takht-i-bahi was possibly related to Salui-
Bahlol, much as J auliaii was to the Dharmariijika complex. T his
same kind of relationship could be drawn between Saidu, Panr, anti
Butkara I in Swat.
At TaxiJa, in phase ID, while new sites were founded, additional
monastic housing for the DharmaraJik.:'i complex was added to th:e
site itself, quadrangular monasteries G, J, and H (fig. 16). The only
satellite center from thi~ period is tl1e large monastery at K tmaht
(fig. 41 ). By phase III, it seems the monks had reaJjzed that tJ1e.y
could expect to be better supported if they ]jvecl within the D hatr-
marajika complex itself
4.1.4 lviohrii Moradu: Phase If A1·chitecture
Like the adjacent site of J auliai'i (fig. 27), the main stupa and monasteo/
at Mo~·a Moradu (figs. 32, 33) appear to have been established ne~
the end of phase Il.46 Although the pha.se ill sculptural embellisli-
•s lt seems very Likely that the ftve J UJmar sites were satellites of a major center
located near the present town. It is not coincidental that .Bhaja, Bedsa, and Kaili
are so closely grouped, and the same could be said of the ca l"ly Buddhist cemers
around Gi.rnar in Gl~arat.
46 Both main stiipa and monastery were built in diaper ma.~onry; repairs in sen:tl-
ashlar suggest that they were initially fabrica ted near the time of LTansicion in build-
ing types (Marshal!, Ta.xila, 358, 62}.

THE PHASE D SACREO AREA 95
ment and architectural transformation of these two sites followed

different paths, their original form is almost identical. The many
common structural details, their scale, and the identical masonry
make it reasonable to conclude that they were fabricated by the
same workshop of builders.
T he main stiipa was constructed together with a small stii.pa just
south of its steps, and an adjacent two-celled relic shrine (not shown
on plan) must have been constructed soon after. The scale of both
mona~tery and majn stiipa is much larger than that of the Akhaura-
Khader Mohra group.
T he main stiipa has a high base, with a stai1way provicling access
to a moderately large area immecliately in front of the drum. Although
it is poss.ible to walk around the cu.uja at the level of the p]jnth, tllis
would have been impractical and dangerous, because the passage is
narrow. Instead, the devotee would have ascended to the level of
the drum, where the plinth projects, to conduct appropriate ritual
activity on this open platform. Circumambulation would have occurred
around the base of tl1e stilpa. T his is the main stftpa format that was
generally adopted throughout Greater Gandhara by the t.in1e of phase
J1I (see section 6.3.9 1\llohra MorfLdu: Phase Ill Architecture and
Additive Imagery).
4.1.5 Pippala: Phase fl Architecture

Pippala (fig. 39) is within a five-minute walk or both Jauliafl (fig. 27)
and M ohra Moradu (fig. 32), but its phase Il form is quite different
from theirs. During phase Ill the remains of the original monastery,
which must have been in ruin, were leveled, and a new monastery
was built on these foundations; only the earlier stiipas were retained.
The phase II monastery in one of the cells had an internal stupa
shrine that was retained in the phase Ill reconstruction; this phase
II stiipa, more th.an 2 m tall, survives in remarkable conclition (fig. 40).
H owever, some of the embellishments, such as the small Buddha on
the drum, seem to date to phase II141 (see secl'ion 5 .4 The Phase Il
Small Stiipa: Sculptural Embellishment and a Proposed R econstmction).
The phase II monastery had a medium-sized stupa in the center
of its court, augmented w:itl1 four small subsidiary stupas. We can be
., Ibid., 365.
96 CHAPTER fOUR
sme that this w-as the main stitpa of the site because of the presence
of other smaU stiipas. Stupa K, on the other hand, stood by itself out-
side the mona~tic enclosure. This configuration with the main stupa
placed within the monastery is unusual; the only other phase lti
example is found in T axila at Kbader Mohra D2 (fig. 26). If th:e
main stilpa was accessible only to the monastic population, then tire
lay community wouJd have been unlikely to make donations to th:'e
site. In fact, when this Pippala monastery was reconstructed in phase
Ill , the builders went to great lengths to obliterate the phase n
monastic enclosure, leveling the waUs and ftlling the old monastery,
so that this stupa could be a public one. It is not coincidental thctt
Khader Mohra D 2 shows no signs of expansion or of occupatiotil
after its phase IT.
4.2 Peslzawar Basin: Phase 11 Archite~;lural Evidence
As in Taxila, many new sites were founded in phase II in the

Peshawar basin and Swat; however, less is known about their specifie
chronology. Moreover, unlike in Taxila, the structures in the Peshawat
basin cannot be dated on the basis of masonry; variations of the
diaper technique remained common into phase IV. Numismatic evi-
dence suggests that Ranigat (fig. 78), N't:ekhasanda (f1g. 64), Tharelj
(fig. 69), J amal Garhr (fig. 61 ), and Shah-jr-kl-t;lhen (fig. 83) were aD
founded in phase ll. While an accurate chronology for sculptura1
remains has yet to be fully worked out, it seems fairly certain that
much of the schist narrative sculptme produced in the Peshawar
basin can be dated approximately to phase II (see Appendix B, sec-
tion 5.4.2 The Drum: Developments in the Narrative Tradition~
Thousands of fragments of phase I1 sculptures and of early stii.pa:r
indicate that some architectural remains from Ranigat, Thareli, Jarnal
Garhi, and Takht-i-bahr must date to this period (see Appendix D~
Other Peshawar ba~in sites where considerable phase 11 sculpture
was found, but where less is known about architecn•ral remainSj
include Loriyan T fu:!gai (figs . 84, 85), K oi Tangai, Bubuzai topet
Mian Kban, upper and lower Nathu (figs. 92, 93, 94, 95), and Sikrl
(fig. 91) (see also sections 5.3.1 Upper Nathou Sacred Area: Original
Sculptural Placement; 5.3.2 Lower Nathou · Sacred Area: Original
Sculpt'lrraJ Placement; 5.3.3 Sikri: Original Sculptural Placement, and
THE PHASE U SACRED AREA 97
5.3.4 Karkai: O riginal Sculptural Placement). O nly at R anigat, how-

ever, are there identifiable phase II structures.
4.2 .1 RanigaJ.: Phase If Architecture

T he extensive site of R anigat dates primarily to phases lll and IV,
although numismatic, architectural, and sculptural evidence shows
that it has a phase I or Il foundation (fig. 78). It is located at the
north easternmost edge of the Peshawar basin (fig. 3) and shows many
strong connections with T axila. The Ranigat complex consists of
tlu·ee sacred areas (the east court, west court, and southwest court),
fragmentary monastic structures, and some rock-cut ceUs. T his com-
plex .is perched atop a steep hill, and early excavators noted its
fortress-like nature.'fS Although perhaps the biggest Buddhist complex
in the Peshawar basin, R anigat is probably the least well known.
Ranigat is the earliest Peshawar basin site that can be securely dated
on numismatic grounds. It certainly was in use by 110 C.E., or near
the bouncla1y of phases I and TI, although it may be somewhat older.
The core of the main stiipa (St 101) in the east sacred area of R anigat
(figs. 78, 79), can be dated on the basis of numismatic finds. T wo
loose coins of Azes (either Azes I, 57- 10 B.C.E. or Azes II, 6- 17
C.E.) were found a short distance from the eastern sacred area in
trench IJ:f9 Although helpful, these coins cannot be directly linked
to the fabrication of the main stupa, and they could already have
been old when deposited. H owever, they may indicate that the site
was in use during pha~e I. In direct association with the core of the
main stii.pa, eight coins of Vima K adph.ises were found.~ As this sin-
gle ruler minted all eight coins, it seems reasonable to suggest that
---··-
40
Cole, Memorandum on Anc-ient Monuments in EuS11f;:a~ 2.
49 Trench TI is not direcll>' associated wirJ1 the main stii.f){J; rlHJS, rJ1cse coins at
be;1 give us an idea about when use of the site began. See Errington, "Numismatic
Evidence for Dating the.: Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 194; Nishikawa et al.,
Gandllara 2, 52, J09.
.10 The actual spot where the eight Vima Kadphlses coins were fotmd is unclear.
The excavation report says, 'The base of the 90 cm-side green schist is placed on
the plastered surface of the plinth [of the core sttipa]. Also over the torus ;trch-
shaped green schist covers the clamps, wi1J1 eight copper coins benea1J1'' (Nishikawa
et al., Gandhara 2, 85). Later in this same report it is stated that the Vima Kadphiscs
coins were found in the core stiipa {Ibid., 89). En·ington accepted this evidence to
date dlis sliifia to 110- 120 C.E. (ErringtOn, "Numismatic Evidence for Dating the
98 CHAPTER FOUR
the site was founded before or during his reign (circa 110- 120 C.E.).
At the beginning of phase Ill the main stii.pa was encased; 12 smalJ
stftpas in tlus sacred area were partially engulfed in the fabric of this
addition (stttpas 105, 106, 108, 109, 115, 116, 124, 129, 132, 133,
134, and 135; stti.p{IS 102 and 122 probably also date to this time)
(fig. 80). As these small stiip{IS predate the encasement, we can plaoe
them in phase II, the addition to the main stujJa being broadly datcil
to the beginning of phase Ill, again on numismatic grounds. At till:
base of the stairs leading up to the main stzifJa, severaJ paveme11t
scones were found in situ that had holes bored in them for the donar
cion of coins. Of the more than 180 holes, 14 contained in situ coin:s
(fig. 81 )Y T his coin evidence and the recovery of an inscription mell'>-
tioning the Kushan king Vasudeva indicate that the encasemeJl.t
occurred around 200 C.E., or near the beginning of phase l11.~2
The excavation of the northeast corner of the phase m encasement
of the main stii.pa exposed one-fourth of the early core stii.pa. Becausf!
it was pr·otected by the encasement, t11e core st!tpa was fotmd intact
(fig. 79). Its square base is roughly comparable to the phase I court:
A and B stlip{IS in the D hannarajika monasteries or t11e early Pl
main stzi.pa in the lower court at Takht-i-bahi (figs. 16, 2, 46). Perhaps
mor·e sigrllficant is the fact that the high circular drum of the R arugat
core stii{Ja is very similar to the phase I form of the Butkara I main
stiipa (fig. 98). The link to early Swat material is also evident when
comparing the small, presumably phase Il stup{IS from Ranigat (fig,
80), which are quite sinlllar to those found in stiipa shrines at Pippal~
(fig. 40), Butkara lli (fig. 102), and Mmjanai in Swat (fig. 107).
Another indicator of an eal"ly dare of the R anigat eastem sacred
Buddhist Remai.ns of Candhara," 194-). Most recently Od1mi (" ew D iscovetiCJI

from Raniga t," in SouJ!t Asian Arclwrology 1997, eds. M. Taddei and C. De Man;()
[Rome: IsiAO], 2000, 838), stated that they were insened in the rnolding.
" ·n,ey included an i\"Lcs ll coin (6- 17 C.E.), a single Kujula l{;)dphises issue
(30- 78 C.E.}, lln-ee of Hu~ka (146- 84 C.E.), and eight of Vasudeva (184-220
C.E.) (Nishikawa, Odani, and Namba, Preliminary &port on Gmu/Jw:ra Buddhist Sil~
92- 93; Odani, " ew Discoveries from Ra.nigat,'' 834- 39). Enington has suggesied
that the pavement soone coins of Huvi~ and Vasudeva date w a period of rebuild•
ing (En'ington, "Numismatic E,~dence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of G1111dhara,,.
197). Ln any case, this gt·oup of coins shows that this slab was in place very early
in phase nr.
~2 Nishikawa, Odani, and Namba, Pre/imi,uuy RejXJrt or1 Gmullwro. Buddltist Sites, 95.
The inscription incised on a stone frame reads Vasudeva Malwqja Devap111ra.sya llgrabha.,<14
Pt•rihasadaha Bhaua (tu), or as the excavator translated, " May the great king of
Vasudeva be gi,,en supreme happiness."
THE PHASE li SACRED AREA 99
area, one that might even suggest phase I, is the presence of sev-
eral set~ of freestanding vedika raiJings (I 31 vedikii pieces were recov-
ered). These fences appear to have stood on the edges of the square
bases surrounding the drums of some of these smal.l stilpas (fig. 82)
(see section 2.3.1 The Phase I Stiipa and Appendi.'X D). When taken
together, all of the architectural and numismatic evidence demon-
strates that the core stiipa and surrounding smaiJ stiipas at R anigat
are among the earliest finds from the Peshawar basin.
4.3 Swat: Phase If Architectural Evidence
4.3. I Butkara !: Phase If A rchilccture

In Sw;Lt, the site of Butkara I was a regional hub, like the Dharmarajika
complex. Some of its subsidiary sites include Butkara UI, Saidu, Panr,
Baligran1, and Loebanr I, II, and Ill. D ating remains from the site
of Butkara I is more difficult than dating those of T <L'X.ila, but a
group of late phase I and phase II structures can be identified (fig.
97). Phase IJ at Butka.ra I began with yet another encasement of the
main sUi.pa (GSt4/ 1),~3 and at that time the sw·rounding stiijJas and
$' The subsequent expansion of the main sl!if;a occul'l'ed in five stages (GSt4/ 1- 5).
In relic deposirs placed along the pe1irn eter of' the GSt4/ I encasemenr, 107 coin s
were fow1d, most being of Azes ll and Kttiula Kadpltises, and a few of Hmri.~ka
{Facccnna, Bulkara 1, vol. 3, no. I, 115- 16, 169). lf one assumes that Ka.n i ~ka l's
era started in 120 C.E., then Huvi~ka would have reigned fi·om 14·6 to 184 C .E.;
thus, the GSt4/l period must date to the end of the 2nd century C.E., putting this
stage of consu-uction in phase !I. GSt4/ 2 was constructed approximately in phase
ill; the enca.sement GSt4/3, '" hich can be tied to an earthquake or some other
natural disaster, probably dates to the second half of the 4th centtuy C. E. (faccenna,
Bulkm·tJ. I, vol. 3, no. 3, 109 fl; 635; Faccenna, Gob!, and KJ1an, " A Report on the
Recent Discovery of' a Deposit of Coins u1 the Sacred Area of Bur.kara I (Swat,
Pak-ista n),'' 113). The date for GSt4/ 3 is based on the thin evidence of a single
Kidarite coin (middle of phase ID). However, the date of this earthquake or pe1iod
of restora tion can be determined becatL~c coins of Huv~ka , Vasudeva, and, notably,
Kav-dd were found in associa tion with niches Ql, Q3, and Q!0- 12, but not in the
origil1al reijquaries placed behind these niches (Faccenna, Butko.ra I, 1 13- 14). GSt/4
and GSt/5 can be dated only roughly, in that they p•·ecede a general collapse of
the monument, apparently in the 7th cernury C.E. Thus, these five stages would
sp<m, roughly, the end of ph ase m through phase IV. [n gcne.-al, less evidence is
available for the dating of Butkara I, so its chronology is less secure than that of
the Dharrnarllji.ll<, . However the data from But.kam l, togethe•· with evidence fi'om
Saidu and Pa nr, provide a good foundation for dete rmining the chronoiOf,')' of the
monuments of Swat.
100 CHAPTE R FOUR
columns were absorbed into the main pradak!iJ.zapa~,ha (figs. 97, 98).54
Only at this stage did the main stilpris circumambulatory pad1 become
endosed. Tllis integration of the SLu·rounding structures is a feature
that Butkara I shares with the contempora.ty Dharmarajika stupa in
Taxila (fig. L).
One of the largest two-celled shrines in all of Greater Gandhara
was constructed near the end of phase I,;,; and it is referred to iD.
the excavation reports as the Great Building (G B) (fig. 97, northern
edge of site; fig. 98). Trus dating is solidly supported by comparisons
to the many two-celled shrines elating to phases I and 11 from Taxila
(see section 3.3 Two-Celled Stupa Shrines and Direct-Access Shrines:
Phases I and 11). The massive Butkara I Great Building, with its
enclosing circumambulatory path, is quite sinlllar to the Dharmariijikft
H structure or the earlier Mohra Maliariiii two-celled temple (fig. L3).
Like d1ese other large relic shrines, the Great Building sat on a raised
plinth, and until the end of phase Ill, access was facilitated by a
paved path from the north gate of the main stiipa. T races of ancie11t
chisel marks along the l'as;ade base of the Great Building indicate
that sculptw·e was placed there at one time, as well as along the
sides of the steps.SG The walls of the Great Building were pla.~tered,
and there is evidence of successive modification and restoration, incli-
cations that tllis monument was used for a considerable time.57
Additional relic shrines bracketing the Great Building form a wan
of sh1ines along the northern boundaly of the Butkara I sacred area.
The east wing shrine (the FA complex to the right of the G B in fig.
97) probably was also a direct-access relic shrine. This shrine was
modified so many times that the original form of the building remains
unclear. However, we know that it initially housed a long rectan-
gular podium accessed by steps and that over time it was expanded
into a complex of three room s built on a high plinth.~ Directly
opposite t11e cast win g shrine is a phase I stii.pa, which by phase li
had an attached chamber with a stucco floor (built in two phases),
M Faccenna, 811tkam I, vol. 3, no. I, 77. The eat·lier CSt3 lLpper circumambu-
latory path was completely covered and integrated into the GSt4/ I. encasement.
~~ The dat.c is based on an Azcs II coin found in the foundation pit of the wall
in room A and on two coins, one of Kuju la Kadph.ises and another of Azcs U.
found in a shrine (FA and FAU) immediately to the east of the Great Building
(Ibid., vol. 3, no. I, 1.68).
56
Ibid., vol. 3, no. I, 15 7- 8.
11
Ibid., vol. 3, no. I, 158.
53 Ibid., vol. 3, no. I, 160- 3.

THE PHASE TI SAC RE D AREA lOl
sealed with a door. 59 T he R relic shrine complex at the entrance to

the DharrnarajiJdi prad~patha is an analogous example of linking
an encl.osed room to a stiipa. Thus, it seems reasonable that a relic,
which was displayed in the east wing shrine, might have been housed
in this room. 60
The Great Building at But.kara I is the only massive example of
a two-ceUed shrine in Swat, and its form is a nearly perfect reflection
of contemporary structures at Taxila. It seems almost certain that
this shrine would have been used for the display of direct-access
relics. We know that at the time of its construction it was the most
important shrine in the sacred area, supersed ed only by the main
stflpa itself. T he roughly north-south axis within the sacred area indi-
cates how worshippers would have moved through this site during
phase II, circulating between this shrine, where relics could be viewed,
and the main stupa. A~ at the Dharmarajika complex, many small
stiipas and other devotional structures were built to create a proces-
sional avenue that connected these two structures and integrated the
circumambulatoty path of the main stiipa.
4.3.2 Panr: Phase If Arch£tecture

Panr, a fairly small site that served as a satellite of l3utkara I, was
used during phases II and Ill (fig. l 03). The phase IT form of this
site is unusual: two small sacred areas, each with a small main stilpa,
served a modest population of monks living at the site. Most of the
monastery has been lost to erosion, but the remains of an assembly
hall suggest that it was originally about two-third~ the size of the
Saidu quadr angular vi.hiira61 and thus must have had about 25 cells.
The chronology of this site is only generally known; the five Great
Kushan coins come from layers of sedim entation and destruction, and
one was found on the surface.62 However, the architectural evidence
59 This chamber was built at the same time as the fourth encasement of d1e
main stiipa (GSt<~/l }. Traces of the jambs and hinge sockets survive (Ibid., vol. 3,
no. I, 160- 3).
60 Over rime, offerings would have been given to the rclic (notably sculpture}, so
d1at ultimately a room sucb as this would have contained much more rhan the reli-
quary and the actual relic.
6 ' Facccnna, Khan , and Nadiem, Panr I (Swat, Pakistan), I 05- 6.
62 TI1e coins include one Huvi~a, two Huvi~ka type, and two Vasudeva I (Ibid.,
129, 131- 2).
102 CHAPTER FOUR
can be assigned a relative sequence based on supenrnposJtton anrl

comparisons of structural forms and masonry with Butkara I a®
Saidu. lndical'ions suggest that the site was founded during phase II
and that additions were made in phase 111.63
The configuration of the phase ll upper tetTace suggests that tlte
main st!i.pa and subsidiary monuments were built in conceit. T hre-e
similar stupas were built, one to the north (9), one to the east (~,
and one to the west (12), together with four columns at the foqil· !
'
corne rs of the main stupa- columns 33, 10, 8, and 4 (fig. 103).64 'A
similar pattern marks tl1e lower terrace, although the structures ate
less wel.l preserved. 65 Al~o significant is the use of columns as free-
standing structures within the sacred area, a feature also found at
Butkara I, at Saidu, and probably at th.e D harmarajika complex in
T axiJa. 66
4.3.3 Saidu: Phase 11 Architecture

The Saidu sacred area and monaste1y are just above tl1e fertile pla.i)l
that supported the nearby city of Mingora. Saidu is the largest of
the satellites of Butkara I, located only 1.5 km away, over a ridge.
Saidu Sharif I was caref·ully excavated, and this work provided ex:tei!l-
sive doctunentation of phase IT and m structures fi·om Swat, indu<il.-
ing a reconstruction of its main stupa (fig. 105).67
The foundation of the Saidu sacred area and monastery can he
conservatively dated to phase ll on the basis of linUted numismactc
and paleographic eviclence. 68 The sacred area and the monastery
., The excavators argu~;;d that the foundation of Pfu1!' corresponds to the pe riod
between Butkara I GSt 3 and GSt4/ I, on the basis of architectural similarities aqd
masonry; this is approximate!)' phase [[. They divided COJ'lSil'uccion of the s.ite into
tlu·ec periods: Period l, from the middle of tl1e Ist centmy to the 2nd ceotuey
C.E.; Period 2, the 3rd and 4dl centuries; and Per·iod 3, the 4r.h and 5th centuries
(fbid., 65, J29- 30).
64 £bid., 4·0, 1!>4- 62, 182-90.
65
Main sWpa !6 and surrounding monuments 13, 24·, 20, and 25. The excava-
tors suggested that the presen ce of 31 and 30 would complete this symrn etridll
organization (Ibid., 49).
66
See fbid., I 05- 6.
6' For an analysis of the Sa.idu ma.iJ1 st1ipa. reconstruction, sec Fa.ccen.na, Sai(/J;
Slwrif, the Sacred A·rea, Appendix A, 43 1- 5 76.
68 Fc)r period 1, one coin of Azcs Il, one coin of Huvi;.ka, and an inscriptiO):!
(S 23 14) were found . Fussman believed that the inscription was written between 5:0
B.C.£. and 50 C.E., but he also accepted a 78 C .E. date for Kan~ka's era; th(ls
THE PHASE U SAC RE.D AREA 103
both tJ1rived during phases II and III, as indicated by coins of Sorer

Megas, Huvi5ka, Vasudeva, and later Kushan issues, along with four
inscriptions iliat can be dated on ilie basis of paleography.69 As noted
by ilie excavators, the absence of late coins suggests that occupation
of this site ended sometime in the 4th or 5ili century C.£., mean-
ing that the architectural forms are no later tJ1an phase III. The evi-
dence used to provide an absolute chronology does not provide a
means to separate the phase II a nd ITI structures, but supel;mposi-
tion, successive floor levels, and compm·isons with the nearby sites
of Butkara 1 and Panr shed some light on the development of this
religious center. A masonry development can even be traced at iliese
mree related sites.70 lt appears that soapstone ashlar was used to
construct early structures, ilie main stzlpa at Saiclu being a good
example, and schist: diaper mason1y was used for later stzlpas and
image shrines (fig. I 04).11
Given that Saidu was a subsidiary site, generally comparable to
.Jauliafi (fig. 27), it is remarkable tJ1at it attracted so m<my donations;
the probable reason is the importance of ilie main stzlpa at this site.
In the earliest period, a schist Roor (F3) was laid (fig. I 04), perhaps
to facilitate prada/qi~za around the main stzipa; in this sense the early
organization is comparable to that of the older s1tes of Butkara I
(fig. 97) and the Dharmarajik.'i (fig. 1).72
The Saidu main stftpa had huge columns crowned with lions stand-
ing on the comers of ilie plinth, a freestanding vedikii bordering the
stairway and plinili, and a large namttive frieze circling the drum. 73
this dare would be pushed fotward about 40 years, following the 120 C.E. acces-
sion date accepted here. Therefore, the monastery was founded during phase 11
(Callieri, Saidu Sharij llu Mo11astny, 118- 9).
69
T he following coins were fotmd in the sacred ~trea: one Vima Kadphises, one
Huvi$ka, tluee Huvi$ka -type, two Vasudeva I, two Vasudeva-typc, and two that a re
worn and unidentifiable. All but one, a H uvi;;ka coin from pe riod 11, come from
the alluvial layers and collapse material in period rv (Facce nna, Sltidu Sharif, the
Sacred Area, 158- 63; see also the discussion of numismatic evidence fi-om the monastery
in Callieri, Saidu Shmif, /he Mollaslt~)', 118- 9).
70
Soapstone ashla r and schist diaper masonry teclmiques are found at Saidu,
Pa nr, a nd Butkara l. Schist diaper is the excl usive mason ry technique a t Butkara
I in the later periods H and nr (Faccenna, Said11 Slunif, the Socrtd Area, l 00- 1).
" Ibid., 9 1- 100.
72 [bid., 5 1- 55.
13 [bid., 5 1; D. Faccen.na et al., Il .Frcgio Figurato dello Stiipa Aincipale neli'hea Sac:m
Buddhista di Saidu. Shmif I (SwaJ, Pakistan), vol. XXVffi, /slA 0 Reports a11d Mcmoin;
(Rome: TslAO, 200 1).
104 CHAPTER FOUR
The earliest structures placed in this sacred area were built in front
of the main stiipa, and they stand on this early schist floor (F3).
Several of these are symmetrically organized pillars, one pair being
24 and 29; the structures 69 and 75 probably also had this fun<>
cion, although their identification is less clear. TI1e first small stiipas
arc also paired, 21 mirroring stiipa 31; if we add stiipa 32, it still i.s
aligned with 31. 14 This kind of organization would have had a dra-
matic visual effect, and it is quite different from the less organized
sacred areas of Trudla and the Peshawar basin of the same period.
4.3.4 Butkara 111: Phase JJ Architecture

Another of Butkara I's satellites is the remarkable site of Butkara JU
(fig. l 00), which was buried under a thick layer of debris. The dat-
ing of this site can be posited on the architectural forms present in
the sacred area-~phase 11 two-celled stiipa shrines, phase Ill image
shrines, and small stiipas of various age:>--supported by the two coins
found at the site, one of Soter Megas and one of Vasudeva J. 15
T he sacred area i~ unusual because no main stiipa is extant; instead,.
eight small stiipas stand at its center. H owever, the western side of
the site was lost to erosion, and the presence of houses also impeded
a full excavarion.76 It seems likely that the section of the sacred area
that has been excavated was auxiliary to an area containing the
main .rtiipa. J amru Garhl (fig. 61 ) sacred area 3, which is just below
the main stiipa in sacred area I, has a very similar configuration; a
group of small sttlpas arranged in a block, in this case surrounded
by banks of phase ill image shrines.
In the case of Butkara I the cluster of small stiipas is enclosed by
a row of six two-ceUed stupa shrines that were hewn from the clay
walls. Structurally, these cave-like edifices are analogous to the rock-
cut Buddhist shrines of Afghanistan and west India. Because the
sltipas in these two-celled shtines were neYer exposed to the natural
elements, they survived in remarkable condition; one is more than
3.2 rn tall. More than 180 pieces of sculpture were found, some in
" Ibid., 53- 7.

a Rahman , ·'J:lutkara ill ," 70 I 2. Sec also Errington, " umismatic Evidence for
Dating the Buddhisr Remains of Gandhara," 21 1.
76 Rahman , " Butkara Ill,"' 706.
THE PHASE ll SACRED AREA 105
situ and others within the sluines at the bases of stiipas, providi ng
•
considerable evidence for accurate reconstruction. 17
T hese two-ceLJed shrines all have front porch areas v.tith low plinths
on either side for the donation of sculpture. The inner chambers
may have been sealed with wooden doors. 78 T he stupas in these
shrines were fasruoned out of extremely refined diaper masonry, sug-
gesting that they were expensive commissions. The shrine housing
stilpa 13 is atypical: it has pillars bracketing its entranceway, tlu·ee very
small stupas ( l 0, I l , and 12) stand in the front part of the cham-
ber, and the primary stflpa is in the back, framed by a small niche.
T he relationship of these two-celled shrines to the small center
stii.pas is unclear, because it seems probable that the most important
structures in this sacred area are on the periphery, not in the cen-
ter, unlike the configuration at Ka.J.awan (fig. 20) or the phase ll
Dharmarajika, although both also have two-celled shrines framing
parts of their sacred areas.
4.3.5 M(ujanai: Phase l1 Architecture

Marjanai (fig. 106), a small center about 20 km northwest of Butkara
I, seems to have been used most in phase II, but considerable pha~e
ill evidence swvives also. Tluee coins found near the two-celled
stilpa shrine S3 include one of Kani~ka I; one of the late Kushans
with a standing figure and a bull on the reverse; and one Kushano-
Sasianian.19 T he three main stilpas at Marjanai make this site com-
parable to phase ll Panr, and the single two-celled stiipa shrine (S3)
can be linked to many phase II examples from T axila.80 The presence
77
Ibid., 693, 697. Several panels were found in situ '"hile others were found on
the floor near the :rllipas, where sockets lor their placement were evident, suggest-
ing that the narratives were attached at the "springing point of the dome" (Rahma.o,
" Butkara Dl," 702- 5). However, the preliminary report does not provide the specific
find spots nor photographs of this extensive body of material. The excavators noted
that the site was inhabited after the Buddhist period, a factor that they suggested
considerably disrupted the site . ln particular they noted that the tops of some of
the stiipos were leveled (this is tr·ue for some stiipos in the centcr cow·t and some
in the t:wo-celled sluines) (Rahman, " Butkara ill," 706).
18
Nails were recovered that the excavators suggested were used to lix these doors
in ~lace (Rahman, ''Butka.ra ill," 694).
Khan, "Preliminary Report ofMllljanai," 12- 13. See also Enington, "Numismatic
Evidence for Daring the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 2 1I.
80
The excavator suggested two phases, on d1e basis that ashlar masonry was
used on the eastem side of the site and diaper on the west, but no specific details
were given in the report.
106 CHAPTE R FOUR
of two small image shtines indicates phase IIJ activity, as do pat-

terns of sculpture reuse (see Appendix C).
At Mrujanai, tJuee large slilpas (MS 1- 3), rather than a single mon-
ument, are the focus of the sacred area. This kind of configuration
is found at the later site of imogram (fig. I 09), where a stupa shtine,
a stiipa, and a relic display shrine are at the core of the sacred area.
It is also present at the T axila site of Kalawan (fig. 20), where a
group consisting of a two-celled stilpa sht·ine, an enterable slilpa, and
a conventional stupa is the focus.81 T h e fact that so man y atypical
sacred areas exist might reflect tJ1e practices of di:fkrent sectarian
groups.
T he two-ceUed slwine S3 is helpful in deciphering the site, because
it was found in very good condition buried under a thick layer of
debris. The walls of this diaper m asonry shrine stand about 4 m
high; stone slabs across the corners of the inner chan1ber suggest
that it m ight originally have had a trabeated dome roof (fig. I 07).82
C onsider-able sculptu ral remains were lo und in tllis shrine, as well
as three reliquaries, tw o in the stiipa and a third loose in the inner
chamber. 83 A group of eight narrative panels was recovered in the
inner chan1ber, as well as six panels, showing figures under arches,
that must originally have been affixed to the drum of tllis stflpa (fig.
I 08).84 T his evidence is fundan1 ental to our understanding of hov,r
sch.ist relief panels were used to embellish phase II stftpas (see sec-
tion 5 .4 The Phase H Small Swpa: Sculptural Embellishment and a
Proposed R econstruction). An additional eight phase li relief sculp-
tures and four schist and stucco icorlic images were found in tl1is
t.v.1o-ccllecl shrine, providing us with yet another instance of dona-
tive or reused sculptures being placed within a relic shrine.
81
An o1J1er example is Baligram, where three lar<.,:e stiipas face an even Larger
fourth (Khan, " Preliminary R eport of l'vla1janai," pi. VI).
112 Ibid., 10.
"' Ibid.
&I T he panels an: w·Ufon·n in scale, a.re made of the same ma terial, and are
curved appropriately {fbid., LO, 13- 20). For· a discussior1 of these reJjefs and their
relation to other sets of Candhararl na r-rative, see K . Behrendt, " arrative Sequences
in the Buddhist Reliefs fi·om Gan dha ra," in SouJ/1 Asiat1 Archaec/Qgy 2001 (P<u·is: in
press); M. Taddei, " R ece nt Archaeological Researches in Gandh ara: T he New
Evidence," in Source.r if Ga11dhiira11 Buddhism; Archaeology, A•·f ar1d Texts, ed. K. Behrendt
and P. Bra ncaccio (Va ncouver: University of British Columbia Press, in p ress).
THE PHASE Il SACRED AREA 107
4.4 Architectural Organ~ation and Development cif the Sacred Area

in Taxila, tJze PeshawaT Basin, and Swat During Phase 11
Buddhism grew as an important religiom movement in Gandhara

during phase II. Many new centers were established , and a wide
range of new archjtectural fom1s were developed to serve Gandharan
interests and needs. Gandhara no longer looked to north India for
architectural inspiration, nor to the west for new architectural forms.
At this early date, Buddhism was just begimung to spread into cen-
tral Asia fi·om the no1il.1wesL In phase II the Kushans united Gandhara
and north India, and during this period the volume of foreign trade
increa~ed greatly.
During phase Il, relics, reliqumies, and the stujlas that housed
them were the primary objects of devotion. To understand the dom-
inant religious currents of thi~ period, we must look at the use of
relic monuments in the sacred areas of Buddlust sites. Scholars have
concentrated on the " narrative" sculpture produced during phases I
and II, but have lost sight of tl1e fact that tlus imagery fimctionecl
primarily to embellish relic monuments and thus was not itself the
focus of worship.
The phase IJ popularization of relic shrines can be seen most
clearly in T axila at sites like the Dharmarajika complex (fig. I) or
K.alawan (fig. 20) or in Swat at Butkara I (fig. 97), Butkara Ill (fig.
100), and Marjanai (fig . I 06). In phase II, the main stiipa was
approached via relic-dominated avenues, or the entire sacred area
was endo eel by two-celled relic shrines. At the Dharmar~jika, a
devotee would have encountered an apsidal stupa shrine, five two-
celled shrines,85 five stupas, and the elaborate R direct-access relic
shrine before entering the pradak~rl(lpatlta, wluch in turn wa~ lined
vvith muJtiple shrines that probably contained relics. At Butkara I in
Swat, a large, elevated two-cellecl shrine (the Great Building) was
placed opposite the main stiipa. A north-soutl1 passageway connected
this monumental relic shrine with the main stii.pa pradolqi.l}ajJatha. The
circuman1bulatory path was gradually enclosed by a forest of columns,
some with relic deposits, and small stflpos. At all of these centers,
stiipas and relic shrines were configured to create a dramatic religiom
8.1Even though the G5- 6 and L sr.ructures are slightly ofr the acrual processional
path, they must have been used in conjunction with this approach.
1
108 CHAPTER FOUR
experience that would have been heightened by the narrative an~

symbolic sculptural reliefs that further emphasized th e relic. Althougl)
north Indian Buddhist sites shared this interest in the Buddha's relics;,
direct-access relic shrines were much more common in G<mdhara at
this time, while stUjJas with enlarged (enterable) relic chambers seen}
to have been a Gandharan innovation. 86
In the Peshawar basin, a t Ranigat, the only site having clearly
identifiable phase II architecture (figs. 78, 79, 80), the modest-size~
main stupa can be compared to similar monuments at sites in Swl'i]:
like Panr (fig. I03) or Ma1:janai (fig. I 06). On the basi.~ of this patt.
tern, the small main stupa StlO in the T hareli lower sacred area Ill
(fig. 69) and the Takht-i-bahi P l stiipa in lower stii.pa court V (fig-si
2, 46) can be dated as phase n (see section 7.2.1 Takht-i-bahi: Phas<:
II Remains; section 7.3 Thareli: Phase II and ill Architecture). J4
T axila the phase ll main stiipas ar e generally much larger, except
for tl1ose constructed within monastic courtyards: stupa A at Pippala
(fig. 39) and sttipa C at Khader Mohra D2 (f1g. 26). Limited spaC<'I
in the sacred areas may have driven the construction of secondar9
main stii.pas.
Studies on the phase II narrative sculpture have focused on iden~
tifying the stories recounted in the many p<meL~ recovered from sites
in the Peshawar basin and Swat. Little attention has been paid tQ
how they figured in the devotional archjtectural setting of a Buddhist
sacred area , because scant evidence remains for this kind of recon+
struction. This sparse evidence, however, is crucial for understanding
the early development of the Buddhist tradition in Greater GandhiiraJ
eG TI1e circa 5th cenru.ty C.E. main sllipa. a[ Mohenjo Daro in the Sind has IUl
enterable relic chamber (see Chapter 3). After the 5th cennu-y C.E. a few stOjJIU
were constructed in north and west India the ma>' have had entemble relic chanv
bers, the sites of Sopara and Kush.inagara being of particular interest.
•
CHAPTER FIVE
THE PHASE ll DISTRIBUTION Ai\TO

FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE
Because so much controversy surrounds the chronology of Greater

Gandharan sculpture, it is important to begin with some simple ques-
tions. What sculpture can be attributed to phase Il; i.e., can a cat-
egory of sculpture be recognized and dated to this time period?
Assuming tllis is possible, where was this sculpture placed, what kinds
of in situ evidence survive, and what does this tell us about the over-
all sculptural embellishment of phase Il monuments!' Finally, is it
possible to reconstruct the pha~e 11 main stupa, small stupa, and two-
celled shrine? If so, what does this tell us about how the early
Buddhist community used this imagery?
It appears that much of the schist narrative sculpture was carved
during phase II (see Appendix B and section 5.4.2 The D rum:
Developments in the Narrative T radition) and that it was placed pri-
marily on the small stupas crowding th.e sacred areas, as well as on
small seupas placed in shrines (fig. 8). Surprisingly few narrative reliefs
were executed at a scale that would be appropriate for main stt"i.pas
(thus most must have been devoid of narrative reliefs), with the excep-
tion of the main stii.pa at Saidu and possibly the upper P2 main seupa
at Takht-i-bahi (see section 5.21 Sculpture from Phase II Main
St.Upas: Takht-i-bahr and Saidu).
In the Peshawar basin, black schist was used for both sculpture
and decorative architectural elements; in Swat, green schist was also
employed. T he overall jewel-like appearance of the decorated small
stiipas was at times enhanced vvith gold leaf applied to key sculptural
elements.' In the T axila area, schist was not available; the relatively
few stone sculptures recovered from these sites appear to have been
imported from nearby Peshawar basin production centers. 2 In effect,
1
There are many instances of srnaU traces of gold stiU adhering t.o schist imagery.
2
T housands of phase IT schist sculptures and architccturdl fragments were found
at sites like Thareli, Ranjgat, and Takht-i-bahi alone (see Appendix D).
110 CHAPTER FlVE
tllis means that the Taxila evidence is less helpful for understanclr
ing the development of schist sculptural production than the Peshawat.
basin sites, which of course are not as well documented. Althougl'l.
stucco and lime were used to finish masonry structures throughoul
the northwest, stucco imagery did not become common until phase
Ill. There are, however, a few stucco sculptures from T axila an~
the Peshawar basin that can be directly compared to the phase N
schist narrative reliefs. 3
The narratives would have been placed in a band around the
drums of these small stapas so that devotees could read them in thet
process of circumambulation (figs. 8, 121 ). Additional muTative ele--
ments were placed in false gable reliefs and on four sides of the
hannikii (figs. 122, 87, 95B). T hese figurative panels appeared Ol)
str.ipas together with supporting elements such as atlantes, lions, anc;l
elephants; decorative bands that include fit:,tt•res cany ing garlandS1
pseudo-vedikiis shown in relief; checkerboard and floral motifs; dom~
embeUished with lotus patterns; and chnttriiva/i (see section 5.4 Tl~
Phase II Small Stiipa: Sculptural Embellishment and a Proposed
Reconstruction and ftgs. 85, 93, 95). \IVhile some of these stil.pa embelb-
ishments, such as lions supporting stflpa bases, false gables, and hannikii
reliefs, remained popular during phase Ill, a raclical transformation
sometime near the end of phase IT made sliif;as •-inged w.ith narra.
lives obsolete. When iconic images became popular and began t0
appear within the sacred areas, in independent image shrines ot-
a.fflXed to preexisting structures, the practice of illustrating the Buddha~
actions in narrative panels became superfluous. Well-preserved phas~
Ill sttipas with in situ sculptural embellishment such as tl1ose in the
sacred areas of J aulian (fig. 28), T akht-i-bah1 (fig. 46), and Ali Masjio
(fig. 96) are adorned with row upon row of iconic Buddhas and bod-
hi.sattvas. Na1Tative references, when present at all, have been reduced
to a few hand gestures (rnudl'ii.S) that refer to the major events suJ.'I-
rounding the Buddha's enlightenment and role as a teacher (see sea.
ti.on 6.5 The Phase m Small Sttlpa).
arrative sculpture that recounted the life and actions of the
Buddha appears to have been created as an attestation of ind.ivid~
3 A small group of stucco reliefs depicting }ilt1kas were fow1d in sitll in the Rl
shrine attached to pedesrals at tJte Dharmarajika complex; a few smaU stucco na.t-
rative scenes under Little arches smvive from Takht-i-bah.f; and a un:ique depiction
of the first sermon can be low1d at Tharcu {see Appendix B).
Copyrighted materi, I
•
THE PHASE n DISTRJ.Btr.riON AND FUNCTION Of SCULPTURE 11 [
ual faith. In the hope of gathe1ing merit tor oneself or family, Buddhist
d evotees in Gandhara would sponsor the construction of small stu-
pas and shrines. A handful of inscripl"ions, such as the copper plate
record fi·om .Kalawan (see section 4 .1.1 KalavV<ln: Phase JI Architecture)
speak of this practice. A rare inscription on the base of a narrative
relief from Begram, showing the Buddha sitting in abh0;ya. mudrii and
flanked by devotees, reads " ... gift of Antarr; through this root of
bliss [may it be] for the worship of (her] father." 4 While such a
donative statement is open to a range of interpretations, it does seem
that Antarf paid tor a single element of a sti1pa embellishment and
that the offering was made for the spiritual benefit of her father.
The architectural evidence demonstrates that devotion was cen-
tered on rel.ics during phase 11, as is illustrated by the diffusion of
stupas and relic shrines.5 In a small panel lrom an unknown site in
Buner, we get a sense of the nature of this kind of devotional activ-
ity from an illustration of a group of monks and lay devotees cir-
cuman1bulating a small stzipa (fig. 120). This emphasis on relics is
also seen in the stories depicted; commonly, a sequence includes the
Pminirviirza, his coffin, the cremal"ion, the dlo;play of the relics (a bell-
shaped obj ect covered by a cloth sitting on a throne), the division
of relics, the transportation of relics, and finally a stilpa under wor-
ship, Like the Buner example (fig. L08). In these pictorial accounts,
a scene is commonly devoted to the veneration of the Buddha's
relics, thus mirroring actual practices that we know took place in
the pha<;e II sacred area (see section 3.1 Chinese Pilgrims' Account<;
or D irect-Access R elic Shrines in Gandhii..-a).
• " ... y(e) A(rh)t.ariye danrunmt•he ime~a kusamule•:ta pituno pt(iae Q)havatu)."
S. Konow, "Khamshti Inscription on a Begram Bas-Relief," Epigrap!tir,a lndica x--x.n
(1933- 34): ll - 15. While the narrative an from Afghanistan is broadly related to
that fTom Pakistan, far less is known about its development or chronology. Some
Afghan narrative panels were being produced as late as phase Ill, judging from
their iconographic sophistication.
j Relics have been recovered from many small sltipas in GaJ1CU1ara, but they are
not always present. While relics were looted by treasure hunters who destroyed
srnaU stiipas looking for reliquaries where coins could be found, it seems that some
smaU sllipas actuaUy were built without any relics at tl1e core. Nonethcless, they
would have been understood as relic structures by the religious community.
11 2 CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Tize Issue of Pro11enance: Late 19th and Early 20th Century
Photo Documenl.atUm if Gmzdhiiran Sculpture
The earliest excavations in Gandhara yielded great quantities of schist

sculpture; although some documentation exists for finds of the:: 19tb
century and more for those of the early 20th, it addresses issues
different from those that confront us today. 6 In the earliest perio~
sculpture, coins, and reliquaries were collected by VJU·ious military
officers; many of these items ended up in the major colonial muso-
ums in Peshawar, Lahore, and Calcutta, as well as the British MuseUJ'l)
in London.7 At that time it was the practice to group the narTativ~
panels on the basis of subject and the large devotional images by
iconography. In other words, the original combination of differenl
pieces W 'd S deemed irrelevant, and the sculpture that embellished a
given sacred area or stupa was separated and mixed with other loose
finds, obscuring our understanding of regional workshops ar1d locab-
ized religious traditions. Confusion about Gandharan chronology has
its roots in this practice. While these museums attempted to keep
records of provenance (multiple numbering systems were establishe~
much of the information known to the scholars of the time was losl
between the 1880s ar1d 1920s.0 Although more care was taken ~
the importance of documentation became clear, by then the sculR:""
ture from the largest sites in the Peshawar basin had already been
taken away from its original context.
Fortunately, it is possible to reconstruct the provenance of ma~
of the Peshawar basin schi~t sculptures on the basis of labeled photo:.
graphs taken at the time of their excavation.9 A key part of thi:s
endeavor is a group of pictures taken by Alexander Caddy an!ll
6 For an extensive discussion of 19th <md early 20th century documentation o:11
Gandhiira, see Errington, "The Western Discovery of the Art of Gandbara."
1
Gandharan sculpture also went to museums in .Bombay, Madras, Luckno<~,
Allahabad, and, following Partition, Chandigarh.
8 The British colonial musewns were tmderstaffed at a time when an enormous
number of Gandha.ran Buddhist S<.,J.lptures were being collected.

9 Nwnbers painted on ma ny sculptures can be correlated to archived documents
and lists. See E. Errington, "Addenda to Ingholt's Gandharan Art in Pakistan,''

Pakirf<m Archaeoll!gy 26, no. 2 (1991); "Towards Clearer Attributions of Site Provenan(!e
for Some 19th Cenrury Collections of Ga ndhara Sculprure," in Soulll Asia11 Archaeola!p•
1987, ed. M. Taddei (Rome: ls'MEO, 1990); and "The Western Discovery of dte
Art of Gandhara," 309- 70, ·~51-90.
THE PHASE 11 DISTRIBUriON AND F'UNCTION OF SCULPTURE I 1.3
M. Senatt between 1882 and the 1890s.10 Together with other rel-
evant images, these photographs were assembled as the Archaeological
Survey of India Indian Museum series. 11 Several group photographs
from dus period show the assembled sculptures from a given site,
providing an essential tool for understanding the regional schools.
T ypically, only well-preserved sculptures were photographed, along
with major architectural elements. Group photos exist for the sites
of Koi Tangai, Loriyan Tarigai (figs. 85, 88, 89), Mala Tarigai, Mian
Khan, Mir J an, upper and lower Nathu (figs. 93 , 95), Sanghao
Rhode, Sanghao C hinlai, and Sanghao Nullal1, and individual sculp-
tures were photographed from ilie sites of Sikri and Kafirkot. Major
H. H. Cole, who excavated some of these sites, published two reports,
one including plans (figs. 92, 94) and the other providing photo doc-
umentation and descriptions of some sculpture 12 (see sections 5.3.1
Upper Nathou Sacred Area: Original Sculptural Placement and 5.3.2
Lower Nathou Sacred Area: Original Sculptural Placement).
The first two important collections of Gandharan art sent to Europe
were lost. One, consi~ting of pieces from J amal Garh1 assembled by
Sir Clive Bayley, was destroyed when the Crystal Palace in London
burned down irt 1866. In 1885 Cunnirtgham sent to England a large
collection that must have contained material from J amal Garhr; it
wa~ lo. t at sea when the steamer Indus sank off the coast of Sri
Lanka. 13 It seems probable that some of the sculpture photographed
by Caddy and Senart •-v-as on the Indus; thus, these early photograp!L~
m·e aU the more valuable.
The group photos provide us with specific information about sacred
areas that are no longer extant. Some of d1ese photos depict nearly
1
° Caddy's name appears on many of the Archaeological Su1vey of India IJtdian
tvfu.qeum series photographs held in the India Office of the British Libr:uy, but
much earlier H. H. Cole mentioned that he employed M. Scnan to take 32 pho·
tographs of sculptures of Sanghao, l\llian Khan, and Nathu for his publications
{Cole, A1femorandum 011 A7ltie1l/. Mommre11ls in Eusoj~ai, 11 ; and Greet·o-Buddl!ist Sculph1res
.from ru~ai). The photographs taken by Senart were 1·ttcr atu-ibutcd to Caddy.
11
'Dte Indian Museum series of Gandharan finds survives as a labeled, intact
set of about 250 photos, now housed io the India OfFice of the British Library.
Many of these photographs arc also in the Warburg Institutes photo archive, the
British Museum 's holdings, and the Alkazi collection's Fluke Album.
12
I thank Elizabeth Enington for providing me with copies of these two reports,
which have otherwise not survived in the scholarly record: Cole, .Memqrandw11 on
Ancienl Monummu in Et~sqfttli; and Greet»-Buddhist Sculptures .from Yusjz:ai.
11 J. Burgess, The Cwrdlwra. SculpliJrn: A Selectio11 of .11/Rstratimu i11 twmtyfive P!nle.!
from lite British and Ltrlror Museums (London: W. Griggs, 1899), I.

114 CHAPTER FIVE
complete assemblages of sculptures recovered from individual small

stztpas that arguably fall into phase IP'1' (fig. 108). We also can get
an idea of the impact that the multiple standing Buddhas and bod•
hisattvas from phase ill must have had. Two group photos frorl'\
Loriyan Tang-di show the complete group of large schist icons that
would have srood in the sacred area of a Peshawar basin site (figs,
88, 89). T hese group photos, especially those from the sites mappedl
by Cole, offer us considerable new evidence for understanding the
use of phase II and Ill schist sculpture.
By the beginning of the 20th centwy the Frontier Circle of the
Archaeological Survey of India scaned to compile extensive photo
documentation of their excavations undenaken between 1904 andi
1920, producing more than 1,600 labeled prints. A few hundred
more images of Gandharan sculpture appear in the orthem Circle
series and the Director General series. 1$ A small fraction of these
photographs appeared in Archaeological Survey of India Annual
Reports; the vast majority were unpublished and unstudied. Many
photographs were originally taken for full-length excavation reports
that were never completed. Reports like the one compiled by Marshall
for Taxila were planned for tJ1e sites of Takht-i-bahi' and J amal
GarhL The Archaeological Survey of India photographs also docu-
ment sculptural remains from Sahrr-Bahl61, Shah-jf-ki-c:;lhcri, a nd
many otller minor sites, but without assigning much in1porta.nce to
the architectural remains.
5.2 Narrative Reliifs from Phase JI- In Situ Evidence
Although many phase Il na1Tative reliefs and associated sculptures

have been found in Greater Gandhfu·a, only a handful have been
found in situ or in contexts where their original locations can be
inferred. In part tJUs is because narrative sculpture was often reused
in ancient times as structures fell into ruin or were refurbished (see
Appendix C). Clandestine digging has also disrupted many sites.
H owever, some documentation does exist for the distribution of nar-
" Behrendt, "Narrative Sequences in the Buddhist Reliefs from Gandhara."

•~ A set of all the Archaeological Sutvcy of India photos of the various circles
and those compiled in co•1iunction with the Annual Reports are housed in the India
Office of the British Libraq.
•
THE PHASE Il DISTRIBUTION AND I'UNC'IlON m· SCULPTURE 115
rative reliefs and other associated phase II sculptures from the

Peshawar basin sites of Takht-i-ba.hi, upper and lower Nathou, Sik.ri,
and Karka.i, and in Swat from Sa.idu, Marjanai, and Butkara Ill.
Much of this sculpture was lound within stiipa shrines, where it was
more protected, and most of it originally was affixed to small stii-
pas; however, some can be related to free-standing small stupas within
the sacred areas and in two instances to main stupas.
5.2.1 Sculpturefi·om Phase Jl Main Srupas: Takht-i-biihi and Saidu

On the basis of scale, a strong argument can be made that the
majority of Gand.haran stone narra6ve panels were affixed to small
stilpas; most of the panels are only 10- 25 cm high. However, a few
narrative reliefs are big enough to have been attached to main stftpas,
and in at least two instances such sculpture was found adjacent to
main slilj>as. In Ius 1864 report, H . Bellew noted that at Takht-i-
bahr many fragments of scenes sculpted on tablets of blue slate sur-
rounded the P2 main stupa (fig. 2); he surmised that the tablets
occupied niches in the sides of the sWJ>a; unfortunately, these specific
reliefs can no longer be identified. Bellew described the relief~ as
having represent:a6ons of vat-ious religious and domes6c ceremonies;
i.e., they probably depicted narra6ve events in the Buddha's life. 16
If this account is accurate, it is significant, because the only other
documented instance of narrative sculpture is the scenes attached to
a main stiipa at Sa.idu in Swat (fig. 105).17 The Saidu reliefs, are
large and fragment.:'lry, and they do not contain anthropomorphic
depictions of the Buddha.
16
BeUew, A Gmt'tal Report 0 11 the Yusuj<.ttis, I 31; Enington, "The Weste m Discove•y
of the Att of Ganclhar.1," I l l.
11
Faccenna, Sttidtt Sharif, the Sacred Arll(t, 535; D. Faccenna et al., 11 Fregio FiguraJo
dello Stupa Pri11cipa/e ne/J'Area Sacra Buddkista di Saidu Slurrif I (Swal, PaJ..ista11), vol.
XXVIII, IslAO RL/>or!J and /otfemoirs (Rome: lslAO, 2001). At Butkara !, 16 niches
(15 are extant) ri.ng rhe drum of the Butka.ra I GSt4/l encasement of the main
stiipa, each containing a large green schist figu.ral panel (14 of the 16 survive), and
relic deposits were found behind each of these relief.$. These panels were not equally
spaced and are of different sizes, suggestin g that they were reused {sec Appendix
C) (Faccenna, Butkara I, vol. 3, no. I, 83). Unfortunately, the sculpnu-al represen-
tations are so splintered that the original image can on.ly be made out in one
instance, niche Ql. This relief has been identified as a depiction of the "adoration
of the Buddha," and on the basis of this relief it has been suggested that the set
of 16 panels also would have related to the life of the Buddha (Faccenna , Butkara
I, vol. 3, no. I, 83. lt is my opinion that this relief post-dates the phase Il narrative
] 16 CHAPTER FIVE
5.3 Evidence cif Phase If Original Sculpi~tral Placemmt
5.3.1 Upper .NatiUJU Sacred Area: Original Sculptural Placement

In 1882 Cole excavated the upper <md lower sacred areas of a site
called Nathou on the northern edge of the Peshawar basin. Although
the site is no longer extant, we do have his report and plan (figs.
92, 93). 18 With.in the confines of the sacred area of upper Nathou1
Cole reported recovering 79 sculptures; on his plan the schist images
were found at points marked A, and stucco images at points marked
B. 19 In the case of upper Nathou, two group photos of the sculp·
ture were taken,20 the most representative of which is illustrated here
(fig. 93). Additional photographs and discussion appeared in a sec-
ond Cole pubhcation. 21
The schist sculpntre found at points marked A on the plan appears
to have originally been attached to st:flpas l- 3, all of which were
free-standing structures of central importance to this sacred area.
The schist sculpture appears to have been created primarily during
phase II, as the narrative panels and other decorative elements are
suitable for phase Il st!lpas. The relief~ must have been part of the
original embellishment of these stapas, because they can be grouped
into coherent sets, i.e., multiple pieces that formed a single sculp-
tural element. The following groups of sculptures can be recognized
in the photo documentation of this site (fig. 93): a set of ten medium-
sized narrative panels (A);22 a set of two panels containing four nar-
rative scenes (B); a band of standing figures (eight pieces) (C); a
second band of standing figures (five pieces) (D), a band of figures
under arches (two pieces) (E, not shown in fig. 93); eight small reliefs
tradition, because it shows many similarities with later phase I]] iconic depictions.
Beyond the f.1.ct that no specific na.rrative event is indicated, the hierarchicaiJ>' large
central Buddha is worshipped in the top row by three Buddhas (identifiable by their
lll!~'i{OS and halos) (Behrendt, "Narrative Sequences in the Buddhist Reliefs from
Gandhara'').
18
A survey of this area conducted by K yoto U niversity w1der the direction of
S. Kuwayama located a group of remains that could be upper and lower Nath ou,
but these data need to be cross-checked with Cole's plans.
19
Cole, NlerfllJra11dum on Ancio1l tlfonumoiiJ ;,. Eusrif<;a~ 15.
20 ASu\1 nos. 11 05- 111 5; Cote, Gree«J-Buddl!ist Sculptures fiom Tusj<;ai, pl. l 0.
21 Ibid., 54- S, pi. l Q-19. 'Dtree scu.lprures appea1i.ng in plates 17 and 18 actu-
aUy were e.xca,~ated at Sanghao Rhode at tllis time by Cole.
n This set of reliefs is addressed in detail in Behrendt, "Narrative Sequences in
the .Buddhist Reliefii from Gandhara."
THE PHASE IT DISTRIBUTION AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE 1) 7
depicting atlantes (F); five lions (G, not shown in fig. 93); one false
gable (H ); one harmikii relief (I); a set of four yalqi images (J); one
very small seated Buddha (K); three small seated bodhisattvas (L,
two shown in fig. 93); and three small to medium-sized standing
bodhisattvas (M , one shown in fig. 93).
The sculptures are primarily from phase IT. O nly five devotional
icons were found (K- L), all small, and no late architectUt·al features
appear in Cole's plan. Further, the recognizable sets of images indi-
cate that this sculpture must have formed the original embellishment
of at least two and more probably three small to medium-sized
stzipas?:J (see section 5.4 The Phase J1 Small Srupa: Sculptural Embellish-
ment and a Proposed Reconstruction). This is in agreement with th.e
plan, which seems to indicate that the schist imagety was found
around three stiipas.
5.3.2 Lower .Nathou Sacred Area: Original Sculptural Placement

In the sacred area of lower Nathou, which is no longer extant, 24
Cole excavated three small chapels, where he found a body of schist
and stucco sculpture (fig. 94; shrines 1- 3). Along with a brief sum-
mary of the excavation, a plan was drawn and the sculpture was
photographed as a group and in detail (fig. 95). In his report Cole
noted the presence of 79 sculptures (apparendy schist) and seven
plaster head~, the schist images found at points marked A on his
plan and the stucco images at those marked B. From his plan it
appears that schist and stucco images were found in all three shrines.
Because much of the schist sculpture shown in the photographs can
be roughly placed in phase rr and the stucco iconic imagery in phase
Ill, it seems that some of the sculpture was part of the original dec-
oration while other images were donated at a later time or were
reused.
The shape of the chapels indicated in Cole's plan suggest that
shrine I was an image shrine, because it is U-shaped in plan and
has an open fac;ade; however, no image Large enough to fill this
23The existence of at least two slupas is indicated by two sets of narrative reliefs
(a group of ten related narrative panels and a two-panel set. The three b;mds of
standing figures and figUres under arches appear to have come fi·om three different
stiipas.
2<>Cole, M111rwrandum 0 11 A11cienl Mo11umeT1ts ·in Eusqf:t;ai, 15- 16, pl:m 7; Greeco-Buddhist
Sculptures .from r.ISj;:.ai, 53- 4, 56-7, pi. 6, 14, 2D-23. ASIM photos 1100- 1104.
118 CHAPTER FIVE
shrine was recovered. The other two chapels have small, projecting
front walls, ,.vjth a C-shaped plan that is more characteristic of the
single-celled relic shrines (see Chapter Three and section 7.3 Tharel~
Phase fi and Ill Architecture). This hypothesis is corroborated by
the type of sculpture recovered. About 25% of this marerial is ;i
mixn1re of phase ll and Ill sculpture that could well have bee~
reused p1ior to its deposition in these shrines, a feature characteris~
tic of sculptural assemblages from relic shrines (see Appendix C)~
T he remaining 75% consists of sets of related reliefs that originall~
em belli shed at least two small stzipas and include (fig. 95 ): a set of
three naiTative panels,~ along with tJ1e associated pilasters (A); a sec
of two hannikii relief~, one showing a figure supporting tliratna wheel$
and the other a depiction of the Pminiruiirw (B); a band made up of
nine panels showing figures supporting a gar·land (E); a set of I 1
panels with figures under arches (F); a set of two panels Mth figure~
under arches (D); a set of two panels with rows of figures (G); and!
a set of four pseudo-vedildi rel.iefs (H). All of these reliefS would have
adorned small to medium-sized stUpas. Also significant is a large falsa
&rable relief made up of multiple schist panels (C), which must hav~
originally been attached to a lar ge stii.pa (fig. 95; four of the five
known pieces are visible in this photograph).26 Note that structure Si
could not be the base of such a stiipa, because it lacks projections
adjacent to the stairs and has a rectangular plan.
5. 3.3 Sikri: On'ginal SculptuTaL Placement

Harold Deane conducted what appears to have been a catd'ul exca·
vation of the site of Sikri in 1888, and a plan was made recording
the locations of some sculptw-e. Photos were taken and a report was
published. Unfortunately, the site is no longer extant, the report has
been lost, the known photographs of material from tllis site, which
were not part of the Archaeological Survey of India compilation, do
not form a coherent set, and group photos of sculpture wet·e not
taken. However, the plan is known from fragm ents and early pho-
tographs (fig. 90), and many sculptures now in the Lahore museum
2.1 Two panels show rl1e Buddha and worshipers, and the third depicts the first
m"ditation of' SiddM.rtha.
26 The top of the false gable appears in ASIJ\1 11 02. Four of the na rrative pan-
els depict scen~-s in the palace, and the fourth shows the Great Depanure.
•
THE PHASE 11 DISTRIDUTION AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE I 19
can be attributed to this siteY On the basis of the types of structures

recorded in the plan and the actual recovered sculpture, it appears
that Sikri was active during phase II and the middle part of phase
111. A large single-celled stupa shrine (Rl) that contained the famous
sllipa whose set of 13 narrative panels are now in the Lahore museum
probably dates to phase Il. Although the present order of tl1e Sikri
panels <U1d me form of the stiipa are the product of modern restora-
tion, mree photos taken circa 1890 do show me ordering of me
reliefs in the earliest restoration (fig. 91 ).28 Because tl1e Sikri stupa
was reconstructed near the lime when Harold Deane was working
in tl1e nortllVvest, it seems feasible that tl1e original order of the reliefs
was retained, although tlus supposition should be treated cautiously. 29
5. 3.4 Karkai.: Original Sculptural Placement

The Peshawar basin site of Karkai was excavated in 1874, and a
plan was made; a report document~ the locations of some sculpture,
but no photographs were taken. 30 In what appears to be the monas-
tic area, stftpa shrine G is described as containing a small round
stiipa 2 m in cliameter, tapering to 0.6 m at a 2 m height (its stepped
27
Deane, .Memmmufum. 011. ExUil/()tions ol Sikr~ Yusqftai. For the restored plan and
an extended discussion of this site and its sculpture, see Dar, "The Sikri Scu.lptures."
~ It has been assumed that Deane found d1e Sikli stlipa intact, although in other
instances where narrative reliefs have been found in stupa shrines (Marjanai and
Butkarlt III), dH;y have been lying m·ound the stripa in haphazard arrangements,
obscw·ing the original order. The Sikri slii.pa was first reconstructed near the site
at the Mardan Session Court in the Garden, and later outside the Lahore Museum
(Dar, "The Sikri Sculptures," 2 1- 23. The tlm:e photographs in the India Office of
the British Library {photos 449/61, 62, 66) record the reconstruction in one of
d1ese two early outside locations. One of d1ese photos appears in A. Foucher, "Lcs
Bas-Reliefs du Strtpa de Si hi (Gandhara)," Jmtmol Asiatique, no. 2 {1903): pi. l, and
a second in Burgess, Tize Candlzam SculjJtures: A Selectitm rf 1/JustrotimiS in auentyftve Plales
.from !he British and !Ahor Museums, pi. 4.
29 Two photos now in the Warburg Institute show that the relief order was main-
tained when the Sikri .!tupa was subsequently rebuilt inside the Lahore Museum.
For a more complete discussion of this set, including the ordering of specific reliefS,
see Behre ndt, "Narra6ve Sequences in the Buddhist Reli efs from Gand.ha ra."
30 R. Skene Grant, "Report on the Exploration of the Buddhist Ruins near Ha.rkai
Yusafzai, During d1e Months of March and Aptil 1874, by tJ1e 9th Company
Sappers and Miners Under the Command of Lieutenant Skene Grant, R. E., Punjab
Public Works Depttrlment Proceedings, Civil ·works, No. 17- A: Appendix a, l- 4," in
E. Errington, "The Western Discovery of the Art of Ganclhara and r.he Finds of
Jamalgarhf," (J>h.D. d1esis, London University, 1987). This report and other early
accounts related to d1e site of K.arkai are addressed in Errington's th esis, 138-•~6.
120 CHAPTER FIVE
profile is visible in the A- B cross section of the site). From the

description, it appears that this shrine had a trabeated domed roofSI
that was probably similar to the roof of the single-celled stfi.pa shrine
D6 from Thareli (fig. 70). Skene Grant noted that the decoration of
the Karkai stUpa consisted of "a number of circular rings of masonry:,
one above the other, and decorated with has-reliefs ... all mucb
defaced." 32 Later in the report, he said that these bas-reliefs were
found within the shrine around the stilpa.33 Thus, although we do
not have these specific reliefs for comparison, the Skene Grant report
does provide useful information about the shape of the stupa and the
apparent distribution of reliefs on its surface.
5.3.5 Mmjanai: Original Sculptural Placement

A recent excavation in Swat at the site of Marjanai (fig. 106) uncov-
ered a two-celled stilpa shrine that contained considerable sculpture
and several relic caskets (fig. I 07).34 This well-preserved two-celled
stilpa shrine at Marjanai has standing walls 2.35 m high, with traces
of plaster paving on the floor and on the base of the slilpa. ~ Stone
slabs in the corners of the shrine suggest that it may have had a
trabeated domed roof, like the D6 stupa shrine at Thareli (fig. 70}.
Some of the sculpture found within this shrine certainly represents
heterogeneous donations or reuse, but a set of eight narrative pan-
els (fig. l 08) and a set of five panel~ with figures under arches may
have formed part of the original decoration of the stilpa. 36 The eight
narrative panels share a common scale, mate.-ial, and style, and the
excavators noted that the curvature of the reliefs corresponds to that
of the drum of the st!ipaY These reliefs recount the Buddha's We
as follows: a scene showing a feast (probably the meal served after
st Elsewhere in the Karkai report the arches arc described as being "built evi:-
deotly in the ordinary Buddhist style, each row of stones projecting slightly above
that beneath it until the opening was spanned" (Skene Grant, "Exploration of the
Buddhist Ruins at Takht-i-bai," 440).
31 Ibid.
" Ibid., 441.

:u Khan, " Preliminary Report of Ma.t janai," 2, 8-10.
ll Ibid. , 9- 10.
,; This assemblage was first noted in M. Taddei, "Recent Archaeological Research
in Gandhara: The New Evidence," in Sources of Calldlzi'Jrall Buddltistrt· Archaeology, Art
1111d Texts, ed. K. Behrendt and P. Brancaccio (Vancouvct~ University of Britisb
Columbia Press, in press).
37 Ibid.
THE PHASE D DISTRIDUTION Al'iD FUNCTION OF SCULPTIJR.E 121
the interpretation of the horoscope) (fig. I 08), the birth, first bath,
return to Kapilavastu from Lumbini, Siddhartha in school, offering
of grass, the Parini1viir.za and the cremation, and finally the division
of relics. These stflpa panels would have been read in the course of
circumambulation, from right to left. The story that unfold~ within
this group of narrative sculptures is a familiar one, empha~i zi ng events
surrounding the Buddha's birth and death. It directs attention to the
corporal presence of the T eacher and the circumst.:1.11ces ultimately
leading to the placement of the relic within the stiipa.38
In the case of Marjanai, we can reconstruct the appearance of
the stflpa. It has a high base surmow1ted by a projecting molding,
tlu::n a vertical drum section, another molding, and then the dome,
which is poorly preserved at the top. It is unclear how exactly the
narrative images were attached, but several loose (reused?) late stucco
fragments were found in situ on the first molding, a position where
we could imagine the schist narrative ringed the stfipa in an earlier
period. 39
5.4 TI1e Phase If Small Stilpa: Sculptural Embellishment

and a Proposed Reconstruction
H aving a clear understanding of what a phase II small stflpa looked

like is centrally important to establishing a clear idea of how these
early sacred areas functioned. Certainly this is the best sow-ce for
determining phase n devotional activities; given an architectural con-
text, it should help us to form a more complete pictme of the reli-
gious life. The reconstmction proposed here (fig. 8) is based on
multiple strands of evidence. A few well-preserved phase 1I stzipas
are Pippala stflpa H (figs. 39, 40), Marjanai stupa 3 (figs. 106, 107),
several stupas in shrines at Butkara ID (figs. l 00, I 02), and some
stupa bases fl·om Ranigat (figs. 78, 80). All but the Ranigat stiipas
ss "Dtis sequence is addressed in detail in Behrendt, "Narrative Seq uences in the

Buddhist Reliefs from Gandhara."
" At Butkara m (fig. LOO), 42 pieces of sculpture were reported within the two-
cclled stii.pa. shrines, apparently composed in two tiers (Rahm.an, " Butkara [[[," 700).
No specific locations appear in the preli.m.inaty report, and photographs of the sculp-
ture have yet to be published.
122 CHAPTER FIVE
have round bases, multiple horizontal moldings, and high domes that
were crowned with umbrellas, giving us a vivid idea of how taU and
imposing even the smaller stupas must have been.
Because no pha'!e li stiipa survives with in situ reliefs, the mo[t
accurate sources for reconstruction are d1e depictions that exist wi.th_in
the phase II narrative relief sculpture. Considerable progress has
been made in this direction by D. Faccenna in his discussion of thfl
reconstruction of the main stii.pa at Saidu (fig. 105).40 Although t.he
small sW.pas follow a different developmental pattern, this foundatioo
is invaluable. sw.pas are shown in 3 1 reliefs, and structural infor.
mation can also be gleaned from more than 15 model stUpas an<il
stiipa-shaped reliquaries.41 The Buner relief (fig. 120) is fairly typi.cat
although better preserved than most. This relief is onJy 13 cm tall
but it is possible to distinguish the elevated parts of the stti.pa, corni'"
monly lost in tJ1e archaeological record. Above the square base are
multiple bands of decorative sculpture interspersed with plain area,ss
crowning the st.-ucture are a lotus dome, decorated harmikii, and cha"'
trli.valf.. The stli.pa in this tiny relief provides a summary view of what
a structural sliipa would have looked like; the narrative reliefs and
the false gable were not indicated because of the small scale of tJ1e
panel. Nevertheless, this kind of evidence is most useful for under'-
standing the vertical ordering of sculptural elements. Even more help-..
ful are the many relief sculpture, themselves, which offer numerous
clues to their placement.
Many pieces of carved schist would have been required for a
complete sculptural assemblage and would have made these small
phase Il stiipas quite expensive (see fig. 8). From tl1e sets of sculp•
ture preserved in the early photographic evidence compiled by the
Archaeological Survey of India, a small to medium-sized st"Upa might
have required the following. Lions, elephants, or atlantes would have
adorned the base (a set of eight atlantes [fig. 93, F) was found at
upper athou, and a large set of 14 was reported fi'om J amal. Garlu"). 4~
A set of narratives would have encircled the lower part of the drum
40 Facccnna, Saidu Slwrif, tlu: Sacral Area, 53 L- 71.

41
Twenty-seven of these, some of which <u·e in private collections, appear in
Faccenna, pis. 265- 85. See ahio Zwalf, Cnndlmra Sculpture, color pl. ll. AilS nega·
tive nos. 788.10 (Takbt-i-balu}, 436.47a; American Academy of .Benares negadvo
no. A L.36A; ISEAO negative no . .R/ 17 16 (Peshawar Museum}; Mjzuno aod Hjguch\i
eds., 'ntareli, pi. 9. I0.
42
Erri.ngton, "The Westem Discovery of the Art of G<mdhara," 228.
. '
THE PHASE 11 DISTRIBUTION AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE 1.23
(a good example is a set of ten narrative panels from the upper

Na thou sacred area [fl.g. 93, A], though longer groups are known,
such as an 18-scene set from Loriyan T a.t:tgai).13 Above the narrative,
some sort of decorative band was usually present, pseudo-vedikas being
the most common (such a~ the set of four from the lower Nathou
area [fig. 95, H ]). The next tier could be filled with one of the fol-
lowing three related types of sculpture: ( 1) a row of figures under
arches Qower Nathou has a set of 11 such panels [fig. 95, F]); (2)
less common but directly related, rows of figures like the set of eight
fragments from upper Nathou (fig. 93, C); (3) as an alternative for
the upper register of the stii.pa drum, a band with figures carrying
garlands, such as the set of nine from lower Narhou (fig. 95, E),
though tllis motif might as easily have encircled the dome in a higher
register, as is the case with the Buner relief (fig. 120). False gables
were often affixed to the drum or to the lower part of the dome;
commonly these complex narrative compositions were fabricated of
single pieces of schist, although there were also multi-piece compo-
sitions such a~ at lower Nathou, where an example made of five
panels was photographed (fig. 95, C , four pieces shown). T he square
hannika commonly would have had four narTative panels, one facing
each direction, usually showing some variation of the birth, enlighten-
ment, first sermon, and PtrriniiVii'(ta (figs. 87, 95; B, two pieces shown).
This kind of sculptural evidence suggests that a single small to
medium-sized stfipa could have had as many as 50 sculpted schist
elements adorning its surface, not even taking into account the many
requisite moldings. The fact that so much narrative sculpture has
been recovered in the Peshawar basin and Swat is somewhat rnis-
leading, because it indicates that more phase n stiipas were built
than was actually the case (see Appendix D). Careful examination
of the total corpus of sculpture recovered from these regions sug-
gests that only a moderate number of such stlipas was ever con-
structed and that the period of the production of scllist small strtpas
comple te with multiple narrative panels must have been limited.
The relief panels used to adorn small stilpas can be separated into
several categories. In the case of medium-si:"ted phase 11 slilpas, such
as those in the upper Nathou sacred area or the Sikri smpa, the nar-
rative panels, moldings, and decorative elements attached to the drum
43 Bchrendt, "Narrati ve Sequences in d'ae Buddhist ReliefS fi·om Gandhara ."
124 CHAPTER FtVE
would have been carved on separate pieces of schist. However, for

small slujJas, these elements were combined on single slabs of sto~
(herein referred to as stacked relief.~) . The stacked reliefs provide user
ful contextual evidence, because commonly series of two or three
narrative panels were combined with the above decorative b<Ul~
moldings, and so on (fig. 121 ). Also helpful is the fact that the scuJJt-
tures encircling the drums of small-diameter stupas were carved ofl.
slightly curved panels.'14 Therefore, we can easily identify the panefs
used to adorn the drum of the stilpa.. For some very small stUpaf.
the reliefs were cut into the edge of a single round piece of schis~
a stack of such disks has been used for the conjecttu·al reconstrua.>-
tion of the drum section of a small stiipa. from Loriyan T~gai now
in the Indian museum (fig. 86). ReliefS also appear on flat panels
that presumably were attached to square stiipa bases,4~ or more prob,.
ably to the square step immediately above the base.
Schist imagery would have been affixed to masonry stUpas using
nails and metal clamps; many reliefs have drilled holes, and in a
few instances nails have been found in place.46 The panels also had
tines and sockets so that separate schist elements could be fitted
together, and mason's marks seem to indicate the order in which
these images were to be arranged:.,
5.4.1 77ze Base

In Gandhara the base appe<trs to h<tve functioned to define the sacred
space of the stii.pa much as the vedikiis did at north Indian sites like
S~ifici or Bharhut. T his hypothesis is supported by the fact that when
freestanding vedikiis do appear in the Gandhara.n context, they areil
+~ Because the curvature of d1ese relie£~ can be measured, the diameter of 1.he
domes of the stiipas can be extrapolated. Domes ranged in diameter from as little
as a half meter to perhaps as large as 3 meters. Beyond a diameter of approxlt
mately 3 meters, the curva ture of the relicts becomes difficult to detect. If 1.be dianll-
eter was suflkicntly la.rge, it would have been unnecessaty for the sculptor to cuovt
the relief at all
·~ Altl1ough theoretically they could also adorn large-diameter stiipas, the small
scale of the reliefs often precludes this conclusion.
46
At 1\vujanai a relid" of figures under arches was found •vith the nail still i(l
the hole (Khan, "Preliminary Report of Matjanai," I0, pl. 22b. Stein mentioned
that a nail for afl'ixing sculplUre was found a t Takht-i-biihl in court XIV (Steu:l)
" E..xcavacions at Sahri-Bahlol," l 08).
•• For a summary of constouction evidence, see Zwalf, Callllhara $culfJJt11'8, 50-63.
• J
THE PHASE li OTSTRffiUTJON AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE 125
along the top of the base or around the drum (see section 2.3.1 T he
Phase I Stiipa). This distinction appears to be a defining factor for
reconstructing the phase II stupa base. Three categories of phase II
Ga.ndharan stupas can be recognized, all of which have different
bases: (1) main stV.pas on high bases accessed by stairways attached
to a front projection; many of these stupas also have columns on the
fom corners of tl1e base (figs. 101, 104, 105); (2) small stupas, found
in sacred areas, usually on square ba~es, but witJ1out attached stair-
ways (figs. 2, 46, 78, 80, 120); and (3) small stupas placed in relic
shrines, which in phases I and II never had square bases;48 in these
instances the enclosing shrine appears to define the sacred space,
rendering the base superfluous. For example, altho ugh the stiipa
depicted i11 the Buner relief (fig. 120) has a square base, it~ upper
superstructure is nearly identical to me round-base stupas preserved
in shrines from Pippala, Marjanai, and Butkara ill (figs. 39, 40, l 06,
107, 100, 102). Except for ilie square base in the Buner example,
all the stilpas share the lower stepp ed register and similar sets of
upper moldings and recessed bands. If tJus hypothesis regarding round
stupas is correct, then the base is not truly part of the stupa; rather,
the upper circular superstructure is the relic m onument. In contrast,
ilie unenclosed phase II stupas from R anigat's east sacred area (figs.
78, 80) have square bases like the Buner relief
Other facto1-s also suggest that ilie base functioned to define sacred
space, in tJus sense as a separate structm al element. This may explain
why relic chambers often were placed at the height of the base. It
could also be ilie underlying reason iliat pilasters commonly appear
on sti£pa bases from all periods in Gandhara; they may be making
an architectural reference to defining tl1e sacred space of th e stupa.
It has even been suggested that tJ1e base was fabricated to elevate
the stiipa so that it would be visible from a greater distance. 49
Sculptural depictions nearly always show stiljHIS wiili square ba~es,
tl1e only exception being a single example from Butkara I that shows
a small stupa with a round base, but in this instance it is housed
within a shrine (fig. 99). In six out of the 31 relief examples, stairways
8
' For examp.le, middle to late phase Ill squ<tre-based .rtiipas are found in shrines
at Dhannarajika (shrines R5, N 16) and at Kalawan (shrine A 16).
9
' G. Fussman suggested this function during a panel discussion of a paper at
the conference "On the Cusp of an Era: Art in the Pre-Kushan World," Nov. 8- 12,
2000, Kamas City.
126 CHAP'l'ER FlVE
are shown, Lndicating that a main stiipa is being depicted. This group
can be ex-panded to 20 examples if we include representations <if
.rtfipas with pillars on the corners of the base. Tlus leaves only 11
relief.~, som e of which almost certainly show small stilpas, the Btmer
example being among them.
The stUpa in the Buner relief has a rnolding at the very bottom,
then a plain section topp ed by a cornice that imitates wooden archir
tectural beams (termed herein a pseudo-beam cornice). This arrange-
ment seems very like that of the many extant stilpa bases found in
the Peshawar basin and Swat; typically in the real str~.pas, the plaio
base was fabricated out of masonry and finished in plaster, wherea:s
the pseudo-beam cornice was commonly constructed of multiple smal'J
pieces of schist and also finished in plaster. The square bases arce
undecorated in all but two of the reliefs; in these instances, flowers
fill tllis section.so The phase II stilpa H in shrine 31 at Pippala has
lar-ge stucco lotus flowers set between pilasters encircling its base (fig&.
39, 40).5 1
T h e relief sculpture showing stfljJas does not help us to understancl
how schist sculptures were integrated into the bases of small stiiJHISo.
The obvious categoties of sculpture that almost certainly were attached
to tlus part of the stftpa include lions, elephantS, and adantes. These
figures must have supported the base in some fashion, while at the
same time differentiating the stiipa from the sphere of the mundane
world. T he set of eight small adantes (fig. 93, group F)s2 and the
set of five lions found in the upper sacred area of fatl1ou probably
were affLxed to one of the st1ipas indicated in Cole's plan of the site
(fig. 92).
It is difficult to determine the location of the adantes, lions, and
elephants because extant phase 11 stiipas such as those at R anigat
(fig. 80) do not provide hin ts as to their placement. H owever, con-
siderable phase III stucco evidence shows that Lions (fig. 96) or a
combination of lions and atlantes (fig. 28) or elephants and adantes
served as transition elements between stories within the base. T ypicaU)'I,
phase nr stilpas are stepped; in essence, these stftfJas have multiple
so Faccemta, Saidu Sllilrij, the Sacred Area., pl. 266c, 77a; see also 66a.
so Similar loll•ses set between colum ns but executed in schist were found in th.e
Peshawar basin at Sanghao RJ1ode (ASfl\ll photo nos. 1137, 1138) <md at Sanghao
Chinlai (ASlM photo no. l 032). For a discussion of the dating of the J>.ippala B
st•iPa and shrine, see MarshaU, Taxila, 366.
sz At J amal Garhi 14 schist atlantes were recovered in 1873 and another 15 i:il
1920 (Errington, "The Western Discovery of the Art of Gandhara," 228, fig. 8.22.
Material com direitos autor<: s

•
THE PHASE IT DISTRIBUTTON AND FUNCTION OF SCULP'TIJR£ 127
bases. The lowest and largest base provides a sanctified platform for
the second base, which in turn provides a base for the more sacred
area of the dome. The transitional zones between stii.jJa bases are
clearly marked; the figures are shown lifting the stii.pa up and sepa-
rating it from the mundane world. In a similar fashion, immediately
above the step of the first base are, in some cases, rows of lions sup-
porting the next level, as can be seen in the Ali Masjid example
(fig. 96).~3 vVhile it is clear that the stepped base is a phase Ill devel-
opment (see section 6.5 The Phase III Small Stz1pa), leaving the phase
II stf!.pa form in question, the atlantes, lions, and elephants support-
ing bases probably originated in the earlier period. In the small phase
II stii.pa recon truction proposed here (fig. 8), atlantes, lions, and ele-
phants are shown in register A, but, as noted above, the relation-
ship to the lower moldings is not understood.
5. 4. 2 77ze Dmm: Developments in the Nanative Tradition

The small stiipa depiction in the Buner relief (fig. 120) provides a
hint about how schist panels of different kinds were originally affixed
to masonry stilpas. Although considerable expense and effort were
invested in the narrative panels, making them probably the most
important element adorning tl1e phase II stilpa, otl1er bands of relief
sculpture encircled the drums of small Jilipas in upper rer,risters; promi-
nent are pseudo-vedikiis, floral motifs, rows of devotees, figures under
arches, and figures supporting garlands (fig. 8, zones D- H). Above
the square base is a circular stepped platform decorated witl1 a cross-
hatch panern and flowers (fig. 8, zone C). On top of tlus step is a
vertical-walled drum tJ1at tapers inward at the top, forming the dome
of the stfl.pa; in the Buner relief (fig. 120), three bands of ornamen-
tation are visible: a plain register, followed by a pseudo-uedika, and
just below the dome a wavy garlru1d.
Where exactly should we expect to find tl1e narrative band in rela-
tion to these other elemenrs? On the basis of the curvature of pan-
els, it is certain that the majority of the narrative relief~ were affixed
to the drum of the slzi.pa.~ H owever, in some instances narratives
are found on flat pieces of schist.
S) Atlantes also appear in Hacjc}a; sl!ipa K22 is a good example (lbid.).

~ For large-diameter sliif>as, even Aa t reliefs could have adorned a ci rcular dnm1
rather than the base.

128 CHAPTER FIVE
Particularly important for our understanding of the placement of

narrative sculpture on early stupas are the flat-relief narr-ative paneb
that encircle the base of the small reconstructed stfJ.pa. [TOm Loriyan
Ta.1'lgai, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (fig. 86). Unfortunately,
errors in its configuration give us a false impression of what a small
phase II stupa should look like; it is very unlikely that the narrative
reliefs would have formed the actual base. T he reconstruction has
been deprived of the masonry component<; into which the sculpture
would have been inserted, leaving a structure that has been verti-
cally collapsed. Again using the Buner relief for comparison, it is
likely that a masonry base would have supported and elevated Loriym
T a.rigai's intact narrative sequences. Further, the upper superstruc-
ture would have been taller, because the bands of sculpture would
have been interspersed with masonry sections. This reconstructed
stiipa is first seen in an 1880s photo documenting finds from the site
of Loriyan Tarigai, notably without an attached false gable relief (see
fig. 86). In 190 l, Gri.inwedel noted that the; narrative reliefs, appar-
ently fonning the bases, belong together, even though the other piec<ls
used in tl1e reconstruction perhaps came from different smaU stiipas;
in any case, the vertical ordering of the bands of sculpture formirrg
the drum is incorrect. ~~ There is no doubt that the four interlock-
ing narrative reliefs (each with two scenes) belong to a single mon-
ument and form a complete band; they trace the Buddha's Life from
his birth to the Great Departure. Although it is certain that these
four panels encircled a square structure, it is almost certain that they
were not part of the stupa's base. Tht:y probably were originalLy
attached to tl1e body of the stupa at a level that perhaps corresponds
to the stepped platform seen in the .Buner example; certainly some
small stftpas do have a square rather than circular step above the
base (comparable to zone C in fig. 8).56 Although the proposed phase
S$ G runwedel also rightly pointed out tbat the second and third bands of the
dnun should be reversed, so that the checkerboard pattern is in the center re&-is-
ter (A. Grlinwedel, and J. :Burgess, BuddhiJt. Art i11 l11di.a. translated by A. Gibson,
London: Bernat·d Qaritch, 1901, 155), an element that corresponds to the pseudo-
uedikii in many stacked reliefs. While the stepped base is to m1ally con·ect, both tb.e
row of Buddhas and the row of putti are variants of the figure-under-arches care-
gory (see below} and thus should occupy the top register. These incongruities sug-
gest that these sculptural disks were borrowed fi·om multiple small sltipas.
!<\ The reconstructions of both the Loriyfm Tat1&>ai and Sikri sliipas (fig. 9 I) su~
gest t.bat narrative •vas placed at the level of the base (see Faccenna, Saidu SllaJjf,
/he Sacred Area, 537), but in both iJlStances tl1e narrative could equally have been

THE PHASE 11 DlSTRlBUTION AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE 129
11 small sl!lpa reconstruction proposed here (fig. 8) superficially is

similar to rhe Loriyan Tangai reconstruction, the actual ordering of
reliefs is markedly different.
T he extensive corpus of narrative reliefS provides considerable evi-
dence for reconstructing the phase U stupa. In particular, stacked
multi-scene panel~ aUow the narrative reliefs to be related to other
sculpture elements that encircled the drums of small stupas (fig. 121 ).
Many of these stacked reliefs have been recovered , especially from
sites in the Peshawar basin. However, it is important to remember
that most of the phase II stupas were large enough that separate
pieces of schist were used for each sculptural element.
Commonly the stacked panels show two or three horizontal bands,
one above the other, separated by a variety of decorative moldings,
the most common being the straight garland (seen in fig. 121 ), a
wavy line, a triangula r serrated motif, a row of p earls, lotus petals,
and so on. Iarratives consistently appear in the lowest register (fig. 8,
zone D), the middle is most commonly occupied by a pseudo-vedika
(fig. 8, zone E), and the top contains some variant of the figure-
under-arch motif (rows of devotees, devotees under arches, relics
under arches, Buddhas under arches, etc.) (fig. 8, zone F). In the
stacked reliefs, usually the lower register contains two or three nar-
rative scenes; these would have been read from right to left, fol-
lowing a pattern established by circumambulation. In this sense these
multi-scene reliefs provide definitive evidence for the sequence of
Gandharan narrative; in the example shown here (fig. 12 1), the
Dipaitkarajataka is followed by Maya's dream and then probably by
the interpretation of the dream. Here, the narrative scenes are sep-
arated by pilasters set in rectangular frames,~ 7 the variable width for
placed on a step above the base, or in the case of Sikri, on the drum itself. The
fact that pseudo-be;un cornices sometimes crown narrative panels, as in the Sikri
example, is misleading; it has led some to conclude that the reliefs belong to the
upper part of the base. However, this motif occurs in many contexts; for example,
in the Buner relief it appears at four different levels, topping the base, the stepped
platform, and the pseudo-uedikii, and above d1e harmiM.
~' Sometimes figures such as putti or women standing on pots are enclosed in
these li·am es. ln the larger narratives sculpted on separate pieces, commonly d1e
pilasters were sculpted separately, as at upper Nathou (fig. 93, A). Some of the
pilasters were adorned with characters such as monks, lay devotees, or Buddhas. A
few instances of continuous narrative exist in the Peshawar basin, an ideal exam-
ple being the J a111L'il Garhi depiction of the white dog barking and several other
panels that form a set.

130 CHAP'l'ER FIVE
each scene accommodating the event being depicted (the Dipa1ikara

jatalca is considerably wider than the depiction of Maya's dream).
T)1Jically, a middle register is present, although in some cases it
was omitted, perhaps because it was conceptually more of a clec<r
rative element, ratJ1er than having devotional significance, as the
upper and lower registers did. Commonly the middle register is fillecl
with the pseudo-vedika motif. T he fact that its placement is consist-
ent in relation to the narrative is extremely helpful for understand-
ing where exactly tl1c life scenes were placed on the body of tire
stiljJa. The narrative is not shown in the Buner stupa depiction, blft
a pseudo-vedika is, and we can postulate that the narrative would
occupy the register below it, which in this instance was left blank
(fig. 120). Other motif~ that can fill the middle register include tlu:
checkerboa.rcl and a variety of foliage patterns.
The top registers, above the pseudo-vedika (fig. 8, zone F) contain
a variety of related motifs; common among this group are depic-
tions of veneration. Four categories can be recognized.
I . Figures supporting garlands (fig. 95; E), a motif that appears
directly related to the actual practice of garlanding stiipas. For exam-
ple, the phase I Chal-.'J)at stujJa !Tom Swat (fig. 114) was encircled
by in situ garland holders (see section 2.3.3 Phase I Sculpture), and
at Butkara I the phase II ma.i11 stftfJa (GSt4/ 1) was adorned with a
painted sinuous gm·land.~ In both of these early architectural exam-
ples, the garland is on tlle shoulder of the dome. A similar garland
appears in the Buner relief (fig. 120), at the dome's shoulder, but a
high tower-like drum elevates it to the top of tJ1e structures above
a vedika band, a position comparable to depictions of garlands from
other parts of India, especially from Amaravati in Andhra Pradeslt.
2. A row of standing ftgures in devotion (fig. 93, C, D). In some
of these examples a relic is the central focus for tlleir devotion; in
others they face a Buddha (fig. 95, G). The standing figm-es include
lay worshippers of various nationalities, monks, ascetics, and some-
times even froliclcing putti.
3. A rovJ of m·ches, each containing a figure in devotion that looks
tO\·vard a central Buddha (fig. 95, F), relic, or symbol such as the
Bodhi tree or tliratna (fig. 95, D); this is the most common formM.
The figure-under-arch motif varies considerably; the devotees can be
58 f accem1a, Butkara 1, vol. 3, part 3: 676, 704- 05.
Material com direitos autora s

THE PHASE Il OISTRffiUTION AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE 131
Lay followers, monks, putti, and so forth. 59 Some of the arches con-
tain a row of relics (figs. 63, £; 95, D); in others the Buddha is
under an arch and flanking devotees are under adjacent arches (fig.
63, C).
4. A row of niches, each containing a Buddha (fig. 63, B), or a
row of cells bracketed by pillars, each of which contains a Buddha
and flanking devotees. T hese Last types appear to be a Late phase II
or early phase III development. Dwing phase Ill, after narrative
had been abandoned, the stucco production commonly included
related rows of Buddhas and bodhisatt:vas, either in niches or brack-
eted by pillars (figs. 96, 28).
Thus, a continuation of a pattern seen in phase II is observed in
the phase Ill stii.pas, where bands of Buddhas and bodhisatt:vas under
arches are depicted. The main difference is that the pseudo-vedika
band and the naJTatjve depictions have been replaced with rows of
small devotional icons. I have argued elsewhere that a chronologi-
cal transformation can be observed in the Gandharan narrative tra-
dition m1d that a late narrative gro1.1 p e..'Xists that is typified by the
Sikri stupa muTative reliefs (fig. 91 ), although related narrative sets
would include the one consisting of ten panels fi-om upper Nathou
(fig. 93, A) and three sets, six panels, eight panels, and l 0 panels,
from Sanghao Rhode. These late narrative examples display a large,
centrally placed Buddha, shown as a teacher, while the unfolding
ncuTative is marginalized. Thi~ format seems to be a precursor to
the repeated non-naJTative Buddha images that became so common
in phase Ill Gandharan stupa decoration.
A conclusive link between the na rrative tradition and the phase
Ill stucco evidence is provided by a stacked relief from Jamal Garhi,
photographed circa 1880- 90 (fig. 63, A). T he J amal Garhr stacked
relief follows the conventional pattern discussed above: the middle
register has a pseudo-vedikci, and the top register has figures under
arches; however, the bottom register, instead of being occupied "'~ th
narrative reliefs, has a row of cells sepcu·ated by capitals, each of
which has a Buddha flanked by worshippers. This is an explicit
9
$ P. Brancaccio ("Gateways to the Buddha: Figures under .1\rchcs in Early
Gandbaran Art," in Sources qf Ga11dlumm Buddhisnt· Arcltaeolagy, A·rl tmd T exls, eel. K.
Bebrendt and .P. Brancaccio [Vancouver: Univemty of British Columbia Pres , in
press]) has <u·gued on the basis of matetial fi·om Swat that t11e figures, each in turn,
face a cemraJ Buddha and th us can be read as devotees or· possibl)' as donors.

132 CHAP'rER HVE
example in which the narrative has been replaced by a row of

Buddhas, but the conventional phase ll embdlishing bands have
been retained.
Thus, a broad chronological development of the figure-under-arcb
motif can be directly related to the associated narrative sculpture. It
appears to have started with devotees, under arches or in rows,
shown venerating relics, symbols, or Buddhas. O ver time the devo•
tees were omitted, and the niches were filled with relics and ulti-
mately with multiple Buddhas. Parallel to this change, the scenas
showing the life events depict the Buddha more hierarchically in
comparison to the other figures, and the narrative is correspondingly
marginalized. Ultimately, the narrative wa~ abandoned and the figure-
tmder-arch motif was transformed, so that by phase Ill the stucc(!)
work showed multiple stacked bands of Buddhas flanked by atten~
dants and by bodhisattvas. This general trend is evident, but ceJ.'!-
tainly there were considerable overlap and significant variability withio
each of the above categories.
5.4.3 Ylze False Gable: Tize f<ocal Narrative

Many of the small stupas appear to have had a large focal multi-
scene relief placed on the primary fac;ade near the crest of the dome
(figs. 8, zone H; 93, H; 122). This trilobed element, referred to in
the literature as a false gable, a false dormer, or a semi-lunette, con-
tains narrative imagery that is usually different from that appearing
in the panels that encircle the stupa. T he fa.lse gable was conceptu-
alized as a sing.le focus for devotion, while the narrative on the drum
was organized to recount a story in a series of panels read in the
process of circumambulation. In depictions of stupas preserved in
relief sculpt·ure, false gables are shown in eight instances, and there
are five actual stupa domes having parts of such reliefs or bearing
traces of their attachment.60 T he extremely consistent pattern indi-
cates that the false gable was attached immediately above the step
on the face of the vertical-walled drum, and that the top crowning
60 For depictions of false gables, see AilS, negarive no. 436.47a; FaCCCJula, Saidu
Sharij, Jha Sacred Area, pl. 274b, 75a, 75c, 76c, 77a, 81a, 8lc. For architectural frag-
men~q showing the position of false g-<~.bles, see H. lngholt and !. Lyons, Gandlwrar•
Art in Palcistan (New York: Pantheon Books, 1957}, pl. 471; Mizuno, ed., Meklwsmzrkl,
pls. 48- 2, 64- l 1; Nishikawa, Ranigat, pis. 185- L, L85- 16.
Copyrighted mater al
THE PHASE U O!STRIDUT!ON AND FUNCTION OF SCULPTURE l .'33
lobe extended above the band, which typically contained the pseudo-
vedikli (fig. 8, zone G).61
For small stupas the false gable was carved out of a si11gle piece
of schist (fig. 122), but we also find some vety large multi-piece com-
plex false gables (fig. 95, C). A particula rly well preserved example
from Loriyan T angai is more than 2 m tall and was composed of
ten separate panels; it is large enough to have been affixed on the
face of a main stiipa.. As noted elsewhere, some of the earliest devo-
tional icons that can be dated on the basis of masonry were fow1d
within trilobe frames (fig. 18) (see section 6.3.2 The Dharmarajika
Complex: Early Phase III Stiipas with Axial Image Shrines).
In Afghanistan a phase IV main stupa at T op-Darrah has a mas-
sive in situ trilobe niche on the upper part of the drum (fig. I 17),
positioned somewhat higher than was the case with the phase 11
small slUpas. This niche contained stucco devotional icons, as indi-
cated by the sockets for their support and traces of a halo in the
central ruche. 62 Its presence provides solid evidence for the use of
large trilobed panels on main stupas, and it shows that this element
was still in use during phase TV.
5.4.4 The Dome, Harmika, and ChattravaJf

Above the verlical drum, the stilpa was crowned with a dome that
commonly was embellished with lotus petals and bands of geomet-
ric pattern along its lower edge (fig. 86; solid dome section above
pseudo-vedikli band). Extant stupas at Butkara Ill (fig. I 02) provide
architectural examples of what a phase II dome would have looked
like. On top of the dome, a square hamzikii. would have marked the
vertical axis of the stupa, and above this would have been a set of
stacked umbrellas or clzattrii.vali (fig. 120). In the small depictions of
stu.pas, such as the example from Buner, flowers embellished the four
sides of the lzannikli, but considerable sculptural evidence shows that
four narrative scenes occupied this location on some actual structural
61
For the Loriyan Tangai reconstructed .rtiipa, the lhlse gable, which does not
appear in the early photo of this reconstruction, should ex-tend down one more
band and its crest should rise to the height of the sholtlder of the dome; i.e., it has
been placed too high and its scale is inaccurate.
~ S. Mizuno, ed., Basuwal tllld Jelalabad-Kabul: 13uddlzist. Cau-Temples and Tapes in
South-East. ilfglra11ist<m SulTifled Mai11£y i11 1965 (Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1970), 126,
pi. 48-9.
'
13+ CIIAP'fER FIVE
stiipas (fig. 87, 95B, two pieces shown). It is easy to identify the nar-
rative sculptures used to adorn ltannikiis because some were carved
on the four faces of a single block of stone and in other cases fouT
interlocking square slabs were used. 63 The content of the four sccnc,s
almost always relates to the lour great events in the .Buddha's life-
birth, enlightenment, the first sermon, and death.
"' T he narrative sculpture ringing stliJI(J drums is characu:ristically set in rcctam

gular panels, whereas Lhe lwrmiktl rdielio arc typically square (or nearly sq uart' re<>"
tangles). The corner pilastcn. bracketing these reliefS arc sculpted on two sides tq
acconunodatc the right-angle lr.lnsition to the next. These characteristics, t~>"Clhcl
with the interlocking attaclunents, make th!'m easy to identifY.
M t n I .Jm c'1r 1tos dLIIOr s

•
CHAPTER SIX
PHASE IJI ARCHITECTURE AND

SCULPTURE FROM TAXTLA
6.1 Introduction to the Phase Ill Developments in the Sac-red Areas

aJzd lvfonasleries of Taxila and Lhe Peslzawar Basin
A dramatic increase in patronage occurred across the Peshawar basin,

TaxiJa, and Swat during phase Ill; most of the extant remains in
these regions were constructed a t this time. As devotional icons of
Buddhas and bodhisattvas became increasingly popular, parallel trans-
form ations occurred in the sacred areas, which still remained focused
around relic stftpas. In the Peshawar basin, Taxila, and to a lesser
degree Swat, the widespread incOivoration of large iconic images
clearly reflects chan ges occurring in Buddhist practice. Although it
is difficult to know how the sacred precincts were ritually used,
modifications in the spatial organization of both sacred areas and
monaste1ies provide some insight.
Jot surprisingly, the use and incorporation of devotional images
developed regionally. The most dramatic shift toward icons is observed
in the Peshawar basin and some of the T axila sites. In contrast,
Swat seemed to follow a different pattern, as fewer image shrines
were fabricated and sacred areas were organized along different lines.
Tllis might reflect a lack of patronage; perhaps new sites following
the Peshawar basin format were not commissioned because of a lack
of resources. More likely, the Buddhist t1·adition in Swat was of a
diffet-ent character; some sites--notably Butkara I-show significant
e:>.cpansion following a uniquely Swali format. At a few sites in Swat,
however, image shrines appear in positions a nalogous to those of the
Peshawar basin; imogran1 and Saidu (figs. 109, I04) are notable
examples. The phase Ill developments that occurred in the Swat
valley will not be addressed in d1is book, as they so markedly diverge
from wha t is observed in Taxila and the Pcshawar basin. Further,
this region has been the focus of archaeological investigation by the
Italian Archaeological Mission to Swat for more d1an half a cen-
tury, and their many publications effectively map this particular
Buddllist tradition.

136 CHAPTER SIX
Image shrines donated by individual devotees were placed along

the edges of the sacred areas, and they were probably viewed in tilt
process of circumambulating the main stii.pa; a good example (s
Takht-i-bahf (fig. 2) or Thareli sacred area D (fig. 69). Image shrintrs
were also placed at points of access into the sacred area and wer:e
organized to form corridors, as seen in the approach to the sacred.
area at Mekhasanda (fig. 65) and at Takht-i-balu (fig. 2, corrido.r
between monastery II and court X ). T he newly created phase JU
sacred areas typically contained much smaller main stUpas than tho~
built in phase II, and they seem insignificant when compared to th):
massive rotmd stupas of phase I; examples are the upper stupas 2{1
Takht-i-bahi, and J amal Garhi (figs. 2, 61). Another major phase ll,l
innovation w-as the construction of multiple main stilpas at a singil:
site, a characteristic present at Takht-i-bahr (fig. 2; stupas P I, P~,
and P36), T hareli (fig. 68, sacred areas C and D), and Ranigat (fig.
78, main stilpas .in the east, west, and southwest areas).
During phase Ill, iconographically complex image shrines (figs.
27, 29) appear to have largely supplanted the earlier stilpa slu·incls
of phase II in quadrangular monasteries. This kind of gand!UJku'Ji
iconography can be directly related to later momunent:tl exampl(s
of monastic image shrines from western Indian sites li.ke Ajal)~ (see
section 6.6.3 Monastic Images: Late Phase III Gandlwku# Image
iches). Among the phase m mountain vihii.ras, monastic small sacrad
areas (usually containing a small stflfJa in an enclosure with perime-
ter image shrines) appear to have served the devotional needs of the
resident monks (figs. 68, 75) (see section 7.3.2 Thareli: Monastic
Small Sacred Areas).
The masomy sequence present in Taxila, as was the case with
phase II, offers a means tO order chronologically the common pha$e
m structural types found in the sacred areas and monasteries of tlte
Peshawar basin. The relevant Taxila sites include the Dharmarajil(a
complex, Kalawan, Jaulian, Mohra Moradu, and Pippala (figs. l, 20,
27, 32, 39), while in the Peshawar basin the largest phase Ill sites
are T akht-i-bal1i, Jamal Garhi, Thareli, and R anigat (figs. 44, 61,
68, 78). The small Peshawar basin site of Mekhasanda can readity
be compared to sites in Taxila because it is less structurally com-
plex and was occupied for only a short time, in phase II and tlte
main part of phase ITI (fig. 65). Considerable evidence for the use
and distribution of phase m schist devotional icons comes from loose
finds recovered at the sites of Loriyan Tangai (figs. 85, 88, 89), Siktii,

.
PHASE Ill ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TA.'ill..-'\ 137
Sahrr-Bahlol site A, and especially from Takht-i-bahl, Thareti, Ranigat,

and M ekhasanda.
In the later part of phase ill and into phase IV, monumental
imagery was produced at sites in Taxila, the Peshawar basin, and
Swat. Although it is difficult to fix an absolute date for the fabrica-
tion of such images, it is clear that the shrines \vere built ali:er the
main part of phase m, but at a time when patronage was still read-
ily available (see section 6.3.6 T he Dharmarajika Complex: Late
Phase lii Architecture; section 7.2.4 Takht-i-bahr: Late Phase m
Construction; section 7.5 R ani gat: Phase ll to Phase IV Architecture).
A clear chronological trend can be traced at many sites in Taxi.la
and in the Peshawar basin, beginning with small devotional icons
and little image shrines (fig. 27, shrines B5- l0), followed by a period
in which life-size image shrines were common and then massive
shrines suitable for sculptures 2 to 3 meters tall (fig. 27, shrines
C I 0 - 12); by the end of phase lli monumental structures and images
were being built (fig. 27; shrines C l4 - 15), identifiable at Taxila on
tJ1e basis of a distinct fom1 of double semi-ashlar masonry (figs. 5,
19, l, shrine N l 8). Truly colossal image shrines seem to character-
ize phase IV production; shrine R 30 1 at R anigat (fig. 78) and shrine
D at Abba Sahib China in Swat (figs. ll 0, Il l) are botJ1 good exam-
ples. Although less than life-size images were certainly produced late
in phase Ill and in phase IV, no over-life-size devotional icons (fig.
145) were produced at the beginning of phase Ill; the large images
can be dated generally to the latter parts of phase Ill, and the mon-
umental images executed in stucco (figs. 49, 50), date to the end of
phase Ill and into phase IV (for a full discussion, see Appendix B
and section 6.3 .8 J auliaii: Phase Ill Architecture and tJ1e Image
Shrine).
6.2 The Phase Ill Increase in Patronage
The surge in patronage that characterized pha~e ITI left a dear trace
in the archaeological record and can be corroborated with numis-
matic and inscriptional evidence. So·uctures built in phase ill masonry
dominate many of the sites in Taxila, and typologically similar pat-
terns of construction are present in Swat and especially in the Peshawar
basin. Although masonry cannot be used to date structures in the
Peshawar ba~in and Swat, the majority of coins recovered fl-om

138 C HAPTER SIX
Buddhist centers date to phase lll; tlus is true for Taxila as well (see
Appendix A). 1 Along the Karakoram trade route, Kharo~~hr ancl
Brahmf graffiti inscriptions that record dates also appear to show
activity in the 2nd and 3rd centuries C.E. 2 and thus corroborate the
architectural and numismatic evidence.
At the Dharmarajika complex at the end of phase IT, only a few
monks seem to have resided in the small phase I viharas. A few lived
along d1.e west edge of the sacred area in the E, F, and T monas-
teries, and a small number lived to the north in the loosely organ...
izecl vihiiras (courts A and B), and some more in cells V 1- 5 (figs. l,
16); only 3 7 ground-level rooms survive from these monasteries.3 The
majority of those using the Dharmarajika on a daily basis must have
lived in the nearby, larger phase II monasteries of Akhauri A, B,
and C and Khader Mohra D I and D2 (figs. 21, 22, 24, 25, 26) (see
section 4.1.3 Dharmarajika Satellite Monastic Complexes: Phase U
Architecture). The Akhauri and K.hader Mohra viM.ras have 119
e>-.'tant ground-level rooms, and another 34 can be postuJatecl on the
basis of reguhu·ity of the uihiira plan, for a total of 153 rooms. At
Kftlawan another housing area comprised about 90 phase ll monas·
tic cells (45 cells in monasteries known to have at least second st~
ries).'1 Additional unexcavated small phase ll monasteries appear to
have existed to ilie norili, but the total population of monks seems
to have been linlited and dispersed.
These monasteries were apparently allowed to fhll into ruin dm,.
ing phase III, exceptions being Kalawan and the Dharmarajika com-
plex, where stiipas I and 4 in the court A and B viha.ras were
maintained and augmented with imagery into phase IV (fig. I 6,
courts A and B). During phase Ill, four new monasteries were added
1 Erringoon, "Num.ismacic Evidence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara,"

197.
2 J. eel.is, " Kha.ro~!h i and Briihmi Jnscription (rom Hunza-HaJdei.kish: Sources
t
for the Study of Long Disiancc Trade and Transmission of Buddhism," in Smdh
Asian Ardtaeolt!gy 1997, ed. M. T addei and G. de Marco (Rome: IslAO, 2000),
9 1.0- l].
3 111e phase I uihiiras probably were sin gle·storiecl; there is no evidence of sta.i.!'-
ways at any of these monasteries. On the basis of struCtU!-al limitations, it can be

assumed that the early monaste ries, even if they had wooden stairways, would not
have been ~tS tall as later t:h.ick·wa.Ued semi·ashlar monasteries (where many stair'"
ways are extant) or the pbase rv domed monasteries at sites like Tokar Dara. See
also M a•'Shal l, Ta.<ila, 275.
• Kalawan monasteries C, F, and H (lbid., 332- 36, 340- 4 1).
Material com direitos autorai

PHASE m ARCHJTECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAXJL'\ ] 39
to the Dharmarajika complex, with at least another l 05 ground-floor

rooms (fig. 1, monastery M6; fig. 16, courts G, H, and J).5 Although
it was about I km distant, the large 59-cell Kw1al.a monastery was
also added early in phase III6 to serve th.e D harmarajika complex
(fig. 41); at Kal.awan, monastery B would have housed another 80
or more residents (fig. 20). The expansion of the greater Dharmarajika
monastery system is a re·flecrion of the increase of patronage, which
may have allowed a greater number of monks to live near the focal
point of religious activity. Tlus kind of dramatic increase in monas-
tic population can tentatively be extended to other centers in the
Peshawar basin, where many mountain vihiiras were built adj acent
to sacred areas at sites like T akht-i-baru, jan1al Garhf, and Thareli
(figs. 44, 61 , 68, 76).7
During pha~e HI, extensive construction also occurred in the sacred
area of the D harmarajika complex. By the end of phase II, this site
comprised four vilziiras, eight two-celled sluines, 29 stftpas or stupa
shrines, and 20 other sacred structures, a total of 61 structures.
D uring phase Ill the rate of construction increased dramatically--
fom vihii.ras, 4 7 st1ipas or stupa shrines, 29 image shrines, and four
other buildings, a total of 84 new structures. In addition, tJ1e main
stupa was expanded and refaced, and many earlier monuments were
repaired. The phase I and II monuments are mainly stftpas and stupa
shrines, wherea~ phase HI includes many new image shrines and the
ongoing addition of small stiijJas, as well as considerable expansion
in monastic housing.
In the Peshawar basin, the phase Ill rate of consb·uction increased
even more dramatically, so much so that it is often hard to identify
the core phase II foundation structures. Takht-i-bilii provides a typ-
ical example. The phase I and II remains include a main stUpa and
possibly as many as 22 small stii.pas and a monastery (figs. 2, 44).'1
In contrast, during phase Ill and the beginning of phase IV, two
s Tbid., 274·- 95.

6 The nature of the Kuniila masonry and late coin find proba bly place th is
monastery at the end of phast: Ill. It is even possible that it dates to phase IV o r
to a date similar to that of the Taxila site Bhamala. See Ibid., 35 1- 53.
1
The chronology of Peshawar basin mOtmtain vihliras is poorly understood, bur
it is certain that these sites as a whole were built primarily during phase Ill.
8 Under the phase III quadrangular monastery, remains of an early structure arc
visible along the northcm edge, the only level ground suitable for building a significant
phase I or U monastery (field observation, 1993- 94).
Szerz6i jogi vedelem alatt all6 anyag

140 CHAPTER SIX
more main stupas were built, 16 small stiipas, 75 small to medium-

sized linage shrines, 14 monumental image shrines, four two-celled
relic shrines, n.vo quadrangular monasteries, and about 60 two- and
three-storiecl mountain vil!iiras, along with monastic small sacred are~
which occupy the adjacent ridges and housed a monastic population
of about 250- 350 at its peak (see section 7.2 Takht-i-bahr: Architecture~
This pattern, in which the 24 phase 1- II structures were augmented
in pha~e m by more than 113 structures (not including the mounr
tain vilziiras, because a few could date to phase U), is repeated aJ;
most of the other Peshawar basin sites.
The phase Ill acceleration in patronage is also evident in Swat
During phase I and early in phase II, the site of Butkara I beca.rntl
fairly well established, the majority of the secondary structures being
located in the north, flanking a focal corTidor running between the
main stflpa and the Great Building (figs . 97, 98).9 D etermining the
sequence of the outlying structures in the Butkara I sacred area is
difficult, but it appears that during phases I and II, 10 52 small and
medium-sized stilpas, 11 minor structures, the Great BuiWing, and
three encasements of the main stiljJa were constructed. During phases
Ill and fV, 11 as at the Dharmarajika complex and Takht-i-bah~
pau·onage and the production of monuments increased considerably.
At tl1is time, five large secondary stii.pas, 103 small stii..pas, 21. imag~
shrines, and a variety of minor structures were built, while the main
stiipa undenvent another series of modifications. This brings the phaset
or
m total additional structures to 129, compared to 65 for the ea.r>
lier periods. In phase Ill, although a significant number of image
shrines were added to tl1e complex, the majority of new structures
were small and middle-sized stilpas (see section 7.2.6 Takht-i-bahi
Patronage and the Phase lii Multiplication of Sacred Areas). Unlike
construction in the Peshawar basin and, to an extent, Tax:ila, relic
9
For the dating of the SITuctures in the sacred area of J3utkara I, see Faccennrt:,
Bullwra I, vol. 3, nos. I, 57, 115- 18, 130- 33, 160, 167- 74.
10
Rather than attempting to make Butkara l conlonn to the phase chronolo!m
I use here the struct'ures built in Faccenna's petiod of GSt3. This group faUs withio.
phase 11. Faccenna has establi:;hed a relative dating for many of the secondal}'
structures at Butka.1-a 1, b<Jsed on sll~•tigraphic relationships of multiple paving lay.
ers preserved in the sacred area; this provides a broad seq uence for the fabricatiol)
of subsid.i3.1y structures. While it might not be possible to assign an absolute dat:e
to a givco monument, structural typologies that can be extended to Panr and Saicl.u
corroborate this relative devcloprnemal pattern.
11 Structures built during Faccemta's period GSt4/l- 4/ 4.
Szerz6i jogi vedelem alatt all6 any, g

•
PHASE 10 ARCHlTECTURE AND SCl..lLPTURE FROM TAXlLA 141
structu res in the form of additional stilpas still dominated the phase
lU and IV production at Butkara I.
What are the implications of the phase lii increase in production
of sacred stiuctures, especially of image shrines? From a cluonolog-
ical perspective, the increase suggests that many of the surviving large
schist stucco iconic images from Gandhara must date to phase Ill
(see Appendix D), because almost no life-size image shrines date to
phase II (see section 6.3.1 The Dharmarajika Complex: Possible Late
Phase 11 Image Shrines). An upper chronological Limit for this kind
of image production also seems clear; by phase TV, monumental
sculptures and images with complex iconography had supplanted the
phase fil tradition. D ating of the schist images is difficult, but exca-
vations at J auliafi, Mohra Moradu, the D harmarajika complex, and
Butkara I show that stucco and clay images were common during
phase Ill (see specific discussions of these sites and Appendix B).12
The source of the increased phase ill patronage remains a mystery,
but the physical evidence at these sites provides a picture of its impli-
cations for the expansion of the Buddhist tradition. At some point
in the 5th century C.E. (the beginning of phase IV), this wave of
new construction halted suddenly (see section 7.6 Phase IV: The
D ecline of Buddhism).
6.3 T axila: Phase Ill Architectural and Sculptural Evidence
At the Dharmarajika complex, an early phase Ill masonry form can

be identified (proto-semi-a~hlar), followed by the main masonry pat-
tern used at this time (semi-ashlar), which is common throughout
Taxila (see figs. 6, 9). The end of phase Ill and phase IV is rec-
ognized by a late form of this masomy that employs double and
triple ashlar Layers (fig. 9) (see Appendix A). In Taxila these masonry
patterns can be used to group buildings and to establish a structural
typology that can be applied to other sites, especially those in the
Pesha war basin (fig. 5).
12
Mru-shall's excavations at J aulian show that most of the structures were built
near the transition between phases Il and Ill and that most repairs are in phase
m mason ry (Marshal], Taxi/a, 369, 71). Exceptionally well prese•ved St1.1CCO images
at this site, along with evidence from other sites, such as Mohra Moradu and Ha~lga,
provide strong evidence that srucco imagery Aourished in phases IT! and IV. See
M arshal!, Ta.,ila, 259, 66.

142 CHAPTF..R SIX
Many of the sires established in Taxila during phases I and I[

underwem continuous modification over the course of phases m and
IV, to keep pace with the changing religious needs of the monks
and Jay population. Phase I showed strong links to the Buddhist trar
ditions of the Indian subcontment in both the ar chitectural organi-
zation of the sacred area and the use of sculpture (see section 2.S
ATchitectural Links to the Indian Buddhist Tradition during Phast!
1). In phase li relic sh•·ines were built encircling the p erim eter df
the sacred area, as at Kalawan (fig. 20), or forming processional
avenues, such as along the west approach to the main stilpa at the
D harmaraji.ka complex (fig. 1). Also during phase II, many small and
rnediurn-sized sites were established, some of which received exteil<-
sive phase Ill patronage. Near the Dharmarajika and Kalawan, t.M
phase II Akhaurf and Khader Mohra sites were built (figs. 2 1, 22',
24, 25, 26), as well as the phase III site of Kunala (fig. 4 1). In th:e
northeast is a cluster made up of Mohra Moradu, J aulia n, and
Pippala (figs. 32, 27, 39). T his last group received considerable phasi:
Ill patronage, and the sites were reconfigured in different ways tto
serve a range of interests. Although the phase II Buddhist commur
nit)' generally embraced the idea of having independent shrines for
devotion, these shrines or this period contained relics. It is surpri~~
ing that patrons shifted so readily to commissionmg devotional icons
and shrines to house them and that this enthusiasm was sufficient
to engulf many of the sacred areas in Greater Gandhara.
6.3.1 Tize Dlw:rmariijikii Complex: Possible Late Phose If Image Shrines

Almost all of' the image shrines constructed in Ta.xila were executed
in phase Ill semi-ashlar masonry. However, along d1e edge of tltt
pra.da#irtapalha of the Dharmarajika sliljJa, a group offive shrines (D1,
D 11 , B9, B 10, and the shrine in front of stupa D3) (fig. 1), built in
phase n diaper masonry, may have been used to house devotional
sculptures. However, these shrines are much smaller than other relic
shrines, making their identification problematic. Within this group,
only D 1 I has an open fayade and a U-shaped plan typical of latar
phase III image shrines, while the others have the characteristic
C-shaped plan of single-celled relic shrines with small projecting walls
to close off part of the fac;:ade and provide an armature for a doal"
(for a discussion of shrine plans, see Chapter Three and section 4.J.Q

PHASE Ul ARCI-OTECT URE MU SCULPTURE FROM TAXlLA 143
The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase 11 Architecture and the Relic

Shrine).
M ar shal! believed that these structures were image shrines, 13 but
one must keep in mind that he was an advocate for Gandhara as
the source of the first anthropomorphic Buddha image and was un-
aware of the existence of direct-access relic shrines. He believed that
most of the phase I and JI shrines rhat had no st11pas must have
contained images.•• The question remains about whether the small
Dha rmarajika shrines housed images of Buddha~ and bod.hisattvas,
even though no sculpture was found. Evidence from J auliai'i (fig. 27),
T akht-i-bahr (fig. 2), Thareli sacred area D (fig. 69), and Mekhasanda
(fig. 65) indicates d1at the early image shrines housed smaller than
life-size images, 15 in agreement with the scale of the Dharmarajika
examples, though in all of these cases the small image shrines are
U-shaped in plan.
Key to dating these five possibly earliest image shrines is a unified
group of relic shrines constructed in phase II along the prada4i1zapatlw.
of the Dharmarajika main stupa; they fill d1e spaces between d1e
unified group of twelve phase I stiipas/pillars (see section 4.1.2 The
Dharmarajika Complex: Pha~e II Architecture and the Relic Shrine).16
Because the possible image shrines were fabricated between and
against this earlier group of relic shrines, it is certain that they post-
date d1.em. 11 This is important because .it places these relic shrines
13 Marsball, Taxilo.
11
Marsball's predisposition for identifying structures as image shrines is illustrated
in his discussions of the phase 1 strucnu·es a t the sites of j at;lc;li al B and C and in
his analysis of many of l11e phase 11 shrines at Kalawan (Ibid., 222- 30, 322- 41 ).
15 Because image sl11ines, like small stiipas, were usually added to a site one by
one by single patrons, it is often possible to determine tJ1 e order of their con-
struction. Image sluines commonly were constructed in rows, one next to another,
so an added shrine " pdS often built in part on the base rnolding of an aqjacent pre-
existing shrine. I was able to determine micro-chronologies of shrin e construction
at tl1e sites of Takht-i-biH11, J a ul.iii.n, and Tha reli. On tl1e basis of such observa-
tions, it seems clear that tha t the earliest sh1i.nes were small and had a narrow
recess suitable for an under-life-size image (field observations, 1993- 94). Sec also
detailed discussions of these sites.
16
Ma.rshall, Taxila, 248.
17
Th e relalive stratigraphic superposition shows that shrines B I 0, B9, B7, D I I ,
0 7, and D3a postdate the unified group of sliipas or pillars (58, 59, 8 20, Dl 3,
0 tO, D I, D2, 0 3, R4, and the sllipas nex-t to B7 a ad B 16). They also postdate th e
la rge phase ll unified group of shrines (D5, 0 8, 0 6, D9, D 12, and D 14) (field
obse1vations, 1993-94).

'
144 CHAPTER SIX
in the middle or late part of phase II. These live shrines are significant
because they are the only possible linage shrines from all of Taxila
fabricated from diaper masonry; their presence may mark a poirJ!t
of transition, the hu·ge munbers of phase m semi-ashlar image shrul($
indicating the degree to which this trend became important.
6.3.2 The DhamwTiijikii Complex: Ea.Tf:y Phase IIl Sntpas with Axial
image Shrines
At the beginning of phase ill, most people using the Dharmarajikti
complex would have entered from the north. This is especially true
for the lay community, who would have lived in Sirsukh, and any
possible remnant population from Sirkap. T he phase II circulation
pattern would sti11 have been used, directing \·vorshippers to the lit
two-celled shrine and then to the western processional avenue lined
with relic shrines (fig. l ). 18 Some of the first phase Ill additions
appear in the northern quadrant of the sacred area; they are easily
recognized because an early fonn of semi-ashlar masonry was employed
that relied on extensive use of kafijur blocks. 19 The northern gateway
into the prada~irwpatha of the main stii.pa took on greater importandl
at this time; the large stupas Kl, N4·, and 5, together with th(t
smaller stupas K2, K3, P3, and P6, were all built along the newlr
forming northern avenue. 20
D uring th.is ea.rly part of phase IIT, datable stupas were constructel(i
that have axial image shrmes mcorporated into the facades of their
bases. Stupas K I and N4, both built of early phase Ill proto-senU..
ashlar masonry, have axial trilobe niches in the center of each face
of the bases. In the north niche of the Kl stzipa, an in situ stuce0
18
The phase Ill importance of the western avenue is attested to by the rcpaii;s
carried out on its structures (some as late as phase lV), even after th e western ga.(i:
was sealed in. the late part of phase m or the beginning of phase rv. Late (possi>-
bly phase JV) \\~.ills buttressed the C5-6 and RI shrines, and many scmi-ashlaJ·
and double semi-ashlar repairs were made to the 12, C3, C4, and CIO relic StntC-
tures (field observations, 1993-94).
19 Marshall, Toxila, 261- 64.
20 Stiipas K2 and K3 extended over an earlier water tank, which as a COJlSe-
quence was filled in. Within this !rulk coins of Soter Megas and Kadphises were
found. Therefore, these sWpt;.s clearly postdate these 1st centu.ty C.E. coins (Ibid.,
261). Further, sll1pa K3 had three coitlS of Kan~ka, and slii.fJa P6 had 10 coins of
Huv~a and seven of Vasudeva (Marshal!, Taxila, 263). The coins of Huvi~ka, espe-
cially, indicate that probably much of this phase of' construction must have occu•Tci:l
sometime not long alter 200 C.E. (see Appendix A).
.
Copyrighted mate1 31
'
PHASE m ARCHITECTURE AA'D SCULPTURE FROM TA..XJLA 145
image of seated Buddhas in dhyiina mudrii survives in excellent con-

dition (fig. 18).21 The appearance of these image n iches is quite
significant because they are the earliest iconic devotional images to
appear within shrines that can be dated, in this instance by the
proto-semi-ashlar-masonry.
This arrangement of iconic Buddha images, common at many
later Buddhist sites on the Indian subcontinent (for example, the 5th
century addition of axial images to Saner stilpa I), appears to be the
result of a long, progressive development that can be traced at sites
in Greater Gandhara. The prada/qi1Japa/Jza of the main stiipa at the
D harmarajika complex was approached, in phase I, by axial gate-
ways (fig. I) (see section 2.2.1 D harmarajikii Complex in Taxila:
Phase I). A similar manifestation of this kind of organization is found
in conjunction with the phase I GSt3 encasement of the main stupa
at Butkara I, where axial stairways led up to an upper circumam-
bulatory pad1 bordered by a low vedikii (figs. 97, 98) (see section 2.2.3
Butkara I in Swat: Phase I). At the Dharmar~jika complex a simi-
lar plinth around the main stupa, upper circumambulat01y path, and
set of axial stairways was built at the beginning of phase m in proto-
semi-ashlar masonry (figs. I, 17).22
6.3.3 77ze Dharmariijikii Complex: Phase Ill Monastel"ies

The middle part of pha~e m is characterized by construction in siJlgle-
course semi-ashlar masoruy; double and triple semi-ashlar masonry
became common in the late part of phase HI and in phase IV (fig.
9). Thus, it is sometimes difficult to know if a single-course semi-
ashlar building was constructed in the middle or Late parts of phase
Ill, although structural typology, stratigraphy, and numismatic evi-
dence often provide a means to distinguish early and late structures.
Several major changes did occur at the Dharmar~jika complex dur-
ing me middle part of phase IIL
The M5 and G vilziiras, constructed in the northern part of the
site bordering me sacred area, boili appear to date to near the begin-
ning of phase m, on the basis of numismatic evidence. 23 The massive
2o Marshall, Taxi/a, 26 1- 63.

22
Ibid., 263.
23 Both the G and M 5 monasteries were constructed of semj-ashlar masonoy . The
G uiMra was constructed out of semi-ashlar masonry toward the beginning of phase
Ul. The struct'tore can be roughly dated on the basis of 521 coins of Vasudeva and
146 CHAPTER SIX
G monas te ry (fig. 16) had about 50 cells and probably was multi-
storied. A smaU stiipa in the courtyard and on axis with the entrance
perhaps i~ related to the later north I ndian practice of placing sUZ-
pas and image shrines in similar locations, as can be seen at sites
like alanda . T he M5 villiira (fig. 1) at the D hannar~jika complex
also had a stiipa in the center of the courtyard. These two monas~
teries appear to be the latest Greater Gandhara n examples to con-
tain a central stiipa in the court. I n phase 11 most monasteries
contained inte rnal stilpa shrines for monastic worship; onJy the phase
Jl K hacler Mohra D2 (fig. 26) contained a central court stiipa, whereas
this was more common in phase I (see section 2.2.1 Dharmm·ajika
Complex in Taxila: Phase I and section 2.2.2 Buddhist Stwctures
in the Taxila City of Sirkap: Phase I). Evidence !i-om man y other
sites in Taxila show that by phase lii stupas placed in monastic cells
were being augmented or replaced by iconic images (figs. 29, 36)
(see section 6.6 Phase liT Use of Images and Relics in Quadrangular
Monaste ries).
6.3.4 77ze Dharmarajikii Comple.x: Phase Ill Image Shrines Along 1/ze
Northern Avenue
The bu.iJding of new m on a~ tic residences made the northern ena·ance
to the sacred area in1po1.tant for the resident community, and it
seems no coincidence that considerable additions were made to the
northern avenue at this time (fig. I). The sa·uctures in th.is m·ea can
be placed in early middle phase Ill, in a time before shrines N27
and 28 blocked the eastem end or
this corridor, cutting off circ u-
lation and making this a less desirable location for donations. Sl1rines
one of Kani!)ka found in a pot in ceU 16. Another sm.aJJ coppe r casket comain.ing
five coins of Vasudeva was found in some debris outside the north wall. These
hoards certainly were deposited at a time when Vasudeva's coins were the prinlal'f
currency in circula tion, providing an approximate date for the consu·uction of this
monaste ry. The presence of foUl· coins of the Kidara, 11 of the late •· Kidll.ra, ant'!
two of Chandragupra D suggests d1at this uilziira w·dS occupied throughout phase lli
and inro phase JV (Marshall, Taxila, 282- 83).
A wide range of coins found in the MS monastery include: one lvl:eoander, one
1-lennaeus, five Azes Il, one Kadphi ses I, one K.adphises II, one Kani~a, 19
Vasudeva, ruJd dwee Sasanian (Nlarshall, Ta>.ila, 290--9 1). lt is difficult to account
for r.hc p•·esence of some of the vety early coins, other than ro suggest that r.hey
remained in circulation or that the monas tery was built on ea rlier structu res, but
the presence of 19 coins of Vasudeva in corytmction with semi-ashlar masonry
would seem to date this monastery ro near the bcguuling of phase Ill
Copyrighted matem l
Pl-lA.SE lll ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAJOLA 147
N27 and 128 probably date to the end of phase Ill or even to
phase IV, as they bracketed the eastern avenue together with image
shrines N 17 and 18; these later shrines both housed monumental
images and were built in late double and triple semi-ashlar masonry
(fig. 19) (see section 6.3.6 The Dha•·marajika Complex: Late Phase
m AJ·chitecture).
A considerable number of smaU stupas were built along the northern
avenue, augmenting those added early in phase Ill (see above); they
include stiipas M1 3, Ml4, . :ll 5, P9, Pl O, and P12. 24 An early relic
deposit from the U l round stiipa25 may indicate that this stiipa and
U2, U3, and possibly K 7 date to earlier periods, and that with the
expansion of this part of the sacred area they were refurbished in
phase ID masoruy. The first large group of image shrines also appears
in this part of tl1e sacred area: shrines 29- 32, P7a, P7b, Pll , P I2a,
P l2b, and P1 2c. 26 Image shrines P12a, Pl 2b, and P l 2c were built
against the earlier P 12 stiipa; their presence indicates that worship-
pers walked past d:Us corner to venerate stftjJas J4 and N5. It also
seems possible that the phase Ill small stupa N26 had some special
importance, perhaps similar in function to d1e subsidia•y sacred area
d1at formed around the small stii.pa D6 at Jauliai'i, which included
an addition of •line image shrines (fig. 27; eastern edge of site).
The phase m image shrines along the northern avenue are rela-
tively small and therefore probably contained images of modest size.
As noted above, in Taxila <U1d the Peshawar basin, where the sequence
of shrine construction is known, relatively smaiJ shrines were con-
sistently constructed early in the site's development and were grad-
ually supplemented by larger and larger image shrines as the idea
of f~tbricating monumental images took hold. This trend is also seen
at the Dharmar~jik.'i complex, where all of the monumental image
1
' ·n,ere a re other small stitpa.r created in single-course semi-ashlar outside of the
east gate of the main swpa, but in rny opinion they date to the c•·ca6on of the
eastem avenue, and thus to late phase m.. They a re associated \\~ th the massive
double and u·iple semi-ashlar image shrines built on rJ1 e nonhern end of the east-
em avenue.
2
~ The st1tpa contained an e<u·ly •·elic deposit, including phase [ coins (M arshal.! ,
Taxiln, 272). Tllis stflpa is discussed at greater length in a loomote in Appendix A,
ph ase ]]] evidence.
26
All of these shrines were fabricated of single-COlU"Se semi-ashlar masonry; walls
of 3 1 and N32 rest on the base of the early phase ill K I sl!l.pa (field observa-
1
tions L993-94; Marshall, Taxila, 27 L). Marsh all identified P LI as a stiipa, but because
this structure has a rectangular base and because of its relation to the P 12a- c shrines,
t11ere scents little dou bt 1.hat this is the base of an image shrine, not a stupa.
148 CHAPTER Stx
shrines were constructed of late phase Ill double and triple semi..
ashlar, and the smaller liie-size shrines in diaper and single-course
semi-ashlar.
Why was the northern avenue created? It does not provide access
to the main stilpa, and it does not seem to have focused attentio1'}
on the H two-ceUed relic shrine (the fa_s:ade of this slu-ine was eve~
tually sealed late in phase ITI).21 Yet t11e northern avenue is where
the first coherent group of structures housing devotional icons wa$
built. O nly with the addition of these image slu·.ines is the northern
avenue a fully formed processional corridor. O ne could argue th~
the circumambuJatory passageway arotmd the main stiipa was alread~
full by this time and that space was available in this outlying are4
for donative structures. It would not have been easy to displace th~
already existing and significant relic shrines; few irnage shrines were
ever built in this area, and those that do exist, such a~ B l and B4!,
must date to the end of phase ill or to phase IV.
Image shrines could have been relegated to the northern avenue
because of religious conservatism. T he Dharmarajikii complex was
an important regional center, and perhaps new religious practice$
involving the use of images were only hesitantly accepted; image
sh•·ines are also sparse at Butkara I, the only other regional centeJ.
that ha~ been excavated. If this hypothesis is correct, then perhaps
the construction of image shrines was purposely pushed to the edg<:
of the sacred area.
The bank of images would have provided a dramatic point df
entrance into the sacred area. O ne can postulate that devotees, after
entering at the northern gate, would have turned east and walked
down the length of the northern avenue, proceeding past the N4
stiljJa and tl1en turning down the not yet fully formed eastern avenue-
in essence, circumambulating the perimeter of the sacred area. T he
idea of an outer pradak#rw is not improbable; tllis route would have
brought the worshipper in contact in the sout11 with the large J l
and D4 stiipas and would have led ultimately to the western avenue,
which was still a significant point of access to the main stilpa.
The monastic population would have accessed the sacred area
along the northern avenue, so it is pos~-ible that this addition of new
image shrines might have been built to serve their ritual needs rather
27
Marshal], Taxi/a, 248.
Copyrighted materi 11
•
PHASE TU ARCillTECTUR.E Al'iD SCULPTURE FROM TAXILA 149
than those of the lay community. Sculptural images placed in the

monasteries are more iconographically sophisticated than those in
the sacred areas, suggesting that it was in this sphere that imagery
was developing (see section 6.6 Phase Ill Use of Images and Relics
in Quadrangular Monasteries).
6.3.5 77ze Dlzannarajiki.i Complex: Phase If! Additions to the

Prada.k.\;ir.lapatha and Main Stiipa
In the middle part of phase III a great deal of construction occurred
throughout Taxila, but only moderate modifications were made to
the area around the main stiipa at the Dharmarajika complex. The
dome was refaced or repaired 28 in single-course semi-ashlar, the
refined nature of which suggests that it was done afi.er the early part
of phase III .29 Against the dome at the tops of the axial stairways,
image shrines were built over time; the one to the east is excep-
tionally well preserved (fig. 17).30 Along the prada/qi(wpatlza, many of
the bases and front walls of the phase IT shrines were repaired, and
in the case of shrines such as B L9 and B L3,31 the original phase II
ground plan of the shrine appears to have been retained, although
the entire superstructure was replaced with phase nr masonry.
It seems possible that some of the stiipa and relic shrines around
the pradak.yirzapatha were progressively transformed into image shrines
toward the late part of phase III. At many Greater Gandharan Bud-
dhist sites, there appears to have been a propensity to encircle the
main stiipa court with bank~ of image shri11es, a pattern that can be
28
T races of diaper masonry may indicate that the semi-ashlar facing does not
mark an expansion of the main sliipa, only a restoration. See Kuwayama, 17ze Main
S~a at S/!iil!-y'i-ki-t/fleri, 25- 6, fig. 4.
Some section.s of the dome show a partial second cou rse of ashlar stones,
although this might be d1e product of modern restoration (field observations, 1993- 94).
so Probably these axial image plinths were not const:ructed at the same time,
becatL~e they have different dimensions. The core of the north plind1 appears to
predate the rdiocing of the stapa, when it was modified and paired with th e south
plinth. The west plind1 is poorly preserved, but it appears to postdate the refacing
of the stupa, as does the extant east shrine (field observations, 1993- 94). These
shrines can be loosely dated to the middle of phase Ill. They did not contain mon-
umental images typical of late phase Ill and phase IV. Late phase Ill or phase IV
shrines of double semi-ashlar masonry seal the north and west emrances, suggest-
ing that the axial shrines are earlier.
31
In the case of shrine B 13, the umer walls are single-course semi-ashlar and
the outer are double semi-ashlar. This practice of rebuilding early sti1Jctures in late
masonry is also apparent at Klilawan (two-celled shrine A2).
150 CHAPTER SIX
observed at Jaulifui, Mekhasanda, Takht-i-bi'"thi, J amal Ga:rh'i, Thareli,;

Ranigat, Saidu, Nimogram, and others (figs. 27, 20, 65, 2, 61, 69;
79, 104, I 09). In some instances these image shrines were built
directly on top of smal.l stupas, which presumably had fallen intQ
•·uin. At Saidu, image shrines 27 and 28 sit on and incorporate stup4
bases 78 and 79, respectively (fig. l 04), and at Thareli shrines D2 E
and D26 appear to rest on stii.pa bases (fig. 69).32 This practice is
also apparent atjamal Garhl (fig. 61), where nuuty structures under~
lie the image shrines surrounding the main str.ipo. (court 1) and somt;t
image shrines in comt 3 also appear to sit on stupa bases. 33 Evert
though stii.pas and other relic structures remained important to reli..
gious practice, it apparently was acceptable to build upon fallen stli•
pas and relic shrines, probably because space was at a premium io
some of these sacred areas.
It is difficult to determine the early to midcl.le phase ill charac..
ter of the prada/r.fo.!llpatlza shrines at the Dharmarajika complex becaus~
of modifications that appear to have been made late in phase III on
in phase IV. It seems there was a hesitation to change the basic
fw1ction of ilie relic structmes in iliis <Uea, as evidenced by repairs.
Tins evidence suggests tl1at image shrines were not yet so important
as to necessitate the modification of the ptimary sacred area, a
hypothesis confirmed at the nearby site of Kalawan (see below). This
mid-phase m emphasis on ··dies is significant because in ilie latl.':l
part of phase Ill, the inlportance of devotional icons increased, and
at this stage ilie shrines encircling the f>rada#rwjJalha were radical.ly
changed.
6.3.6 The Dharmarajikii ComjJlex: Late Phase 1!1 Arcltiiecture

In the late part of phase Ill the D harmarajika sacred area was rad-
icaUy transformed, in co~unction with the sealing of the north and
west gates leading into ilie circumambulatory path of the main stiijJa
(fig. 1). For a devotee using this sacred area, the closure of iliese
gateways completely redefined how one moved through the site. Late
32
Facccnna, Saidu Shnrif, the Sacred Area, 22Q-2 L, 223- 24, 264- 65, 269- 76; my
field obse1vations, L993-94.
33 I obse1ved this pattern wheo I first visited Jamal Garhi in 199 1 and again i1t
L993, but when I returned to take detailed notes at the end of 1993, stiijJa court
3 had been completely rebuilt, in the interest of conservation.
•
PHASE lU ARCHlTECTlJR.E AND SCULPllJRE FROM TA.XlLA 151
modifications to the Dharmarajika sacred area are easily recognized

because of a shift in masoruy techniques that involved using double
and triple semi-ashlar layers (fig. 9) (see Appendix A). H owever, this
evidence must be approached cautiously, because both single- and
double-course semi-ashlar masonry continued to be used weiJ into
phase IV, as is evident at Bhamal.a (fig. 42) (see Appendix A and
section 7.6 Phase N: The Decline of Buddhi~m) .
Late changes made to the circumambulatory path of the main
stft.pa transformed the way this sacred area was used. Following a
trend already established in phase II, most of the late phase Ill con-
struction focused on the northem half of the pradak..fir.zapatlza. There,
two monumental double semi-ashlar image shrines (B4 and B I )34
were built, the latter one sealing off the northern gateway. The
remainder of late construction appears related to the fabrication or
restoration of relic shrines. The rebuilding of the B 13 shrine in the
northeast quadrant is a good example. It appears to have a pha~e
li fow1dation (it~ plan is nearly identical to diaper shrines D 12 and
D 14), but its superstructure was replaced sometime late in phase ill
(double-course semi-ashlar for the exterior vva!Js and single-course
semi-ashlar inside)..
O ther relic shrines were added late in phase Ill to the western
quadrant, seemingly in co•-Dunction with closing this point of access
to the main stupa. The relative order of shrine construction in this
area is revealing. Late in phase Ill the first structure bujJt was shrine
R 7, which was fabricated in double semi-ashlar masonrv. The next
'
addition was shrine R6, at which point the western gateway was
sealed. T h e contemporary use of single- and double-course semi-
ashJar masonry can be observed, because shrine R6 (single-course
semi-ashlar)35 postdates the construction of shrine R 7 (double-course
serni-ashJar).36 Contiguous waUs show that sh1ine R6 was built toged1er
s-o The ori&oinal gateway, constructed mostly in kaiifrtr, still exists. !t is clear that
this structure was simply modified, and then a large double semi-ashlar shrine was
added to the original gate (field observations, 1993-94).
!$ The R6 shrine verges on double semi-ashlar in places.
36
[mcrscitial chips are lL~eful in determining the relative order of construction.
For ins~ance, if wall A were constructed first, then large blocks would have been
used to finish the corner. At a later time, when wall B was built up against the
corner of wall A, instead of blocks being used to finish the edge of the new wall,
small chips of stone would have been used to fill this g-ap, as larger finished blocks
were required only on exterior surfaces. Because the edge of the second wall is
made up of chips, the order of construction .is simple to detem1int:. It appears that
152 CHAPTER SIX
with relic shrine 83. 37 Then shrine 84 was added (using one of the
walls of 83).38 Thus, tllis group of shrines (R7, R6, 83, and S4) all
can be securely placed in the late part of phase UI; tlus group cart
be extended to include R5, because double senli-ashlar masonry was
also used in its fabrication. The closed facades of these shrines indi~
cate that they contained relics rather than images, as is clear in the
case of the R5 smpa shrine. In tl1e southwest part of the S3 shrin~
a sizable raised platform of mud contained a large number of earl1
Gupra period clay seals with the Buddhist creed.39 Little remains tc:t
give these seals a proper context, but it seems likely that they werd
housed in a stii.pa, as is the case in at least one instance in Afghanist:an. 4~
In any case, it is unlikely that tlus base supported an image, as bas~
for images were fabricated using masonry in Taxila at this time,
Although the massive rectangular S3 shrine is structurally atypicaJ,
because it had an entrance portal with a cent'fal pillar and flanking
pilasters, it seems in line •vith single-celled relic shrines. Related ta
tllis continuing interest in relic structures are the 25-30 small stupasJ
dating to the middle to late parts of phase m, that are scattered
about the D harmaraji.ka sacred area, esp ecially along the eastem
the circwnambulatory path was partially filled at this time, because shrines .R6 andl
R 7 si t on a layer of din that is stratigraphically higher than tbe base of the west~
ern stairs. Approximately 45 cm of debris accumulated in the western gate priol;'
to the consn·uction of the R6 and R 7 shrines; in fact, the fo undations of the Rii
shrine have settled because of tllis lack of a finn footing (field observations, 1993-94);
Marshal! also noted this lack of foundation on his site plan, but he made no ref.
erence to it in IUs text.
" Shrines R6 and S3 share a common wall that extends ltcross the fu.cades of
both structures. Corroborating dlis dating is the (a.c t that the ba.ck wall of S3 wall
done in double semi-ashlar.
sa The S4 shrine appea.rs 10 follow the plan of an earlier phase .ll su·ucru.re.
Supporting this cont.ention is the retention of a small amoum of phase D' masonr)'
in its northwest com er.
" The dating of the seals to the early Gupta period is based on the form of the
Bralunr characters (Marshal!, TtiXilll, 266- 67). A large number of these seals were
found in a raised platform; they were stamped with the Buddhist creed "ye dharma
Hetu prabhav...." Although M.arshall noted that such seals are found in the COr e$
of stllfNlS, he identified this as an image shri.ne, suggesting that the seals were pla.cect
in the cores of Buddhist statues. While it is a·ue that seals are found in stitpar, they
are not, 10 my knowledge, associated with sta tues in Greater Gandhara. Therefore,
it seems very likely that this shrine was instead used ro display or contain relics.
10
' M. Taddei, "Inscribed Clay Tablets and rvfiniau•re Stl7j>as from Ga1JJi," EastJ
mu/ West 20, no. 1- 2 (1970); M. Taddei and G. Verardi, "Clay Smpas and Thrones,
at Tapa Sardar, Gazni," in ;;jnbun: A1mwirs qf tlze Resmrclt Institute for Hummtistic Studie3-
(Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1985).
..
PHASE ll1 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAXU.A 153
avenue. Late phase ill repairs were also made to relic shrines along
the western avenue, indicating that they also were being used at this
time.4'
At the end of phase Ill, two points of access into the sacred area
can be recognized: the eastern avenue leading into the mona~tic area
and the presumably public northern entrance opposite the monu-
mental P2 image shrine . The northern entrance was important
throughou t phases I, II, and Ill, as ind icated by the periodic
modjfications made to the H two-ceiJed shrine, as weU as the for-
mation of the northern avenue in the early to rruddle part of phase
Ill. It is clear that at the end of phase Ill tills entrance was still
being used, because the colossal P2 double serru-ashlar image shrine
was built here. The colossal scale of tills shrine suggests possibly even
phase IV construction (see section 7.5 R.arllgat: Phase II to Phase
IV Architecture). Even before this shrine was built, sculptures were
being commissioned for the entranceway; in mjd-phase Ill, two over-
life-size seated images of the Buddha, nearly identical to those found
in the monastery of Mohra Moradu (fig. 36) (see section 6.6.2 Monastic
Images: Phase Ill Pedestal Images and Image Shrines built in Pre-
existing R esidential Cells), had been attached to the back of the P l
stii.pa to face this northern entrance. Shrine P5 and the base of an-
other colossal image shrine, P4, augment the late phase ill P2 image
shrine. Although it is unclear how the public would have entered
the site, as the densely packed northern aven ue has no clear exit
except toward the H structure, these commissions show that this area
remained an important component of the D harrnarajika complex.
In contrast, the eastern avenue was organized to create a clear
processional path that charu1eled the monastic population directly to
what had become the most important entrance into the prada~~apatha
of the main stupa. It would seem that at this time, the lay and monas-
tic communities used and moved through the sacred area in different
ways. With the blocking of the northern avenue, the lay population
lost convenient access, via the eastern avenue to the prada~r:tapatlza.
Perhaps the northern avenue was purposely blocked, to restrict traffic
and segregate the secular devotees.
" Single-cow·se semi-ashlar repairs and modifications were made to the C4, C3,
and 12 shrines, while shrine G LO was fabricated out of double semi-ashlar masomy,
as were repairs to the outer wall of shrine G4. These repairs probably pre-date the
closure of the western prada/qi!wpali1a gateway.
•
154 CHAPTER SIX
In the development of the eastern avenue, a clear progression is

evident. \ Vhile the presence of phase I vihiiras suggests that the mon~
tic population always used thi portaJ, the processional corridor begap
to fonn only after the early phase m con truction of the N4 and
r 5 strtpas. Then in the middle tO late part of phase Ill, a cluster of
stiipas and image shrines was built adjacenr to the east entrance int.O
the main stiipa's circumarnbulatory path. The last structures to b
added were the double semi-ashlar shrines N 16, 1\'17, and :\!18. On~
of these late shrines, N 16, housed a small stiipa with a stepped base
supported by lions, a design that follows the basic late phase Ul for-
mat (sec section 6.5 The Phase liT Small Stupa).''2 However, the
shrine is unusual because it has a U-shaped plan and an open fa~ad~
usually reserved for image shrines. Image shrine Nl8, also fabricated
in douule semi-ashlar masonry, appears to have contained a stand\-
ing Buddha about 12 m tall (the in situ feet were 1.6 m long) (fig.
19).+3 Its p lacement marks the head of the eastern avenue, although
it would have been more clearly viewed by someone walking dowl)
the now-blocked northern avenue. T his image shrine, together -.vitb
image shrine P4, must have been one of the latest additions to thft
Dharmadijika sacred area. perhaps even dating to phase IV.
6.3. 7 Kiilawiin: Phase Ill Architecture and tk &lie Shrin~
R emains, datable on the basis of masonry, from the site of Kalaw·:Ut

(fig. 20) reveal that during the middle of phase III, relic shrines
remained the most significant devotional structures within the sacred
area, a pattern also noticed for the middle part of phase ill at tile
Dharmarajika complex. T his is especially relevant because these two
centcrs were separated by only about two kilometcrs, and lO sorn,e
degree they must have served a common community of monks and
lay worshipers. Although the Kalawan sacred area was established
during phase Jl, and had JjttJe room for adclitions, the changes made
in lhjs late r period confirm the importance of relic structures, nol
image shrines.
42 The 16 sttlpa slu·iuc can be elated by comparisons ''~th similar sltlfJiiS f.-om
.Jaulilh1_. which ar(~. much better preserved. MarshaU was able to _solidly doo.unctll
at .Jatilifli\ a sltljm lonnat tJ1at he used as a datutg mdtcator at Ta.,.ila. See Mar~~hall,
Excl1lJ(I/wns at TaxiIn: ·n, Stupas and Mont1steries aJ ]auJian, 7- l 0; Marsh all, Taxila,
372 73; Fouchl'r, "The Decor;uion of the Stuccoed Stupas."
<l Marshall, Taxikt, 267 68.
PHASE OI ARCHJTECTURE AND SCULPTURE f"ROM TA.'ULA 155
By the end of phase II, the sacred area wa~ organized around a
main stilpa, A4, ""ith an oversized relic chamber, stupa shrine A 14,
and normal-size stii.pa Al2. These core monuments were enclosed in
a court ringed by multiple one- and two-celled relic and stii.pa shrines;
the monastic population lived in monasteries C and F and the out-
lying H site (see section 4.1.1 Kalawan: Phase II Architecture). ln
phase rn the monastic population increased significantly with the
addition of monastery B; stairs indicate that at least a second Aoor
existed, so this structure could have housed 80 or more residents.'14
During phase Ill, new relic structures were added to the now-con-
strained space within the sacred area, such as the single-celled stii.pa
shrine A 16, which sits between two other empty single-ceUed shrines,
A IS and A l 7, that also probably hou~ed relics. Single-celled shrine
A 15 contained the kind of heterogeneous do native sculpture that is
often found in relic shrines at other sites45 (see Chapter Three; sec-
tion 8.2.3 Takht-i-bahr: Two-Gelled Shrine XXJII: Loose Sculpture;
and Appendix C). The shape of shrine A26, near the entrance of
the monastery, also conforms to the single-celled typology on the
basis or its plan. Also indicative of the importance of relic structures
to the phase Ill community of K ftlawan is the fact that the main
A4 stupa (with its oversized relic chamber) was repaired, along with
two-celled stupa shrine A 13, while two-celled shrines AS and A2 were
completely rebuilt in phase Ill semi-ashlar masonry.<H>
The in1age shrines that were incorporated into the sacred area at
this time are mainly affiliated with relic structures: image shrines
were attached to the facades of the A5 and A2 two-ceUed shrines,
and two shrines, A27 and A28, were affixed to the rear wall of the
Al4 two-celled stupa sluine. Severa.l more were built near the entrance
to rnonaste.r y B (A24 - 25 and A30), and an iconographically com-
plex image group was housed in a slu·ine placed within the monaster)'
itself (see section 6.6.3 Monastic Images: Late Phase Ill Gmuihakuti
Image Niches).
Thus, relic shrines were used to frame and delimit the Kalawan
sacred area and the zone around the main stiipa at the Dharmarajika
complex. In contrast, at many phase Ill sacred areas, including the
Ta>:ila site of J auliaii (fig. 27), most of the Peshawar basin centers,
+I Ibid., 336- 40.

·~ [bid., 330.
46 lbid., 323, 330- 31.
156 CHAP'l'ER SlX
and some sites in Swat, image shrines were being used as boundary
structures. Although image shrines and relic shrines must have had
radicaUy different ritual value, they both were used almost like the
northern Indian vedikii to create a bounded sacred space for the relic
stiipa invariably found at the center. In this sense, certain aspect<; of
the earlier relic shrines were apparently partially transferred to image
shrines in phase ill. In effect, while the relics in the main stiipas of
all the Greater Gandharan sites remained the primary o~jects of
power and the main focus for devotion, it was the large iconic images
that gave the relics a manifest form. At Kalawan, it might have beet!
that the earlier relic structures were only complete after the attach•
ment of phase Ill image shrines.
6.3.8 Jauliiifi: Phose Ill Archituture and the Image Shrine

A group of three sites, Jauliai'i, Mohra Moradu, and Pippala (figs.
27, 32, 39), is about 3 lci!ometers northeast of the Dharmar~jika
complex (fig. 4). The most patronized was J aulian, founded during
phase fl and greatly expanded during phase ITJ. The presence of
several monumental image shrines constructed in double-se.mi-ashlati
masonry suggests that patronage did not drop off until sometime
early in phase IV. This dating appears to be generally confirmed by
the numismatic evidence. Of the 126 coins recovered at the site, 26
were minted during phases I and II, while the other LOO were pro·
duced in the middle and late parts of phase lilY Taking into con..
sideration the fact that some of these coins would have remained in
circulation for a considerable time, this evidence supports a phase
II- IV occupation for the site, the most activity occurring in the lat-
ter part of phase Ill.
J auliafi is crucially important because the form of its sacred area
can be linked to complex architectural developments in the Peshawat
basin. At Jaulian the sacred area is enclosed with bank~ of image
shrines, built in masonry datable to phases JII and IV, that are very
similar to those found at the Peshawar basin sites of Mekhasanda;
47
These coins comprise four local Taxila.n, one Apollodoms ll, one Gondophares,
one Kadphises, seven Kani~ka I, six Huvi~ka, 37 Vllsudeva (including late imiia·
tions), LI mudentified Kushan, fom Sbapur !!, two Shapur ill, three Honnazd 11,;
one Varaharan 11, 24 lndo-Sasanian and Sa.~anian, and 17 late lndo-Sasaniatl;
(Marsha.IJ, Taxila, 385- 86). See also Erri.ngton, "Numismatic £,~dence for Dating
the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 212.
Elements sous droits d"auteur

PHASE JU ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAX1LA 15 7
Takht-i-bahf, J amal Garhf, Thareli, Ranigat, Sikri, and others (figs.

65, 2, 45, 61, 68, 69, 79, 90).
The late phase IT foundation of J aulian consjgted of the monastery,
a compact main stitpa, and one small stUpa (A l 5).48 During phase
Ill, patrons commissioned 2 1 small stupas clustered around the main
stii.pa, which in turn was enclosed by rows of image shrines built at
diffen:nt times. 49
Given the pattern of construction observed at Kalawan and the
Dharma.rajika complex, it is not surp1ising that relic shrines are also
important in the Jaulian sacred area. While these structures are not
readily apparent, empty single-celled relic shrines having projecting
walls that closed off parts of the facades were added in the early to
middle part of phase III; they include B 17, B27, C 19, and C33.
Shrine C20 probably was also a single- or double-celled shrine, but
poor preservation precludes a definitive determination. Wllile most
of these shrines can be identified only on the basis of structural typol-
ogy and their C-shaped plan, remains of what may be a stupa base
lie in the center of C33. In front of single-celled shrine B l 7 is a
throne that was likely used for relic worship; it is embellished with
lion legs and a textile pattern executed in stucco (sec Chapter T hree
and section 4.1.2 The Dharmarajikc'l. Complex: Phase U Architectme
and the Relic Shrine).~
The image shrines enclosing the upper sttipa court were all con-
structed of single-course semi-ashlar during the early to middle part
of phase ill <md, with the exception of B3 and B4, appear too small
to house images larger than We-size. The consistendy small scale of
the upper court shrines suggests that they were built near the begin-
rung of the popularization of the image shrine. A pattern shows that
the earliest image shrines added to a given site tend to be smaU;
this can be observed at J aulifu'i as well as at T akht-i-bahi', Jamal
Garhi, Mekhasanda, Thareli, and, to a lesser extent, at the Dharma-
rajika complex (figs. 27, 2, 61, 65, 69, I). Although the dating of
some of these image shrines from Greater Gandhara is problemat'ic,
48 Here d1e late diape r masonry starts to technically resemble the semi-ashlar fo r-
ma t (Marshal!, Exc(W(I/wns at Taxilll: 77u Stupas aJUf Morummes at Jaulian, 4).
49 Seams in the masomy, both in the upper and lower courts, show that the
shrines were donated individually and in groups (field observations, 1993-94).
50 Behrendt, " Relic Shrines of Gandhara: A Reinterpretation of d1e Archaeological
Evidence"; M.ar1>hall, 1iv:ila, 377, 379.
158 CHAPTER SIX
in many cases it is possible to determine the relative order of con-

struction. Consistently, these micro-chronologies of image shrine addi-
tions indicate that the earliest shrines are small, whereas the latest
additions, especially those large enough to house monumental images,
were the last to be built, as is the case with shrines C 14-c 16 at
J auJiai'i51 (see phase Ill discussions of Takht-i-bahr and section 7.1
Mekhasanda: Phase II and III Architecture). Further, the vast majoi"
ity of standing schist images recovered in excavations tiom T axila
and the PeshawaJ basin52 are smaller than liie-size; their scale is suit-
able for housing in a middle phase III shrine such as those found
in the upper stzipa court at Jaulia.ii (see Appendix B).
The J auliaii rectangular f01mat for the sacred area resembles those
found in the Peshaw·ar basin at sites like Mekhasanda (fig. 65), T h<u·ell
sacred area D (fig. 69), and the lower sttipa court at Takht-i-bahJ'
(figs. 2, 46). All of tl1ese sites, including J auliaii, have modest-sized.
main stilpas surrounded by tightly packed smaU smpas, which in turn
m·e enclosed by image shrines. T his pattern marks a distinct depar~
ture from the massive main stupas popular at phase I and II sites
like the Dhmmmiijika complex, Shah-jl-kr-<;lherf, and Butkara l (figs;
1' 83, 97).
T he lower stftpa court at J auliaii. appear-s to have been active at
the smne time that the upper court was being filled with donated
structures, although it was fully enclosed only at the end of phas6
Ill with d1e construction of monumental image shrines along tl1e
north edge. Some of the em·Liest stiipas and shrines added to this
m·ea were built up against the exterior walls of the upper stUpa court.
The smaU image shrines (C6-Cl2) bracketing the entrance to the
m onastery also are early additions. At the Taxila site of Giri C, the
few image shrines that were built bracket the monastery entrance,
a pattern that also seems evident at Ta.kht-i-bahi (fig. 2). The latest
additions to the lower sacred area at J aulian are tl1e monumental
image shrines C 14 - C J6, built of double semi-ashlar masonry, along
its northern edge. T he presence of these late shrines indicates that
~· This foUows l'r·om d1e scale of th ese shrines and their double semi-ashlar
masonry.
j
2 !Vlany of these sculptures are now in the Pcshawar M'useum, Lahore l\ll usewn.
Karachi Museum , Indian Museum i.n Calcutta, and Chandigarh Museum. The most
complete record of Peshawar basin finds is the Archaeological Survey of India
Frontier Circle {ASLFC) photographs and the Archaeological Survey oflndia 11tdiau
M.useum photographs (ASI:NI), in the India Office of the Brir.i.s.h LibrlHY in London.
Elements sous droits d'aute r

..
PHASE m ARCHJTECTURE AND SCULPTIJRE FROM TAXILA 159
J aulian was still receiving considerable patronage near the beginning

of phase IV.
J auliai'i has an auxiliary small sacred area with stiipa D7 at its
core. This cow-t appears to have a phase Il foundation , as its east-
ern wall was built of diaper masoruy and the upper sacred area
appears to have been displaced by this enclosure. It is clear that
st1ipa D7 had independent significance; no fewer than nine image
shrines were added to its sacred precinct (see section 7.2.6 Takht-i-
bahr Patronage and the Phase II1 Multiplication of Sacred Areas).
6.3.9 Mohrli M01·lidu: Phase Ill Architecture and Additive Imagery

Dating to the end of phase II is the Mohra Moradu main stflpa, an
adjacent small sl!i.pa, a sizable two-celled relic shrine (not shown on
Marsha.ll's plan),~3 and the monastery (figs. 32, 33, 35) (see section
4.1.4 Mohra Moradu: Phase U Architecture).54 However, the numis-
matic evidence shov.rs that phase Ill into early phase IV was the
main period of occupation at the site. T hat evidence consists of 84
coins, 24 minted in phases I and ll, 49 that are phase Ill issues of
Vasudeva (including later imitations), and the remainder daring to
the end of phase Ill and into phase IV. 55 Even though Mohra
Moradu was occupied throughout phase Ill, no image shrines com-
parable to those sw-rounding the main stflpa at the nearby site of
Jauliafi were ever built. Instead, many individually commissioned
additive stucco images were placed on the drum and base of the
main sWpa, on the adjacent small stUpas, and in the monastery (figs.
34, 35).56 These images, unprotected by shrines, survive because d1e
1' TI1is shrine was built against the hill immediate!)' to the south of the main
stiipa's stairway. It is enti rely composed of sem.i-ash.la.r masonry and has an amecham-
ber typical of other two-celled shrines (field observations, 1993- 94).
34
The ma.i.n sllipa "~dS constructed of diaper masonry that verges on semi-ashlar.
This base has pilasters made from integrated blocks of lwiJur, Like the early phase
IJl pilasters of the proro-semi-ashlar K l sttipa at the Oh1u·marf~ikl\ complex and
unlike the insc1ted single-piece pilasters typica.l of phase .II monuments in Taxila
(field observations, 1993-94; Marshall, 7lLnu•, 358, 62).
~~ These coins comprise one punch marked, three local T axilan, one Azes l, two
Azes n, one Kadph.ises I, one Kadph.ises D, two Soter Megas, 12 Kani~ka, one
Huvi~ka, 4·9 Vasudeva, one Kidara Kushan, four Sasa11ian, one Toramana, one
Samanradeva, and four late lndo-Sasanian (Ibid., 363- 64). See also Errington,
"Nwnismatic Evidence for Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 21 1.
~ Traces of the original red paint that coated the main .rtiipa can be detected
behind some of the images, especially the seated image on the dome at the top of
160 CHAPTER SIX
site was deeply buried in debris, especially the images placed against
the south wall of the main stUpa plinth.
The sacred area was not enclosed; however, the large individual!¥
commissioned devotional icons encircling the main stilpa might have
had this function, perhaps similar to the icons housed in shrines, ctS
at Jaulian (fig. 27). AJthough these attached devotional icons tool-
out from the main slflpa, they do encircle it mucl1 like banks of
image shrines would. The pattern of image distribution obseJVed ~
Mohra Moradu seems to differ from that of other sites, but this may
be simply because image shrines more often survive in tbe archac:--
ological record while exposed images do not. Images placed outside
of image shrines are easily confused with reused sculptures; this is
especially problematic in the case of schist devotional icons (see see}-
tion 8. 7.2 Sahri-Bahl61: Some Possible In Situ Sculpture and Appe11r
clix C). There is less ambiguity about the stucco work that is typical~}'
attached, and even when the actual sculptures have been lost, soc:Je..
ets for their attachment sometimes survive (see below).
Additive sculptures are best preserved at the sites of Mohra Morad~
J auliaii, K.alawan, the Dharmarajika complex, and T akht-i-baht,
although it seems likely that this pattern of image placement was
common throughout Greater Gandhar a. At J auJian, the main stftjm
base was embellished with a variety of heterogeneous, individually
commissioned Buddha and bodhisattva images, which appear to date
to the end of phase m or to phase rv.s
7
At Kalawan, main stujfP.
A4 and stupa Al 2 were embeJijshed with additive images of which.
only fl:·agments sUJVive.~8 In the Dharmarajika complex, two lati!
phase Ill, larger than life-size images are attached to the back fa~
of the Pl stii.pa.YJ At Takht-i-bahi, four late phase lii or IV adcli-
tive unenshrined monumental images were placed against the soutb
wall of court XX; the surviving heads and feet show that the sock-
tbe stairway. Many of the images added to the plinth of the main sl:ilpa projeet
beyond its base molding (field observations, 1993-94). Most of the Mohfii Mora®
additive images, some of which are larger than life-size, a.re now in the Tax.ila
museum.
$? Field observations, 1993-94; Marshal!, Toxik;, 371. Their large scale argu~~S
for a late date, as does their style, which is comparable to, for example, in sitll
sculprut·cs in the Oharmarlijikl'i Nl 8 shrine (fig. 19).
38 Bodhisattva heads and other fragments were fmmd at the base of the A4 slupa,
and around the A12 sltipa. many sculptutes of lay worshippers were found among
the debris (Ma.rshall, Taxila, 324- 25).
M £bid., 276.
...
PHASE UI ARCHITECTURE A.ND SCULPTURE FROM TAXlLA 161
ets in the wall above were originally used to support these sculp-
tures (figs. 2, 49, 50) (see section 8.2.2 Takht-i-bahi: Sacred Area
XX: Loose Sculpture).60 There is also evidence to suggest that adcti-
tive images were at times placed in pre-existing shrines, a good exam-
ple being the added images in the monumental image shrine N18
at the Dharmar~j ika complex (figs. 1, 19). In my opinion, many of
the disembodied stucco heads found at sites throughout Greater
Gandhara were originally parts of adctitive images either placed in
shrines or left exposed.
For the donor, an additive image would have been expectient, and
it avoided the expen e of building an image shrine. Commissioning
an adctitive image might have been a patron's on.ly option if all the
available space for image shrines had been exhausted. Thus, the
additive images provide anoth.er valuable strand of evidence for tmder-
standing the growth and popularization of iconic imagery in Gandhara.
6.4 Phase Ill Taxila: Sile TJpologies and Religious Affiliation
In TaxiJa the sacred areas consistently have a main stupa at tJ1eir

core, but the other devotional buildings added to a given site vary
considerably. In phase ill, image shrines began to appear as com-
mon adctitions, but they were not present at all sites; they were cer-
tainly less popular .in T axiJa and Swat than in the Peshawar basin.
In all of these regions, the devotional icons placed within the sacred
areas were not independent objects for devotional activity; tlley are
always found in conjunction with relics. 61 Image shrines are attached
to one- and two-celled relic shrines, and additive and reused sculp-
ture was commonly placed within these structures (see Appendix C).
Devotional images of Buddhas and bodhisanvas are found in shrines
typically facing the main stiipa, but always within the sacred area;
they are never freestanding structures. Unprotected adctitive sculp-
tures are most often attached to stUpas, although they are also found
along tJ1e perimeter of sacred areas, commonly against or within
60
Note the sockets in the wall in figs. 49 and 50; these holes must have ori.gi-
naUy contained wooden posts to support the monumental images. Such sockets can
be found in many shrines in the Peshawar basin (see fig. 4 7) and are useful indi-
cators for determining the scale of the images (field observations, 1993--94).
6' K. Behrenclt, " Relics and Their Repn.>sentation in Gandhara," in Marg (Mumbai:
Marg Publications, 1993).
162 CHAPTER SIX
other patrons' image shrines. Although the iconic sculptures must

have been ritually important, in many instances the images seem
only to glorifY and symbolically complete a relic structure, indicat-
ing that the relic, not the image. was significant.
At Taxila most image shrines were added over time by multiple
patrons to earlier phase [[ stiipa courts, as is the case at the D harmcr
rajika complex, Kalawan, and J aulian. 62 Some sites in use through-
out pha~e In lack image shrines or have onJy a few. T hey are abseqt
at Mohra Moradu, Pippala, Bhallar Tope,63 Li.lchak, and Kunala,tt
and very few shrines were added to the phase IV site of Bhamala.tr>
Why do image shrines appear at some sites and not others? t'!
this a reflection of different sectarian affiliations66 or just of fluctuatim}S
in the available patronage base? The adjacent sites of Jauliaii anti
Mohra Moradu, for example, were founded at the same rime, and
in the beginning they had nearly identical main stupas and monas-
tctics (sec section 4. 1.4 M ohra Moriidu: Phase IT Architecture). During
phase liT, the development of tl1eir sacred areas diverged; at J auliap
many image and reEc shrines were constructed, while only additi\C
images were used and one two-celled relic shrine built at Moh"
Mora.du. Did the Buddhists in these neighboring sites have differeqt
belief.~ and practices? Or did the Buddhists of M ohra ~ loradu ano
the tjny nearby site of Pippala simply lack economic resource$?
Perhaps these other two sites used the J aulian sacred area for daily
worship. H owever, when the Jaulian group is compared to Kala wan,
a phase Ill site dominated by the production of relic shrines, the
possibility of different sectarian affiliations becomes more \~able.
The one context in which devotional icons are not in direct asso-
ciation with relics is the monastery. [n the quadrangular monasteries,
devotional culptun: is fow1d in four distinct contexts: ( 1) schist and
srucco devotional icons in specially constructed ceUs; (2) large devo-
62 1\ few large image shrines were also constructed at the Taxila site of Giri.
&l The apparen t lack of image shrines at this site may be a case of incomplete
excavauon.
&t A single-image platform was added to the monastery courtya•·d.
M T hree small two-n·lh·d sh1incs were built in the sacred area of Bbamiila. Ouc
shri1w houst'd a stripa, bu1 Ji·agmcmed rew;cd images were found in all three. · n~e
only over-lifi·-sizc image was found in a shrine auached to the gate st1·ucturc se~
arating the sacred area from the monastery. Unexcavated stnJctures to the we>t of
the main jflifJa, as M;u-shal suggested, may have suppo11:ed image shrines (Marsha'tl,
Taxik1, 39 1 97).
66 Shoshin Kuwayama, personal communication, 2001.
•
PHASE Ill ARCHITECTURE ANO SCULl"TT.JRE FROM TAXlLA 163
tional icons on plinths along the edges of the interior courty ard;
(3) small niches, set into the walls of the courtyard, containing icono-
graphicaUy sophisticated image groups (exhibiting what I c.:'lll gand-
hakuti iconography); and (4) small images, suitable for personal
devotional practices, in monastic cells.
In the mountain. uilzii.ras of the Peshawar basin, images were not
incorporated in the rnonaste•·ies; rather, a somewhat different kind
of pattern is observed. At the junction of several of these residential
structures are monastic small sacred areas, typically consisting of a
small stiipa surrounded by a walled court and commonly having peri-
meter image shrines (figs. 68, 75) (see section 7.3.2 Thareli: Monastic
Small Sacred Areas).
Thus, it appears that patterns of in1age worship in monastic contexts
differed from those in the public sacred areas. It seems likely that
in the monasteries more complex image use developed (see section
6.6 Phase ill Use of Jmages and Relics in Quadrangular Monasteries).
6.5 TI1e Phase Ill Small Srupa
The numerous phase Ill stii.pas that survive in Greater Gandhara

are diverse, but there are some general trends, many of which are
well preserved at J aulian, Mohra Moradu, Takht-i-bahl, Sallri-Bahlol
B, and Ali Masjid67 (figs. 28, 46, 48, 56, 96).68 By phase III, stucco
was the preferred medium for stiipa decoration in T axila, the Peshawar
basin, and Swat. T he main decorative features were roughly shaped
in kai[jfa and finished in stucco. This tecluucal advancement would
have allowed for fa.~ter and cheaper production. Carving in schist
required suitable stone; the finjshed reli ef.~ were fragile, and the
process was labor intensive. In contrast, stucco could be made and
painted quickly (at least a.t T axila, molds were at times used).69
Although stucco sculpture was susceptible to water damage, repairs
67
Ali Masj id ca n be placed in phase m on the basis of numismatic evidence of
two coins of Vasiska (242- 260 C.E.). See Errington, "Numismatic Evidence (or Dating
the Buddhist Remains of Gand hara," 197.
68 For a detailed discussion of stzipa development in Taxila, see Fit:'t.Simmons, Stupo
Designs at Taxila, 30- 47.
69 Mlu·shall said that a mold for the face of a Buddha(?) was among the terra-
cottas !ound at the Dharnuuiijika and J aJ:Jc.l.ial (Marshall, Taxila, 441, pi. L36k).

164 CHAJYI'ER SIX
were easy. Some of the best documented small st11pas with stucco
decoration are those from the site of J auliafi in Taxila (fig. 27). \Nidi
the exception of small stripa A 15/ 0 all had rubble cores and were
faced with phase III semi-ashlar masonry 71 (fig. 28).
With the popularization of iconic images of the Buddha, strifJP.
embellishment showing his Life events seems to have waned; only a
few narrative reliefs are extant in the stucco medium (see section
5.4.2 The Drwn: Developments in the Na rrative T radition anti
Appendix B). Still, the phase Ill stuccowork is part of a continuous
tradition that has its foundations in the earlier schist phase II .rtrip:a
adornment. Architectural motifs such as base molclings, pilasters,
atlantes, and lions all come directly out of this earlier tradition. The
phase n motif of figures-under-arches developed in such a way that
Buddha and bodhi.sattva images now occupied these registers (figs.
95, F; 63, A), which appear as stacked bands on the smfaces of
phase ill stupas (figs. 8, 28, 46).72 It is noteworthy that similar trape;.
zoidal and trilobed niches encircled the phase Ill drum of the
Dharma.rajika main stilpa (fig. 17) a nd that related axial trilobed
niches embellished the ba~es of stripas Kl and N4 (fig. 18). In some
cases the niche motif is not present; often, the encircling seated or
standing Buddhas and bodhisattvas are simply bra cketed by pilasters,
a~ can be seen at Ali Masjid, Takht-i-bahr, and Sahrr-Bahlol Site B
(figs. 96, 48, 56). At J auliai'i even the pilasters were omitted between
the Buddhas in stilpas A2 and A 15. In general, the niche and Buddha
motif is used on the upper parts of the ba~es and on the drums.
while the Buddha and pilaster pattern occurs on the lower parts of
tJ1e base, suggesting that the arch may have hierarchic significance.73
0
' A 15 was originally constn1cted in diaper but was later repaired in serni-ashla:r
mason.ry, and the imagery appears to have been " restored" as well during phase m
(MarshaU, Excavatiolls at Taxiia: The Stuf!as a11d Monasteries aJ Jaulum, 8- 10).
71
T he .Jauliai'i stiipa format can be used to date otb er small stupas in the TaKila
area. See Ibid., 7- 10; Foucher, "The Deco1-ation of rhe S[Uccoed Stuptd'; Marshal\
Taxila, 372- 73.
n P. Bra.ncaccio, "Gateways to the Buddha: F~res lUlder Arch es in Early Gandha.
ran Art," in Sources of Cmuiharm• Buddhism: ll rclzaeology, Art 1111d Texls, ed. K. Belu·endt
and .P. Brancaccio (V:mcouver: Universi ty of Bri tish Columbia Press, in press); see
section 5.4 .2 The Drum: Developments in the Narrative T radition .
., T his is 011ly a general trend ; for example, Buddhas in niches are found a t the
level of the base on one of d1 e Ali Masjid stiipas.

PHASE Ill ARCHJ'TEC'TUR£ AND SCULP'IlJRE FROM 'lAX!LA 165
These phase III multiple Buddhas on small stupas are iconograph-

ically similar to d1e large standing devotional images, but because
of their scale and repetition, it seems unlikely that they were viewed
individually. However, the encircling Buddhas found on the small
stupas do appear to have a structure that is parallel to that of the
banks of image shrines and additive images sw-rouncling main stupas.
If the purpose of the small Buddha images found ringing stupa bases
was p1·ima1-ily to embellish and decorate, did the image shrines encir-
cling stupa courts fulfill a similar function? In oilier words, did d1e
courts of image shrines simply embellish and aggrandize the relic of
the main stiipa? There are no simple anl>'>''ers to these questions, and
there does seem to be a complex interplay among the various con-
texts in which we find multiple phase m iconic images of the Buddha.
A defining chan1cteristic of many of the phase Ill stupas is their
stepped bases, a feature that allows for typological identification.
Because little more than the base of a stzipa sutvives in much of the
archaeological record, this phase III stepped base is easily recognized
at many sites in Taxila and the Peshawar basin. The basement begins
with a thick molding, sometimes surmounted by a row of Buddhas,
often between pilasters. Above this is a wide, shelf-like molding that
forms a step. These characteristics can be clearly seen in the Ali
Masjid and T akht-i-bahi examples (figs. 96, 48). Commonly, a row
of atlantes, lions, or elephants stands on this step and support~ another
thick molding, like the one found at the base of the sL!lpa; this fea-
ture is e~'Pecially clear in the Ali Masjid example (fig. 96). It almost
appears that the atlantes or lions are supporting the base of the
actual stUpa, which i.s held above, a clear marker of its sacred space.
Rows of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, usually enclosed in niches inter-
spersed with the pseudo-beam motif, are placed on this upper base,
often in several stacked tiers. Above this base structure are the cir-
cular drum and dome, with a lzannikii and clzattriivali crowning d1e
stflpa. This configuration suggests that the stUpa conceptually had two
bases, the lower base forming the step and the upper base, sup-
ported by atlantes or lions, providing the sacred space for the stii.pa.
There is consider-able evidence to show that that a relic shrine enclo-
sure had the same function as the stilpa base in phase Il, good exam-
ples being the Mohra Moradu or Pippala monastic stupa shrines or
the Butkara I relief depicting a stupa shrine (figs. 40, 99) (see section
5.4.1 The Base). By phase Ill, however, some square-based stzipas
166 CHAPTER SlX
began to appear in shrines, as at Kalawan (fig. 20, shrine A 16) or

at the Dharmarajika complex (fig. I, shrine lJ 7).
One of the latest stUpas with in situ stucco sculptm·e is the late
phase Ill or phase fV sliipa St30 I in the southwest sacred area of
Ranigat (fig. 78).H This medium-sized sliipa has a stepped base and
narcd platform for the stairway, much like the axial stairways of the
Bhamala main stiipa (fig. 42).;5 Although irs upper superstructure at
R anigat is gone, it is significant that even in this late period, above
the step atlantes, lions, and elephants support the second register,
which is fiUcd with a row of seated Buddhas, some of which are
enclosed in trilobc niches, bracketed by pilasters. Clearly the pat-
terns of stiipa adommcnt seen at phase Ill sites like J auliru1 survived
into later times.
6.6 Phase 11 I Use qf Images a11d Relics in Qyadraugular Monasteries
The excavated quadrangular monaste1ies at Taxila arc crucial to

understanding the general development of monastic architecture
throughout Greater Gandhara, in particular with regard to the inclu-
sion of devotional icons and image shrines. Although similar quad-
rangular l'ihiiras are extant at sites in d1e Peshawar basin, Swat, and
northern India, the Ta.xila archaeological evidence is the most exten-
sive. Thr earliest finds dating to phase [ show that the monastic
architecture underwent a period of codification. This early material
indicates that the Living quarters for monks and nuns were organized
around intcmal sltipas (see section 2.2.1 Dharmarajika Complex in
T axila: Phase I ; Section 2.2.2 Buddhist Structures in the Ta.xila City
of 'irka p: Pha!!c 1). During phase 11, the quadranguJar f01mat for
monastery consu-uction was regularized. Consistently small stupas were
placed in residential cells, or two-celled stiipa shrines were placed in
the courtyards. The phase I and ll evidence strongly suggests tJ1at
an internal relic structure was a vital part of the monastic edifice,
apparently serving the private devotional needs of the resident com-
munity. Ph;LSl: Ill quadrangular monasteries essentiaiJy follow the
standardizt:d format established in phase n, a good example bring
,. ishikawa, Ra11Y,>at, plan 74.

7
~ This lypolcJb'Y is addrc>scd in Fil"lSimmons, Stupa Designs at Ta~'iln, 73 75.
PHASE Ill ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAXfLA 167
the massive court G monastery at D ha.rrna~jika (fig. 16) (discussed

ab ove). Other early to middle phase liT guadranguhu monasteries
include those at K una.Ja (fig. 41 ), Kalawan B (fig. 20), and in the
Peshawar basin at T akht-i-bahf (figs. 2, 45).
ViM.ras constructed and refurbished in phase Ill often included
inner stftpa.r or stii.pa shrines, though by this period internal image
shrines began to be important. For example, when the Pippala
monastery was fully rebuilt in phase III, a stupa shrine that was orig-
inally constructed in one of the phase II monastic cells was retained,
showin g its importance to the later community (figs. 39, 40).76 A
p hase HI stftpa was placed in the phase II Kalawan F monastery
(fig. 20), where an odd-looking stzipa on a C ori nthian capital that
emerges from a stupa base was placed in cell 12. 77 Another notable
instance can be seen at Mohra Moradu, where a phase 111 stflpa was
p laced in pre-existing cell 9 (fig. 32).78 As noted above, small stilpa.r
were also built withm the courtyards of some phase Ill monasteries,
as in the Dharmar~ika complex monasteries M5 and G (figs. I, 16)
(see section 6.3.3 The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase Ill Monasteries).
Thus, while pha ·e Ill marked the beginning of monastic image
shrines, the older u·adition of integrating stilpas within the monastic
enclosure was still followed; in western India., various sites had sl!i -
pas in place of the more common gandhafru!.£ image shrines, a in the
case of the 5th and 6th century C.E. rock-cut centers of Bagh and
Kar:ili erf.
6.6.1 Phase Ill Use of PmonaL DevotionaL Images in Monasteries

In a few isolated instances, small images were found in monastic
cells; these seem to have been for the personal use of d1e resident.
Near the D harmadij ika complex in cell 18 of the Akhaurl B monastery
(fig. 22), a small bronze bodhisattva holding a flask was excavated
(fig. 23).79 At J auliafi (fig. 27), in monastery cell 25 another small
76
When d1e lat~ r monastery was built, this stfipa was integrated into t.he phase
l1I viltiira, but the original, lower phase U Aoor level was preserved. Ibid., 365.
11
The date of this stilpa's crea tion is difficult to determine, but. d1e presence of
two phase ill terracona heads, which Marshal! SUggel>1Cd were images of the patrons,
seems to indicate dmt. this stilpa was a later addition (Marshal!, 'Taxila, 355, pis.
73a, 79a, and 137, nos. 77, 78).
111 Ibid., 36 1.
19
Marshal!, Taxil.a, 316-J 7, pi. 186g. Sec also ASIDG 192 1- 22, no. 74.
;
168 CHAPTER SIX
bronze Buddha was found. 80 Similar to these two images is a sma):l

copper Buddha from Shah-ji:-ki-<;lheri'; however, in this instance W$:
do not know if it: came from a vihiim.81 Although the figures are sim•
ply made, they must have been valuable possessions, and the fa<U
that monks had personal images for worship would seem to indicatl!
that a new kind of devotional activity was taking place within the
monaste1·ies.
We are afforded a bit more context with a small schist relief shov~
ing a seated Buddha in ablzaya mudrii. fianked by two figures (fig. 301;
this was found in situ in the wall niche of cell 2 of the J aulia{i
monastery. 82 Commonly in phase ll and m quadrangular mona$-
teries, each cell has a built-in niche, which has been thought to ha~
been used as a shelf for everyday objects or perhaps to support a
Lamp. In this instance, however, we have proof that a Buddha '~
venerated in this context. Thus, the above bronze images can ~
given a possible architectural setting. This schi~t image was prob<t-
bly executed late in phase m, on the basis of the fOim of the filletcl.l
frame, defining the edges of the relief, which clearly separates it fro!ll
phase IT narrative production. This frame device links this relief ~
plaques with. similar iconography and others containing Sravasti trial!
iconography. A large cot-pus of such plaques, with a range of iconcr
graphic variants, was fotmd in the two-celled shrine T4 at T akht-i-
balu (fig. 53), which helps to attribute tllis image's date of procluctio~
to the late part of phase m (see sectiOI1 8.2.3 Takht-i-bllb!: TwQ>.
Gelled Shrine Xt'CIII: Loose Sculpture; Appendix D).83 Various oth<rr
loose sculptures found in T axila monasteries may have been used as
personal images, but a phase II fi1·st sermon found in cell 15 of th;e
Kalawan B monaste1y (fig. 20) is particularly noteworthy. 8'1 Althoug_h
80 Ibid., 385, pl. I 86h.

81
ASrFC no. 759.
112 Marsh all, Taxi/a, 385, 728, pi. 226, no. 197. The report does not tell us if d)js
image was lound in the north or east niche of cell 2. ,

83 At Takht-i-bllhf lbur small, intact plaques "~tb a seated .Buddha flanked ~~·
worshippers and five intact small Sravasri plaques were found in the T4 .x.xtJt!
two-celled shrine a.rea. At d1e sites of SallTi-Bahlol C and D another l6 of th~
plaques were recovered, but in these instances no architectural context is providet3.
However, the Sahri-Bahlol plaques were found together ,.,;th considerable sculpture
that can be attributed to the late part of phase m (sec Appendixes B, C, .Q).
Part:icula.dy helpful for dating is the fact that many of these plaques exhibit Sravastj-
type iconography.
8< rbid., 34·0, 717- 18, pi. 220, no. ll9.
PHASE lll ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPnJRE FROM TAXU..A 169
dus image was almost certainly reused, judging from the early date
of production and .its worn condition, it most likely functioned in
phase Ill like the other devotional images addressed above.
6.6.2 .Monastic Images: Phase Ill Pedestal Images and Image Shrines built
in Pre-existing Residential Cells
In the quadrangular monasteries of Taxila are many instances of
large images added to the interior walls of the courtyards. Often
only the bases of these more than life-size, presumably late phase
ID, stucco devotional icons swvive, as in the Mo~-a Moradu monastety,
which has traces of seven pedestals of these additive figures (B l- B7).85
Fortunately, in this monastery six intact monumental in situ Buddha
images are extant (bases B 1, B2, and B3 each support two Buddhas)
(fig. 36); depictions of lay donors on the base of B2 provide a clue
about who offered these sculptures. At other Tax.iJa monasteries,
traces of pedestals have been excavated, one in the J auliaii monastety
in front of cell 25 (fig. 27), two from K una.Ja in front of cells E9
and N2 (fig. 41 ), and possibly one at Pippala in front of st1ipa shrine
31 (fig. 39).
It seems quite likely that diflerent donors constructed these images
over time, and thus we should expect them to be placed in devo-
tionally significant locations. This is clearly the case at Moh.ra Moradu,
where seven pedestal. images were placed along the eastern side of
the monastet)', four of d1em (B4-B7) grouped around ilie cell 9 st11pa
shrine (fig. 32). This cluster is augmented by the conversion of cell
8 into an image shrine, where a nearly life-size bodhisattva (fig. 38),
a small bodhisattva, and a false gable relief were found. 86 All three
images are in remarkably good condition, suggesting that even if
these images were .reused, they must have been placed in the shrine
near the time of their fabrication, probably in the first half of phase
Ill. Their placement in cell 8 clearly reflects a desire to donate
images in association with the relic stupa standing in the adj acent
cell. Together these schist devotional icons, the additive pedestal
images, and the cell 9 stzi.pa transformed tllis section of the monastery
into a fuJJy functioning monastic smaJJ sacred area. It should be
85 [bid., 360, pi. 96a.

96
Ibid., 362, pi. 219, no. l I 0; pi. 223; pi. 24, no. 143.
170 CHAPTER SIX
noted that cells 17 and 19 also contained fi·agmentary sculpture. 87

Comparable to the cell 8 image shrine at M ohra Moradu is a
clear phase m image shrine fi·om J auliaii (fig. 27; cell 8), where 18
clay images were found; eight of these were moderately preserved
at the time of excavation, but only a single bodhisattva image, holcf.
ing a flask, could be clearly identified. It appears that the imag~ '
were added over time, a pattern that seems consistent with the Mo~
M oradu image slu"ine. Although the unusual shape of cell 8 atJauliftil
suggests that it was designed specifically to accommodate images,68
in fact the shape is the result of the adjacent stairway, which requir~
half of the cell's space. Thus, when the monastery was constructctd
in phase ll, a leftover cell too smal.l for residential occupation w®
created; in phase Ill it was converted into an image shrine.
There is some evidence to suggest that image shrines were som<$-
times constructed as part of a monastety's o•·iginal pl<m. The K alaw3i}l
F monastery (fig. 20) has an oversized cell with front pillar bas$>
<md <m intemal plinth around the rear, but because this slu;ne wa.s
constructed in pha.~e II together with tl1e monastery, it seems likel}r
that it contained a stiipa. The Kalawan F monastery was originallY
entered though cell 2;89 thus, the shrine was built opposite the entranqe
so as to be a dr<m1atic presence for those entering the monastery.oo
In the Dharmarajik<1 complex the late phase HI monastery H is
organized so that cell 9 is set opposite the entranceway (fig. 16); th~
cell is aligned and its doorway is in the middle rather than to on:e
side as with the other cells in this and other monasteries. This pa~
tern of monastic constTuction with a shrine opposite the entrance-
way is seen at the Gujarat site of Devnimori, which probably dates
to circa 400 C ..E.9 1 Thus, a clem· developmental trend can be traced
in the northwest that must have been tJ1e architectural prototype fo:r
81 A broken relief wid1 two Buddhas was found in cell 19 (no. 188) together wi(h
a st:ucco head (no. 362). A seated bodhisattva (no. 19 1) was fowtd in cell 17 (lbi<f,,
362).
88
Ibid., 381 - 82.
99 The entrance via cell 2 was later blocked in phase Ill semi-ashlar masonry.
90 At dte phase f11 site of .Ktmala, cell S5 rnight be a shrine, became it breal\s
the regular pattern of cells and is much larger.

9 ' R. Mehta and S. Chowdh<u·y, E.w:avation at Devnim.ori: A Rej>Mt of the E:ccarXJlto/o
Crlnducted from 1960- 63 (Barocla: M.S. , Un.iyersity or Baroda, 1966); P. Srinivaslli;l,

"D evni-Mori Relic Casket lnscriplion of Rudrasena, Kadlika Yem· 127," Epigraphlcn
lndica X:XXVll, no. L ( 1967).
PHASE Ill ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM 1'A.XlLA 171
later northern and western Indian sites such as Devnimori, Aja[_l~a,

Aurangabad, Ellora, Nalanda, Ratnagiri, and many others.
6 .6.3 Monastic Images: Laic Phase Ill Gandhaku!]. Image Niches

Small in situ image niches containing sophisticated late iconography
(hereafter referred to as gmuihakuf,i 92 iconography) have been found
in the J aulian, Mohra Moradu, and Ka.lawan B monasteries (figs.
29, 27, 32, 20). These image niches date to late in phase Ill at
abo ut the same time that the over-life-size pedestal images were being
added to vihiiras (fig. 36); th us, they must be seen as related. The
five gandlzaku# niches in the J auliaii vihiira are heterogeneous, rang-
ing from 0.66 m to 1.4 m tall and having different iconographic
assemblages.93 These differences indicate that these shrines were added
one by one over time. However, it is dear that they were constructed
during phase Ill, because they were all fab ticated using semi-ashlar
masonry. 94 The placement of th i~~ group of niches bracketing the
entrance and within tllis passageway (fig. 27, shrines S l , S2, S4, S5,
E l, E2) suggest<; that they functioned in some sense as an extension
of the main sacred area.
92 The gaudlwlmti or perfumed chamber where the Buddha resided is known from
Buddhist Literature and has been addressed by Srrong ("Gandhaku!i: The Perfumed
Cham ber of the Buddha," HistOI)' qf Religions 16, n.s. •I· (1977), 390- 406). It seems
approp ri ate to use d1is tenn to describe a monastic image shrine, as Schopen ("The
Buddha as Owner of Propeny and Permanent Resident in Medieval Indian Monas-
teries," JoumaJ. qf Jndia!l Phiiosoplty 18 (1990], 181 - 21 7) has shown that the Buddha
was conceptually resident in early monasteries, at least in western India. Gandhaku!i
iconography as used here refers to the sculptural assemblage of iconic images found
in middle to hue phase ill monastic image shrine.~. Typically, tllis iconographic pat-
tern had a central Buddha I'Lanked by a complex assemblage of secondary divine
fi,aures, bodhisattvas, donors, and, in seve ral cases, attendant Buddhas (fig. 29).
93 The cell L (SI ) gmufltakuti niche has a Buddha image on a throne, supported
by atlantes and flanked by two attendantS, one male and one female (Marshall,
Exctwations aL Taxila: 17u Stupas and Monasteries at Jtmlian, pi. X VIa}. The gmu/Jwkuti
niche in front of cell 2 (S2) has a Buddha image in dl!)•lina. mndra, on a throne.
Multiple attendant figures include probable donors, a monk, a small, seated Buddha,
and a figure holding a fly whisk and wearing a j eweled headdress (possibly lndra
or a bodhisattva) (Marshal], Excaua.tilJns at. Taxila: The Stupas mzd Monaste~ies at Jaulian,
pl. XVlb). The cell l 7 (S3) gandhaku[i contains a seated Buddha in dlzarmocakra mudrii;
to the lefi a.r·e two standing figures, and behind d1em are the remains of several
smaller figures (Marshall, Excauatwns at Taxi/a: 17ze i:>rupas and Monasteries at Jaulirm,
17- 18).
~ MarshaU, Ttm:tLt, 382.
172 CHAPTER SIX
T he od1er major grouping of gandhaku!i niches to survive in trre

Taxila area was found in the Mohra Moradu monastery (fig. 32},
where seven such niches were constructed during phase JIJ.9S As w;fS
the case at J auliafi, most of iliese gcouihakuti niches were placed nelV
the entrance to the monastery (S l, SS- 7). In tllis context, it is intet-
esting that several large, late phase ill pedestal images occupied post-
tions that otherwise would have been ideally suited for the const111CtiotJ,
of gandlzaku# niches, especially in the cases of B l and B2, which art
adjacent to the entrance to the monastery. T his interrclationsrut>
seems to suggest d1at ilie pedestal images were already in place wheil.
the constmction of gandlzalcu!i niches commenced.
The sop.llisticated iconography of iliese sculptural assemblages t~
well exemplified by niche S7 in the entrance chamber of the MohW.
Moradu monastery (fig. 37).96 A central Buddha displaying the dltat!-
rnacakra mwirli is flanked by two attendant bodhisattvas. Although thi':;
Buddha and bodhisattva combination is readily compared to tll!e
Sravastr triad iconographic format (figs. 125, 53) (see Appendix ~'
the two standing Buddhas framing the 11iche constitute a completel)r ,']
'J
new and quite revolutionary iconography. Two floating seated Buddh$ . 1
occupy ilie gap between the Buddha and bodhisattva along the sid<i:S
of the 11iche. The use of Buddhas as attendants to a central Buddh.a
figme would seem to be a late Buddhist conception, as all thr~
Buddhas surely were not understood as being representations of Sii./:)l(v
m.uni. The gandlzaku!i iconographic format wiili attendant Buddhas at
Mohra Moraclu is not wlique; it is also present in the El monastjf;
image shrine at J auliaft. There, the main Buddha, in ahltqya mudr4;,
is flanked in the back corners by a monk carrying a fly whisk (ol'l
the right) and a figure holding a vqjra and ilius identifiable as Vajrapa1:Ii,
or possibly lndra (on the left),9 7 then by two bodhisanva.s, and ilie;ta
by two small standing Buddhas that frame the interior edges of t!Xt:
niche (fig. 29). Traces of gold leaf and red and black paint give us
an idea of what thi<> late pha<>e m image might have looked like.!!B
These monastic gandltaku!i assemblages appear closely related tQ
the popuJaJ-ization of Sravastr iconography, like the image from tht
site of Mohammed a6 (fig. 126), in which the primary Buddha is
~ Ibid., 360- 6 1.
96 Ibid., 360, pi. 97b.
9' MarshaU, Excavations al. Taxiln: The Stupas mul Monasteries ai Jnu{i(m, 12.
98 Ibid.
PHASE Ill ARC'..JIITECTURE AND SCULPTURE FROM TAXJT..A 173
augmented by multiple bodhisattvas and secondary Buddha images.

H owever, attendant Buddhas appear only in monastic contexts, sug-
gesting that the monks were interested in new iconographic solutions
that were p erhaps not yet acceptable in the public sacred areas,
where attendant Buddhas are never folmd.
There does appear to be an observable iconographic development
within this small group of gandlzaku~i image shrines from the Taxila
sites of Mohra Moraclu, J auliaii, and K alawan B. In front of cell 20
at K alawan B, a large gandlzaku# niche houses a central Buddha in
abhaya mudrii, ~ymmetrically flanked by bodhisattvas, a monk, and a
deva, along with several figures who appear to be donors, all of which
Marshall insisted were executed by a single sculptor.99 ·nms, this
shrine has a fairly simple conventional iconography, although it fol-
lows the kind of pattern seen when multiple pao·ons dictated het-
erogeneous additions. This might suggest that it was produced
somewhat earlier than the above examples from Mohra Moradu and
J aulian. Another gandlzakuti image shrine, which has fairly conven-
tional iconography, though it shows a greater degree of codification ,
is in Jauliafi niche S5 in front of cell 29. A standing Buddha image,
probably in abhaya mudrii, is surrounded by 12 attendant figures,
many of which survive only as fragments . The central Buddha is
flanked by two floating bodhisattvas standing on lotuses, and below
and to the left stand a donor figure, dressed in foreign attire, and
a half-scale figure that is probably his wi.fe. 100 A~ in the Kalawan B
example, a set of iconographic characteristics that can be linked to
Sravasti triad images is present, though again patronage seems to
have driven the inclusion of heterogeneous elements. T he apparent
presence of lay donors in these two gandhaku# image shrines is quite
telling, as it provides a clue as to who was commissioning these
niches.
The existence of the monastic ,gan.dhakuti niches appears to have
broad implications for om understanding of late Buddhist develop-
ments and Gandhara's position within the larger Buddhist commu-
nities of south Asia. Because intact gandhakuti assemblages are known
from only three Taxila monasteries, which happened to be carefully
excavated, it is impossible to assess how widespread this kind of
image use was in the Greater Gandharan area. H owever, extant
99 Marshall, Taxi/a, 337- 79.

00
' Ibid., 381, pl. 139, no. 81.

li4 CHAPTER SIX
niches like the one in the quadrangular monastery at T akht-i-bam

(fig. 2) suggest that this practice was not limited to the T a>.'ila area.
It seems possible that some of the image shrines in the public
sacred areas contained groups of sculptures exhibiting gandhak:u;{;i
iconography. Although it is dear that early phase Ill image shrines
often contained single Buddha or bodhisattva images, it is not incon-
ceivable that complex groups of icons were placed in shrines, espe>-
cialJy toward the end of pha~e IlL Some of the ex-tant schist bodhisattv'.a
sculptures clearly served as attendants, because in some instances
bodhisattva bases were finished on only two sides, indicating that
they were part of a larger group.
R elated to these considerations is the open question of the origi-
nal placement of the late phase Ill Sravasti composite and Srava~rr
ttiad images (figs. 125, 126). It seems likely that these images some-
times occupied the position of the false g-able, being attached to the
facades of stilpa drums (see section 5.4.2 1l1e Drum: D evelopments
in the Narrative Tradition). Some of the Sravasti composite relief!>
were shaped to fit within trapezoidal frames, and in a few instanc~
false gables were integrated within the reliefs themselves (fig. 127).
A relationship appears to exist among the monastic gandlw1cuti
assemblages, Sravastr composite images, and Sravasti triad images.
especially in terms of the integration of bodhisattva attendants and
a general trend toward complex groupings of figures. At the 5th cezl-
tury western Indian site of f\jat)~, similar monastic g(l;fzd/zak:u# image
shrines were built (but at a monumental scale) and Buddha bod~
hisattva triads were placed on main stilpas in the ca:4Ya halls (notably
in caves 19 and 26) in a loc.:1tion that roughly cozTesponds to that
of the Gandharan false gable. This common use of sculptural forms
in Gandhara and western India perhaps offers clues to a better under-
st.-1nding of how this kind of imagery might have functioned in the
Gandha.ran context. Also of considerable interest is the fact that the
later western Indian Buddhist cave sites adopted iconographic pat-
terns that seem to have originated in the northwest. Even this trend
toward monumentality, so evident in the western Indian caves, seems
to have had roots in the area of Greater Gandhara.

CHAPTER SEVEN
PHASE III AT'ID IV ARCHITECTURE

IN THE PES HA WAR BASIN
The architectural development of the Buddhi~t sites in the Peshawar

basin, Gandhara proper, is not as well understood as that. of Swat
and T~-xila. This is d ue in large part to the lack of complete exca-
vation reports and the absence of recognizable phase I and II archi-
tectural remains. T he majority of extant structures can be elated to
phase Ill, when the Buddhist sites in the Peshawar basin vvere receiv-
ing major donations. Even small sWpas at the centers of these sacred
areas, which must have had early foundations, were being remod-
eled according to phase ill tastes. It was during this time of increased
patronage that most of the structures found at the massive complexes
of T akht-i-bahi, Jarnal Garhr, Thareli, and Ra nigat were built. In
many ways, this period of prosperity defines the boundaries of phase
UJ, especially the end of the period, when a sudden drop in pau·on-
age can be naced in the archaeological record.
The Chinese pilgrim Faxian (ea. 400 C.E.) visited the Peshawar
basin near the end of phase Ill and described Kani~ka's stllpa:
Of aU stftpas and temples seen by the travelers, none can compare with
this for beauty of form and strength. Tradition says this is the high -
est of the towers in Jambudvipa. 1
It appears that Kani~ka's stiipa, like the Dharmarajika complex and

Butkara I, was a major Peshawar basin regi.onal center (the site of
the alms bowl was another). Although it has been suggested that
Kani~ka's stupa can be )jnked to the site of Shah-ji-kr-<;lheri} little is
known about tl1at site, which was poorly excavated and is no longer
ext<mt (fig. 83). In Tax:ila and Swat, the regional centers of tl1e Dhar-
marajika complex and Butkara I provide architectural evidence for
all periods of construction and relationships between central and sur-
rounding satellite communities. In contrast, no well-excavated regional
center can be identified in the Peshawar basin.
1
Fa-hian, Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist. &cords if the Westem World, XXX.I - XXXlll.
2
Kuwayama, 77ze Mau1. Stupa at Sil.iiil·j l-lri-<llzcri, I; Rosenfield, 77te [!yrznstic Arts if
tJze Kuslums, 34- 6.

176 CHAPTER SEVEN
Probably the lack of identifiable regional centers is linked to th~

fact that the largest Buddhist sites in the Peshawar ba~in were built
on the plains and are no longer extant or are very poorly preserved,
as is the case with Sahri-Bah!Ol (figs. 54, 57, 59, 60). Ancient citi~
and major Buddhist establishment~ were built in geographically advartr
tageous locations, where modern towns and cities have grown; th~
even identifiable ancient sites have been enveloped. Some of the sites
in more isolated areas were dismantled for their valuable schist, whiCh
was reused u1 modern buiJdings. Because stone was less available op
the plains, walls were fabricated using mud-bricks, which have ndt
survived well in the m·chaeological record. 3 The only significant know[!
sites on the plains of the Peshawar basin are Shah-jf-kf-c;iherf, Sahrc-
Bahl6l, Shaikhan-dheri, and Azes Dberi,4 none of which is in good
condition.
In contrast, the more provincial centers lik~:: Takht-i-bahi, jan1~
Garlu, and Thm·el:i, among others, perched on the slopes of steef
mountains, have survived in remarkably good condition. In the moul!t>-
tains, there is no shortage of schist slabs for building, and these sit~
were not disturbed by recent human activities. In effect, these cott>-
straints bias the archaeological data, as onJy seconda1y mountaitl.
centers are available for analysis.
Another constraint for our understanding of the Peshawar basin
architectural tradition is the lack of a relative chronology based Olll
masonry patterns (see Appendix A). In this area a variety of meta-
morphic schist was used to fabricate structures; this stone breaks intb
irregularly shaped blocks, constraining any technical advancements
in masonry techniques. So, unlike at Taxila, the masonry cannot b;e
used as a chronological indicator. However, a relative sequence <if
typologically distinct architectural forms based on those documenteti
at Taxila can be applied to the Peshawar ba~in to some extent.
Numismatic evidence also can provide a broad framework for dat-
ing the Buddhist centers in this region, m1d typological analysis Gf
the sculptural material can also supply precious information (see
Chapter 8 and Appendixes B and D). In effect, narrative sculptw:re
would indicate phase II occupation, and conventional devotionl)l
s At TaxiJa sometimes only foundations were made of stone, a nd d\e upper walls
were made of earth, as is the case at J>.ippala (Marshall, Ta>.iW., 365- 66). This m~
explain tbe incomplete foundations observed at sites like Sahn-BahJol.
• This interesting site is currently under excavation by Far-id Kha.n; reports have
not yet been published.
Material com direitos autorr IS

•
PHASE m AND IV ARCHITECTURE Lilll THE PES HAWAR BAStN ] 77
icons would indicate phase Ill occupation, while complex iconogra-

phy and monumental images were common at the end of phase Ill
and perhaps into phase IV.
Though phase I structures have probably been excavated in the
Peshawar basin, none can be clearly identified or differentiated (see
Chapter 2). More archaeological evidence exists for phase II, and
this seems to have been the period when many sites were founded
(see section 4.2. 1 Ranigat: Phase ll Architecture and the architectural
discussions below of T hareli, Mekhasanda, Sikri, and Takht-i-bahi).
Phase II narrative reliefs were found in significant quantities at
Ranigat, Tharelj, Takht-i-bahl, J amal Garhl, Loriyan Tangai, NGan
Khan, upper and lower Nathou, and Sikri.
More chronological data are available for understanding the devel-
opment of the Peshawar basin sacred area in phase Ill. In general,
many of the small to life-size image shrines probably date to the
early to middJe parts of phase III, while monumental image shrines
are a late phase TII and phase IV phenomenon . Thus, not only the
shrines, but also associated structures and images, like the large devo-
tional day and stucco sculptures, can be roughly dated. Middle pha~e
Ill architectural and sculptural remains are found at virtually all of
the Peshawar basin sites. However, late phase Ill sculptural remains
are limited to Takht-i-bahr, J amal Garhi, Sahr.r-Bahlol, Loriyan T a11-
gai, and Ranigat, and very restricted material is found at the sites
of Mekha~anda and Thareli.
7 .l Mekhasarula: Phase If and Ill Arclzilecture
For the small, relatively simple site of Mekhasanda, in the hills above
the tow11 of Shabaz Garhi (fig. 64),5 the numismatic evidence sug-
gestS a foundation in phase II and occupation well into phase IlL
Of the nine recovered coins, one of Karu~ka I and one of Hu vi~ka
relate to phase II, while six issues of Vasudeva and one Kushan-
Sasanian coin suggest that the main period of construction occurred
during phase IIJ.6 The architectural and sculptural evidence appears
s Mizuno, cd., i\lleklwsanda.

6
Ibid., 9•~-5. The excavator suggested that the site thrived between 250 a nd
350 C.E., a weU-Iounded conclusion based on the recovery of sculptur·e (see Appendix
D) a.ncl the types of characteristic phase m architecnrre found, although an end
date sometime in the 5th cennrry C.E. seem.~ warranted.

178 CHAPTER SEVEN
to be in concordance; remnants of phase II small stupas and narrative

sculpture were found. Considerable phase III sculpture and archi-
tectural su·uctures are extant, and evidence for late phase Ill occu-
pation consists of two monumental image shrines and two massive
heads (see Appendix D). Because of all of this evidence, the associ-
ated architectural development at Mekhasanda provides a helpful
means (or understanding the larger and less documented sites in the
Peshawar basin.
Although the form of the original phase II mai11 stiipa is obscure
because of a later encasement, the core structure can be traced, and
its p)jnth extends under the bases of small stiipas 2 and 4, suggest·
ing that they were built at the same time as the original main stiipa,
near the beginning of the site's history .7 Unfortunately, all of the
early structures at Mekhasanda either were fmmcl in a poor state of
preservation or were refurbished in phase Ill. The number of phase
Il stupas can be estinlated on the basis of three recovered domesB
and a limited number of architectural fragments. T h e phase II nar-
rative reliefs from M ekhasanda are broken and abraded, but five
large pieces and 15 smaller fragmen ts, along with other sculptural
and architectural elements, attest to the fact that a few phase II
stujJas were built hen;.9 Four of these n arr<~tive fl·agments were found
in the debris of a looter's hole dug into the core of the main stupa; 10
these fragments must have been deposited at the lime of the main
stupa's encasement, because their scale shows that they originally
C<mle from small stii.pas that fell into disrepair or were remodeled. 11
The presence of this phase II sculptural material helps to establish
a relative chronology for Mekhasanda because it suggests that the
enca~ement of the main stii.pa occurred during phase Ill or at least
in a period after these phase n small stujJas had fall en into a state
of disrepair.
1
Ibid., 96. The eru·ly main .rtilpa was 7.6 by 6. 1 m (Mizun o, ed., Mekhasanda,
83). SrnaiJ. stiiptJS 3 and 5 probably also have an early date.
8 Miz uno, ed. , i\tleklwsa11da, 66, pl. 48, nos. 1- 3.
9 Ibid., pis . 40- 43. In addition to the narrdtive reliefs, semi-lunette fragments,
a.tla.ott-s, lions, garland bearers, rows of seated Buddhas in niches, decorative motili;,
moldinb'S, and multiple dmttra were found (Miztmo, ed., /ltMdlasaJu/a, 90, pis. 39- 49).
See also Appendix D.
10 Earlier, someone had already opened r.hc main sttpa and dug a pit in r.he cen-
ter to bed rock. It was in the process of clearing tll.is debtis that the four narrative
reliefS were recovered (Mizuno, ed., M'ekhtiSallda, 90, pis. 39- 49).
11 A likely candidate fo r such refurbishment would be sl!ipo. 20 because dw·ing
phase lll, image shrines were built ru·ound this sliipa at the entrance to the main
PHASE Ill AND IV ARCHITECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 179
As wa.~ the case at Loriyan T angai, only a few phase Il stupas

were constructed, but the multiple narrative panels and phase II
architectural fragments found at the site give a false impression of
more e>..'tensive production. Each schjst stupa would have required at
least eight narrative relief sculptures to encircle th e drum, and some
must have had more than 20, along ,'litJ1 a false gable and a set of
four panels for the harrnika. Given these sculptural requjrements, the
total production of phase II stupas with attached narrative reliefs was
limited, and this suggests that the period of time when they were
being produced must have been relatively short.
Dw·ing phase Ill, the sacred m·ea was expanded and many small
stupas and image shrines were built (fig. 65). The phase IJI o•-gmli-
zation of Mekhasanda mirrors that of J auliaii. (fig. 27) or the lower
stiipa court at Takht-i-bahr (fig. 2). At all of these sites a relatively
small main stzipa was sun·ounded by a tighdy packed group of small
stitpas that in turn were enclosed in a court bounded by rnall and
medium-sized image shrines. Some of the smaU stilpas within the
sacred area at Mekhasanda (fig. 65, stupas 2--9 and I l- 13) have
stepped bases, which are generally comparable to middle phase UI
stilpas at J aulian. 12 Although image shrines survive intact only along
the northern edge of the sacred area (shrines 23- 28), plinths for such
structures survive along the east and west edges (bases 2 1- 22, 28,
30, 31). 13 Rows of stucco Buddhas set between pilasters adorned the
west wall of the stftjHl court as well as d1e base of shrine 2 1, simi-
lar to those on the base of D7 at T hareli (fig. 73) giving us a sense
of how sculpture was used to embellish and unify the sacred area.
Multiple intact image shrines (shrines 33- 49) also line the stai1way
leading up to the stzipa court; this kind of processional corridor can
be compared to em·lier phase Il avenues such as the western avenue
at the Dharmarajika complex in T axila (fig. 1). All the image shrines
found along tl1e entrance stairways and around the stzipa court, with
the exception of the 30, ii, and xv shrines, appear to have contained
sttipa's processional passageway; th us, the stiijla pre-dates the shrines. Pe rhaps when
tllis a pparendy importam stilJM was redecorated with phase Ill stucco reliefs, its
original em bellislunents were reused.
2
' See Mizmto, ed., iiJekJwsamla.
" The platform along the east side of the court has rnoldin1,rs and traces of plas-
ter indicating that these were origi.naUy image shJ·ine bases and that d1ey were con·
structed all at the same time. On tl1e west side of the court, on d1e basis of similar
data as well as the presence of shrines 28 and 30, we can assume that these pla t-
forms originally supported image shrines. Ibid., 84.; my field obse rvations, 1993-94.
180 CHAPTER SEVEN
life-size images, like the mid-phase ill shrines in the upper stupa
court at J auliai'L This is conftrmed by the presence of a significant
number of in situ schist and stucco sculptures found in association
with these shrines (see section 8. 7.3 Mekhasanda: In Situ Sculpture).
The total sculptural production at Mekh a~anda may help us to
understand the relative proportion of schist to stucco devotional icons
that once stood in these shrines. About 22 devotional icons executed
in schist can be estimated (counting heads and bases as full images),
while more than 180 stucco heads and body fragments survive (many
of these can be discounted, as they clearly belonged to images attached
to phase ill small stiipas). Even given these pronounced Limitations
and the looting that occurred, it seem~ likely that the majority of
image shrines at this site would have originally housed stucco figures
(see Appendix D). It would appear that the widespread construction
of image shrines must have occurred in conjunction with sculptural
production in stucco.
Late phase Ill structures at Mekhasanda are limited to two rnon•
umental image shrines (shrines ii, xv), although shrine 30 probably
can also be so identified. 14 The excavator did not designate these
structures as monumental image shrines, I$ but compelling compar·
isons can be made to other sites; for example, at Takht-i-bahi (figs.
2, 47) the Ml shrine in the lower east stupa court has interior dimen·
sions of 3 by 2.25 m, compared to 3. 75 by 2.5 m for shrine xv at
Mekhasanda. In any case, the recovery of a monumental Buddh~
head and fragments of a second monumental head leave little room
for doubt. Regardless of the placement of these monumental images,
their presence shows that Mekhasanda was still occupied and receiv-
ing patronage in the late part of phase Ill, at a time when con·
struction of monumental images at other sites was common.
14
Shrine 30 began as a stupa in the main slilpa court; later it was modified and
transformed into a shrine, making its acu·ibution as a monumental image shrine
tentative, as no upper walls survive (field observation, 1993-94). In the case of
shrines ii and xv, the masonry and superimposition of strucmres indicate that the
moownental image shrine.~ at Mekhasanda were added alter the smaller shrines
were already in place. Even a cursory examination of the plan reveals that these
momunental sh rines were added late in the site's occupation where space permitted.
1
~ Nlizuno identified probable .rnornunental shrines ii and xv as rooms for guards
or watchmen. However, there is no precedent for non-sacred structures being
attached to stfipa courts (i\llizuno, ed., MekllliSallda, 85- 86).
PHASE ID AND IV ARCHITECTURE IN HIE PESHAWAR .BAStN 18 1
7.2 Takht-i-biiltf: Architecture
Takht-i-bahf was built on the flanks of a low mountain along four

connected ridges (figs. 2, 44, 45). T he main sacred area occupies the
central ridge; the remains of about 60 two- and three-story moun-
tain vihiiras and monastic small sacred areas occupy the adjacent
ridges. At the crest of the ridge system is a small, unexcavated quad-
rangular monastery.16 On the basis of these remains, we can esti-
mate a peak monastic population of 250- 350. 17 Beyond the mountain
crest to the south are the plains and the Sahrr-Bahlol Buddhist cen-
ters (figs. 54, 57, 59, 60) (see section 8.3 Loose Sculptural Finds from
the Sahrr-Bahlol Sites and section 8. 7.2 Sahrr-Bahlol: Some Possible
In Situ Sculpture). On the basis of recovered sculpture (see Chapter
8 and Appendix D), it appears that the Sahri-Bahlol centers Likely
were part of a regional center to wruch Takht-i-bahi was also attached,
but the poor preservation of architectural features leaves this an open
quesnon.
The site of Takht-i-bahr was already famous in the L9th century;
BeUew discussed it in 1864, 18 and in 1871 R . E. Wilcher undertook
the first formal excavations, clearing upper stii.pa court X. 19 T he next
major work was undertaken in 1907 by D. Spooner, who conserved
the remains and in 1908 excavated the eastern part of the lower
stfipa court (V) and quadrangular monastery IF0 A few sculptures
were found in the monastery, suggesting the presence of an image
slu·ine, but most of the 472 sculptures that Spooner recovered "as
[they) had fallen" were found in the lower sacred area (V). The
most numerous finds were in the corridor between upper slii.pa court
X and the grid monastery (see Appendix D).21 H . H argreaves cleared
16
Bellew described the nature of the remains on the three main spurs, noring
the five or six quadrangular monasteries along the highest east-west ridge that sep-
arates Takht-i-bahi from Salui Bahlol (BeUew, A General Report on the .rus'!ft.ais, 126-
27); only one monastery was visible at the time I surveyed this ridge.
17 The 60 rnountai.n uilziira.s are mostly multi-storied, as are the two quadrangu-
lar mona~teries. However it is difficult to get an accurate count, because many of

the moumain uilliiras are buried in debris.
18
BeUcw, A General Report on tlze ruszifzais.
19
Wilcher, "Exploration of the .Buddhist Ruins at Takht-i-bai." For a hi.storical
analy;-i.s of the early Takht-i-bli.hi excavations, see Erri.ngton, "The Western Discovery
of the Art of Gandhara," 110- 15.
20 Spooner, "Excavacions at Ta.kht-i-bahf," 132- 5.
21 Ibid., 135. Spooner was not aware of the stiipas to the west of the corridor
between court X and grid monastery IT.

182 CHAPTER SEVEI'f
the remainder of the lower sacred area (IV), in I910- 11 and the
trabeated rooms and passageways along the western edge (VIII, IX,
and the tunnel under XX). T o his surprise, he also uncovered the
late phase III sacred area XX. 22 In 1911- 12, A. Stein cleared the
two-celled shrine T4 (XXIII) to the soutl1west and the small auxil-
iary sacred area XIV to the southeast. 23 Even though plans were
made and the fmds photographed, no report was ever produced (see
also section 8.2.2 T akht-i-bahl: Sacred Area XX: Loose Sculpture;
section 8.2.3 Takht-i-bahr: Two-Gelled Shrine XXIII: Loose Sculpture;
section 8.2.4 Takht-i-bahi Small Sacred Area XIV: Loose and In
Situ Sculpture; and Appendix D).
7.2.1 TakJLt-i-baki: Phase If Remains

Although the remains at Takht-i-bahr are not easily dated, it is pos-
sible to establish a relative succession of construction. As this site
was established on a narrow ridge, space was very limited; exten-
sions to the sacred area often necessitated the construction of mas-
sive terraces, especially evident on the western edge of the gjte (courts
VTII, IX , and XX and assembly hall I) and under the late phase
Ill image shrines to the extreme east (M4- M8) (figs. 2, 45).
The site was founded with the construction of the P 1 stupa and
some surrounding small stilpas in lower sacred area V (figs. 2, 46).
It seems Likely that an early monastery was also built; foundations
<Ue visible under the quadrangular monastery II on the northern
edge (fig. 44).24 T he date of Takht-i-bal1I's founding is difficult to
determine, because recovered coins were not documented. The only
solidly datable piece of evidence, an inscription mentioning the year
103 of Gondophares (a phase II indicator), cannot d efinitely be
assigned to this site, as it may have come from Shabazgarhi .25
However, a considerable number of reused phase II narrative pan-
els and corresponding architectural fragments provide a rough means
for establishing a founding date for the gjte. ·w hile it appears that
the P l stupa and surroundjng small stli,pas were all remodelecl in
phase Ill, an intact small phase II stiipa (M) probably stood in the
~ Hargn;aves, "ConseJVacion at Takht-i-bahi" and " Excavations at Takhc-i-bahl."

fl Stein, Arduwlogica/ Survf!Y qf ltuiia Frontier Ci1'clefor 1911- 12.
?+ Field observation, 1994.
25 Enington, "The Western Discovcty of the An of Gandhara," 115.
Marepian. 3aXI-1UieHI-1~ asropcbKI-1M npaso1 1

PHASE lU Al'iD N ARCHITECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR J3ASIN 183
soutJ1east small sacred area XIV (see AppendL'< D and section 8.2.4
Takht-i-bahr Small Sacred Area XIV: Loose and In Situ Sculpture).
The layout of tJ1e sacred area surrounding the Pl stupa is compa-
rable to other sites known to have phase II foundations. Characteristic
is the presence of a small main stupa with tighdy packed stftpas around
it, as can be observed at R anigat, Mekhasanda, and Thareti D (figs.
78, 65, 69), all sites that can be assigned a phase II founding date
on the basis of nurnismati.c evidence.
AnotJ1er way to determine the presence of small phase Il stupas
in this sacred area is to consider what impact they might have had
on the placement of later phase Ill image shrines. In the case of
small stftpas P2l- P24 near the entrance of the later monastery, it is
clem· that they must have been present when ilie small image shrines
10- 14 were squeezed into ilie remaining space, though tJus does not
necessarily mean iliat the stzipas date to pha~e H. While thi~ kind of
argument can provide only a relative order for construction railier
ilian criteria for dating, it does appem· tJ1at over tinle donative struc-
tures were built on the western edge of the lower sacred m·ea as
space was used up.
7.2.2 Takltt-i-biilzi: TI1e Earliest Phase III Remains

The next major additions at Takht-i-bahi occurred in phase Ill wiili
ilie construction of the paired upper st1ipa court X and grid monastery
I1 (figs . 2, 45). These two stmctures appem· to have been built together
following a unified plan, and clearly they predate the many early to
nuddle phase HI image Shl;nes in ilie lower sacred area.26 The P2
stupa in the upper sacred area is exactly aligned with the entrance
and main body of the grid monastery, which would have been pos-
sible only if iliey were constructed as a set, given ilie fact tJ1at botJ1
are perched on a single narrow, rocky promontory.
The form of iliis quadrangular viltiira can be compared to sinlllar
monasteries consm.tcted in Taxila near tl1e end of phase II; good
examples m·e those of J auliai'i and Mohra M oradu (figs. 27, 32).
H owever, at T akht-i-bah! rooms for food preparation are contigu-
ous with the residenlial structures, a characteristic tJ1at appears only
Structural superimposition and the fact that 1l1e image shrines abut coun X
20;
and monastcty 11 provide criteria to determine the order or const.rucrlon.
Marepian. 3aXI-1UieHI-1~ asropcbKI-1M npasoM

184 CHAPTER SEVEN
in phase lilY The presence of an internal image niche near the

stairway can be l.inked to late phase m image shrines at Jauliaii and
Mohra Moradu (see section 6.6.3 Monastic Images: Late Phase DJ
Ga11diUJkuti Image Niches).28
The unique configuration of the upper stiipa court at Takht-i-babJ
indicates that the court was likely the donation of a siJ1gle patron
(who probably also built the grid monastery). When the court w~
initially built, three banks of image shrines (shrines SI - SI5), each
containing five uniform shrines, were erected to create an enclosed
sacred precinct for the P2 stupa.29 It is clear that these shrines and
the P2 stiipa were built together, because the shrines are propor.-
tional to the P2 stupa, which fits symmetrically in this raised cour~
The total absence of small stiipas in this court also suggests that tl~
whole court was tl1e donation of a siJ1gle patron. Clearly, the P2
stilpa and upper stiipa court X were vital element~ of the expanding
phase m sacred areas.
Although the importance of the upper stiipa court is attested bf
its prominent position and ilie corridor lined witll image shrmes th<(t
connects it to the quadrangular monastery, it seems unlikely that 1):
was ever considered the main stiipa at the site. This can be deter,.
mined from the pattern of ongoing patronage of small stupas an~
image shrines, which were obviously focused around the Pl ma.ii)
stilpa in the lower sacred area. Following tlle construction of upper
strl.pa court X and ilie grid monastery, all subsequent patronage w~
directed at expanding and embellishing the lower sacred area.
27
Food preparation srrucrures were added as separate structures at monasteries
such as those at Saidu, J aulian, and Mohra Mon'idu. In contrast, they were pad
of d·•e original phase ID su·uctures of the later Pippala monastery or the phase £V
Bh~m~tery. .
18 The Ta.kht-i-babi shrine appears to be part of tbe original snlJcture, but mocl).
em restoration Leaves this an open question. TheJaulifui and Mohra Morlldu mon~
tic image sh rines date to the end of phase lll, which does not correspond to tl'tt
time of the foundation of the Takht-i-babr monastery.
~ All 15 image shrines are nearl)' identical in spacing (the south shrines are sq>-
arated by about a 60 cm gap, and the east and west shrines are separated by aboul
85 cm), internal hei&rltt (they range li·om 210 to 230 cm from the Aoor to the b~
of the dome}, and i_ntemal width (ranging from 141 to 152 cm for the east and
west shri.nes and 130 to 136 cm for the south shrines). ~ntis level of consistency
indicates that this assemblage was fabricated as a single unit.
Marepian. 3aXI-1UieHI-1~ asropcbKI-1M npaso

PHASE Ill Al'ID IV ARCHITECTURE IN THE PES HAWAR BASIN 185
7.2.3 Takht-i-biihi: 17ze Second Period of Phase Ill Construction

Following the construction of the upper sacred area X <md quad-
rangular monastery, 37 heterogeneous small to life-size image shrines
were added singularly and in groups to the lower sacred area (image
shrines 1- 37).30 In tlus specific instance, tl1e larger image shrines
were fabricated earlier; it seems that in the upper sacred area large
slu1nes might have been built of fill space more economically, becau$e
enclosing the court was the primary concern. Some of the 37 shrines
in tJ1e lower sacred area were arranged so as to create a proces-
sional corridor between the monastery and upper sacred <Uea X ;
sinlilar processional corridors can also be seen at the Dhannarajika
complex (the north and east avenues) (fig. 1), Thareli (the entrance
passage into the lower stupa court) (fig. 69), and M ekhasanda (the
entrance passage into the stilpa court) (fig. 65). The Takht-i-bahr
image shrines were also placed bracketing the entranceways into the
upper sacred area and the monastery. A similar pattern of image
shrine distribution can be seen at the Taxila sites of Giri31 and Jauliafi
(fig. 27), where shrines bracket monastic entrances.
The small image shrines from small sacred area XN (fig. 2), to
the southeast, likely date to this period of construct-ion, an assertion
supported by the recovered phase II and early phase III sculptural
remains (see Appendix D and section 8 .2.4 Takht-i-bahi Small Sacred
Area XIV: Loose and In Situ Sculpture).
While many components of the Takht-i-bahi sacred areas can be
ordered with a degree of certainty, the two-celled shrines Tl- T4 are
problematic because they are outside the interlocking main sacred
areas. It is clear that they were first established as single-celled struc-
tures and that image shrines bracketing their entrances were added
later in phase Ill. Similar single and double relic shrines were being
constructed tlwoughout phase II, especially in Taxila, but at Takht-i-
bahi small image niches were built into the internal walls,32 indicating
30
Masonry seams clearly indicate that image shrines 18- 24 were constructed
after the raised south .rtOpa court was in place. Image shrines 25- 3 7 postdate the
consu·ucrion of the quadrangular monastery, because they all evenly abut the wall
of th.is monastc•y .
" Marshall, Ttuoi/a, pi. 82b.
32 Kaiijiir uiJobed niches similar to those in d1e T2 Tak.ht-i-bahr relic shrine are
found in the early phase rn K I , N4, and J l small stiipas at the Oharmaraj i.kli com-
plex. Vruiations of this niche type also occur in coryw1ction with rn.icldle phase IU
srructu res .in T ax:ila.
Marepian. 3aXI-1UieHI-1~ asropobKI-1M npasoM

186 CHAP'l"ER SEVEN
a phase lii date for their establishment (the identification, fun ction,
and dating of these two-celled shrines is adcb·essed in Chapter 3 and
section 4.1.2 The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase H Architecture and
the Relic Shrine). The presence of smaiJ independent image shrines
on the north em edge of the T l terrace (39- 4 1) suggest that this
tem-ple was constructed at around the same time as the small image
shrines in the lower sacred area (1- 37): the middle part of phase ID.3a
All four of these relic shrines were located near enb·ances into the
sacred area. Shrine Tl sat on its own terrace facing the sacred area
main entrance, a location that would have made it the frrst devo-
tional structure encountered. This position is analogous to the H
two-celled shrine at the Dhannarajika complex (fig. 1). Shrine T 4,
in court XXIII, also is located along a major path leading to the
sacred area; in this instance, however, the path would have served
the monastic popula tion of the west ridge mountain viharas rather
than the general public. As court XX and the western extensions of
the sacred area had not yet been built, two-celled shti nes T 2 and
T 3 would have been encountered at the only remaining point of
access into the main sacred area. The monastic population living
on the central ridge would have used tlli.s last enb·<m ce. It appears
that these two rdic sh•·ines also functioned as componentS of the
sacred area .
7. 2.4 T akht-i-biihi : Late Pha.se Ifi Constmction

T he patronage of new structures at Takht-i-bahr peaked in late phase
Ill. EspeciaiJy notable are the 14 monumental image shrines in the
lower sacred area (fig. 2, shrines M 1- Ml4) and four freestanding
6-m-taU Buddha images from court XX (figs. 49, 50) (known from
in situ feet and attachment sockets; sec section 8.2.2 T akht-i-bahl:
Sacred Area XtX: Loose Sculpture). The massive image shrines must
have been expensive; for example, shrine M I 's extant walls stand
8.7 m tall and in order to even erect image shrines M4- M8, exten-
sive foundations had to be built to extend the sacred area. However,
the real testament to Takht-i-bahf's wealth is the three extensions to
the lower sacred area (courts Vlll, IX, and XX) and the 18-m-
n Only I l small image niches were set imo the interior wall of the T I shrine,
and their frames are less sophistica ted. Thus, T l may well be slightly older· man
T2- 4, which are consistent in design.
Telif hakkl olan materyal

PHASE lll AND 'IV ARCHITECTURE IN nm PESHAWAA BASfN 187
square assembly haU (I) (figs. 2, 45). All of them project out over a
steep hillside, requiring the largest set of foundation structures known
in aU of Greater Gandhara.
Late phase Ill prosperity is also apparent at many other Peshawar
basin and Taxi.Ja sites. Numerous monumental image shrines are
extant at R anigat, Thareli, Jamal. Garhi, and Mekhasanda; in Taxi.Ja
they are seen at Jaulian and in the Dharmar~ika complex. The list
of siteS e-"<hibil'ing late phase ill patTonage can be e-x-panded tO include
Sahr1-BahJ6l centers, Mohamed Nari, and Loriyan Tangai, if sculp-
tural evidence is taken into account (see Appendix D).
The western extensions of Takht-i-bahf probably began with the
construction of platform VIII, which is supported by ten below-floor-
level tnbeatecl chambers. These rooms were first noticed by Bellew,
who gained access through a hole in the roof of a cell; apparently
at tllis time court IX was filled witl1 deb1·is and the souiliern entrance
and stairway had not been uncovered. 34 When this part of the site
was finally excavated in 1909- 10, considerable confusion surrounded
the function of these chambers.35 Similar trabeated chambers at the
Saidu monastery in Swat led P . Callieri to concluded that these
underground trabeated rooms were built to increase stability by reduc-
ing the weight of the loose fill that pushed against retaining waUs. 36
Because trabeated vaults are held in place by weight from above,
they were ideally suited for terrace extension. It appears that the
Takht-i-bahr trabeated cells were built so as to provide a stable exten-
sion of the lower acred a rea, which probably was secondarily used
for storageY After the trabeated terrace was in place, it appears that
assembly hall P 8 and sacred area XX39 were built. The last addi.-
:w Bcllew, A Ceru:ral Repqrt OTI tlte l'liJ!!ftais, 132.

35
H argreaves, "Excavations ar Takht-i-ba.hi," 35-6.
36
Callieri, Saidu. Sharif, the Monastery, 73.
37
The utilitarian locations of many of the trabeated chambers found in terraces
of mountain uilliims tho-oughout GancU1ara support this conclusion. Hargreaves noted
that only those cells wid1 windows (two of the ten) would have been suitable for
living quarters, but domestic remain s were not fou.nd. L1 contrast, Hargreaves <lid
•·eport finding ceramic vessels suitable for grain, ;md one of lhem bears a donative
inscription (Hargreaves, "E.xcavations at Takht-i-bahi," 34). A similar conclusion
was reached for the Saidu chambers (Callieri, Saidu Sluuif, the Monastery, 73).
38
.Evidence of masomy seams shows that the assembly hall was added after the
grid monaste•y was in place. A late phase m date can be suggested on d1e basis
of the extensive foundations of the assembly hall, but it could date to as early as
m.idcUe phase m.
39
The late phase liT daring for this part of the sacred area is confirmed by
Telif hakkl olan materyal

188 CHAPTER SEVEN
tion was the 8-m-thick court IX retaining wall. It seems that the
lower sacred area had been expanded by filling court IX with debris
Q1ence the need for a massive retaining wall). A false impression of
a lower cowt was created when the Archaeological Survey of L1dia
removed this fill to expose the court VIII trabeated ceUs. 40
Although some small stupas at T akht-i-bahi, such as slfipas P31
and P38 and the edges of P33- P35, were built over trabeated vaults;
it seems that the builders were hesitant to place many heavy masonry
buildings of tlus type on the court VI II terrace.41 Because the space
for further donations had been fully used in the lower sacred are~
first court XX was built, and then court IX was added. T hat so
much effort and money were directed toward expanding the sacre4
area argues for the late part of phase 111 being the period of great•
est use. Tlus is vitally important, as it may indicate the time whert.
the 60 mountain viM.ras dotting the ridges around Takht-i-bili were
fully occupied (see section 7 .3.1 Thareli: MoLmtain Vil!aras).
7.2.5 Takht-i-biilii: A .Summary qf Its DIJIJelopment

Takht-i-bahi is an important site for understanding the architectural
development in the Peshawar basin. Founded during phase II, th6
site's earliest sacr ed area followed a conventional pattern: a modest
main sll1pa surrounded by small heterogeneous stftpas. Sometime neat
the begiruung of the midcUe of phase Ill, a single benefactor fimdedl
the construction of the upper sacred area (X ) and the large multi-
storied quadrangular monastery (11).'12 It was at this time that medium
to We-size devotional images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas along with
sculptural finds (sec section 8.2.2 T akht-i-bahf: Sacred Area XX Loose Sculpturo
and Appendix D). Sehrai's chronology places the court of three st•ipas (court XX}
at a time equivalent to our late phase Ill period, attributing the lower court and
rv
the extended west stiifJa court to dlc period loll owing the HUllS 01' phase (Fidaullab:
Schrai, A Guide w Tald!t·i-bahi [Peshawar: ew F'mc Printing Press, 1982], 59).
1
40
.lt seenlS that a level floor existed in fi·ont of court VIll prior to G'lbrication
of the IX sacred area extension.
•• For a discussion of the strength of this vaulting, see Hargreaves, "Excavations
at T akht-i-balti," 35. There is a tedmical limit for the schist trabeated arch, as ulti·
ma.tely the stone ,,~]] shear. The largest known extant example is Thareli structure
C98, which has a 4.3-m-wide trabeated chamber (Mizuno and Higuchi, eds., 1hareli,
plan I 0).
<: In earl>' ASl photos, very high extant walls suggest tha t even the second story
was fabricated i.o stone, Lmlike Ta:xila monasteries, which must have had wooden
upper floors.
Telif hakkt olan materyal

..__
PHASE UI Al'ID IV ARCID'T'ECTURE IN 'tHE PESHA WAR BASIN 189
shrines to house them became significant components of the sacred

area. In the middle part of phase Ill many modest image shrines
were constructed, as well as more small stilpas in the lower sacred
area around the PI main sHipa. T he four laJ·ge relic shrines (T l -T4)
were also built at this time. Thus, it is clear that while imagery
became increasingly important, relics were still of vital concern.
Finally, in the late part of phase Ill , numerous monurnentaJ image
shrines were added to the lower sacred area (some containing figures
nearly 9 m taU). At the end of phase HI, Takht-i-bahl was thriving,
the many mountain vihiiras surrounding the site probably were occu-
pied, and the lower sacred area was undergoing a set of expansions
(VIII, IX, and XX). Nl of this activity makes the collapse of patron-
age quite evident-in particular, the lack of donative structures in
the new western extensions of the sacred area. Considerable evi-
dence of late sculptural reuse indicates that the site was not ab<m-
doned foJlowing the decline in patronage, but as at the nearby sites
of Sahri-Bahlol, image•-y was moved to the contracting areas that
remained open lor devotion.
7.2 .6 Takht-i-biihi Patronage and the Phase Ill MultijJlicatum qf

Sacred Areas
In Taxila and Swat, the sacred areas were expanded to accommo-
date the progressive accumulation of donated structures; this is espe-
cially evident at sites like the Dharmarajika complex (fig. 1), J auliaii
(fig. 27), Butkara l (fig. 97), and Saidu (fig. I04-). Vlhile this also
occurred in the Peshawar basin, in centers like J amal Garhl (fig. 61 ),
in many instances additional sacred areas were built, as seen at
Thareli (fig. 68, sacred areas C and D), Ranigat (fig. 78, east sacred
area, west sacred area, southwest sacred area), and Takht-i-bahi' (fig.
2, lower sacred area IV- V , upper sacred area X, sacred area XX).
In all of these ex<mlples, the additional sacred areas are complete:
the auxiliary main stilpa is surrounded by small stiijJas and enclosed
within a court of image shrines. In other word~, the organi.z a6on of
the new sacred areas reflects the growing importance of multiple foci
of devotion, which characterizes phase m.
At a cetlter like Butkara I in Swat, it is assumed that a powerful
relic of the Buddha contained in the main stiipa was the primary
focus of devotional activity--i.e., the goal for the devotee who visited
the site-and donations were made as near to this relic as possible.

,
190 CI'~PTER SEVEN
l n this light, the th.ree main stilpas present at T akht-i-bahr are nQt
easily explained.
I suggest tha t patronage was the underlying reason for the mul.
tiplication of sacred areas. Using Takht-i-bahr a~ an example, it ill
evident that the Pl stitpa in the lower sacr ed area was the earlieSJ
main stapa and the one that remained t11e center for donative ofierin~
throughout occupation of tlus site. Small stilpos were buiJt here clu~tt
ing phase II, small image shrines and two-celled relic shrines in phast
m, and monumentaJ image shrines in late phase III. In contras\
individual.ly donated structures were not placed in upper stfljJa count
X. As noted above, this independent sacred area, together with tl~
quadranguJar monastery, was probably donated by a single bene.-
factor. These two structures form the backbone of the site, and theit
importance to th e BudcllUst community of T akht-i-bah'i sh ouJd no.t
be underestimated. Our linlited understanding of scuJptural fmc~
from court X suggests that minor patrons were erecting images ther6.
Between each of the original 15 image shrines (S l- Sl 5), small imag$t
niches were later built. Some of the I 10 images fo und in this coulft
by \1\lilcher must have been independen t cornnlissions, but issues df
later scuJptural reuse cloud indicati ons of pan onage in tins instance
(see Appendix D).
Late in phase Ill, another a uxiliary main stii.jJa was built in coUJ)t
XX (the largest stupa at the site). T his extra main st11pa appears te
have been constructed rogetl1er with the four evenJy spaced rnonu,-
mental Buddhas found against the south wall (known from in sitU
feet and attachment socket.~) . Thus, like upper sacred area X, th~
donation o f this auxiliary main stiipa was undertaken in conjunctioo
with the creation of an approp.-iate sacred precinct; this probably
also explains the presence of small stz~pas P37 and P38. Although aJil
of the individualJy donated monumental image shrines of l.ate phase
Ill were placed in the lower sacred ar·ea near the Pl main stflpa,
two heterogeneous sma.Jl stftpas were erected in court XX (P39 and
P40), suggesting that other donors we•·e interested in making offerings
to tills part of me sacred area. Far more evidence for individual
donations appears within the sculptural remains found in court X~;
multiple patrons donated devotionaJ images (see section 8.2.2 Takht-~
bahi: Sacred Area XX: Loose Sculpture and Appendi.'< D). T hus,
from the extant evidence at Takht-i-bahr, it seems mat a particu-
larly wealthy inclividual couJd donate a complete sacred ar ea, as U1
court X , or {ound a new sacred area open for public offe1ings, like
Bahan dengan hak cip1

•
PHASE IIf AND IV ARCHl'J'EC'lURE (N THE PESHAWAR BASlN 191
XX. At Thareli and Ranigat the auxiliary sacred areas were filled
with the .kinds of heterogeneous donations that typify a regular dona-
tion pattern; suggesting that an extra main stupa was built and then
multiple individual patrons donated the smaller structures. ln other
words, suitable extra space was created at the site for donati.ons after
the original sacred area had been fiUed.
7.3 17wreli: Phase If and Ill Architecture
Thareli (figs. 68, 69, 70, 74) is a large complex o n the extreme
northern edge of the Peshawar basin near the sites of Siloi a nd Jamal
Garhr (see also section 8.4 Thareli: Loose Sculpture; section 8. 7.4
T hareli: In Situ Sculpture; and Appendix D). It was first surveyed
in 1881 by H . Garrick, but it was not excavated until the 1960s,
by a J apanese team under the direction of S. Mizuno and T. Higuchi.'f3
Its surroundings are spectacular, especially area C, which is on a
rocky spur surrounded on three sides by steep cliffs; however, the
spring below area D must have been the deciding factor for loca-
tion of the site. Tl1is complex had two m<~or sacred areas, C and
D, and no fewer than five monastic small sacred areas. While some
of the monastic population lived adjacent to sacred area C in a small
quadrangular monastery, the majority resided in more than 50 moun-
tain uihiims dotting the hills above. About 135 ground-Aoor monastic
cells are extant, suggesting a peak resident population well over 200.
The numismatic dating for T hareli is somewhat in question because
of inconsistencies in the excavation report, but 38 recovered coins
do allow us to draw some broad conclusions.44 Earliest is a single
'3 H. Garrick, "Tour through Beha m1, Ce111nl India, Peshawa r and YusuiSai,"
in Ardweowgical Suroq f![ bulia ( 188 1- 82}; Mizuno and Higuchi, cds., 'Dwreli.
"" The reporting of the numismatic evidence from Thareli is inconsistent. First
it is recorded that 39 coins were found (M.izuno and H iguchi, 16 1), and then later
in the same volume that 37 were found (Ibid., 162). From a st:para te table repon-
ing the combined coin finds from Me.khasanda and Thareli, if we subtract the
Mekhasanda finds that arc accurately reponed, the number of coins from Tha reli
amoun ts tO 38 (£bid., I08}. The photographs document only 26 coins (Ibid., pi.
144}. The excavators seemed to Clu·elully identify the issues of Azes, Kani~ka, and
Huvi5ka, but coins of Vasudeva and those called middle Kushan dating from circa
250- 350 C .E. (Shiva and bull l)1Je and Ardokhosho type) are less well identified
(£bid., 108, 161 - 2). A very genera l Kushano-Sasanian period that a.lso includes
Gazni period coins was identified as spanning dates between 350 and 750 C.E.
(Ibid., 108, l62).

..
•
192 CHAPTER SEVEN
coin of Azes, found near the spring below area D , but this water
source could have been in use before the site was founded. 45 The
founding of upper sacred area C seems to be attributable to ph~
II on the basis of one coin of Virna K adphises, one of Kani~ka t
and one of Huvi~ka, while later Sasanian coins 46 reflect occupat'io(l.
in p hase ill. Sacred area D also was founded during phase IT, af;
indicated by one coin of Kani5ka I, one Huvi~ka coin, and a Hu~ka;
type coin, along with three " K ushano-Sasanian" coinsY T he pre~
ence of late coins and montunental image shrines in both sacrea
areas indicates that Thareli was occupied throughout phase Ill, btd:
sculptural remains show that the main period of donative activit?
began in phase II and had concluded by middle phase ID.
Sevtral strands of evidence suggest that sacred area D (fig. 69)
was the first part of the site to be established; the earliest structLu·~
would include the main stupa and sw-rounding smaU stupas. This p
of the site would have been most reacliJy accessible to the publi
and it is located near rhe spring. In contrast, the configuration o
the earliest remains from sacred area C consists of three small stuptq
(SSt l- SSt3) subsequently enveloped by a later main stiipa (St 1) (fi~
74).i8 Thus, sacred area C originally W'd.S a small monastic sacred
area that was transformed into an auxiliary public sacred area latet
in the site's history, probably after much of the space in sacred are~
D had been exhausted. Originally sacred area C must have servec3
the monastic community who lived in the adjacent quadranguJat
mona~tery and in scattered mountain viM.ras on the ridges above (sec
section 7.3.2 Thareli: Monastic Small Sacred Areas).
Lower sacred area D has a small main slil.pa comparable to od1e:t
phase II main stUpas, like those of Mekhasanda (fig. 67), Takht-i~
ba.hr (fig. 2, P l main stilpa), or Ranigat (fig. 79, east court). Othet
typologically characteristic structures that could date to phase It
include the row of single-celled relic shrines D 3--D 6 and a two-celle4
shrine 025'19 (for a detailed discussion of stii.pa sh.rine D 6 see Chapte:i?
3 and section 4.1.2 The Dharmarajika Complex: Phase II Architecture
and the R el.ic Shrine). Extensive sculptura.l and architectural rema.in§
45
Ibid., 16 1.
46
Ibid., 162- 3.
41
Ibid.
48 Ibid., 1•1·9.
¥-l Ibid., 153- 4, 56, pi. 65.
Copyrighted materi )I
•
found in tllis sacred area show that multiple small phase Il stilpas
once stood here (see Appendix D and section 8.4 Thareli: Loose
Sculpture).50 On the basis of patterns of small stupa disu-ibution
observed at otl1er sites and the displacement of later phase Ill image
shrines, it seems reasonable to suggest that at least stilpas St8, St9,
St2, and D26 have phase II foundations.
During the early part of phase Ill, many small to medium-sized
in1age slu·ines were built (D 9- D 19 and others). Most of them had
u·abeated domed roofs like those at T akht-i-bahf, although D ll had
a vaulted ceiling structure.~ ' In image shrine D 8, small holes for
attaching stone sculpture and for mountings for wooden doors are
extant.~2 Large, presumably middle to late phase Ill image shrines
include D 7, D 8, D 20, D37 , and D 38, but only D21 can be con-
sidered monumental .s.1 An unusual characteristic of Thareli sacred
area D is the fact that the south side was never enclosed with image
shrines, even though a portico and a terrace structure provided ample
room.$<1 Only at the nearby site of Sikri is this same spatial organi-
zati.on observed (fig. 90, west side of site facing ravine).
U pper sacred area C is perched on a dramatic promontory; as
noted above, area C was probably founded in phase ll to serve as
a monastic small sacred area (fig. 74). The central structures in this
sacred area are three west-facing strtpas, the largest of which (Stl)
encompasses three small stUpas. This main strtpa was encased on sev-
eral occasions,55 and small stupas and image shrines were added to
the court; however, the relative sequence of construction in this court
is difficult to determine because of the poor state of preservation.
Little more than bases of presumably medium-sized to large image
shrines survive to the west (viii- xii). M ore of the eastern structures
are extant; shrine ii has the C-shaped plan of a single-celled relic
shrine, while, on the basis of scale, shrines i and iii- v seem to have
housed monumental images. Unfortunately, sculptural finds from
this sacred area provide evidence only for the existence of phase II
small stiipas (probably those inside of main stii.pa 1). A few small to
30Sculptures found in 1964 mainly c<une fi-om area D (£bid. , 159, pls. 89- 136).
51
[bid., 153.
sz fbid.
S$ Monumental image shrine D21 had a trabeated domed ,·oof (Ibid., 156).
54 fbid., 153.
ss Ibid. , 149.
194 CHAPTER SEVEN
medium-sized phase m schist devotional icons were found,$(; but they

are not helpful for understanding developments occurring in phase
Ill. Looters disturbed this area, and not much stucco sculpture was
preserved (see section 8.4 Thareli: Loose Sculpture).
7.3.1 Dw.reli: J\lfounlain Viharas

At Thareli more than 50 mountain uihiiras were built in the hills
above sacred areas C and D 57 (figs. 68, 76). Because few of thes:e
structw·es have been excavated in all of Greater Gand.hara, little is
known about them. However, it is clear that the small monastic
sacred area C I 06 (and probably the founding of small stfi.pas in sacred
area C) had phase n fowJdations; because they would have served
an adjacent monastic community, it seems likely that some of th-e
mountain uihiiras were built at tll.is time (see below). In mountain
uihii1"a D60 at Thareli, ten coins were found of the "nl.iddle Kushan
period," a designation that I take to mean coins of Vasudeva, tl1e Shiva
and bull type, and the Arclokhosho type mentioned elsewhere it!
Mizuno and Higucll.i's report."8 This is conoborated somewhat hy
the general statement that Vasudeva coins were found in the monasteey
area. 59 This phase III numismatic evidence would mean iliat at least
this monastery was constructed during the main period of bu.i.lding
aclivity at the site. In nearby mountain uihiira D62, a "cremato•1'
urn" containing an unspecified number of " Indo-Mohammedan coins
of the Ghazrl.i period" 60 shows that some of these structures contin-
ued to be used during phase IV, but in this case the coins seem to
postdate the main period of Buddhist occupation at Thareli.
The floor plans of these residential structures varied considerably,
but typically each had two to five cells. Stairways show that the res-
idences common.ly had upper floors, and at Takht-i-bahi several
three-storiecl examples are extant. T he datable phase III mountain
uihiira D60 from Thareli provides a fairly typical example (fig. 76;
see also the mapped mountain vilui.ras or J amal G~·hr in fig. 61).
D60 is on a fairly steep slope (see fig. 76, cross section), so a plat·
S6 Ibid., 150, pis. 81 - 88.

5 146-48, 150- 51, 157- 58.
' rbid.,
58 rbid., 108, 164·.
59
Ibid., 162.
60
.Ib"d
. . l •' 162.
Copyrighted mate ial

form had to be excavated first and then a masonry terrace con-

structed to support the three extant residential chambers. The two
trabeated rooms set into the face of the terrace Qabeled a and b on
plan) possibly provided increased stability, as well as storage (see sec-
tion 7 .2.4 T akht-i-bahi: Late Phase ill Constructi on).61
A unique feature of the D60 mountain vihiira is a pair of in situ
door guardians; they stand on either side of the entrance to cell ii,
and one o f them is well preserved (fig. 77).62 T his armored figure
sits on a lion and holds a mace and spear ; his godlike sta tus is indi-
cated by both his halo and vahmza. Although not easily identified,
this was clearly a non-Buddhist deity, and its function was to pro-
tect tho e living in the monastery.
As is the case with quadrangular monasteries, a wide range of
built-in niches are present in tJ1e mountain vihams (see 11g. 76, niche
c in cell ii, for example), the most significan t typically being a large
one under a stairway. However, there is no evidence for personal
devotional images, image shrines, or internal relic slu·ines, with one
exception. In one of th.e m.ost distan t mountain vihiiras at Thareli
(fig. 68, monaste1y Al4), a seated Buddha was found against the
east wall, but not attached to it. 63 T his isolated image suggests that
devotional images were at times installed for the private use of the
residents, but the extent of this practice is impossible to gauge because
so few mountain uihiiras have been excavat ed.
7.3.2 Titareli: MonastU; Small Sacred Areas

While quadranglLiar monasteries relied on internal stiipas and image
shrines for the private devotional needs of the monks (see section
6.6 Phase lli Use of Images and Relics in Q•adrangular Monaste1i es),
monastic smaU sacred areas served this function for residents living
in mountain mhiiras. At Thareli most of the mountain uihiiras are dis-
persed, but where space was available they were clustered and had
monasti c small sacred areas at their junctures. Such monastic small
61 Por a technical discussion of trabeated chambers, see Callieii, Soid.u Slmrif, tJte
MonMtery, 69 -ss.
62 Miztmo and Higuchi, eels., 17wreli, 158. Elsewhere in the repon this image is
ro;porwd to be from mowltain uihtira 062, but its appearan ce in the illustrations
and pl ans show that 0 60 is the correct location (Mizuno and Higuchi, eds., 17weli.,
160, pi. 78, nos. I, 4; plan 30).
65 Mizuno and H iguchi, eels., 17wreli., 148, pi. 15, nos. 2- 4, and plan 7.

196 CHAPTER SEVEN
sacred areas include 061 , 056, A5, Cl09, and CI06 (figs. 68, 75).64
Clusters of mountain vihiiras surrounding monastic small sacred areas
also define the distribution of residences at J amal Garhr (fig. 61),
and the same pattern is evident at Takht-i-bahf (fig. 44).
T he largest of the Thareli monastic small sac•·ed areas, C 106 (fig.
75), can be dated approximately, and a relative sequence of con-
struction is recognizable. The area was founded with the construO.
tion of small stUpa i, then a pavement was laid down and small stilpQs
ii-vi were built on it, and finally small stupas vii and viii were added
beyond the paving.65 The finds from this court are fully documented,G6
and there is considerable phase II sculptural evidence to show that
the area was founded in phase II and that many of the added sta-
pas were also built at tllis time. The last period of constructioP
involved the addition of image shrines 1- 7, wllich occurred in phase
m, as indicated by structural typologies and the presence of dev(i)-
tional scu1ptures. 67 It is certain that the surviving image shrines (th:e
northern edge of the area has been lost to erosion) were construct®
after all eight of the small stUpas were in place, because the shrines
neatly encircle the last of the small strJ.pas to be added (vii and vii~.
Thus, from the evidence preserved in this cow't, we know that monas-
tic small sacred areas were being constructed in phase Il. This has
broad implications for dating monastic small sacred areas through-
out the Peshawar basin as well as the mountain viltiiras they served.
It appears that sacred area C (fig. 74) wa~ also originally founded
in phase II as a monastic small sacred area. O riginally the court
consisted of three small stilpas, SSt l- SSt3; these structures were
encased in the core of the later main stupa Stl. Thus, it appears
that what started as a monastic small sacred area was later coo.-
verted into a public sacred area as space ran out in sacred area El.
The numismatic and sculptw·aJ evidence allows for a fairly secute
dating of sacred area C (see above).
The monastic small sacred areas lound at Thareb (figs. 68, 7:1),
J amal Garhi (fig. 61), and Takht-i-bahi (fig. 44) are all similar in
layout 2md apparent fi.mction. At the juncture of multiple mountain
vilwra terraces, a small monastic sacred area was established that
6ol Ibid., 14·6, 150- 5 1' 160, pis. 30, 33, 37- 40, plMS 13, l •L
~ Ibid., ISO.
66 Ibid., pis. 137- 4·0. See also Appendix D.
61
Ibid., pi. 137.
Material com direitos autor<: ~

PHASE IU Al'i'D !V ARC'JiTTECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN ] 97
always had a small stupa at its core. On the basis of evidence from
Thareli, this appears to be the phase II form of the monastic small
sacred area (a feature that is consistent with phase II stfijJa shrines
found in quaru·anguJar monasteries; see section 7.3.2 Thardi: Monastic
Small Sacred Area~) . H owever, at all of these sites during phase Ill,
image shrines were commonly added to the small stftpa court~. In
these instances a low wall defines the perimeter of the monastic small
sacred area, where slwines were not donated, a feature that is espe-
cially clear in Jamal Garhi monastic small sacred area 9 (fig. 61 ).
Thus, d1e phase HI monastic small sacred area reproduced, on a
smaller scale, the plan of larger public sacred areas.
7.4 ]amiil Ga?}ti: Phase II and lll Archilecture
One of the best known Buddhist complexes in the Peshawar basin

is J amal G~·hr (fig. 61 ). This moderately large complex is on the
crest of a low mountain near the sites of Sikri and Thareli. Its three-
part sacred area (courts 1, 3, 4) is surrounded by almost 20 moun-
tain vihiiras that, during the period of peak occupancy, would have
housed about LOO resiclents, 68 considerably fewer than the 250- 350
living at Takht-i-bahr or the 200 at T hareli (see section 7.2 Takht-i-
bahf: Architecture; section 7.3 Thareli: Phase II and Ill Architecture).
Jamal Garhi's mountain viM.ras are built in c~>U rtyards bounded by
low walls. Monastic small sacred areas can be found at. many of the
junctures of these walled precincts (see above).
Like T akht-i-bahr, J amal Garhi was well known in the 19th cen-
tury. Much of its sculpture was removed very early on, and its exca-
vational history is complex. Elizabeth Errington has critically examined
finds reported in the early accounts and has traced much of the
sculpture,69 so the focus here is limited to the a rchitectural develop-
ment of the site.
There is some numismatic evidence for dating the remains fr·om
J amal Garhr. A paving stone with holes bored into it for the dona-
tive offering of coins (similar to a paving stone found at Ranigat
68
A total of 47 mona.scic cells are extant, but stairways suggest that most of the
mountain viluiras were at least two-storied, so there would have been considerably
more cells.
..., Erringt.on, 1987.

198 C HAPTER SEVE..'II
[fig. 81]; see below). contained one in situ coin of Vasudeva, and
seven more coins of this ruler are listed in Cunningham's 1873
report. 7° Four sih-er coins of K.idara £1 (circa 4th cenrury C.E.) from
the vicinity of the main stiipa complex were recovered in the 1920 21
excavations. 71 Thus, the numismatic e\-idence confirms a phase m
occupation of J amal Garhi, which is readily apparent from the archi-
tectural remains.
The compact structure of J amal Garhf's phase HI sacred area is
unusual, especially given the fact that ample space was available. 1t
is divided into three adjacent strlpa courts (l, 3, +), one providing
access to the next. The phase m devotee would have passed through
the large coun 7, where assembly halls I 0 and 11 stood, to reach
the lowest of the sacred areas (4). Tllis lowest court has no apparr
em focus; it appears that tJus group of heterogeneous small sfftjJIM
and image shrines was the overflow from the more significant uppC1r
sacred areas (3 and I).
Court 3 was approached by a flight of stairs, which seen:ts to havji:
faced image shrine 3a for dramatic effect. It is dear that this couct
was designed to accommodate circumambulation, a process th<\t
would ultimately ha,·e brought the devotee to the ba~c of the staio;
leading up to tht: main stiipa in coun I . The interiot· of court 3 is
filled to capacity with smaJJ slli.pas and image shrines; some of these
shrines were built on the remains of earlier stiipas. 12 As considerab!J:
phase 11 culpture was found in this court/3 it seems clear that some
of the small slupm were built at this time. ome single-cellcd relic
shrines in this court probably also date to this period. Court 3 is
surrounded by image shrines, a pattern sinlllar to that of Tharcli
court D (fig. 69) or Takht-i-bahi lower sacred area IV- V (fig. 2). t\o
single focal monument is present, so this court was built to hold
donarive offerings, but not as an alternative focus for devotion (see
1'' Errington hlL' fulty examined the J amal Garhr numismatic evidence (Ening10n,
1987, 2 19, 234 5; 2000, 197). See also Cunningham, 1872- 73, Appendix A.
11 Er1ingt011, I987, 23.'i; 1-'1. Hargrc·avcs, "Appendix V: List of Antiquities Rccow rad
During Op("-ations atjamltlg<lrhi, 1920 2 1," Arclta8ological SrmNy qf India Frontier Cirtb
Report I 920- 1, Pcshawar: Caxton Printing Wor·ks, I92 I: 23, 28.
'~ When T visit ed this site in I 99 I and t993, [ had the oppot1"unity to exami rlc
tl1is block of structures. When I returned in 1994, 1he site had been reston:d, ~~
process that grca lly rnndilicd t.his gruup of donative monw·nents and obscw-cd tltc
imemal configu ra tiou.
" Hargreaws, "Appendix V."
PliASE lll AN D IV ARCHIT ECTUR.E. IN THE PESHAWAR BA.SIN 199
section 4.3.4 Butka ra Ill: Phase II Architecn1re). In this way, J amaJ

Garhl is different from T akht-i-bahf, T hareli, or Ranigat (figs. 2, 68,
78), all of which have multiple sacred areas (see section 7.2.6 T akh t-
i-bahi Patronage and the Phase Ill Multiplication of Sacred Areas).
After passing through courts 4 and 3, the devotee would have
ascended a stairway to reach the elevated main stUpa in court l.
Stone slabs for a doorway were found at the top of these stairs, sug-
gesting that access at times might have been reso·ictect.74 Presumably,
the devotee would then have also circwnambulated the main stupa.
The current encasement of the main st1ipa appears to date to phase
III; early photographs show its drum surrounded by stucco Buddha
figures tha t are comparable to phase nr examples from Jauliafi; 7~ the
presence of surrounding image shrines seems to confirm this dating.
T he main stupa in court .I seems to have been built on the remains
of older structures, and it probably encases an earlier main stupa.
T he staiiWay leading up to court I had a set of 16 stair risers, found
in situ in 1873, some of which show ji.itakas (fig. 62).76 T his group
of reliefs migh t date to phase I, but certainly to no later than phase
II, sugg·esting that the main stiipa was built at this time (see section
2.3.3 Phase I Sculpture). However, their current location seems to
indicate phase Ill reuse, because the platfo rm to which they are
attached had been modified. J amaJ Garhl's main stzlpa rests on a
rock outcropping and a platform composed of multiple structural
additions." Without archaeological excavation of this platform, it is
impossible to know the configuration of the earlier main slfi.pa court.
However, evidence of multiple foundation structures vi_~ ible along the
exterior edges of the platform indicates that it was rebuilt on sev-
eral occasions and that the current configuration of shrines is not a
reAection of the original organization.
11
Cunningham, ':Ja mal. Ga.rhi," 48; Eni ngcon, "The Western 'Discovety of the
Art of Gandh ara," 230.
75
AS FC no. 173. Schist atlantes were probably aL~o part of the main sllipa's
embellishments (Errington, "The Western Discovery of the Art of Gandhara," 228).
76
Ib id., 246- 51.
17
In I 994 J auempt~d to map and sott out the successive laye rs upon which
the main .rllipa is built, but I was unable to trace a clear patte rn .

200 CHAPTER SEVEN
7.5 Ranigat: Phase ll w Phase nr Archilect.ure

The development of Ranigat is quite complex, and many questions
remain unanswered; however, a broad picture of the life of the site
can be drawn. The numismatic evidence for datiJ1g remains from.
R anigat consists of 57 coins issued between phases l and IV. 78 More
than half of these coins were issued during phases I and IT, whicbt
suggests an early period of occupation, even taking into account that
some of the coins remained in circulation into later periods. This
early activity at Ranigat can also be demonstrated on the basis of
<u·chitectural and sculptural evidence (see section 4.2.1 Ranigat: Phase
II Architecture). Most of tl1e remaining coins belong to the middle
part of phase Ill, though some late phase Ill and IV issues are als0
present.
By the end of phase ll, tl1e most important part of the site was
the east sacred area (fig. 78). This area was established in phase I
or II with the construction of tile main stupa (the core of Stl 01 ) and
at least ll small surrounding stupas. During phase II the main stftpa
was encased, and the edges of these small stupas were enveloped in
this new structure (figs. 79, 80), a feature that allows us to date them.
Probably other small stupas in this court were also built in phase TI,
as large amount~ of early sculpture were recovered at this site 79 (see
78 ishikawa et al., Candhara 2, 47, 52, llS- 22; Nishikawa, Odani, and Namba,
Preliminary R«port on Gmuiltam Buddhist Sites, 90- 4. Identifiable finds include two loose
coins of Azes (either Azes I, 5 7- 10 B.C.E. or Azes IT, 6- 17 C.E.) found a short
distance from the eastern sacred area in trench ll (Enington, "Numismatic Evidence
for Dating 1.he Buddhist Remains of Candhara," 194; Nishikawa et al., Garullwra 2,
52, 109). In direct association "~th the core of the main stilpa., St lOL, eight coi.os
of Virna Kadphises were found, although t.he precise location spot is unclear
(Nishikawa et al., Garu/hara 2, 85, 89}. ln conj tmction with the encasement of main
stilpa. StlO I, several pavement stones were fotmd which had holes bored in them
for the donation of coins. Fourteen of the holes contained in situ coins, including
one Azes II coin, one Kttit•la Kadpbises coin, three Huvi~ka coins, and eight coins
of Vasudeva (Nishikawa, Odaoi, and Namba, Prelimi11ary Rcpm~ on Gmuihara Buddhist
Sites, 92-93). Coin finds from other parts of the site include one of Azes, one of
Soter Megas, one Vim a Kadphises, ten of Kani~, two H uvi~ka, and one Huvi~a
imitation, four of Vasudeva, two of later Ardokhosho type, two la~.er Vasudeva imi-
tations, six KtL~hano-Sasanian issues, and one Ephthalite. Because of inconsistencies
in the excavation reports, tJ1ese numbers probably should be w1derstood in terms
of sketching a broad chronology. See also Enington, "Numismatic Evidence for
Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 213. A Kharo~~hi inscription men-
tioning Vasudeva was also found at Ranigat (Nishikawa, Odani, and Namba,
Pl'etiminal)>Report 011 Gm1dlwra Buddhist Sites, 95}.
1'i The excavators noted that some of d1e stucco stii{itlS must have originaUy been

•
Pl1ASE iTl AND JV ARCHITECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASJN 201
section 8.6 Ranigat: Loose Sculpture and Appendix D). It seems

likely that some of this early sculpture belonged to phase li stupas
built in the west sacred area (see below).
Phase Ill additions of small stzipas and shrines to the east sacred
area are readily apparent, though a more exact relative chronology
is not simple to establish. It appears .that the main stilfJa and all of
the smalJ stiipas in the central block were in place by early phase
Ill (fig. 78, east sacred area small ~·tupas \-vith round domes). T h e
next clear addition consists of eight small stupas on the north edge
of this block (St l6l - Stl68); they have midclle to late phase Ill stepped
bases and characteristic stucco embellishmenr:8° comparable to small
sttipas at J auJiafi or Ali Masjid (see section 6.5 The Phase Ill Small
Stii.pa). Particularly interesting is a depiction on the north face of stilpa
St 163 showing a seated Buddha, in dharmacakra mudra, flanked by 11
worshippers and a patron. 8 1 Slightly to the north of this row of stupas
are four more small stflpas (Stl69- St 172), which were in place before
the row of monumental shrines wa~ built along the northern perime-
ter of this sacred area. Late phase Ill monumental image shrines
bOlmd the north and west edges of this sacred area (RIOI - R l 04,
R 116-·R 120), but at least one earlier stupa shrine (R 115) stood in
this pan of the sacred area. While little can be said about the poorly
preserved R 115 relic shrine, the square base of what was presum-
ably a small stupa sits in its midst. It seems likely that this shrine
was extant in phase ll, because the block of small stupas to the east
of main stupa StlO! was placed to accommodate it.
In conjunction with the encasement of main stflpa St 101, several
pavement stones were found that had holes bored in them for the
donation of coins (as mentioned above) (figs. 78, 81 ). The 14 coins
found in situ provided a solid early phase Ill horizon for this archi-
tectural element.82 After this time, a small platform. and a stucco
bodhisattva image were affixed to the base of small sl!ipa 22; they
overlie the paving stone.83 Although very little more than the san-
daled feet and traces of the robe remain, the fact that it can be so
embeUished "~th schist re(jefs. See Nishikawa, Odani, and Namba, Preliminary Report
tm Gamllmm Buddhi!t Siles, 85.
80
Ni:lttikawa, Ranigal, pis. 26-31.
8
' Ibid., pi. 26, no. 2.
82 See above footnote listing coin fmds from Ranigat.
83
Nish.ikawa, Oclani, <utd 1amba, Preli:minao• Repa.rt on G1mdham Buddltist S1:tes,
92- 94.

202 CHAP'rER SEVEN
securely placed in phase lii is quite remarkable and helps us to cor.

roborate phase Ill as the main period of stucco production.
Although no excavation report was produced for the west are~
photographs provide some information.~~<1 The west area consists elf
a main str~.pa (St203) and more than 20 tightly packed small stiipas.
The e>.'tant structures appear to be built upon earlier monuments,
complicating our underst<Ulding. This area therefore shows sever<:tl
successive periods of construction.85 As so much phase 11 sculpturt
and so many early architectural fragments have been found at Ranigat
it seems likely that parts of the west sacred area were built during
phase II. H owever, most of the construction can be attributed to
phase ill. T o the west of small stupa St21 7, another paving stonE
with holes bored into it for coin donations86 can be compared directly
to similar phase Ill paving stones found in the east sacred area of
the site (fig. 81) and at j amal Garhf (discussed above). The configuration
of the west sacred area is unique. The small stilpas in this area art
so tightly packed around the main stupa St203 tl1at it would have
been impossible to circwnambulate or otherwise move through tJ1i.s
area. Aside from two late phase ill monumental irnage shrines ol;i
its northern edge (R20 1, R 202), the area is entirely made up af
stii.pas, though erosion on tl1e western edge might account for tht
la.c k of perimeter shrines. The non functionality of this cluster of stff.pa,r
suggests that it was not used for devotional activities, but was rad1e.r
a place to house the donative stTuctures that could not be accoJ:Tbo-
modated in the eastern sacred axea.87
R anigat's southwest sacred area appears to have been constructed
at the end of phase Ill or, more probably, during phase IV. Of the
ten coins found in this sacred area, six were minted in the 4dl an~
5th centuries C.£., and four Alchon H un coins dating to tJ1e late
5th century were found in other parts of the site.88 While these coi.u
provide only a framework for understanding the occupation of ~
site, it does appear that tlus Buddhist center remained in use beyond
84
Ibid., pis. 53- 87.
*-' See especia.l.ly Ibid. , pi. 53, no. 2.
86 Ibid. , pi. 71, no. 4.
87
h is possible that is was built to acconunodate Jay or monas tic dead; see
Schopen, " Burial 'Ad Sanctos' and the Physical Presence of the Buddha in Early
Tnctian Buddhism: A Study in the Archaeology of Religions."
88 Errinf:,"lOn, "Nwnismatic Evidence for Dating the Buddl-.ist Remains of Gandhara,"
213, 216; Nishikawa et al., Gmu/Jwa 2, 52.
Bahan dengan hak cipl )

•
PNASE 10 AND IV ARCHJTECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 203
the end of phase Ill. The southwest sacred area was built on a mas-
sive platform that had a large trabeated tunnel running through it.89
T hjs foundation platform <md entrance turmel are comparable to
sacred area XX at T a.kht-i-bahr (figs. 2 , 45), which can securely be
dated to the latter part of phase J1I (see section 7.2.4 Takht-i-bahr:
Late Phase III Construction). The tunnel appears to have been <m
impo1·tant entranceway into the Ranigat complex; perhaps it !i.mc-
tioned to better fortify the site.
The southwest sacred area is basically composed of two stmctures,
a medium-sized st71pa (St30 l) (addressed in section 6.5 T he Phase Ill
Small Stilpa) and the biggest image shrine (R30 1) thus far uncovered
i.n all of the Peshawar basin . T he sh1ine is 10.3 m, wide and 9.1 m
deep and has 2.l-m-d1.ick walls; while there is no way to gauge how
high it stood originally, remains of walls in me southwest corner are
5.8-m-high. 90 Such large image shrines are found at only t\v6 other
sites. At Abba Sahib Cl1ina in Swat, there is a comparable massive
image shrine (fig. 11 0, shrine D); socket holes on the rear wall indi-
cate d1at it original1)' contained a monumemal stucco u·iad. 91 This
Swat shrine was supported by an 8.2-m-square base and has ex-
tant walls 9.5-m-high (fig. 111 ).92 At me Dharmarajika complex in
Taxila, image shrines Nl8, P2, and P4 are all quite large; the P4
base is 8.5 by 6. 1 m (figs. l , 19). T he presence of this massive image
shrine at Ranigat can also be loosely compared to the late colossal
Buddha images being fabricated in Afghanistan at sites like Bami-
yan (fig. 115), but iliis Afghan example seems to be an even later
phenomenon.
The configuration of me southwest court is completely different
from mat of the east or west sacred areas. Side by side, facing the
place of the devotee, are the massive image shrine R30 l and stftpa
St30 l . It is clear that these structures were not circumambulated or
entered, as the entrance to me trabeated passageway would have
blocked access. A related configuration of monuments can be seen
at the Swat site of Abba Sahib China (fig. 11 0). There, monumen-
tal image slwine D (fig. I 11) is in a row with two large sttipas B and
89 Nishikawa et al., Candhara 2, I 0 1- 02.

90 Ibid., 98-99.
9
' Field observarion, 1994.
92 E. Berger and J>. Wright, " Excavations in Swat and EJc-ploration in the Q,.:us
Territories of Afghanistan: A Detailed Report of the 1938 Ex-pedition," in Memoirs

if the Ardweological Survey if l tulifl. (Calcuna: Govemmem of' India Press, 1941), 25.

204 CHAPTER 5£.\'E-~
C and two smaller monumental shrines, E and F (shrine F, nearly

intact, has a 7.6-m-high trabeated domed roof). As at Ranigat, these
structmes would not have been circumambulated but rather viewed
frontally as a group. T he massive slu-ines in the Dhannarii.jika cotn-'"
plex were fit into a pre-existing developed sacred area; in this instancf:
slu-ine P2 faces the main public entxanceway into the site, and N 18
is the main entrance fi·om the monastic complex. As in the D harrn~
rajika complex, the R anigat monumental shrine may have beep
placed to make a dramatic impression on entering devotees, whila
the main stii.pa in the east court functioned as the devotional focus
or the site as a whole. Perhaps the Bamiyan images had a simil<!!r
role, standing acljacent to a sacred area with some sort of re)jc stru<>
ture acting as the primary locus for the site. In any case, evidence
from Ranigat, Abba Sahib China, and Dharrmu·ajika provides ~
with a clue as to how images and stlipas were being used near the
end of the Buddhist tradition in the Peshawar basin, Swat, and Taxil~
7.6 Phase JV: 11te Decline qf Buddhism
By the time Xuanzang (circa 630 C.E.) and Sung-yw1 (518 C. E~

visited Gandhara in phase IV, it had been invaded and subjugated
by H w·• groups. 93 Sung-yun wrote:
This is the cow1t1y which the Ye-thas destroyed ... since which even~
of two generations have passed. The disposition of this king [or d}'llastt-J
was cruel and vindictive ... he did not believe the law of Buddha, bill:
loved to worship demons. 94
The account of Xuanzang is equally disparaging:
The royal family is ex'tinct, and the kingdom is governed by deputies

from Kapisa. The towus and villages are deserted .... There are abol!1
1,000 smiglziiriimas (Buddhist sites], which arc deserted and in ntul$.
They are filled with wild shrubs, and solitruy to the last degree. Tht
stilpas ru·e mostly decayed.9"
93 Various names have been !:,>iven to these foreign invaders, induding Ephthalitc:.t
Wh.ite Hw'Ls, and Hw:oas. See Kuwayama, "The Hephthalites in Tokbaristan an(!
Ga.ndhara; Part 1: Gandhara"; "The Hephthalites in Tokharistan and GandJ1ara<;
Part 11: Tokharistan"; Rahman, 77ze Last Two P,nastW I![ 1/ze $tutis: A11 ArUI/)'.ris I![
77zeir Hirt()ry, ArcluzcologF, Orinage and Palaeography .
94 Sung-yun, Si-1~u.-Ki. Buddhist Rf!C()rds I![ lfle W<t~/81?1 World, trans. S. Beat (Londoo:
Triibncr & Co., 1906), c.
~ Hsua.n-tsang, Si-Tu-JG. Buddhist R.ecords I![ 11,. W«SI.ern World, 98.

PHASE Ill AND IV ARCHITECTURE IN THE P£SHAWAR JlASD."' 205
Scholars initially took these accounts at face value, assuming that

sometime in the middle 5th century C.E. the Peshawar Buddhist
community of Gandhara was persecuted and that the sites were
methodically pillaged and destroyed. Sculptural re use, especially of
broken images, was seen as reflecting this iconoclastic movement. A
major proponent of these theories was Marshall, who wrote, "Eph-
thalites or White H uns ... swept over Gandhara and the Panj ab in
the third quarter of the filth century, carrying ruin and desolation
wherever they went." 96 He dated this invasion to 460 C.E., noting
the presence of Ephthalite coins in burnt-out Taxila monasteries. He
even went so far as to identify some skeletons found in the Dharma-
rajika monasteries as those of ethnically foreign combatants killed
while sacking these religious establishments.97
Until recently, these theories were readily accepted, because post-
500 C .E. coins were not found at Buddhist sites and because in the
archaeological record there is a clear moment when patronage
appeared to coUapse. Although the upper court at the T axila site of
J auliaii was packed with small stilpas (fig. 27), the middle to late
phase HI lower court has only six small stupas, leaving it almost
empty. T his new lower court seems to have been constructed to
accommodate additional donations in a period when the site was
still prosperous, and it was at this time that the perimeter monu-
mental image shrines of late phase Ill were built. T he fact that this
lower court is nearly empty seems an indication that building activ-
ity (patronage) ended abn 1pcly. A similar phenomenon occurred at
Takht-i-bahi (figs. 2, 45), where the lower sacred area was expanded
with the construction of courts Vlll, IX, and XX, and late phase
ill monumental sculptures were erected (fig. 48), but these new sacred
areas were never filled with do native stmctures. At J amal Garhr (fig.
61), the latest sacred area to be added (court 4) provided am ple
space for offerings, but only one bank of four image shrines and
three small st11pas were built. 98 At a few Peshawar basin sites, the
drop in patronage seems to have occurred even earlier in the mid-
dle to late phase Ill period. For example, at Mekhasanda (fig. 65),
96 MarshaU, Taxila, i 6.
'» Ibid.
'l6 There is kss evidence of a decline in patronage in Sw·at: at the site of Ni.mogr.un
(fig. l 09), tht: sacred area ringed by image shrines was expanded to the west (the
F3 area), but as was the case with the sites from the Peshawar basin and Swat,
this new area was never fully enclosed nor filled with strtpas (field observ.u:ions,
1993-94).

206 CHAP'l.ER SEVEN
Thareli (fig. 70), and probably Sikri (fig. 90), only a few late phase
III monumental image shrines were built, and they were squeezed
into sacred areas constructed in the early and middle parts or phase
Ill; no attempt was made to expand the sacred a reas to accommo•
date these structures. Supporting this contention is the fact that sculp:-
rures with sophisti.cated late iconography were not found at thest
sites (see Appendix D). All of this evidence indicat es a decline i.o
patronage late in phase ill; perhaps these sites are some of Xuanzang~
" I ,000 smighii:riimos, which are deserted and in ruins."
Although the exact relationship between the Buddhist communi•
ties of the Peshawar basin and the new H un dynasty is not entirely
clear, there is considerable evidence to suggest that Buddhism co~
tinued under H un rule, though perhaps this incursion marked the
end of maj or prosperity . K uwayarna was the first to challenge tl1c
old assumption that BuddhistS were persecuted under the Huns; he
was able to find textual evidence to show that Chinese Buddhist pih
grirns continued to visit Gandha.ran sites in the Peshawar basin into
the early 6th centur)' C.E.; many made this trip to visit the shrine
of the Buddha's alms bowl. 99 Errington also has been able to shed
light on this issue, using numismatic data that provide compelling
evidence for continued earl)' phase rv occupation. Late Sassanian
and Hun coins from the mid-5th century to the early 6th century
were found in Taxila at the Dha.rmarajika complex, K unala, Gir~
Bhamala, and L'ilchak, in IJ1e Peshawar basin at Takht-i-bahi, Ranit,rat:,
Sahd-Bahlol B and F, J amal Garhr, and Shah-j1-kr-c;lheri, and in Swfll
at Butkara I and Shnaisha. 100 FoUowing this dating there is a numi~
matic gap that spans the 6th centwy to the beginning of the 7th
century C.E., corresponding approximate!)' to the time when the
H uns ruled Gandhara. Errington has suggested that coins were not
being minted by these rulers, who instead relied on earlier coins
already in circulation, and thus the lack of coins from Buddhist cen;.
ters ccumot be seen as indicating their abandonment. 10 1 This sup--
position is supported by the facts that the numismatic gap is not
99
These ideas first appeared in Kuwayarna, "The Buddha's Bowl in Gandhar~
and Relevant Problems," 968. See also Kuwaya ma, ·ne Mont. Swpa t1i Sho.h11-kf-l/hcfi!.
96- 7; and "Route Cha nges and the Decl ine of Gandhara."
100
Errington, "Numisma tic .E:videnc~ t:o r Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gan•
dhara," 21 1- 13.
101 fb.id., 20 I.

PHASE liJ AND IV ARCHITECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASLN 207
restricted to Buddhist sites and that coins postdating the gap were
found in relic deposits in Taxila at tJ1e Dh armar~ika complex and
in the nearby Ma.Ifikyala stii.pa. 102 T hese late coins found in relic
deposits leave no doubt that these isolated sites were still receiving
patTonage. Clearly, Buddhism was in decline, but this process appears
to have occurred gradually.
There is slill the issue of why the Chinese pilgrims Sung-yun and
Xuanzang described ilie Peshawar Buddhist sites as being in ruin.
An eariliquake is a tempting explanation, given the seismic instabil-
ity of the region, but there is no documentation to support this
hypothesis. Faccenna and Marshall suggested iliat earthquakes cre-
ated early phase I and II horizons of destntction at Tax.ila and
Butkara I, respectively. 103 Earthquakes would account for the facts
that essential.ly no phase II sculptu re has been found in situ and that
so many early stftfHIS were refurbished during phase m. A circa 6th
century eartJ1quake in Swat has been suggested by CaUieti to accoun t
for an observed level of destruction. 11>4 An early phase IV earthquake
might e>q,la.in why so many arguably late phase Ill sculptures m·e
found in reused contexts at sites like Sahrr-BahJol and T akht-i-bahl
(see Appendix C).
Our understanding of phase IV Buddhist a rchaeology is still in its
inlancy. Although there is compelJing evidence to suggest p hase IV
activity at the Dharmarajika complex, Bham aJa, Kunala, BhaUar
tope, Matfikyala, Shah-jl-ki-<;lherr, Sahri-BahJ61, Ranigat, Butkara I,
Abba Sahib China, Tokm· Dara, and Shnaisha, this question is not
easily resolved without fw-tJ1er research. However, som e late archi-
tectural features at these sites deserve special note.
The Taxila site of Bhamala has characteristics that appear to post-
date phase Ill , but on tl1e basis of numismatic evidence it cannot
be uncontrovertibly dated to later tll<m ilie end of phase Ill or the
vety beginning of phase IV (fig. 42). O n the basis of 11 9 coins found
in tJ1e core of tJ1e main smpa' 05 and 160 small copper coins in small
---·--
12
" Ibid. , 21 1- 12.
103
Ibid. , 202; Facce1ma, Bulkara I, part I, 134- 5; M;u'Shall, 7iu1/a, 118.
11
" Oral presentation b)' P. Callieri at the South Asian Archaeology Conference,
Paris, 2000.
•M At a depth of 3.35 m , six coins were fowtd, one or which Marshal I idemified
as being Sasanian. At a depth of 4.4 m, 113 coins (Marshal!, Taxila, 393) were
found that appeared to be middle 4th century late Kushan issues (ErTington, "Numis-
matic Evidence for Dating th e Buddhist Remains of Ga.ndhara," 212).

208 CHAPTER SEVEN
stftpa A 15, 106 it would seem that the site was founded in the middle
of the 4th century, or late in phase Ill. However 21 Alchon Hun
coins (circa 500 C.E.) found p1imarily in d1e monastery suggest a
somewhat later date of occupation. 107 All of these coins could have
been deposited long after their production, if we consider the numis--
matic gap noted above, although the fact that 93% of them were
minted before the end of phase Ill cannot be ignored.
The strongest reason to place Bhamala in phase IV is the fact
that its main stupa is cruciform in plan. As noted by Kuwayama and
Fitzsimmons, the Bhamala cruciform stii.pa can be compared to 7dl
to 8th century cruciform stUpas in Kashmir, Afghanistan, and othe:r
parts of Central Asia. 108 Certainly, the plan of tile Bhamala mail!
stiipa is unique in Taxila, ald10ugh cruciform stiipas were constructed.
in tile Peshawar basin at Shah-jf-ki-<;lherf (fig. 83)109 and Sahri-BahJ&
Site G (fig. 60), 110 sites that have compelling evidence to sugge~
phase IV construction.
The Bh<unala monastery also had an tmusual plan; most readily
noticed is the complete lack of internal image or relic shrines 111 and
two large chrunbers that were built in its courtyard. The fact that
this monaste1y was fabricated of double semi-ashhu· rnasoruy rnigllt
indicate a phase IV date.' 12 Thus, for Bhan1ala there is confticti~
evidence, though it seems to be phase IV in elate.
106 E1-rington, "Numi smatic Evidence fo r Dating the Buddhist Rem a ins of
Gandhara," 2 12; Marshall, Ta:rila, 394.
107 ln addition to the coins found in the main stftpa a nd in small .rtilpa A 15, 32
coin s were recovered at .B hamala : one gold coin of " Bachara.na," one of Huvi~a,
five of Vasudeva, one lndo-Sa.<;anian, and 21 silver Alchon Hwt coins (20 from tbe
doo<>V<t)' of monastic ceU 13 and one from ceU 8) (Marsha.U, T tJJ.ila, 396).
108 Kuwayama, Tlll Main Stupa at ShiiJz-ji-J..'i -t/herf, 49- 50, 93; Fitzsunmons, Swpa
Designs a/ Ta:dio, 46-7, 75- 6, 91 - 2.

100 Kuwayam a, Till Mai11 Stupa at SltiiJI-ji-ki-rj}terf. At Shah-jf-kf-<;lehrr, a hoard of
circa 500 C.E. Alchon Hun coins was found (E11-ington, " Nunusmatic Evidence fur
Dating the Buddhist Remains of Gandhara," 2 12, 2 16. The late sculptw·e frQJll
Shah-ji-kl-cJchri can also be compared ro the 8th cenrury site of Tapa-Sardar ln
Afghanist.-ut (Taddei, " Recent Archaeological Research in Gandha.ra: The New
Evidence").
110
Great quantities of reused scuJprure with recognizably late icono~:-raphy were
found at all of the Sahri-Bahlol sites, suggesting a late period of occupation (s:ee
Appendix D).
111
!J1 IJ•e monastery a smaU schist goddess holding a pau· of lotus buds '"-<I.S
found; Marshall believed this was a depiction of Hariti (lvhu'Shall, Taxiln, 396, 700,
pi. 2 l I, no. 2). The unusual style of this irnage appears to be consistent with phase
[V sculpture from other sites.
11
~ Ma.rshall, "Explora.tion at Ta.xila 1930- 34·," l56.
Bahan dengan hak ci ta

PHASE Ill AND N ARCHITECTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 209
However, evidence of advances in consu·uction techniques and the

development of monastic architecture do offer a means for sequenc-
ing some phase JV materiaL In Swat at the site of T okar Dara (fig.
112) a technical advance in the monastic architecture involved the
extensive use of trabeated domes over the individual cells. In Afghani~
tan the probable phase JV Kabul basin site of Guldara 11 3 has a sim-
ilar domed monastery, but there even the connecting corridors had
u·abeated roofs. 11 4 Because it was necessary to weight the edges of
a trabeated dome (to st:abilYte the vault), such structures provided an
ideal stable foundation for subsequent stories, presumably built in
wood. As T okar Dara is the only site in Swat, the Peshawar basin,
or Taxila where a domed quadrangular monastery was constructed,
it seems likely that this technical advance reflects construction of a
later period (phase IV). In some sense, this domed monastery is the
l.ogical outcome of a developing use of t:rabeated chambers, wluch
can be observed at many sites in the Peshawar basin and Swat where
o·abeation was used for roof structures of image and relic shrines
and to stabilize foundations (see section 7.2.4 Takht-i-bahl: Late
Phase Ill Construction).
Colossal image shrines are another typologically recognizable archi-
tectural feature that can be assigned to phase IV. Perhaps the best
example is shrine R30 1 in the southwest sacred area at Ranigat (fig.
78), and shrines of this scale are also fow1d in Taxila at the D harma-
rajika complex (fig. 1, shrines N 18, P2, and P4) and at Abba Sahib
China in Swftt (figs. 110, Il l) (see section 7.5 Rani gat: Phase IJ to
Phase IV Architecture). In this instance, patronage patterns provide
a means of difl·e rentiating late phase ID monumental sh1ines from
the more massive phase IV variety. It appear that at a point when
patronage was still plentiful, many monumental late phase lll shrines
and images were built in growing sacred areas, a good example
being those of Takht-i-bahi (fig. 2, shrines Ml- .Ml 4; fig. 47). These
late phase JII shrines, although extTemely large, are still much smaller
than the above-mentioned phase N colossal shrines. Further, the
phase Ill monumental shrines are integrated into developing sacred
a•·eas; i.e., they were installed as organic parts of the phase Dl sacred
119
In situ monwnental feet were found in huge axial njches set into the base
of the main stripa- a fcattu'C that certainly cannot be dated to before the end of
phase m.
114
Fussman, Monuments Bouddlriques dt la l?igifm dt Caboul.

210 CHAPTER SEVEN
area where space was available to accommodate them. In contrast,

the colossal image shrines at Ranigat and Abba Sahib China forrrt
important components .in a different, perhaps new type of sacred
area, and in both instances they were not integr-<tted into pre-exist~
ing phase Ill sacred areas. On the other hand, the colossal imagtt
shrines in the Dha.rmarajika complex were placed in the main sacred
area. One of these shrines forms part of a bank of shrines ( 18)1
following the phase Ill trend. However, shrine P4 stands alone .in
the sacred area, and thus its placement is more readily compared
to the Ranigat and Abba Sahib China exan1ples mentioned abovel
Much of the reused sculpmre found throughout rhe.Peshawar basin
was recontextualized during phase IV (see Appendix C). Some of
the latest in situ sculptural remains are probably those of Shah-jr..
kr-c;lherr; this topic has been addressed by Kuwayarna. 1 1 ~
While the above observations are usefi.1J in forming a picture of
d1e late Buddhist activity, they can be taken only as suggestions4
there is no question, however, that sculpture was being reused and
some new sites were being founded or refurbished at this time. Site&
like Shah-jl-ki"-<;lheri, Ranigat, Bhamala, and the Dharmarf0ika com•
plex hold clues, but the most significant evidence for this period of
activity is in the poorly understood sites of Afghanistan and the enig•
matic late sites and rock-cut sculpt1.1re of Swat. Willle the Chinesq
pilgrims spoke of devastation in the Peshawar basin, they reported
being amazed by what they found in Afghanistan and Swat, an4
this is the period when sites like Bamiyan were most active (fig. 115).
m Kuwayama, The Main Stup{l at Slziih·:}i-kf-<lherf.
Copyrighted materi •
•
CHAPTER EIGHT
PHASE lii SCULPTU RE IN THE PESHA WAR BASIN
The Peshawar basin evidence for the diso·ibution and use of devo-
tional icons is quite different from that in Taxila. Because schist was
much more widely used for sculpting devo tio nal im ages in the
Peshawar basin, a different body of data is available for study (for
counts of sculpture recovered at many of the Peshawar sites, see
Appendix D). In any case, it appears that much of the schist imagery
from Taxila was irnpo•ted from the Peshawar basin and to a lesser
extent from Swat. Because schist is more durable than stucco, a
greater proportion of the total sculptural production in the Peshawar
basin survives in the archaeological record. The durability of schist
sculpture also meant that it was available for reuse in ancient times,
while the more friable stucco sculpture was only ra rely recontextu-
alized (see Appenclix C). Thus, it is sometimes possible to recon-
struct the assemblage of schist sculpture that stood in the Peshawar
basin sacred m·eas, even though later reuse obscures the original
placement. At the sites of Loriyan Tang-ai, Takht-i-bahr, Sa1ui-Bahl61,
T hareli, and .M ekhasanda, l9th and 20th century photographic doc-
umentation allows us to discuss the total recovered schist sculpture.
Crucial to our understanding of sculptural use in the sacred areas
are the rare instances ...vhere images were actually recovered in situ.
In the case of Sik1i, a.lthough only an incomplete record of sculp-
tural finds is documented, there is a plan indicating th e in situ loca-
tions of some iconic imagery (fig. 90). Further in situ evidence comes
from a handful of oth er sites, nota bly Thareli, 'M ekhasanda, and
probably Sahri-Bahl6l A. At Takht-i-bahi, three sections, the last
area excavated, were individually documented, providing an invalu-
able set of evidence (courts XX, XIV, and two-celled shrine T 4 in
court XXIII) (fig. 2).
T he loose sculpture recovered at a given site provides hard evi-
dence that can be interpreted in a range of ways. Most immediately
it tells us a great deal abo ut late practices of sculptural reuse (see
Appendix C). As a point of departure, the loose sculpture was divided
into readily recognizable categories. O ften specific categories of images
212 Cti.APTER EIGHT
were recovered grouped together, and it is this kind of evidence that

is particularly helpful for determining a relative chronological frame-
work for sculptural production.
Broadly, groups executed in schist include: phase II na•rative reliefs,
embellishing panels, m1d architectUJ·al elements; phase Ill conven-
tional Buddha and bodhisattva icons (life-size and smaller); Buddha
<md bodhisattva icon$ with late iconographic characteristics (typically
lile-size); over-Life-size devotional icons; and images exhibiting Sravasti
iconography. Stucco production can also be subdivided: life-size devo-.
tionaJ icons of Buddhas and bodhisattvas; monumental icons, and the
many loose heads.
When we use these categories, it is interesting to note the rela-
tive proportion of various types of sculpture found at a site, or in
the cases of Takht-i-bahr and Thm·eli, in given parts of the sacred
areas. [t is also sometimes possible to get a sense of the relative pro-
portion of schist and stucco production, especially in Mekhasanda,
Thareli, and Takht-i-bahr court XX.
Because the photo documentation and the finds themselves are
site specific, tlus topic is addressed in the following case studies.
Although tile discussions of tile various sites and their recovered
sculpture can provide only a broad picture of the Peshawar tradition,
this is nonetlleless a fimdamentaJ point of departure for a better
understanding of image use in Greater Gandhara.
8.1 Loriyan Tangai: Loose ScuLpt:ure
In tile I 890s Alexander Caddy took 3 7 photographs at the site of

Loriyan Tangai, documenting a body of sculpture that is now housed
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta .' Tlus site was built at tile very
northern edge of the Peshawar basin along tile Mora pass into Swat
(fig. 3).2 Three photographs document architectural features of t1us
site (one is fig. 84 here), but tile actual site of Loriyan Tangai is no
longer extant. On tile basis of tllese architectural photos, it is pos-
sible to suggest that the main stupa dates to phase IlL Characteristic
is tile stUpa's large, low, stepped basement that suppo1ts a recessed
I ASli\1 I032- 69.

2 For the location of most of the sites excavated in the 19th century, sec Errington,
"The vVestern Discovery of the Art of Gandhara," map l.
PHASE Ill SCULPTURE IN THE PES HAWAR BASIN 213
upper story; a long projecting foundation for the front stairs is also
visible. To my knowledge, the only solidly comparable structure is
the Kunala main stzi,pa in T axila, which was constructed in phase
Ul semi-ashlar masonry (fig. 41).3 Another related structure is Ranigat
stiijJa St30 I (11g. 78), which is much smaller but does have a similar
plan and a stepped base, although tlris stii.pa dates to the end of
phase III or phase IV (see section 7.5 Rani gat: Phase II to Pha~e
rv Architecture).
In contrast, a great deal is known about the schist sculptural
imagery found at this site, which had probably remained undisturbed
until its excavation in the 1890s. Its remote location appears to have
protected it from 19th century collectors, an assumption borne out
by the considerable quantities of sculpture that were recovered (see
Appendix D). The 39 phase II narrative panels appearing in Caddy's
photographs can be subdivided into five setS (multiple panels from
a given stupa) (fig. 85 shovvs some of these paneL~) . A good example
of one of these sets is the panels on the base of the reconstmcted
Loriyan T angai stii.pa now in the Indian Musewn, Calcutta (fig. 86).4
It appears that these narrative sets originally adorned four small
stii.pas. T lus seems in agreement with the fact that four small schist
stiipa domes appear in these photos; i.e., the number of early stii.pas
can be estimated. Surprisingly, this site, which produced one of the
most intact bodies of phase II narrative sculpture in the Peshawa.r
basin, seems to have had only about four phase Il stfljJas.
One of the narrative sets, consisting of two reliefs, most likely were
attached to the harmika of the main stii.pa (fig. 87).s The 45-cm-ta.ll
panels contain depictions of the birth and great departure, common
su~jects for four-faced hannikiis. Such groups typically show various
combinations of the birth, great departure, attack of Mara, first ser-
mon, a trimtna, parinirvti.~w, cremation, and display of the relics (another
example where two ham1ikii reliefs survive is shown in fig. 95 B, from
lower Nathou).
3 Marshall, Taxikt, 348-50. l'l tzsimmons (Stupa Designs at. Taxi/a, 73- 4, 107) grouped
th is stlifia wil11 d1at at the siu: of Balla.r, and gave them a much later date.
• .In addition to the eight reliefs on the base of the reconstructed Loriyan Tangai
stiipa, there are sets with two, two, five, three, and 13 reliels, for a total of 32 of
the 39 narrative pan els found. The set of 13 is illustrated in Behrendt, " amuJVe
Sequences in rhe Buddhist Reliefs from Gandhara."
5 ASJM 1053- 4.
214 CHAPTER .EICI-rr
Two large multi-piece false gables ar1d one small single-piece false
gable (fig. 85, upper right) are also preserved in this corpus. The
largest of these is over 2 m call, a scale that would seem suitable
only for a main stupa. Although it is impossible to know if these
reliefs were attached to the late phase rrr
encasement of the main
stftfJa, photographed by Caddy, reuse patterns from Swat suggest that
important panels on main sta.pas were sometimes retained .into latet
periods. 6 It would be a mistake to assume that either the false gable
or harmikii reliefs were restricted to phase II, because mudrtis cha.r--
acteristic of later phase Ill production (see Appendix B), are sho"vn
in some hannikii reliefs. T he false gable reliefs a.lso appear to have
had a long life span; they were popular during phase IT, but some
contain motifs Like the lotus throne, suggesting phase lll productima
(see Appendix B). The false gable is sometimes integrated in Sravasli
composite panels (fig. 127), suggesting that this form remained
significant to the latest Buddhist communities. Reciprocally, its pres.
ence in the Sravasti composite panels suggests that this latter relief
type might have originally embellished stiipa domes. In the case of
the Loriyan T arigai false gable and hmmika reliefs, no late m:udriis or
motifs like the lotus throne are present.
Phase Ill devotional icons from Loriyan T arigai survive in con~
siderable numbers. Two group photos are especially helpful, as they
provide a sense of the overall body of devotional sculpture found at
tlus site, as well as the relative scale of the images (figs. 88, 89).
Many of these schist images are smaU, certainly too small to waf'.
rant the construction of an image shrine. D onors commissioning
these small devotional icons at Loriyan T arigai clearly preferreci
seated images and commissioned Buddhas n.vice as much as bod..
hisattvas.7 The small icons c<umot be easily dated, although it is clear
that the earlier image shrines tended to be small. Economic con-
siderations and lack of space would have encouraged the production
of small images, regardless of their date. In general, it seems rea·
sonable to place this group in phase III, perhaps with greater pro-
duction in the earlier part.
6
The reuse of Lhe QJ panel of.' 1.he GSt4/ 1 encasement can be roughly dated.
to phase Ill on the bru;is of nurn.ismatic evidence. See Faccenna, Bulkara I, vol. 3t
no. I, 1 LS- 16; Faccetula, Cobl, and Khan, "A Report on the Recent Discovery of
a Deposit of Coins in the Sacred Area of Butkara l (Swat, Pakistan)," l J 3.
7
The diminutive Buddha images include 21 seated and si.x standing, while the
small bocUusattvas consist of tune seated and two standing im ages.
Copyrighted materidl
PHASE Ill SCULP'JUR!'. IN THE PESHAWAR 8AS£N 215
Devotional icons of modest size (about I m to life-size) would have

been suitably housed in image shrines like those ringing the lower
sacred area (IV- V) of Takht-i-bah! (fig. 2). In th e Loriyan Tfui.gai
group of presumably middle phase 111 images, there are 22 Buddhas
and 18 bodhisattvas. However, if just standing images are considered,
a 2: I ratio favoring bodhisattvas is found.
A last category of sculpture apparent in these photographs is that
of recognizably late images such a.~ the monumental schist Buddha,
the Sravastl composite image, and d1e three Sravasu triad panels.
All of these images date approximately to the end of phase Ill or
early in phase IV (see Appendix B). T his late group probably is
incomplete, as this is the period when stucco production was most
significant. The notable absence of stucco material in Caddy's pho-
tographs suggests that work produced in this medium was not deemed
worth documenting, but even d1is assumption may be incorrect,
because we know that little stucco sculpture was fabricated at the
phase 11 to middle phase Ill site of Thareli (see section 8.4 T hareli:
Loose Sculpture). In any case, the presence of Sravastf iconography
and the monumental schjst Buddha indicate that this site was still
receiving patronage at the end of phase Ill.
8. 2 Takht-i-biihi: Lcose Sculpture
The archjtecture and in s1tu remains from the site of Takht-i-bahl,

though probably less complete than those found at Loriyan Ta1'1gai,
can be correlated with an extensive body of archjtecturaJ evidence.
Reports from the 19th centtny describe finds from the upper and
lower sacred areas (fig. 2, courts X and IV- V). These data, together
with photographic evidence from the earliest 20th century excava-
tions of the lower sacred area (TV- V), give us an idea of the main
sacred areas. Fortunately, the next three sections of the Takht-i-bah!
sacred areas to be excavated were docun1ented inruvidually (court
XX, t'wo-cellecl shrine T4 in court XXIII, and the southeast small
sacred area in court XlV). In all three instances, specific relation-
ships between shrine architecture and donated imagery can be
observed.
216 CHAPTER EICHT
8.2.1 Taklzt-i-biihi: The Upper and Lower Sacred Areas: Loose Sculpture
Various parties collected sculpture from this site th1·oughout the 1 9~
century. In 1850, Bellew reported that treasure hunters had d~
aged the site, and Wilcher reiterated this in 1871.8 Wilcher, w~'
conducted the. first systemati~ exca~ation of the upper stii.!a c.ourt 1-
rep orted fincling 110 devononal 1cons, though none m situ (sot
Appendix D).9 It seems likely that the disrupted placement or imag<is
that he reported is a reflection of later reuse, the sculpture being
moved closer to this ~port:mt stupa. vVlu~e. it is tempting suggqt :o
that these 110 devot10nal 1cons were ongmally housed m the 1~
meclium-sized image shrines and 16 niches that encircle this cour9,
it seems possible that sculptures from other parts of the site wer~
taken there during this late period of reuse. Similar patterns of pr~
sumably phase IV image concentration characterize the distribution
of imagery at the Sahri-Bahl61 sites (fig. 58) (see below and Appendixe.s
C and D).
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Archaeological Surver
of India conducte.d a series of excavations at T~kht-i-bahf in an e~o1
to conserve the stte and to recover the extet1Slve sculptural remam~
T he excavation reports that resulted from this initial work ar~
superficial, but e>.."tensive photo documentation produced 367 archiveeJ,
photographs. 10 On this basi.s, it is possible to reconstruct a broa9
scheme for finds in the lower main sacred area (courts IV and .;
the greatest number of sculptures were found in this section}11 (fig~
2, 46) (see Appendix D). .
More than 42 significant phase Il sculptural panels were found iQ.
the IV- V lower sacred area. T he presence of this phase II scul~
tun: in tltis part or the sacred area, which we know was one of th~
oldest parts of the site, indicates that a group of e<u·ly small stupa;r
once stood here. Especially significant in terms of forming an accur
rate impression of the number of phase 11 stupas are the remains df
8
.Bellcw, A GfJIIt'l'al Report 011 tire Tusuj~ir, 92; Wilcher, "Exploration of d1e Buddh.i$
Ruins a.t Takht-i-ba.i," 435.
9 Wilcher, "&:ploration ol' d1c Buddhist Ruin s at Takht-i-bai," 435, 37.
10
Ardweological Surory if India Photographs: Jf1de.~ of LocatifJn, l11din Qf!ice Collections fit
the British Lihrary (London: Emmett Publishing, 1993).
11
A meal of 472 sculptures were found in court V, including 1J1e corridor betwecf~
court X and the quadrangular rnooasrery (Spooner, "Excavations at Takht-i-biihi,"
J 35).
PHASE lli SCULPTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 217
15 false gable reli ef~;

most early stiipas would have had one of these
elements (see section 5.4 The Phase li Small Stupa: Sculptural
Embellishment and a Proposed Reconstruction).
The overall production of 42 Buddha figures and 29 bodhisattvas
shows that Buddhas were the preferred donation. H owever, if we
consider just the 12 standing Buddhas and 14 standing bodhisattvas
(19 if the loose bases are incly_ded), we can see that i:he bodhisattvas
were favored, a standing-figure trend also observed at Loriyan Tarigai
(see above).
The IV- V part of the lower sacred area, where most of these
sculptures were recovered, has 37 image shrines suitable for life-size
and smaller sculptures. Thus, it seems that some of these 37 image
shrines contained multiple icons, even assuming that some of the 71
icons and six Sravasti iconography panels mentioned above stood
outside shrine enclosures. While d1e configuration of such shrine
groups may reliect additive patterns characteristic of multiple donors,
it seems likely that some of these icons were grouped in Buddha.-
bodhisattva triads; i.e., multiple icons may have been grouped in
image shrines.
There are also ten monumental irnage shrines in the IV- V lower
sacred area. They almost certainly contained large stucco images; a
monwnental stucco head appears in the ASI photographs, and when
Bellew visited the site in 1850, he reported fragments of a hand, a
foot, and part of a head from sculptures he estimated to be about
16 feet (about 5 m) tall. 12 Moreover, sockets, which originally would
have contained the wood posts used to support the bodies of these
huge images, are extant in many of these structures (see fig. 4 7,
shrine to left).
We must keep in mind that the number of devotional icons was
originally much higher; it is known that considerable amounts of
sculpture were taken from this site prior to the Archaeologica.l Survey
of India excavations. Stucco SCLtlpture from this area either was not
documented by ilie ASI or did not survive in the archaeological
record; as at Loriyan T a1igai and Thareli (see below), schist appears
to have been the main sculptural medium.
12
Errington, '"TI•e "Vestern Discovery of the Art of Gandhara," 113.
21.8 CHAPTER ElGH!'
8.2.2 Takht-i-bahi: Sacred Area XX lJJose Sculpture13

Late in phase Ill, the Takht-i-bahr sacred area was extended to the
west, thereby expanding the total <u'ea by more than one-third. This
expansion includes court XX (the court of three stii.jJas), the COU11
vm main sacred area extension (and undergroLmd chan1bers), assem•
bly hall I, and court IX on the extreme westem edge (see below~
T hus, all of the architectural structures in court XX, which is a con•
tiguous extension of the main sacred area, must postdate the con..
struction of these added terraces, making the stn•ctures middle tG
late phase m. The sculptural finds in schist and stucco fi·om this
part of the sacred area appear to conoborate this dating.
On the court X,'( terrace is a main stiipa (P36) and four smaU
sti"tpas, two of which have well-preserved in situ sculptural embell~
ishment executed in stucco (P37, P38). l n the upper register of stupa
P3 7, several Buddhas exhibit the vamd.IJ. mudrii (fig. 48), a late mudrli
otherwise known only from Afghanistan, which suggests a late phastS
III date of production (see Appendix B). 14 This new sacred area wM
dominated by monumental standing Buddhas, as four sets of in situ.
feet <md two massive heads testif)1 (figs. 2, 49, 50)! 5 These figures1
which stood along the sot•th wall of the enclosure, were app roxi~
mately 6-m-tall, an estimate based on the size of the feet and extant
sockets for supporting the bodies. Because this whole court XX ter·
race was a middle to late phase III addition, it is possible that these
monumental Buddhas were part of rhe original plan. The fact that
they were not housed in shtines suggests that freestanding rnonu·
mental in1ages might have stood at other sites. A considerable an1ou.nt
of other phase Ill sn•cco image•) ' found in this part of the sire (see
Appendix D) also appears to have beer1 unprotected by image shrines
(see also section 6.3.9 Mohra Moradu: Phase Ill Architecture and
Addjtive Image•y ).
t$Arclweolngical SuYTII!J if ludia Pho!Dgraphs: In&.~ if Location, hulia OjfiCt CcU.ectilms u(

the Brilislt Library; A. Stein, Archeological SmVI!J' if buiia Fronfiu Circle fur 1911- 12
(Peshawar: Govenunem Press, Northw,'St Frontier Province, 1913), 2; ASIFC photo
nos. 860- 906.
" Hargreaves, "Excavations at Takht-i-bahf," 36.
•• Six pairs of in situ feet have been reported against the south 'vall of sacred
a rea XX (Ha.rgreaves, "E.xcavations at Ta.kJH-i-bahi," 38}, but photograJJhs of these
, remains show on.ly four sell>; sockets in the waU, which would have supported the
rnonttmental figures, also indicate the presence of fow· images (Hargreaves, "Excavations
at Takht-i-b~thi," pl. XX.Ia; ASIFC no. 860). See also Stein, Archeo/IJgical Su.l'lil!Y if
India Frontier Circl£ for 19 Jl- 12, 3.
•
220 CHAPTER EIGHT
and worshipper plaques. The reasons for this concentration are not
readily apparent, but the plaque reliefs are all in good conctition, a
clear i.ndic.:<tion that they were specifically manufactured for deposi-
tion in this relic shrine and thus are not reused images. The presence
of these late plaques is especially interesting because the only othet
known context for this type of i.n1agery is in the Jaulian monastery
(fig. 30) (see section 6.6.1 Phase Ill Use of Personal D evotional
Images in Monasteries). The body of sculpture in n·vo-celled sl1rine
T 4 gives us a sense of the kinds of donations that were made t()
reljc shrines in the late part of phase Ill, and it expands ow· knowl•
edge of the deposition of images in reused contexts (see Appendixes
C and D).
8. 2. 4 Taklzt-i-biilli Small Sacred Area XIV Loose and !11 Situ Sculf;tu:re
The southeast small sacred area XIV (fig. 2) is particularly impor~
rant because it was found intact and was photographed. 17 It is per..
haps the only sacred area in all of the Peshawar basin where wo
can determine reasonably accurately the original locations of the
recovered sculptures.
Phase II sculptural finds from this court all belong to a single
small stftpa (M): one false gable, a narrative set composed of three
panels showing six scenes, four other pieces of this stiipa's sculptural
embellishment, and nvo clwtt:riivali. Because all of these stftpa remains
are related to each other and only a single stzipa was built here, it
seems reasonable to conclude that this phase 11 stupa stood through-
out the occupation of the site. It appears to have been the founda-
tion structure around which the rest of this small sac1·ed area was
Ol'gallized.
Within tllis small sacred area there are ll extant small image
shrines, and platform K probably supported two or three more. The
devotional icons include five mectium-sized and five smal.l ones, as
well as ten miscellaneous stucco heads (see Appendix D); thus, there
are almost equal numbers of image shrines and devotional iconic
images. In this instance it seems quite possible that each of these
image shrines contained a single devotional icon. Supporting this
contention a•-e two detached i.n1age bases found in situ in in1age
" [bid., i.ii, vii; ASIFC 951 - 70.
Material com direitos autor s

PHASE liT SCULPTURE lN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 22 1
shrines C and D (figs. 51, 52). One shows a row of five seated
Buddhas (two with lotus bases) Ranked by worshippers, and the other
shows a row of standing Buddhas, presumably past Buddhas. These
reliefs are positioned halfway back in the shrine, forming the front
face of a step; the devotional icon presumably stood on top of this
elevated section and was affixed to rhe rear wall. As such steps are
found in many of the shrines at Takht-i-baru and at many other
sites in Greater Gandhara, this category of sculpture can be given
an architectural context. 18
This small sacred area can be dated to the early to middle part
of phase Ill for several reasons. A row of in situ stucco Buddhas
along the bases of the image shrines in the southwest corner can be
directly compared to what is seen at Thareli (fig. 73) and Mekhasanda.
Of all these devotional icons, only a single Buddha i in dha1macakra
m.udrii. Further, most of the image shrines are very small, vvith the
exception of shrine L, which is medium-sized. Although srna.LJ shrines
were certainly built in later periods, the consistent sma.LJ scale of the
image shrines in this court suggests an early date of production, and
there is no indication that monumenta.l images were part of dus
assemblage.
8.3 Loose Sculptural Finds jmm the Sah.1'i-Balzl0l Sites
ConsiderabJe reused scu.lpture was found at the many Sahrf-Bahlol

Buddhist sites (figs. 54, 57, 59, 60). The placement of sculpture at
these sites was govemed by a presumably phase IV BudcU1ist com-
munity that recontextualized this imagery to serve their devotional
needs. Two factors particularly complicate discussion of these sites.
First, only the outlying, satellite centers were ever excavated; the
main sacred area appears to be under the modern tOwn of Sahri-
Bahlol, but this contention is put forth cautiously. 19 The other fac-
tor is that arch.itectural remains at these plains sites wen: poorly
18
J.mage bases a re discussed in G iovanni Vcrardi and Istittn.o Orientate di apoli,
Honw a11d Other Fire Rituals i11 Cmuilwra (Naples: btituto Univcrsitmio 0 1i entale, I994).
Separate in situ schist image bases were fow1d at Shotorak in Afghanistan in shrines
DS and F6 (see J Mcunie, Slwtorak, fif,IS. J l, 28).
19
E. Errington, "In Search of PaJu.sha, a City of the Central Gandhara Plain,"
Bulletin of lite 1L-ia Institute 7 ( 1993).

222 CHAPTER EfGHT
preserved, making the interpretation of reused sculpture espcciaUy

cliflicult. 20
8.3.1 Sahrf-Ba/zwl B: Loose Sculpture

The 1909 I 0 excavation of ahn-Bahlol B yielded considerable quan-
tities of schist culpture, but the phorographic documentation of these
finds is incomplete (sec Appendix 0 ).21 The architectural evidence
of a single sltipa (20 7+)22 (fig. 56) embellished with in situ stucco
Buddhas can be generally compared to middle to late phase 111 pro-
duction in Taxila, especially the site of Jauliaii (see section 6.5 The
Phase Ill Small Sttipa). The rough dating of Sahri-Bahlol B p rovided
by the J1lipa characterization can be generally corroborated using
numismatic cvidencc.23 The excavated schist sculptures also exhibit
late p hase Ill characteristics; notable are two monumental schist
Buddhas, nine seated Buddhas in dhmmacakra mudtii, and a Buddha
with a double halo (a halo around the head and a mandorla sur-
rounding the bocly).2 1
8.3.2 Sahri-Baltlol C· / .(Jose Sculpture

al1ri-Bahl6l C: yielded more than 280 significant images (see Appen-
dix 0). 2~ The distribution of this sculpture is fundamental to our
20 F. Tb:.ot. "Sahri-Hahlol Pan r\ '),'' in St.tuJh. Asum Archom~· 1993, ed. A. Parpola
and P. Koskilaillio t H cl,inki: 1994); F. TbSOt, "lltc Site of Sahri-Bahlol in Gandh:t.ra
Part 111 )," in South AJurn Ardwo/ogr 1987, ed. :\1. Taddei Rome: ls~IEO. 1990);
·'The . itc of Sahri-Bahlol in Candhara, Pakistan: furtlter Investigations.'' in Soulh
Asian Ardwolbf!J' 1985, ed. K. Ftifeh and P. Sorrensen London. Ri\'erdalc: 1989: ' 'The
Site of ahri-Bah161 in Gandhara," in Soldh Astan Archoeo/Qg'; 1983, ed. J. Schotsman.s
and ~I. T addei 1aples: l stituto Univcrsitario Orientale, 1985 .
11
ASlfC 623 727; D. Spooner, Ardu:ol~cal ~of India Frontin Circle.for 1909 /0
Pcshawar: Gm·et1tment Press, Nonhw<:st Frontier Province, 1910; Spooner, '·Excava-
tions at Sahri-Hahlol 1909 I 0\."
11 Spooncr, " Excavations at Sahri-Bahl61
1906-07),'' 47- 8.
n Of the 67 coin~ found at Sahri-Bahlol n, only a few could be idemificd tu
the time of tht·ir rx<·avation , hut with the exception of a silver issue of Sotcr Mcg-<lS,
the coins appt•ar to lw latt- Kusltan , Sasan ian, and ]{jdi\:ra-H un , supporting a l:tlc
plutsc Il l dating for the site (Errington , "N\tm isma tic Evidence for Dating tile
Buddhist Remains of Gandhara ," 2 13; Spooner, "Excavations at Salu·i-Duhlt\1
( 1906 07)," 50).
1' C. Bautzc-Picron, "'l1tc
imbus in India up to the Gupta Period ," Silk Rolui
ll rt and Arc/weo/Qgy I (1990); K . Hehrcndt, "A Dateable Halo Type from Gandham"
(M .A. thesis. Univmity of California, 199 1).
n ASlFC 1079 1185; Stein, llrdWJiogicoJ. Sumry of India Frrmli" Cirdt for 191J 12;
Stein, " Excavations at Sahri-B:thlol."
PHASE Ill SCULPTUR E (N THE PESHAWAR BASh'l 223
understanding of la te patterns of reuse, because much of it was piled

up against base ii and stflpa base iii (fig. 57, B; fig. 58) ( ee Appendix C).
It seems possible that some of this material might have been brought
here from neighboring sites that were no longer in use, but this can
only be prop osed as a suggestion.
The presence of nearly 40 fragment~ of phase II narrative reliefs
cannot be taken as an indication that the site was active at that
time. These narratives cannot be grouped into sets, and this earl y
sculpture is so fragmentary that it has completely lost its original
context.
Considerable late p hase Ill iconography is present: Buddhas <u1d
bodhisattvas in (Uw.rrnacakra mudrii, a lotus base, and two bodhisattvas
with crossed <illkles, as well as three Sravastf composite pa nels a nd
ten plaques with Sravastl iconography. M an y more conventional
devotional icons of middle p hase IH are also extant, suggesting tha t
the site was patronized throughout this period. The phase Ill stucco
remains comprise primarily heads, 166 that are very small to life-
size and one tha t is .m onumental. This large number of heads sug-
gests that conditions were not favorable for the preservation of the
m ore fragile bodies of the stucco sculpture at this site.
8.3.3 Salzri-Bahl6l D: Loose Sculpture

The site of Sahri-Bah.l61 D has a body of sculpture similar to that
found at SahrT-BahlOI C, though far less was recovered (see Appendix
D) (fig. 59).26 Phase II rem ains are absent from this site, a factor
that seems to support a late foundation for the Sahri-Bahl61 sites as
a whole. All of the phase Ill material was recovered in reuse con-
texts, and it is composed of a mix of sculptu res with early and late
iconography (see Appendix C on reuse). M ost of the devotional icons
are Buddhas, although some bodhisattvas were also recovered. The
presence of three Sravastl composite panels, and six plaques demon-
strates that late pa tronage occurred at this site. The stucco ma ter-
ial is again lirn.ited to heads: one m onumental Buddha head and 78
small to life-size Buddh a and boclhisattva heads.
26 ASIFC l l86- 1254; Stein, Ardzeowgical Sumy of India Frontier Circk fqr J9 J 1- 12;
Stein, "Excavations a t Sahri-B~,hJol."

224 CHAPTER EIGHT
8.4 17zareli: Loose Sculpture
T hareli was excavated in the 1960s (fig. 68); the photo docwnenta-
tion of recovered sculpture is exhaustive.27 Thus, much more is kno"'tl
about the body of imagery recovered at this site than was the ca~'e
with sites excavated by the Archaeological Survey of India at th;e
beginning of the century. T he report provides documentation of all
of the sculptural and architectural material, even quite ITagrnentaqy
objects. T he finds from T hareli are remark.:tbly different from otht.rr
Peshawa.r ba~in sites because they are executed primarily in schis~
the excavators suggested a 4: l schist to stucco sculpture ratio (s~
Appendix. D).28 The predominant use of schist as a meditun migijt
also suggest that the site dates to phase IT and the beginning ~f
phase m. This contention is born out by the types of sculpture
recovered; it is mostly composed of phase Il material (narrative parr
els, associated sculpture for stiipa embellishment, and many phase n
architectural fragments). Relatively few phase ill devotional icorts
were found, and virtually no late iconographic forms. Aside fro~
the presence of one monumental shrine in area D (D21), no evi-
dence of larger than life-size sculptun: is evident at the site. There
is also no tnce of sculptures with Sravastf iconohrr-aphy, and evei'l
the dlza.nnacakra rnudrii appears in only four instances. 29
More than I ,000 architectural fragments, largely from phase lJ
stii.pas, warrant further study, because tllis category of structure ill
not extant in the sacred areas. 30 This site must have been ve11' actiVl<:
during phase rr, as indicated by the 52 intact narrative panels, 37
significant fragments, six. false gable reliefs, and another 34 large
.
p•eces.
Because the remains of devotional icons appear to be representar
tive of the earlier part of phase Ill , they deserve special attention.
21
Mizuno and Higuchi, eels., Tlwreli., pis. 8 1.- 14 .1.
28 Ibid., 158.
29
Ibid., pi. 81, no. 20; pl. 97, nos. 95, 97; pl. 137, no. 5. Two of these instances
are known only from fragments of hands, though one very small image with a dott•
ble halo and the dltanrwcakra mudrii must date to the late phase m period. In thf.s
last instance, the scale suggests that this could have been the personal possessiO!l
of a monk (see section 6.6.1 Phase lii Use of Personal Devotional Images in
Monasteries).
30
These architectural pieces are mostly moldings, pilasters, cltattriiualf., etc., tbot®
some sculptural fragments are also included, sucl1 as figures under arches and tJil:
more fr:agmenta.ry p.ieccs of narrative and false gable reliefs.

•
PHASE ID SCULPTURE lN THE PESHAWAR BASJN 225
At the outset, it is important to stress that this site was subjected to

considerable looting in the 19th and early 20th century prior to its
excavation. Thus, the recovered d evotional schist icons probably
reflect only part of the site's original sculptural a%emblage. There
is also the question of whether sculptural reuse was ever practiced
at this site. At the neighboring site of Sikri, we know that many
sculptures were found in situ, and this site shared a similar early
phase liT period of prosperity. lf Thareli's devotional icons still stood
in the image shrines, rather than being on the floor of the sacred
area bw·ied under debris, then they would have been particularly
vulnerable to the early collectors.
Only 19 standing Buddhas, 15 seated Buddha~, 18 bases of seated
Buddha~, and 23 heads were found at Thareli. The less numerous
bodhisattvas include five standing bodhisattvas (bases counted as full
images), 15 seated bodhisattvas (bases counted as full images), and
four heads. Also foLmd were 207 miscellaneous pieces of schist Buddha
and bodhi~attva images (see Appendix 0 ).31 Thus, there were about
twice as many Buddhas as bodh:isattvas, which is significant when
we compare it to the remains found at Loriyan T angai and Takht-i-
bahi (courts IV- V ). As the latter two sites received many late phase
Ill commissions, it could be that this was the main time when bod-
hisattvas were being produced. In contrast, Thareli appears to have
declined after the middle part of phase m, explaining the lack of
monumental sculpture and late iconography; could this also explain
the scarcity of bodhisattva images?
The Thareli body of sculpture has interesting implications for
understanding the development of image shrines. The small image
shrines common especially in court D at Thareli seem to have been
built to accommodate early icons. A~ noted above, most of the Thareli
devotional icons are Buddhas; the fewer bodhisattvas all exhibit sim-
ple (earlier) iconography. Perhaps these devotional icons each occu-
pied separate sh1ines, and the idea of placing multiple images, to
form more complex iconographies, was a later Gandharan innovation.
31 Unfo•tunatd)', no scale was provided with the photographs, so it was not pos-
sible to differentiate the major devorionaJ icons li·om minor ones.

PHASE Ill SCULPTURE lN HIE P.ESHAWAR BASIN 227
vation provides an incomplete picture (see Appendix D). Especially

noticeable is the fact that so few schist devotional images were found.
There is a relative lack of stucco sculpture; apparently the thin layer
of debris covet-ing this site offered little protection. Most of the stucco
fragments recovered came fi·om the lower bases of small phase 111
stupas. Large quantities of stucco sculpture must have been present
originally, as indicated by the presence of nwnerous late phase Ill
monumental shrines.
Numismatic and architectura l evidence shows that Ranigat was
active dwing phase IT (see section 4.2.1 Ranigat: Phase U Architecture),
and tllis is solidly corroborated by the recovery of remarkable quan-
tities of sculpture from this period. A total of 78 intact scllist nar-
rative panels were found, along v.lj,th 209 recognizable fragments.
T he onJy orher site to yield such great quantities of narrative imagery
is Thareli, followed by Loriyan T~il'•gai, T akh t-i-bahi, and J amal
Garhr. Other phase II- III schist remains include 131 vedikii. pieces,
64 fragments of false g-able reliefs, l 73 small schist heads, 448 frag-
ments of small schist figures, and 1212 scllist architectural fragm ents.
These remains suggest that as m<my as l 0- 20 phase Il stzipas orig-
inally stood at tl1is site. A handful of these early small stupas were
clustered around the earl y main stiipa in the eastern acred area (figs.
78, 80).
Altl10ugh the phase IU schist sculpture is incomplete, some use-
ful conclusions can still be drawn. ot surprisingly, small to medium-
sized Buddha and bodhisatt.va images with conventional iconography
attest to active p atronage in early and nliddle phase liT (see Appendix
D). More sophisticated iconographi.c forms typical of late phase HI
production are limited, but they include five seated Buddhas and
one bodhisattva in dh.annacall1'a mudrii. Among the boclhisattvas, there
are also three seated images with crossed ankles <U1d one eatcd
example on a stool with a pendant leg.36 Although 35 fragments
show that Sravasti composite panels must have been donated at this
site, this class of imagery was less popular than at other cemers like
Sahrr-Bal1161 or Takht-i-bahl (see Appendix D).
~ T he crossed-ankle motif must be q uite late, as it never <tppea•-s in the narra-

tive sculpture o r among th e convemional mid-ph ase ill icons. ln contrast, it is a
common element in the Sriivasti composiic reliefs and is found lH laic•· sites i.n cen-
tral Asia. The bodhisattva \l~th pendant leg motif is not so easily dated, as it is
quiie rare in Gandhara, but it does appear t•epeatedly in the la te phase IIJ Sravasti
composite reliefs.
ll
'II
II Bahan dengan hak cipta
228 CHAPTER EIG HT
8. 7 In S£tu Imagery from Sites in tJze Peslzawa:r Basill and Swiit
Late reuse of sculptural imagery, coupled with poorly documented

excavations and treasure hunting have largely obscured our unde)"-
standing of the original placement of sculptures in the Pesha~r
basin. Nevet·theless, some schist sculpture and considerable stu o
material have been fotmcl in situ, giving us a general idea of scul -
ture placement. In the following section, in situ remains are describ d
on a site-by-site basis, to provide some sense of the contexts with1rn
which schist devotional images were placed (see also section 8.21,4
T akht-i-bahr Small Sacred Area XIV: Loose and In Situ Sculpture).
8. 7 .l Silcri: In Sit.u Sculpture and the Ard1.iteclural Organization of the Sjle

T he site of Sikri, which is no longer extant, was very near That·~i
along the northern edge of the Peshawar basin (see also section 5.31.3
Sikri: Original Sculptural Placement). H arold Deane, the assistapt
commissioner at Mardan in 1888, excavated thjs site, but the officl'tl
publication that resulted has been lost. 37 Fortunately, a copy of
site plan was placed on display in the Lahore Museum, and althou
it has been damaged, it can be reconstructed on the basis of
appearance in early 20th century photographs (fig. 90).ss
The most famous component of this site is the single-celled shri~e
(R l), which contained a stflpa with an in situ set of 13 narrat:We
panels (fig. 91).39 This single-ceUed stiipa shrine (RJ ) can most re~
ily be compared to shrine 0 6 at the nearby site of Tharel.i (fig. &9)
(see section 7.3 T hareli: Phase II and Ill Architecture). The late nar-
rative sculpture 40 attached to the stiljJa in tllis shrine provides ~ e
best means to date this structure.
T he base of a related shrine (R 6) appears in the upper left cor-
ner of the plan; the front part of this structure has the characteqs-
tic fom1 of a two-celled relic shrine (see sec6on 4.1 .2 The Dhannaraji}-a
Complex: Phase IT Architecture and the R elic Shrine). A large "idol"
(S6) was found adjacent to the steps leading up to tlus platform; this
:n Dean e, k lcmormui111n on Excavations aJ Sikri, rusaj<.ai. The history of the excaya-

cion at Sikri and documentation of some of the recovered sculpture are addre$:d
in Oar, "The Silai Sculpnu·es."
38 Da1·, '"n1e Sikri Sculptures," 2 1- 3.
!1!1 Bchrendt, "Narrative Sequences in the Buddhist RetiefS fi·om Gan dhar:a"; ll ar,
"The Silrri Sculptures"; Foucher, " Les Bas-Reli cfs du Stiipa de Sikri (Gandhara,}."
"' Behrendt, "Narrative Seq uences in the Buddh ist ReliefS frorn Gandhara."

PHASE Ill SCULPTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 229
devotional sculpture would bracket the ent:ranceway. This kind of

image placement is often observed with ~vo-celled shrines, as at
T akht-i-bahl (fig. 2, ~o-celled shrines Tl- T 4), Marjanai (figs. I 06,
107), or the T apa-i-kafa.riha stiijJa shrine from Afghanistan (fig. 116).
Although only the R6 base survives, its plan is consistent with those
of two-celled shrines at many other sites, including tl1ose at Takht-i-
bahl mentioned above. A similar base was also found at Sahri-BahJol
A, where eight in situ devotional icons bracketed the entra nce (figs.
54, 55).
Eight other " idols" are indicated on De.:1.11e's plan, four of them
in image shrines (SI , S3, S7, and S8). Tlus early plan shows only
the interior walls for most of the image shrines at the site, but just
to the left of the main st1ipa complete image shrines are indicated
(R 2- R5), one of which contained a large standing "idol" (S3). 111e
placement of this devotional icon is helpful because its image sht·ine
can be directly compared to better known examples from other
Peshawar basin sites. T he scale of the R2- R5 image shrines and the
inset steps on their fayades, for doors or shutters, seem to be typi-
cal of middle phase Ill image shrines su ch as those found at sites
like Thareli (fig. 69), Mekhas<U1da (fig. 65), or Takht-i-bahl (figs. 2,
46, 4 7).
Several of the indicated "idols" were not found in shrines (S9 and
S lO and possibly S2 and S5), suggesting that their placement is alcin
to that of the additive images found at Mohra Moraclu, Jauliati, or
Takht-i-bahl (see section 6.3.9 Mohra Moradu: Phase Ill Architecture
and Additive Imagery; section 8.2 .2 T akht-i-bahf: Sacred Area XX:
Loose Sculpture). T he unenshrined Sikri "idols" could owe their loca-
tion to later reuse, as was the case in the lower Takht-i-bahl sacred
area (fig. 46). However, they probably reflect original locations,
because they were placed at the edges of the sacred a rea, not adja-
cent to relic structures, as is generally the case with reused sculp-
tures, such as those from Sahr1-Bahl61 (fig . 58) (see Appendix C).
Most compelling are the facts that other "idols" at this site were left
in shrines and that in situ na rrative reliefs were lound in stzijJa shrine
R 1, indicating that the imagery of this site was not disturbed by a
late period of reuse.
The site of Sikri shows many commonalities with T hareli, espe-
cially its sacred area D (fig. 69). As noted above, the two sites have
similar single-ceiJed stilpa shtines and a similar configuration of smaiJ
to medium-sized image shrines. It is significant that both were built
so that tJ1e sacred area had an open face towa rd a t-a.vi.ne. At Silu-i
PHASE IJ( SCULPTURE IN THE PESHAWAR BASIN 231
found exactly as they had been left, a common chiragh pamp]; one
of them was blackened at the tip by tJ1e wick that had burnt out at
the socket." 44 In 1872 Cunningham reported finding a basement at
Sahri-Bahlol that once supported several separate chapeh. T en in
situ Buddha figures were found, some of them still upright; two were
colossal, and the others were life-size or smaller. 45 Because reuse was
so common at the kno·wn Sahri-Balllol sites, the placement of these
images may not reflect their original context.
8. 7.3 M'eklwsanda: ln Situ Sculpture

A significant number of in situ scllist sculptures were found at the
Peshawar basin site of Mekhasanda (fig. 65). The in situ finds include:
a scllist Buddha torso in shrine 21 (fig. 66), a schist bodhisattva head
in shrine 45, an image socket in shrine 36, me base and feet of a
schist Buddha in shrine 43, a sculpture base i:n shrine 33, a large
stucco head in front of shrine 45, and a schi~t bodhisattva image
recovered to the left of shrine 33:~6 The distribution of these sculp-
tures follows a pattern similar to that observed at Sikri, and it seem~
to confirm tl1at small to medium-sized Buddha and bodhisattva devo-
tional icons were housed in the moderately sized phase Ill image
shrines.
More unusual. is a standing Buddha image mat was found lying
next to a p linth (probably its ot·iginal location) in room ix (figs. 67,
65) at the southem edge of the site.47 Although the function of this
room is not easily detetmined, its location in the site and its shape
suggest that it was one of the so-called assembly halls found mrough-
out Taxila, the Peshawar basin, and Swat. H owever, this is the only
instance of an image being found in such a chamber. I suggest that
its presence indicates that this room had some ritual function, and
its placement in such a removed context might mean tl1at its use
was not extended to the general public .
.. Quoted in Errington, "The Western Discovc•y of the An of Candhara," 122.

Sec also BeUcw, A General Report 011 the Tusuftais, 1.42.
•s A. Cunnjngham, Ardzaeowgical Surory I![ India 5 ( 1.872- 3), 43; Errington, "The
Western Discovery of the AJt of Candhara," t 24.
~ Nfizuno, eel., /ltlekluzsanda, L5, 85- 89.
H fbid., 87, pi. 29, nos. 1- 3; pi. 35, no. 2.
C HAPTER Nll'SE
BUDDHIST ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE OF

GANDHARA: CO CLUSJO S
Brisk commercial exchange brought great wealth to the Peshawe«

basin, Taxila, <md the Swat valley, and it was this trade activity thw:
facilitated the introduction of new religious ideas and a.rtistic mod es
of expression. A complex array of Buddhist ideologies was intro~
ducecl into the wealthy GandMiran monastic communities, where
these varied belief systems commingled and were u·ansformed ove:r
the course of nearly 1,000 years. The movement of people as they
engaged in trade provided a vehicle for the new reljgious notions
developing in Gandhara to reach India, central Asia, China, ancil
beyond. Thus, an understanding of Gandhar an Buddhism offers a
valuable means of w1tangling the larger religious traditions of Asia.
The scarcity of written documents in Greater Gandhara leaves tht
extensive architectural and sculptural material as the main forms of
evidence about this early culture. Fundamental to interpreting these
data is a chronologic fram ework. The relative phase developmental
structure presented herein integrates architectural, numismatic, and
sculptural evidence. This three-pronged approach, which is addressed!
in detail in Appendixes A- D, provides a means to cross-check and
corroborate observed trends. Divisions in the ~u·chitectural tradition
are temporally grounded by use of the numismatic record to pro-
vide a basis for establishing a relative chronology, here separated
into fo ur phases.
Determining the phase boundary dates is difficult; the anchors for
absolure chronologies, such as the time of Kani~ka's era, a re stiU
hotly debated. Thus, the phase system reflects only a relative chronol·
ogy !.inked to dynastic succession and the minting of coins. In this
way the few dynastic .inscriptions are readily integrated. New evi-
dence might constrain this chronology more exactly; in any case, the
phase system can be expanded or compressed accordingly. Placing
the sculpture within the phase frru11 ework is possible tlu·ough care·
ful study of its original archjtectural context-a standing image of
the Buddha can be roughly dated on the basis of the date of the
shrine it would have occupied.
•
BUDDI-UST ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE OF GA."'DHl\..RA 235
Fortunately, thousands of sculptures and architectural fragments

were photographed at the time of their excavation. This extensive
group, listed partiaUy in Appendix D, can also be related to the
arcl1itectural development and thus provides a statistically significant
body of data that can be interpreted in a variety of ways. In addi-
tion, considerable isolated evidence can be used to clarify the inter-
nal structure of the broad architectural and sculptural trends. Thus,
one goal of this book is to contextualize such evidence so that it can
be used to provide a solid and verifiable foundation for interpreting
the Gandharan Buddhist tradition.
Regional variation in Greater GandMira is a defining character-
istic of the area; however, even adjacent sites were configured and
patronized in markedly different ways. The freedom to recontextualize
diverse notions and to rework the architectural organization and sculp-
tural embellishment: of Buddhist centers is what made the Gandharan
tradition so vital. Although our tool~ for understanding the subtle
varialions among adjacent sites are limited, the broader trends present
in different regions are more readily apparent. In this light, Taxila,
the Peshawar basin, and the Swat valley are to be understood as
related but independently developing Buddhist communilies.
9. 1 Phase I
As is commonly the case when origins are traced, the evidence gets
increasingly scarce as one approaches the point of inception. Un-
doubtedly, no record exists of the first Buddhists to visit Ganclhara,
and the earliest remains that can be securely identified provide tan-
talizingly little evidence for understanding this nascent tradition. A
possible Mauryan-period presence of Buddhism in Greater Ganclhara
is suggested by several ASokan inscriptions, but their content does
not directly aqdress the introduction of Buddlusm. The earliest coins
found at archaeological sites also date to this time, but they have
been found as isolated, worn examples and can only hint at possible
early activity. However, by the end of the 2nd century B.C .£., th.e
Dharmarajika complex in Taxila (fig. l) and at Butkara I in Swat
(figs. 97, 98) were occupied, as indicated by a statistically significant
number of coins.
At these early sites the distribution of donated structures provides
us with clear evidence for determining which parts of the sacred
area were devotionally significant, and their placement hints at how
BUDDHIST ARCHJTECTURE AND SCULPTURE 01' CAl'll)HARA 237
involved plac.ing round stupas either on square bases or within shrines,

where the square base was consistently omitted (fig. 99) (see section
5.4.1 The Base and section 6.5 The Phase HI Small Stiipa). The
early square-based sttipas such as those in the Taxila ciry of Sirkap
(figs. 10, 11) appear to have served the same function as the vedikiis;
they mark and delimit the sacred space of the stiipa. This is probably
why such railings were sometimes affixed to the upper rims of some
of these square stzipa. bases. I suspect that this also explains why relic
shrines were at times placed on high, square bases, as can be seen
at later sites l.ike T okar D ara (figs. 112, 113). The stairway leading
up and onto the square base of the stiipa is another Gandharan inno-
vation that wouJd have had ritual significance, an a rchitectural char-
acteristic that seems to contradict the practice of circumambula tion .
Although ve1y little is known about the embellishment of these
early stl1jJas, some extant schist sculpture used to adorn them must
date to phase I. For example, at Chakpat a set of in situ garland
holders ringing a round main stilpa likely date to this period (fig.
11 4), a nd a similar phase I garland holder from Sirkap (fig. 12) bears
an early donative inscription. It appeaJs that individuals may have
commissioned single sculptu ral elements; this possibility suggests that
the decoration of the stilpa as a whole was funded by muJtiple patrons,
following a pattem also seen in the construction of caves and stupas
in west India at tl1is ame time.
Although it seems likely that the Gandharan narrative tradition
has its roots in phase I, this issue has become inseparably tangled
with the origin of the antl1ropomorphic Buddha image. R eliefs that
do not contain Buddha images, such as the stair risers from Jamal
G arhr (fig. 62), which show some identifiable jlilakas, have been put
forth as early sculptural products.
9.2 Phase If
Buddhism came to be firmly esr.abtished in the Peshawar basin, Swat,

and Taxila during phase II; many new centers were established, and
a "'ride range of new architectural forms were developed to serve
Gandharan interests and needs. The structures built dming this period
can be chronologically bracketed by the coins of the Great K ush<U1
kings, including, among others, those of Vima Kadphises and Kani5ka
I and ending with Huvi~ka (i.e., coins from the middle to late lst
BUDDHlST ARCHITECTURE AI'ID SCULPTURE OF OAJ\'DRARA 239
relics were displayed in identifiable relic temples, most commonly in

two-celled shrines (see Chapter Three). Additionally, using Faxian's
description, we can identify three direct-access siii.pas with room-sized
relic chambers that were regularly entered: the phase I J ar:u;Lial B
complex outside of Sirkap (see fig. 15), the phase U main A4 stupa
of Kalawan (fig. 20), and the probable phase IV stzipa at Mohenjo
Daro in the Sind. Such enterable stupas appear to have been used
to store relics that were at times brought into the open for venera-
tion. Tlus category of stii.pa, together with numerous one- and t·wo-
celled relic shrines found throughout Greater G andhara, shows
conclusively that devotion to relics was central to religious practice.
T h e pilgrim accounts also inclicate that seeing such relics, esp ecially
tJ1e alms bowl, was a climactic goal of Clunese pilgrimage.
Massive relic shrines first appeared during phase I, and produc-
tion of such structures appears to have continued un tiJ phase IV.
H owever, it was during phase II that the greatest number of relic
shrines wa~ fabricated. D uring phase II a coherent relic-shrine type
emerged at non-urban Buddhist center&--ilie two-celled shrine, best
characterized by structures from Butkara Ill (figs. l 00, I 02). Although
most two-celled shrines are empty, presumably having housed openly
displayed relics iliat are now lost, many ext<mt two-celled shrines
contain masonry stupas. AltJ10ugh less readily identified, single-ceUed
relic shrines, with their characteristic C-shaped plan, also are impor-
tant components of phase I1 and Ill sacred areas; clear examples
are the D6 stupa shrine in the lower sacred area of Thareli (figs . 69,
70) and stupa shrine R 1, at Sikri, which contained the famou s Sikri
stiipa now in the Lahore museum (figs. 90, 9 1). An interesting aspect
of these relic shrines is tJ1at me relic was not always on display.
Thus, even when the relics were not available to tJ1e worslupper,
these buildings must have been perceived as places resonating witJ1
the power of the relic, much like a closed sW,pa (see fig. I 19).
T he tradition of displaying relics was not Limited to Gandhara, it
seems mo•·e likely that it was a widesp read practice in the early
Buddhist world. T wo good examples of places where relics proba-
bly were displayed, in structures or in conjunction with them, are
temple 17 from Sai'ici and the cell and throne on the right edge of
tJ1e porch of vilziira 19 at Bhaja.
During phase II some public sacred areas were created which are
essentially an amalgamation of relic structures that reveal new, dis-
tinctly Gandharan a rchitectural forms. Typically, ilie central main
Elements sous droits d'auteur

240 CHAPTER NINE
stiipa or a cluster of core devotional structures was encircled with

small stupas and relic shrines; a good example is the site of Kii.lawa.a
(fig. 20). It appears that the earlier phase I practice of enclosing the
sacred area with monastic residences was abandoned in favor of
structures suitable to the devotional interests of a public audience.
Inscriptions indicate that some of these two-celled rel.ic shrines, whicb.
were used by the public and occupied a prominent position in the
sacred area, \vere financed by members of d1e lay community. The fact
that individuals were financing impo1tant components of the sacred
area is ci·iticaJJy important, because it means that these Buddhist
devotional centers were dynamically transforming to accommodate
shifting religious practice.
It seems likely that dUI·ing phase li rhe perimeter relic shrines
were venerated sequentially by worshjppers, because they are com-
monly arranged to accommodate circuman1bulation; alternatively,
relic shrines and small stfipas were an-anged to form processional
avenues. In either case, the circulation of devotees was carefully
orchestrated. The culmination of these itineraries likely consisted of
viev.ri.ng or possibly even touching the central relic, although in many
instances a more conventional main stft.pa served this function. One
wonders if this kind of theatrical presentation was designed specifically
to attract the patronage of local worshipers and pilg1i.ms, as was the
case in the medieval Christian tradition.
Ta:xila has the earliest known monasteries, which date to phase I.
They do not follow a strict codified plan; instead, it appears that
small cells were placed at the edges of the newly forming sacred
areas so that they faced the main stupa. Although we have no way
of knowing for certain the function of these rooms, it seems proba-
ble that they were used for monastic housing. At large centers like
the Dharmarajika, it appears that stiipa 4 was built specifically to
serve a small monastic community that tived in cells around the
edges of court B (fig. 16). T his pattern is also observed on a much
larger scale, as the Dharmarajika main sacred area is also partially
enclosed by monastic residences that run along the west and north
edges (theE, F, and T structures and the Vl- V5 structure) (fig. 1).
It seems clear that the monastic community wanted to Live in direct
proximity to the main slii.pa, a trend that can also be observed at
early western Indian rock-cut Buddhist sites, where mona.~tic cells
are commonly clustered around the ca:itya halls containing main stti-
pas. Another interesting feature of the phase 1 Dhannarajika viharas
..
Elements sous droits d'autc 1r
Bl.lODJoiiS'T ARCHlTEC'fURE Al'\'0 SCULPTURE OF' GANDHARA 24 1
is the presence of two small stupa shrines in the E-F-T monastery;

in one instance, a stupa was added to the pre-existing cell, and in
the othe r a fuJJy articulated stupa shrine complete with internal cir-
cumambulatory path was attached to this row of ceiJ.s. These monas-
tic shrines are the earliest surviving evidence of a trend that became
much more developed in follo'>ving centuries.
Already at the beginning of phase 11 the codification of d1e quad-
rangular monastery had occurred; a repeating residential plan can
be observed at many sites in T a.xiJa, the Peshawar basin, and Swat.
T ypically, d1ese multi-storied structures consist of rows of residential
cells organized <u·ound ru1 open interior court:yMd bounded by a
veranda (see figs. 32, 33). Commonly, assembly halls were attached,
altJ1ough in some cases they stood as independent buildings. By the
end of pha.~e Il most m onasteries had kitch ens. Almough in a few
•·are instances the main stii.pa was placed in the monastic courtyard,
as was the case during phase I, more often the residential cells were
separated fi·om the public sacred area. This is a significant shift in
m onastic p ractice because it m eant that the most significant relic
so·uctw·es were placed in ili.e public sphere, whe re, not coincident-
all.y, the vast majority of donative structures were placed. Coll'e-
sponding to tl1is separation of the sacred area and the uihiim is the
widespread appearance of small internal stupa shrines serving the pri-
vate devotional needs of ilie monastic community.
D uring phase 11 most of the newly constructed monaste ries were
built within walking distan ce of regional centers like ilie Dhannru·ajika
complex, But.kara I, Sal1ri-BahJ6l, and H ac;l<;la. A simjJar pattern of
regional cente r and satellite monastic sites is seen in northern I ndia,
where Sai'icf stupa I has the sites of Andheri, Bhojpur, and Sonari
(me Bhilsa topes); comparable examples, notably Junnar, ru'e found
in western India. In the nortl1wcst, each minor m onasl'ic cente r had
its own main stUpa and a small sacred area, but often iliey were
unable to attract donations fi·om the lay conununity. T his suggests
that the la rge regional center drew the publ.ic and that these new
viltiims served only the needs of the monks. Were the subsidiar y sites
created because the m onks wanted seclusion, or did economic con-
siderations drive this kind of decentralization? Alternatively, p erhaps
ili.ese smalJ communities reflect sect.:1.rian divisions, although scant
evide nce exists to support this supposition other than ilie fact that
mru1y of the satellite sites had different configurat-ions of devotional
structures.
Elements sous droits d'auteur

244 C HAP'TF..R NINE
on the basis of sculptural representations of stz1fJas that show the false

gable, and there are several actual stftpa domes having parts of such
reliefs or bearing traces of their attachment. Production of false gables
was not restricted to phase U, however; in some instances late iconog·
raphy and motifs appear in these reliefs, especially in conjunction
with large multi-piece false gables. Moreover, some of the earliest
devotional icons that can be dated on the basis of mason ry were
found '"',jthin trilobe frames (fig. 18). T h e long life span of the falser
gable framing device is well attested: it appears in phase IV on at
least one main stupa (fig. 117), and embedded false gables also are
found in late phase Ill or phase rv Sravastr composite reliefs (fig.
127), suggesting that this latter category of sculpture may well have
been placed on drums of main stilfJas.
As these phase II stilpas fell into ruin or were refurbished, the
sculpture was reused; in these instances the broken and worn sculp-
ture was deposited in or around relic shrines. This pattern of rede-
position seems to indicate that early imagery, even when incomplete
and assembled into heterogeneous groups, remained religio usly
significant (see Appendix C). The location of the redeposited sctup-
ture shows that for the Ganclharan Buddhist it was imp01tant to
place narrative images of the Buddha near a relic, a de·fin ing pat-
tern of image reuse that continued into later centuries.
It is reasonable to suggest that during phases I and II, when the
maj01ity of Buddhi~t sites were being founded in T axila, the Peshawar
basin, and Swat (fig. 4), there was a fairly coherent and uni.fied reli-
gious u·adition. Building activiry fi·om phase II is most easily recog-
nized in T axila because of the use of a characteristic masonty type,
but we also have considerable evidence from Swat. In the Peshawar
basin it is much more difficult to address the development of the
phase IJ sacred area, because extensive phase Ill refurbishment and
phase IV reuse mask the early remains. However, it is certain that
many sites were occupied during this period, as is inclicated by the
recovery of coins and large quantities of phase fi sculpture (see
Appendix D).
9.3 Phose Ill
Almost all of the sires established during phase 11 were greatly

expanded dUJing phase III, and large quantities of sculpture wen::
Elements sous droits d'aute 1r

246 CHAPTER NINE
phase l1I (see Appendix D). M oreover, an upper chronological Limit

for this kind of image production seems clear; by phase IV, monu-
mental sculprures and images with complex iconography had sup·
planted the phase Ill tradition.
A clear chronological trend showing how image shrines developed
can be traced at m any sites in T axila where considerable numis~
m atic evidence and m asonry trends can be used to ground a pro~
gressive structural typology. The pattern of shrine development
observed in TaxiJa is particularly relevant to this chronology becauscs
it can be linked to complex architectural developmentS in the Peshawatr
basin where similar phase m and IV sacred areas ar e found. It
appears that during phase Ill, image shrines were donated individ•
ually and in & rroups. Late in phase Ill , patronage cleru·ly shifted to
fund the construction of monumental image shrines, which in T axila
were fab ricated in double-serni-ashhu· m asonry. Consistently at sites
in TaxiJa, the Peshawar basin, and Swat, the monumental imag~;
sh1·ines are am ong th e latest additions to the sacred area.~ . These
massive structures seem to indicate that at some sites patronage did
not drop off until sometime early in phase lV .
Evidence indicates that donated image shrines were placed when!
they would be r·eadily seen, although always in relation to a stftp4
or relic shrine. Commonly, prominent image shrines were placed
opposite entranceways (fig. 6 1; the monumental shrine at the head
of the stairway leading into sacred area 3) or at the ends of pro-
cessional corridors (fig. 65, shrine 37), where they would have had
the greatest impact. Clearly, one of the most desirable locations was
the area surrouncfu1g the main stupa, indicating that circtiman1bula-
tion rem ained a defining factor throughout phase lli (figs . 65, 69).
Processional corridors lined with image shrines also were created to
provide access to the main stilpa or act as condui ts within the sacred
area. Another popular place for image shrine donation was th e ru·ea
bracketing the entrance to a m onastery.
Devotional icons were not always housed in shrines; instead, many
individually commissioned additive schi~t and stucco images were
placed on the drums and bases of m ain stilpas, on small stfl.pas, in
pre-existing image shrines, affixed to the walls of the sacred a1·ea,
and within monasteries. T he pattern of additive image distribution
is not always easy to determine, because image shrines survive in
the archaeological record more commonly than do e>:posed images.
Also, images placed outside or image shrines m·e easily confused with
Elements sous droits d'aute r

•
Bti.DDHIST ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE OF GAiNDHJ.\RA 249
use of devotional icons is quite different from that in Taxila, where

stucco was the dominant medium. In contrast, schist was much more
widely used for sculpting devotional images in the Peshawar basin.
Such imagery Lasts Longer, and so it is sometimes possible to recon-
struct the assemblage of schist sculptures that stood in a given
Peshawar basin sacred area, even though Later reuse obscures the
original placement (see Appendixes C and D).
Although this kind of evidence is helpful for reconstructing the
total sculptural embellishment of a given Peshawar basin site, it tells
u~ nothing about the original placement of these images. In fact,
very little evidence exists for the placement of schist devotional icons
with the exception of a few 19th centwy records and a small num-
ber of images that were recovered in 20th century excavations. The
disuibution of these sculptures seems to confirm tl1at small to medium-
sized Buddha and bodhisattva devotional icons were housed in the
moderately sized phase ill image sl1rines. Significantly, at Mekhasanda,
a standjng Buddha was found in one of the so-called assembly halls.
Its presence suggests that tlus room had some ritual function and
that other assembly halls may have also housed images.
Although the large Peshawar basin sites share many sb·uctural
features with sites in Taxila, the configuration of their sacred and
monastic ru·eas fol.lowed a diflerent trajectOiy. In part tl1is is because
they were perched on the slopes of steep mountains, a factor that
constrained thei r growth . Often tl1e monastic population Lived in
two- and three-story small mountain vihiiras; at Takht-i-bahr 60 such
residential SLTuctures occupy the ridges around the sacred area; they
housed a monastic population of 250- 350 people (fig. 44). Equally
decentralized was t11e growth of the sacred areas; typically, multiple
sacred areas were constructed at a given site, and adrutional main
sttipas and surrounding image and relic shrines augmented d1e public
sacred area. Additional small independent monastic sacred areas were
placed among the mountain vilziims. Thus a worshipper was confronted
with multiple zones suitable for devotion; comn1only, these were fab-
ricated in successive time periods. In some cases, auxiliary sacred
areas developed spontaneously around devotionaUy significant small
stupas that attracted an ongoing stream of patronage. Wl1en a new
main strtpa was established during phase Ill, it was often accompa-
rued by one or two small stii.pas, and commonly the area was enclosed
by a court of image shrines. For example, at T akht-i-bahi the pub-
lic sacred area was composed of original modest phase Il main stiipa

BUDDH.IST ARCHTTECTIJRE MiD SCIJLP'llJRE OF CAl"'IDtL~ 251
monly served the monastic population. Such monastic relic shrines

first appeared in phase I, and the practice continued througho ut
phase ill. Some of the T axila quadrangular monasteries built at the
beginning of phase Ill included small stupas in their courtyards, on
axis with the eno·ance. A similar kind of stilpa placement is seen at
later northern l nclia sites like Ialanda. However, these courtyard
stupas augmented the main sUipas at these sites and were intended
for the resn·icted use of the residents. Thus, the older tradition of
integrating stzipas into the rnonastic enclosure was still followed.
Although relic sh1·ines remained important, phase Ill marked the
beginning of monastic image shrines. These shrines must have had
a religious signjficance different from that of the image shrines of
the public sacred areas, because this is the one context in which
devotional icons are not in clirect association with relics. The small-
est devotional images found in monasteries clearly were used by incli-
viduals. Because of their portability, only a few such iconic sculptures
have been found, but the presence of even these few suggests that
this practice was more widespread. A good example of a personal
devotional image is a small bronze bodhi.sattva holcling a flask, found
in ceU 18 of the Akhauri' B monastery when it was excavated (figs.
22, 23). We are afforded a bit more context with a small schist relief
found in situ in the wall ruche of cell 2 of the j aulia1'i monaste1y;
this relief shows a seated Buddha in ablzaya mudrii flanked by two
figures (figs. 27, 30). Interestingly, this plaque with its filleted frame
can be compared to plaques with similar iconography and others
containjng Sravastf triad iconography such as those found in the
two-celled relic shrine T4 at Takht-i-bahi (fig. 53).
In the quadrangular monasteries of Taxila, a significant number
of over-life-size images were added to the interior walls of the court-
yards; commonly, they at on large masonry pedestals, some of which
survived even when the stucco sculpture it~elf clid not (fig. 36). l.n
some places, such pedestal images were grouped near stilpo. shrines,
suggesting that they functioned in conjunction with relics. Large
iconic images were at times also placed in residential cells that had
been converted into image shrines (fig. 38). One could argue that
tJus grouping of iconic imagery near monastic stupo. shrines mirrors
what is observed in the public sacred area.
There is some evidence that shrines were sometimes constructed
as pa1t of a monastety's original plan. The Kalawa.n F monastery

252 CHAPTER NINE
(fig. 20) has an oversized cell with front pillar bases and an inter-
nal plinth around the rear. However, because this shrine and monastery
were constructed in phase 11, it seems likely that they originally
housed a stUpa. This pattern of monastic construction with a shrin~
opposite the entranceway is seen at the Gujarat site of Devnimori,
which probably dates to circa 400 C.E. Thus, a developmental trend
can be traced in the northwest that must have been the architeo-
tural prototype for .l ater northern and western Indian sites such as
Aja.J:l~a, Aurangabad, Ellora, Nalanda, Ratnagiri, and others.
In the quadrangular monasteries of Taxila there is one more type
of internal image shrine, smalJ in situ image niches fabricated m
phase Ill semi-ashlar masonry and containing sophisticated late ga11dl101'
ku.Ji iconography (figs. 29, 27, 32, 20). AtJaulian and Mohra Moradu.
these niches bracket the entrance of the monastery or are within thq
actual entrance passageway. In this context it is interesting that at
Mohra Moradu several large, phase III pedestal images occupied
positions that otherwise would have been ideally suited for the con-
struction of garulhaku~i niches; pedestal images B l and B2 sit adja.~
cent to th e entrance. This interrelationship suggests that the pedestal
images were already in place when the construction of gandha.ku:/4
niches commenced.
Because intact gandlwku~i assemblages are known only from three
Taxila monaste•-ies, which happen to have been carefully excavated,
it is impossible to assess how widespread this kind of image use was
in the Greater Gandharan area, but an empty in1age niche found
in a comparable location in the quadrangular monastery at Takht-i-
bah1 (fig. 2) could well have housed such imagery. It also seems pos+
sible that some of the image shrines in the public sacred areas
contained groups of sculptures exhibiting gandhak:u# iconography.
While early phase IIl in1age shrines clearly housed single Buddha or
bodhisattva in1ages, it is not inconceivable that complex groups of
icons were placed in shrines, especially toward the end of phase IlL
The bases of some schist bodhisattva sculptures were left unfinished
on one side, suggesting that they were or.iginaUy installed as atten.
dant figures in triads.
FinaUy, a relationship appears to ex':ist among the monastic g(JJ'ldl!a·
ku.fi assemblages, Sravasti' composite images, and S•-avastr triad image5t
especially in terms of the integration of bodhisattva attendants and
a general tre nd toward complex groupings of figures. At the 5th cen..
tury western Indian site of r\iam.a, similar monastic g(IJUUtalw.# image
Marepian. 3aXIo1llleHI-1~ asropcbKI-1M npasoM

BUDDHIST ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE OF GANmL~ 253
shrines were built (simiJar iconography but on a monumental scale),

and Buddha-bodhisattva triads were placed on main stiif)(IS in the
caif)la halls (notably in caves 19 and 26) in a location that corre-
sponds roughJy to that of the Gandharan false gable.
9.4 Late Plwse Ill mul Phase IV
The econornic prosperi ty that characterized the rnidcUe of phase Ill

appears to have remained a powerful force until the end of tJlis
period. At many sites, like T akht-i-bah'i and j auJiafi, e>:pensive addi-
tions extended tJ1e sacred areas and provided space for new dona-
tions late in phase Ill (fig-s. 27, 2, 45). The !act that these added
sacred areas were never filled provides telling evidence of economic
decline in the Peshawar basin and T axila. The end of phase Ill was
when mona~tic sculpture became more iconographically complex; at
tltis time Sravastf triad and Sravasti composite sculptures appeared
in the public sacred areas (figs. 125, 126). Accompanying these icono-
graphic developments was the ever-increasing trend toward fabricating
monumental devotional icons. The numerous Takht-i-bahi monu-
mental image shrines (fig. 45, Ml - M 14 sru·ines; fig. 47) are a good
example of late phase Ill production. By phase IV the devotional
icons and the shrines that housed them were of even more colossal
proportions, like shrine D at Abba Sahib China (figs. 11 0, Ill). The
phase IV Bamiyan 53-m-tall Buddha C<lll be seen as the culmina-
tion of this Greater Ganclharan emphasis on .image mon umentality.
Little is known about the phase IV Bucldllist tradition; excava-
tions have not focused on this period, and the relative scarcity of
numismatic evidence makes chronological attributions problematic
(see secti.on 7.6 Phase IV: The D ecline of Buddhism). The lower
boundary between phase Ill and phase IV can be taken as the
moment when abundant patronage came to an end in the Peshawar
basin a nd Taxila, som etime in th e m.iddle to la te 5th ce ntury C .E.
It appears that witl1out new funds for the fabrication of images, the
.Buddhist communities r·econtextualized much of the earlier imagery
at tllis time, especially t11e imagery fabricated in the more durable
schist. In this sense, phase IV reuse provides useful data for under-
struldjng Buddhist practice at this time. Evidence of late reuse is seen
most clearly at the Sahri-Balllol sites (see Appendix C).
The sites in the Peshawar basin and T<L-cila were the first to decline,
254 CHAPTER NINE
while centers in Swat and Afghanistan continued to thrive, probably

into the 7th and 8th centuries C.E. This is not to say that construc-
tion at Buddhist centers in the Peshawar basin and Taxila came t0
a halt during tlus period; some late Buddhist structures are recogniza,.
ble in these areas. Characteri~tic phase IV construction includes cn.11
ciform stupas like those of Shah-jl-ki-~herl (fig. 83), Bhamala (fig. 42))
and Salui-Bahlol Site G (fig. 60); the colossal image shrines foun4
at the Dharmarajika complex, Ranigat, and Abba Sahib China dato
to this period, as do trabeated domed ceilings in Afghani~tan and Swal
monasteries. Although it is difficult to gauge when Buddhism vall:'-
ished in these regions, the very late coins found in the relic deposi~
at the sites of Bhamala, Mar)ikyala, and Butkara I indicate that <4
least limited patronage occurred as late as the 8th century C.E.
• '
•
APPE ·orx A
THE FOUR-PHASE C H RONOLOGICAL SYSTEM
The establishment of Buddhist centers in Greater Gandha.ra began

very slowly. During phase I only two independent complexes were
built, Butkara I and Dharmarajika, and a small group of sites in the
city of Sirkap. ·w hile considerably more sites were fo unded during
phase Il (see Chapter Four), it was not until phase Ill that most of
the construction in the Peshawar basin, Ta.xila, and Swat occurred.
The architectural forms that correspond to phase ill account for
perhaps 70% of the material that survives today. A survey of numis-
matic evidence from Greater Ganclhara shows that the Peshawar
valley sites flourished particularly between the reign of Huvi~ka and
about 400 C.E., a period that corresponds to the end of phase II
through phase UI. 1 Some of the most important phase Ill sites are
T akht-i-bahr, Sahri-Bahlol, J amal Ga~·h!, Thareli, Ranigat, Dharmara-
j ika, J auliafi, Mohra Moradu, Butkara I, Saidu, and Nimogram .
Phase IV construction appears to have occurred in Afghanistan, and
sites such as Bamiyan, Fondukistan, and Tapa Sardar th1·ived. In
contrast, only a few sites in the Peshawar basin and Taxila had
active patronage at tJus time: Shah~j i-ki-<,lheri, Bhamala, 1\lfar_Uk:yala,
Bhallar tope, and probably the Dharmarajika complex. However,
Buddhism was still vital in Swat, with activity at Butka ra I, Abba
Salllb China, and T okar Dara, and at tills time many rock-cut images
were fashioned throughout the valley.
The four phases are as follows:
Phase I: Circa 200 B.C.E. to n"llcldle to late 1st century C.E.

Coins were issued by the Mauryan, Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythian,
Inclo-PartJuan , and other kings. T he upper boundary of tills phase
is marked by the Kushan coins of King Kujula Kadphises.
1
Errington, " Nurnimmtic Evidence for Daling the Buddhist Remains of Ganclha.ra,"
197.
256 APPEl'<DIX A
Phase II: Circa middle to late lst century C.E. to circa 200 C .E.
Coins of the Great Kushans, including kings Vima Takto, Vima
K adph:ises, Ka.ni~ka I, a nd H uvi$ka, date this phase.
Phase lll: circa 200 C.E. to 5th centu1y C.E.

This phase began with the coinage of the Kushan King Vasudev:a
I and included the later Kushan, Ku.shano-Sasania n, and m art¥
of the Sasanian rulers.
Phase IV: circa 5th century C.E. to 8th century C.E.

The phase III-phase IV boundary is diffic ult to flx precisely, bwt
coins of the Alchon H uns indicate the start of phase IV, and othe:r
Hun rulers, the later Sasanian kings Khusrau li and Ada.shir, a nli:l
others can be placed in this period with certainty. Dete rmining
even approximate dates for the e nd of phase IV is also problem,..
atic; late coins of the Hindu Shahis, the Umayyad Empire, and
late rulers of Kashmir have been found in Greater Gandhara relic
deposits.
AI Phase I
A 1. I Phase I Dating A"'uidence from Sirkap

This phase began with the founding of the earliest Buddlust centets
in Greate r Gandhara : Butkara I and the Dharmarajika stupa in T a.x:ilit
(figs. 97, I). An early 2nd century B.C.E. date seem s a conservative
benchmark for the beginning of this periocl. 2 Large numbe rs of recov..
ered coins and arc hitectural evidence from the T axila city of Sirka.p
provide means of dating the main period of phase I constructiolJ,
(fig. I 0). Reevaluation of the nwnisma tic evide nce from Marshall's
excavations of tJ1e city of Sirkap significantly modifies the detenm-
na tion of rhe chronology of this peliod. Altho ugh Marshall's maps
are fairly accurate, hi~ control of the vertical strata VU- I at Sirkap
cannot be fully trusted, especially for the earliest laye rs. 3 Strata Uil
1 Enington (Ibid., l92), has reviewed this issue. See also section 2.2.1 Dhmmariijilia
Complex in T axila: Phase J and section 2.2.3 Butkara I in Swa[: Phase I.
3
R. Con.ingbam, and B. Edwat·ds, "Space and Society at Sirkap, Ta.xila: A Re-
Exam ination of UrbaJ'l Fomt a nd Meaning," Anrienl. Pakistan, Vol. XD., l997- 98:
..
Copyrighted materlll
APPENDIX A 257
and II together contain 1817 coins of Azes ll (6- 17 C.E.) and 630
coins of Gondophares (20- 45 C.E.). Stratum Il contains I 780 coins
of the K ushan Kujula K adphises (30- 78 C.E.); this evidence indi-
cates that Sirkap was occupied by the Kushans toward the end of
its use.4 It was during this time that rubble (fig. 9) and km1Jii.r a~h
lar masonry (fig. ll , note masonry) technjques were employed to
constn1ct the various Buddhist centers in Sirkap. It has been sug-
gested that the shift to diaper masonry (fig. 9) and hence the begin-
ning of phase II may have coincided with the occupation of the
Kushans under Kujula K adphises in the mid-1st century C.£.5
Although it is difficult to know exactly when this shift in masonty
types occurred, the coin evidence indicates tl1at there was still a
significant population living in Sirkap in the late lst century C.E.
and into the 2nd cennuy C.E., people who used this new type of
masonry to repair and construct buildings; the archaeological remains
suggest that diaper masoruy was in use for a short period before the
abandonment of Sirkap.
D etenuining the end of the occupation of Sirkap is diA1cult because
fo•· the pe riod after the rule of Kt0ula Kadphises, very few coins of
kings Kani~ka I or Huvifika are found in all of Taxila; thu , their
relative paucity in Sirkap is not surprising. 6 H owever, Sirkap seems
to have been abandoned by the time of Vasudeva (184- 220 C.E.);
only 12 of his coins were recovered, compared to 1900 from tl1e
larger area of Taxila. 7 H owever, the end of Sirkap habitation could
have occurred significantly earlier.
D atable diaper masomy st1·uctures at other sites show that this
phase Il technique was being used in the late part of the I st cen-
tury C.E. Rubble and kaiyiir structures can be associated with coins
of Maues, Azes, Azilises, Azes II, and Kujula Kadphises, all of whom
mled dwing phase J.8 'DUs analysis also reveals that in three instances,
47- 75; G. Erdosy, "Taxila: Political Histor)' and Urban Struc!llre," Soutl1 Asian
Artluuo/ogf 1987, vol. 2, Rome: Istitur.o ltaliano per il Medio ed Esr.n:mo Odcnr.e,
1990, 65 7- 62
• Ibid., 668- 670.
~ R. Allchin, ''Archacolog}' <md the Date of Kan~ka: The Taxila Evidence."
Papers 011 tl~ Date if Karriska, cd. L. Basham, Leiden, 1968, 13.
6 Ibid., 670.
1
Ibid.
8 Kuwayama (''In the Time of Late Sirkap and Early Dhannarajika: How Taxi.la
lno·oduced Stupa Architecll.u·e," paper presented at the conlerence "On the Cusp
of an Era: Art in the Pre-Kusha.n Wodd," Nov. 8- 12, 2000, Kansas City) traces
258 APPE-1\'D IX A
coins of Azes II (6- 17 C.E.) were found in association with diaper

structures; this association may m ean that this m asonry type was in
use as early as the 1st century C.E. H owever, the numismatic evi-
dence is limited, and these coins could easily have been a few decades
old at the time of deposition. (For additional discussion of this bountd-
ary, see Appe ndix A section A2.1 Phase II Dating Evidence.)
A 1.2 Phase I Character if Masonry in T axila

The rubble masonry used in Sirkap and in the Dha.rmarajika cmn-
plex in Taxila during phase I has large irregular, unfmish ed stones
and smaller stones filling the inte rstitia] areas (fig. 9).9 In contrast to
later m asomy types, the large stones we re not laid in consistent bed.s,
and the small chips placed be twee n larger stones were inegularly
organized. The resulting rubble walls were weak and prone to col-
lapse. MarshaU postulated that a circa 30 C.£. earthquake caused
extensive damage and led to the adoption of the more stable dia-
per m asonry type, but this assertion cannot be corroborated with
othe r to rms of doc umentation. 10 However, buildings con.structed in
phase II diaper masom1' consistently are built on top of rubble struc-
tures; diaper was also used to repai1· rubble walls.
The other important type of masonry from phase I is kaifjtlr 11 ash-
l<u· (fig. Il). Unlike tl1e rubble masonry, ashlar m asonry consists of
finely cut rectangular stones that fit tightly together witl1out mortar.
Although primarily a phase I phenome non, it is also found in con.-
junction >vith m a ny late monume nts, probably because it was the
most a ttrac tive and expensive type or facing; it may have been used
__ ___,.
the appearan ce of coins in specific mbble, lwiijrir, and arguably early diaper struc-
tures. Using this evidence, he proposes a chronological sequence for these masotJ.Jy
types, noting the following relationships: Mohfll. Maliarail (n1bble masoruy), 12 co.in.s
of Azes; Dharmarajikii stiipa S8 (rubble}, four coins of J\1.aues Md four coins of
Azes; Dhann ariijika sllipo. R4 (kaiyur), one coin of Azes and one coin of Azilises;
Sidcap sacred a rea lA (rubble and koiijur) th.ree coins of Azes ll; Sirkap sacred area
IG, eight coins of Azes IT; Dhamtarajik.a relic deposir stUpa r7 (diaper), one cGin
of Azes; Dharmarajika slllfJll T 12 (kai"ijiir), one coin of Kujula Kadphises; Sirkap
sacred area l D (diaper), seven coins of Azes IJ and one coin of Kujula Kadphises;
Sirkap I E (rubble/diaper), one coin of Azes II M d two coins of KujuJa K.adph.ises;
Sirkap area l C (diaper), one coin of Azes 11 and two coins of Kttiula Kadphises.
9 J\<
larshall, Taxi/a, I l 8-9, 260.
'" Ibid., 137, 237.
11 A soft calcium carbonate rock more commonly known as travertinc.
Material com direitos autor, 1is

APPF..NDfX A 259
for aesthetic, not structural, reasons.12 Thus, ka;ijur ashlar masomy

indicates patronage as well as time period. Ashlar masonry can gen-
erally be used as a phase I chronological indicator at Taxila because
of its association with n1bble-core structures and certain stylistic forms.
A l. 3 Phase 1 St1Uclural Types

- Large rouJ1d stzipas, such as those at Butkara [ and th e Dharmaraj ika
complex.
- N1edium-sized square sttipas executed in kaiij1i1· ashlar masonry, such
as those found at Sirkap and in the Dharmarajika complex.
- A variety of round and square small stupas.
- Probably a bv large two-celled relic shrines, although this appears
to be primarily a phase ll structural type.
- Irregular monasteries, usual.ly cells placed along the perimeter of
the sacred area as seen in Sirkap and a.t the Dhannarajika complex.
- Absence of image shrines.
A2 Phase !I
A2.l Phase If Dati11g Evidence

The beginning of phase II, when diaper m asonry become popular,
can be placed in the mid- lst century C.E. on the basis of extensive
numismatic evidence fi·om the Taxila city of Sirkap (see section Al.l
Pha~e I Dating Evidence from Sirkap).
At the Taxila site of K alaw·an, the diaper masomy A I stftpa shrine
can be dated on the basis of an inscription on a copper plate recov-
ered aqjacen t to the relic deposit (fig. 20).13 T he inscription men-
tions the !34th year of Azes, likely equivalent to 76 C.E. T his elate
is supported by a silver scroll inscription recovered in the G5- 6 two-
ceDed relic shrine from the Dharmariijika complex (fig. I). T he inscrip-
tion designates the !36th year of Azes, or 78 C.E., and the structure
was fabricated in diaper masonry.'"' AJthough both the si.lver scroll
12
Kiziijiir ashlar masonry was covered with a thin coat of lime plaster; the finished
strucntre would presumably have been painted.
" Marshal!, Ta.>.'ila, 327.
" Fi rzsimmon.s, Stupa Designs at Taxila, 4 1.; MarshaU, Taxila, 48, 53, 256- 7, 327- 8.
Two coins of' Vasudeva found in this strucmrc conoborate this dating.

260 APPENDIX A
and copper plate inscriptions ar e on portable objects, they are asso-

ciated with structures fabricated in sim.ilar masonry, were founP.
with.in a couple of ki.lometers of each other, and refer to dates on-o/
two years apart. T he sacred areas of both KfLiawan and DharmaJii.j ika
have other diaper structures that can be directly compared to those
dated on the basis of these two insc1iptions (figs. 20, l). 15 The masoruy
of the associated structures is consistent, adding to the evidence f®'
cha.racterizing certain prominent phase II architectural forms, notabty
the t\vo-celled shrine (see Chapter Three and section 4.1.1 Ka.Jawan:
Phase 11 Arch.itecture).
Although internal variation exists in the diaper masonry at T axila,
it is reasonable to group these SU"l.ICtures into phase IT. For instance,
the diaper masonry in the Dham1 a~jika G5- 6 sh1ine, which can
be dated on the basis of the inscriptional evidence desaibed above,
is ma rkedly different from the irregular diap er b edding of tl:te
Dharmarajika 13 apsida.l ha.Ll and the regular diap er beds of the
Dharmar ajika D5 shrine.' 6 Variation in the diaper petiod could be
the resuJt of patronage, different workshops, and varyin g availabil-
ity of mat erials, so no attempt is made here to subdivide the period.
The d.iaper mason11' period appears to have ended late in the 2Jtd
centwy C.E., and certainly by 200 C .E. (see section A3.1 Phase I1J
Dating Evidence).
A2.2 Phase 11 Chamcler qf ft!J'asomy in Taxila

The diaper masomy of phase II was more labor intensive and hen0e
more expensive than the nabble masomy of phase I, but apparen ~y
the greater stability that it provided warra nted the expense (fig. 9).
Diaper masonry is laid in beds, the main blocks being faced on the
wall surface and the underside so that level courses could be c~-~
ated. T ightly fitted between th ese faced blocks were thin flat piect!S
rs At Ka.Jawan the A l stiipa shrine can be direcdy related to the A l 3 and Al4
slft.j!a shrines; the main A4 stii.pa; •-elic shrines A3l, AS2, ASS, and AS4; small s/11-
pas A6, A7, AS, A9, A I 0, A l 2; and monasteries C and F (fig. 20). In the Dharmariijika
sacred a.rea, many phase JI diaper so·ucn.u'es were built, notably along the western
avenue, G4, G t-G2, G5- G6, 13, 12, and L, and par ts of the R complex_ Ma.oy
di aper masOluy shrines encir·cle the circumambulatol)' path of the main slti.pa ns
well as the expansion of the H. two-celled shri.ne. Noteworthy is the ~m ph asis on
constructing stupa stuines and rwo-ceJJed relic shrines.
16 See Mar-shall, Taxi/a, pi. 55, no. 5 for 1.he !3 apsidal hall and pi. 55, no. 6
for the 0 5 shrine.
Bahan dengan hak ci~ a

. .
APPENDIX A 261
of waste rock (fig. 9) (herein referred to as interstitial chips). In expen-

sive conslllJction, the<>e interstitial chips were shaped to fit exactly,
as exemplified in the fabric of the Butkara IU stii.pas in Swat (fig.
I 02). The origin of diaper masonry is not known, but it was used
during phases II, Ili, and IV outside of the T axila area, in the
Peshawar basin sites of Takht-1-bahi, Ranigat, Thareli, and Mekha-
sanda, in Swat at Nimogram, A:ndan Dheri, and Butkara TII, and
in the Kabul valley at Guldara. 17 This construction technique can
be used to date only monuments in the T axila area, where it was
used for just a short time before the semi-ashlar masonry tccluuques
became popular (see below). Diaper ma~onry remained a popular
technique in the Peshawar basin, Swat, and Afghanistan throughout
phases II, IU, and IV.
Because schist is friable, it was very difficult to shape the upper,
lower, and exposed faces of the building blocks. T herefore, the most
finished part of the block was typically oriented so that the wall sur-
face would be even, at the e":pense of having ordered, regular beds.
The friable nature of the rock also necessitated the use of blocks of
varying size. These material limitations curtailed the use of diaper
masonry and completely ruled out using semi-ashlar masonry types.
Instead, a sophisticated use of irregular main blocks fitted together
with interstitial chips probably paralleled the development of diaper
masonry and remained popular until the decline of Buddhism in the
area (fig. 47). Although this technique was refined, in the Peshawar
basin and Swat, a consistent pattern of masonry development can-
not be traced or correlated with numismatic evidence.
Because common masonry types are not used across the regions
of T axila, the Peshaw<u basin, and Swat, we must consider com-
mon structural types and the organization of sacred areas to estab-
Lish a relative chronological sequence outside of TaxiJa.
A2.3 Phase If Structural T)pes

- Two-celled stii.pa shrines and two-celled direct-access relic shrines,
produced in considerable numbers. A few were built in phase I
and in phase m.
11
Ibid., 198- 99; my field obse1vations, 1993-94. At many or these sites the
masonry is clearly evident in photographs.

262 APPENDIX A
- Complete absence of image shrines.

- Wide range of large and small stilpa types. A broad developmenr
tal pattern is evident, but it is not useful for dating, because old
stUpas commonly were maintained and refurbished for centurie$
(see section 5.4 T he Phase II Small Stupa: Sculptural Embellishmen:.t
and a Proposed R econstruction).
- Much schist narrative sculpture (see Appendixes B <md D).
- Quadrangular monasteries such as those at J aulilii'i or Mohra
Moradu (but most were fabricated during phases Ill and IV).
- A few mountain villiiras (see section 7.3.1 Thareli: Mountain Vzhiiras~
A3 Phase Ill
A3. I Phase llJ Dati.11g Evidence

The boundary between phases IT and JII is marked by a shift from
diaper masonry to a more sophisticated semi-ashlar technique in th«
TaxiJa area. In the .late part of phase Ill, double and u·iple bands of
ashlar masomy were sometimes applied to the semi-ashlar constructions.
A clear transition from diaper to semi-ashlar masonry can be
approximately dated to circa 200 C.E. (see below).18 The diaper tech-
nique was abandoned in the Taxila area as semi-ashlar came int0
favor, though a period of overlap must have existed.
A consistent numismatic trend emerges from the coins recovered
from semi-ashlar stii.pa relic deposits in the T axila area. Only coim
that were in circulation were deposited in stupas, not old coins. At
Taxila and in Afghanistan, usually only the coins of a single monarch
are found in stz4pas, or coins that were in circulation- that is, those
of the reigns of successive kings. 19 Although additional reliquaries
were often deposited when stupas were encased, these are usually
clem·ly recognizable. 20
18
A reassessment of all of the extant numismatic evidence provides a date that
is reasonably close to Marshall's initial suggestion of the mid-2nd century C.E.
(lV[arshaU, Taxi/a, 261 ).
19
MacDowall, "The Clu-onological Evidence of Coins in StfijXt Deposits," 730- 3:i
20
A good example is the multiple relic deposits from the Mat~iltyala sl1ipa. In
conjunction "~th successive enlargements of the main stii.pa, new relic deposits were
established (sec Errington, "Numismatic Evidence for Dating tbe .Buddhist RemainJ
of Ga.ndh:u-a," 196- 7; MacDowall, "The Chronological Evidence of Coins in Stiip~
Copyrighted mater! )I
I APPENDIX A 263
Semi-ashlar stupas from T axila that had coins in their relic deposits
include the Dharmarajika K 3 stiipa (three coins of Kani~ka I, taken
to be 120- 146 C.E.); the Dharmarajika P6 slilpa (three coins of
Huv~ka, 148- 84 C.E. and another seven of Vasudeva, 184- 220
, C.E.); and the J auliai'\ A 16 stUpa (two coins of Vasudeva, 184- 220
C.£.).21 T aken together, this numismatic evidence from semi-ashlar
stzi.pa relic deposits suggests that this new masonry type had come
into use by 200 C.E. The appearance of coins of Kani~ka I and
H uvil.lka might be taken to indicate that tllis transition took place
slightly earlier, possibly as early as circa I 50 C.E. In the semi-ash-
lar G monastery at Dharmarajika, a hoard of 53 1 coins of Vasudeva
and one of Kani~ka I were found in cell 16,22 another indication
that by the time of Vasudeva, semi-ashlar was in use and phase Ill
bad begun. The continuity of this late masonry type is confirmed
by the recovery of 15 Shapur ll coins (309- 79 C.E.) in the Dharma-
rajika N 11 stiipa and five Kidara Qate 4th century C.E.) coins in the
P7 stupa. 23 The latest numismatic evidence that can be associated
with the use of semi-ashlar masonry is the extensive coin finds from
the Taxila site of Bhamala (fig. 42). T his site can be dated on numis-
matic grounds to at least the late 5th centmy C.E.; 285 coins were
found as relic deposits in the main stzi.pa, small stiipa A5, and small
stzi.pa A l 52' (see Bharnala discussion in section 7.6 Phase IV: The
Decline of Buddhism). The cruciform shape of the main stiipa at
DepositS," 730). In a few rare insta nces, such as stilpa. U I i.n the Dharmarajika com-
plex, the .stiipa was restored in a late period and an ea rly relic deposit was re-
interred. In this stltpa, the relic casket contained a coin of Apol.lodotus U (80- 65
B.C.E.), another of M aues (90- 80 B.C.E.), one of Vonones (75- 65 B. C. E.), and a
defaced coin; the Jtiipa itself appears to be a r·estoration comtructccl i.n phase l1I
semi-ashlar masonry. See MaJ·shall , Taxila, 272.
71
Mar-shall, TaxiW., 263; Ku,vayam a, The Main Stupa at SM!z-ji-kf-tjhen., 23- 26;
Marshall (ExctiiJations at Ta:cila: The Stupru and Monaste1ies at ] aulia11, 8) also discu.'ISecl
the implications of this numisma tic evidence from d1e Dharmarajika complex.
72 MarshaU, TtL~ila, 282 .
., Ibid., 267, 270; see aL~o Kuwayama, " In the lime of l.alC Sirkap and Early
Dharm arajika: How Taxila Inrroduced St1ipa Architectu re."
14
Marsha.U (Taxi/a, 393- 4) recorded two main stilp a coin deposits, the first 3.4
m below the top of the mound, where six coins were found, and the second down
'~. 4 m, where 113 coins were located. He reported that small sllipa AS contained
a Varhan ll coin (276--93 C.E.) and six more coins like those found in the main
slilpa. Sllipa A 15 contained an additional 160 of these small copper coins (1vl arshaJ.l ,
Taxila, 393- 4). ErringtOn ("Numismatic Evidence for Dating the Buddh ist Remains
of G anclbara," 212, 216) has identified these copper coins as late 4th century C.E.
Kushan imitations.

264 APPENDIX A
Bhamala and the presence of a medium-sized Parinirviirta icon on itS

base indicate a phase IV date for this site; also, its plan is compa:.
rable to that of 8th century C.E. Afghani and central Asian sites-.
notably Tapa Sardar.2S Trus evidence from Bhamala shows that semi;.
ashlar masonry remained in use well into phase IV.
A3.2 Phase ill Character if Masonry in Taxi/a.

While it is likely that a few diaper structures were constructed aftq
the advent of semi-ashlar masonry at Taxila, a change fi·om diap~
to semi-ashlar marks the phase II·-phase m botutdary. ln the sem.&
ashlar masonry of Taxila, a layer of large, roughly shaped stoneS
was set on a stable course of brick-shaped rectangular ashlar block~
and small chips of stone were used to fill the interstitial space tO
create a level surface for the next ashlar block layer (fig. 9). Phase
m masonry can be subdivided into early and late periods. The ea~
liest semi-ashlar seems closely related to late phase II diaper, as the
ashlar layers appear gra.dually. 26 For instance, at J auliaii the mail)
stupa and monastery were constructed using this kind of proto-sem&
ashlar masonry, and subsequent repairs were executed in propew
semi-ashlar.21
The main part of phase m, after this short period of deveLOJ»
ment, is characterized by the use of well-developed si ngie-cour~
semi-ashlar (fig. 9).28 The development of stable semi-ashlar masonty
2!1 FiF.lSimmons, Stupa D8sigrzs at Taxila, 46- 7; Kuwayama, The Main Stupa at Shlifr.
j"i-lci·'(iht!li, 92- 3.
26 See l\l.larsba ll, Ta.•ilo, pl. 48b. Note the masonry of the D barmarajika mai:il
sffif[' berm in the lower patt of the photograph.

[bid., 369. Early semi-ashlar masonry, prod11Ced at the beginning of phase IJl1.
is also clearly exemplified at the Dharmarajika complex. There, interstitial chips ih
the diaper masonry l"abric were cut into the lonn of ashlar blocks. This transiriotJ
is evident in the construction of the Kl (fig. 13), K2, K3, P3, P6, and 1 4 stupoi!,
as well as in the added plinth and four stairways on the Obam>arajika main stiiptl.
lnitially, during this transition, lcaiyftr was used for many of the ashlar blocks, bQJ:
this ston e type was rapidly abandoned in favor of the more durable but less mae.
leable limestone.
28 Another devclopmenta.l characteristic is the middle phase :m integration ~t
lraiijur pilasters into th e masonry rather than use of inserted pilasters. I,n later pelf
ods the kaiiju,- blocks were laid in offSet beds and then carved in the shape Qf
pilasters all:er tbe construction of the fuciog was comp.l er.e; as a resuit, r.bey wetj!
actually part of the fabric of the fao;:ade. Prior to this type of intebrration into tb)
masonry, the whole lraf{jilr pilaster was c.-uved out of a single piece of stone fit in$
a socket T hese early, inserted pilasters commonly fell out, because they were se]}
ardte stone elemen[S tbat were not well anachcd to rl1e stJ·ucture.
Material com direitos

. autorai
•
APPEl'IDlX A 265
can be considered a major technological innovation for this period.

Walls could be made thinner and higher, and structures fell less, so
repair was needed less often. In addition, because the ashlar courses
provided a level surface, the use of larger main blocks became viable.
It appears that larger block and smaller block semi-a~hJar was applied
during the middle part of phase ill. At the Kunala monastery, dated
on numismatic grounds to early phase ill, some of the main blocks
are as big as 1.3 by 0.85 by 0.5 meters. 29
A3.3 Phase Ill Structural Types

- Earliest image shrines. At the beginning of phase Ill they were
constmcted on a modest scale, to hold images less than life-sized.
Over the course of phase ill the image shrines became larger and
larger.
- Popularization of iconic, non-narrative images that rapidly became
vital components of sacred an:as.
- 'W ide range of large and small stUpa types. While it is difficult to
use the development of stiipa types as a dating criterion, several
distinct phase Ill forms are distinguishable. Perhaps most charac-
teristic of the middle and late part of phase III are square-stepped
stii.pas with multiple stacked bases; prime examples are those found
at the Taxila site of J auliar1 or Ali Masjid (see section 6.5 The
Phase m Small Stt1pa).
- Single- and double-celled stilpa and relic shrines continued to be
erected, though less commonly than during phase IT.
- Quadrangular mona~teries. The largest ones probably reflect ample
patronage rather than changes in construction techniques.
- Mountain vihiiras, constructed in significant numbers in the Peshawar
basin and to a lesser degree in Swat.
29 'The 94 coins found at Kuniila include one punch-mal'ked, 19 local Taxilan,

one of Hermaeus, seven of Azes I, six of Azes IT, two of Riijuvula, six of Gondophares,
two of Sasan, 22 of Kujula Kadphises, 17 of K~ka, two of Huvi~ka, five of
Viisudeva, and one of V akkadeva. Most of these coins date to phases I and IT,
though some were minted during phase m. However, the (orm of the stupa and
monastery as well as the developed semi-ashlar masonry poim tO a phase m foun-
dation. Thus, the use of large block semi-ashlar masonry cannot be taken as an
indication of late-phase constn1ction. See Mars.hall, Taxi/a, 35 1- 52.

APPENDIX B
DATING GANDHAR AN SCULPTu'RE
Gandharan sculptural production can be divided into a series of dis-

tinct categories that can be linked to the four phases used in this
book. Whi.le artistic matetial can be related to phase I, little of it
can be tied to the Buddhist tradition, a topic addressed in Chap~
ter T wo. H owever, considerable evidence does exist for successive
sculptural production of phases IT, m, and IV. Because the goal is
to understand how imagery functioned in its otiginal architectural
context, thus providing a more complete picture of the BuddhiSt
sacred area, an absolute chronology is not attempted here. Instead,
the sculpture i.s placed broadly in the relative phase sequence so that
the sculpture acquires a functional conte>..1: based on the archaea~
logica.l evidence.
From the beginning, the study of Gandhara has been centered om
determining the sequence of the sculptural production and fin~
absolute chronological anchors. While no single •-elative OT absolute
chronology exists today, there is a broad consensus, which seems ill
genera.! agreement \vith what I propose below. 1 To summarize,
Ganclharan sculptural production began with the early materia.! from
Sirkap (phase I) followed by a period when the many narrative reliefs
were produced (phase IT); the narrative has been broad.ly dated t£>
ben·veen the l st and 3rd century C.E. 2 The large schist iconic images
of Buddhas and bodl1isattvas appeared somewhat later (phase TII);
most vvill agree with a general dating ranging between the 2nd and
5th centuries C.E. On the latter end of this trend of iconographic
development are tl1e schist reliefs with Sravasti iconography. I beli.eve
' V. Zwalf's catalogue of the British Museum broadly reflects the current acad-
emic consensus on the chronologic development of Gandltaran sculpture, a.nd it
n:views man)' of the a.rguJnents that have been put forth here (Zwalf, G111ulJW'Il
Sculpture, 69 - 72}.
2 Only a few narrative relidi> have been found in Afghanistan, and they seetD.
to follo·w a diflerem development. As so little is known about this topic, it is impos-
sible ai this time to make any assertions about chronology.

..
APP.ENDlX B 269
this group must date to late in phase Ill or to phase IV, as they
are commonly found together with other Late sculptures or in late
archaeological contexts, though there is considerable debate sur-
rounding the identification function and dating of these images (see
below). Extensive production of devotional icons in stucco and ter-
racotta seems to have occurred between the 3rd and 5th centuries
C.E., on the basis of in situ evidence from Taxila. This trend can
be extended to the Peshawar basin and Swat (a middle and late
phase Ill trend); this is especially applicable to monumental imagety
0ate phase JII and phase IV). Gradually, we are beginnjng to under-
stand that production in these materials must have continued to as
late as the 8th century in Afghanistan and in restxicted pocket~ in
the Peshawar basin and Swat (see section 7.6 Phase IV: The Decline
of Buddhism).
The chronological struct:me proposed here is based on multiple
strands of evidence, each of which provides insight into the relative,
and in some cases absolute, chronology of Gandharan sculptural pro-
duction. More speculative dating strategies that rely on style or on
tracing foreign influence are avoided. Instead, attention is centered
on how the relief~ were used within their original architectural con-
te.xt. The types of materiaL~ used, the practice of reusing images, and
the limited in situ evidence are all illuminating. In many instances,
architectural context provides a means to determine chronological
sequence of associated sculptme. Iconographic development offers a
broad relative progression, but these boundaries cannot be readily
fixed. Comparisons with other parts of south Asia can provide valu-
able imight, especially in relation to the use of narrative reliefs, the
complex Sravasti iconography, and the emphasis on monumentality.
Although numismatic or inscriptional evidence cannot provide an
absolute chronology for sculptural production, in some cases it does
allow for the dating of architecture to which sculpture can be tem-
porally linked.
T he sculptural remains addressed here are limited to objects that
were recovered in scientific excavations, those that appear in the
early Archaeological Survey of India photo documentation, and those
that were collected and placed in museums in the 19th and early
20th centuries. Demand from the art market has l.ed to clandestine
looting and destruction of many sites, as well as production of a vast
number of forgeries (commonly, ancient sculptures are re-cut to

270 APP.ENDLX B
appeal to modern tastes).s By restricting the scope of inquiry here

to documented objects, we can obtain more credible results.
Although many have proposed chronological sequences based on
style for Gandharan sculpture, scholars disagree about which, if any,
of these chronologies is accurate :~ In my opinion, until. we are able
to distinguish the major workshops or production centers, confusion
m·ising from the existence of multiple stylistic traditions wiU make
establishing a stylistic chronology difficult, if not impossible. Where
the body of sculpture can be restricted , such at that coming from
Butkara I, Saidu, Pa1lr, and a few other related Swat sites, analysis
of style and motif has proved to be a more effective tool for dating.
Another body of scholarship has attempted to determine the chrono--
logical order of the sculpture by tracing contacts that existed between
Gandhara <md the Mediterranean world. 5 Often in these studies
3 The issue of the producrion of Gandharan forgeries is addressed in Ta.nabe,

"lconographica.l and Typological Investigations of lhe Gandharan fake Bodhi'>lll'Ml
Image Exhibited by the Cleveland Museum of Art and Nara National Museum."
' The most widely read ;tylistic eh ronological studies of Gandhliran art have
been: lngholt and L)'Ons, Cmuihoran Art u1 Pakistm1 and MarshaU, 111e Buddhist Art 'If
Candlwra: 171e SlfJry if IJ1c Em·f:y Sd1ool, Its Birth, &owth, a11d Decline. This topic has
recently been revisited; bibliographies can be f01md in Nehru, OrigiJIS if IJie Gmulharan
S!Jile: A Study l!f Omtributtny hifiwmces and Zwalf, Cat1dhara Scu/fitJJ.rt. A rnorc general
discussion of Hellenistic contact is in f . Ho.lt, Alexa11der tire &eat and Bactria: The
Fomwtion l!f a &eek Fro111ier ;,. Cenlral Asia (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988).
~ For a genera l discussion of rl1e effectiveness of these arguments, See R . Morris,
" Review of .NarralirM Stoue Reli!fft from Cat~dhara iu the Vu;toria ami Alhlfft iHuserm1. i11
Lmulon, by H. C. Ackerma.nn ," Arlilms Asiae 42 (1980). Some significant works on
tb e issue of foreign influence include: H . Ackerrnann, .Narrative SIIJTie &li!fft from
Candlzara. irr the Victcria and Albert Museum in Londor•· Catalogue and Attempt at a S!Jli.rti.c
Histmy (Rome: lsMEO, 1975); J Boardman, The Dijfitsion l!f Clrusicai Art i11 A11tiquqy
(I'rinceton, NJ .: Princeton University Press, 1994); H . .Buchthal, 77re Wutcm As(Jef5Js
l!f Candhm·a Sculp11Lre (La hore: Taxila Publications, .1945); M. Carter, "A Gandharan
Bro nze Buddha Statuette: Its Place in the Evolution of the Buddha Image in
Gandhara," in 11 Pot-Pouni l!f b!di(JJI Art, ed. P. Pal ~Bombay: Marg Publications,
1988); A. Foucher, L'Art &ico-Bouddhiqta du Camiluiro; Elude sur les Origines tk l'lrglrm~a
Classique dans /'Art. Bouddililjue tk l'lnde el de L'Extrlirne-Orimt, 2 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux,
1905); J. E. van Lohuizen-De Lecuw, " 1ew Evidence with Regard to the O r·igiu
of the Buddha Image" and The "Srytl1ian" Pen"od: An Approach to /M History, Art,
!£pigrapf9 (l]ld Paloeograpf9 if.North buiia.from tire 1st Century B. C. To the Jrd Cerllury A.D.
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1 9,~9); Nchru, Origins qf tire CandharaTl S!Jk: A Study l!f Ca11lribu1ory
Influences; C . Ricter, "Ancient P.laster Casts of Greek Met:alware," llnreritan .Jouma/ qf
Archaeology 62 (1958); B. Rowland, "Gandha.ra, Rome and Mathurli: The Early Relief
Style," Arcl!Uies l!f the Cllir~ese Art Socit!J l!f America X (J956) and "Gr-.u:co-Bactrian Art
and Gandhara: Khalchayan and the Gandham Bodhisattvas," Ard1ives if Asian Art
XXV {197 1- 72); A. Soper, "The Roman Style in Gandhara," American ]oumal qf
;Jrchacology 55, no. 4 (195 1); E. H . Warmington , 77Lc Commcru between tlu Roman Empire
and India (Cambridge: University Press, 1928).
APPENDIX B 271
Gandhara is not considered to have played an independent role,

although it seems obvious that Gandhru:an art was part of the larger
South Asian idiom rather than a provincial Classical style. In gen-
eral, thi~ body of scholarship debates whether it was Greece or Rome
that influenced Ganclharan production. If Greece is named a~ the
main source of stylistic influence, the primary phase of Gandharan
sculptural production would have had to occur pl'ior to the Kushan
invasion. H owever, the extensive numismatic evidence shows that
the majority of Buddhist architectural material dates to the f1rst few
centuries C.E., and thus Greece can be rejected as a direct source
for the style of Buddhist art in Gandhara (see Appendix A). T he
only possible exceptions are some phase I sites (Sirkap, the D harma-
rajika complex, and Butkara I) and a few urban centers (notably Ai
Khanoum in Afghanistan).
Alternatively, it has been argued that artists working in H ellenistic
cities like Ai Khanoum and in the eastern dynasties founded by the
Greeks were the vehicle for Classical forms found in Gandha.ra.6 It
seems likely that at this time (3rd century- 1st centmy B.C.E.) a taste
for the Classical style was established in Greater Ganclhara. By tJ1e
lst century C.E., when Buddhism began to flourish, the Gandharan
region had long since incorporated the M editenanean artistic lexicon.
Roman contact is a far m ore likely possibility, considering the
1st- 6th century C.E. dating of me Gandharan architectural evidence.
It appears that Gandhara's prosperity wa~ a result of trade that
flowed through the high Himalayan passes it controlled. The decline
of tJus trade system may have been in part a result of the fall of
tJ1e Roman empire, a factor that seems to have caused economic
problems in Ganclhara. T his may be one reason that construction
at Buddhist sites, pa.rticularly in tJ1e Peshawar basin, halted suddenly
in the 5tJ1 century C.E. This hypotJ1esis seems to fit better with the
textual evidence left by tJ1e many Chinese pilgrims who visited
Gandhara in these centuries tJ1an does the earlier ilie01y that attrib-
uted tbe decline to active persecution by the H un invaders (c1t·ca
450 to 540 C.EV
6
For a full analysis of this discussion, see Callieri, "BuddJ1ist Presence in the
Urban SettlementS of Swat, 2nd Cent. B.C.- 4th Cent. A.D." and SmLf and Smlings
.from. the .NortJz- West rif the l11dian Subcot~tinent and AJCilm•irtatz (411z t·et~tury B. C.- 11th century
A.D.): lJJcal, illdian, SasaniOJL, Graao-Persian, Sogdian, Roman (Naples: [sJAO, 1997).
1
Kuway-ama, "ll1e Buddha's Bowl in Gandhara <md Relevant Problems''; Marshall,
TaAila, 76, 86.

272 APPENDIX J3
While contact with the Roman world via this network of trade is
certain, the issue of foreign influence remaim unresolved. 8 As fol'-
eign objects and possibly even people arrived in Gandhara, forms
and motifs were selectively appropriated when they served local needs.
In this way, Roman, Parthian, Chinese, and Indian objects and peo·
ple had an impact on the established artistic traditions of Gandhara. 9
Although usiog motif analysis to sequence Gandharan art is difficult,
there is one particularly useful datable example. Characteristic drink-
ing cups appear in a limited number of Gandharan panels, espe-
cially among supposed stair risers. A similar vessel, which had been
used as a reliquary and was therefore inscribed, appeared on the art
market in the l990s. 10 TI1e names of the royal donors mentioned
on this vessel can be r·elated to inscriptions from Mathurii and to
numismatic evidence, allowing it to be dated to the I st century B.C.E.
A similar drinking vessel excavated in the city of Sirkap can be
roughly dated to the 1st century B.C.E. on the basis of its archae-
ological context; 11 other copper and terracotta examples were also
recovered at Taxila. The use of the cup as a datable artistic motif
is effective because it appears only in a few reliefs, which were prob-
ably made around the time when such vessels were actually used
(phase I).
Another factor that has complicated establishing an early chronol-
ogy for Gandhara is the 20th century debate over the origin of the
first anthropomorphic images of the Buddha, an issue having inlpli-
cations for the dating of Gandharan narrative sculpture. 12
8 T hese issues are reviewed in R. Allch.in et al. , eds., Gat~dhoran Art m Cot~Jat:
Ji.lJJt· Wt<St Excllangt<S at lht Crossroads of Asia (New Delhi: Regency J>ublicatioos, 1997).
9 Scholars finding Roman influence also argue tbr Parthian contaCt, which can
be solidly demonstrated from sculptural and numismatic evidence as well as paral-

lel religious practices. See M. Colledge, The Art of Polnv>ra, SrudiLr in il'fi&WU Art and
Archaeology (Boulder, Co.: Westview Press, 19 76}; Fabregues, "The Iodo-Pa rthian
Begi nnings of Gandhara Sculpture"; Rosenfield, 17le ]~mastic Arts of 1118 !GJsflatJS;
G. Verardi, "The Ku~a.l).a Emperors as Cakravartins, Drnastic Art and C ults iu
India and Centra] Asia: Histmy of a Theory, Clarifications and Refutations," £11$l
and W&rt 33, nos. 1- 4 (1983). Contact with China is addressed in X. Li\r , Ancimt
India aTUi A1rcwt1 Chura: Tratk tmd Religious Exchang&r A.D. 1- 600 (Delhi: Oxford
U nivcrsit}' Press, 1988}.
10 R. Salomon, "An Inscribed Silver Buddhist Reliquary of the T'un c of King
Kha r'llosta and Prince Indravannan," J ournal of IJze American Orienlai Sodq, 116, no.
3 (1996).
11 Marshall, Taxi(f;, 612.
' 2 For a full summa•)' of dlis debate, see A. Coomaraswamy, Atl~ditt!ual Sinltalese
Art (Broad Campden: Essex House Press, 1908}; A. Foucber, "Les Debuts de !'Art
Copyrighted matet 31
274 APPEND IX B
and Gandhara into a single kingdom during phase II might explain

the commonatity of appearance of Buddhist narrative art at tllis time.
Taken together, all of this evidence strongly indicates that the
main period of south Asian Buddhist narrative production occurred!
between about th e 2nd century B.C.E. and the 2nd century C .E.
While it does little to clarifY the internal clrronology of Ga ndharan
sculptural production, this evidence does indicate that the narrative
n adition was important in other parts of th e Indian subcontin ent
during a period that corresponds to phases I and 11 in G andhara .
BI Relal.ive Chronological Development from .Narrative Sculpture

to Iconic Images and the Development of Mudras:
Phase Il lo Late Phase Ill
In Gandhara, a progressive developmen t began with an thropomor-

phic narratives focusing on tl1e life of the Buddha, typically empha-
sizing his birth and llis retics. Over time, these narrative reliefs took.
on more iconic characteristics.11 TlllL~, th e pattern th at began, in.
phases I and ll, by stressing the life of the Buddha seems to have
led, in phase III, to the emergence of Large non-narrative iconic
images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas (this issue is touched on in sec-
tion 5.4 .2 The Drwn: Developmen ts in tlle N<u-rative T radition and
section 6.3.2 The DharmarajikfL C omplex: Early Phase ID Stupas
with Axial Image Shrines). The architectural record shows a clear
trend in types of donated structw·es in the sacred areas. Phase II
was dominated by the production of relic shrines and phase Ill by
the creation of large image shrines.
While some narrative reliefs executed in schist nligh t date to as
early as p hase I, the majority of th em seem to belong to p hase II,
simply because so few sacred areas had been established in the ear-
lier period (see Chapter T wo and section 6.2 T he Phase TII Increase
in Patronage). On the basis of architectural production, statistically
very few schist sculptures were produced during phase I, consider-
ably more were produced during phase II, and production p eaked
in the early and middle parts of phase Ill, after which stucco pro-
ducl'ion seems to have largely supplanted this medium (see below).
" Behrendt, " Narr·ative Seq uences in the Buddhist Relje(S from Gandhar11."
Copyrighted materi<:
•
APPENDIX B 275
The architectural eyjdence shows that only a few sacred areas were
founded in phase I, many more sites were established in phase 11,
and phase Ill is the p eriod when most of the extant remains were
constructed. Because image shrines suitable for housing iconic images
do not appear in the phase II architectural record of T axi! a, it seems
reasonable to use this shift as a defining indicator of the phase IT-
phase ill boundary-the time when image shrines became popular.
Further, the large devotional images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas
(figs. 88, 89) that would have been housed in these shrines appear
in conjunction with the decline of narrative imagery; this transition
is most readily apparent in the typ es of small stupas that were being
constructed (see section 5.4 The Phase II Small Stilpa: Sculptural
Embellishment and a Proposed Reconstruction and section 6.5 The
Phase Ill Small Stilpa).
Tt is striking that the phase Ill iconic images of Buddhas and bod-
hisattvas are devoid of narrative content aside from hand gestures
(mudras). These gestures indicate enlightenment (bhumisparsa mudrii)
and the first sermon (dharrnacal..7a mudrii), as weU as being less specific,
such as d1e ablzaya rnudrii and the uarada mudrii. With a few notable
exceptions, 18 these devotional icons have no narrative elements; typ-
ically, their bases have small depictions of relics, devotees, Buddhas,
and bodhisattvas (figs. 88, 89, 123). A clear separation in rime bet>veen
the narrative cycles and the devotional icons is suggested by the
absence of narrative elements from this body of phase lll iconic
sculpture.
T he presence of certain rnudriis and the absence of others in the
narrative sculpture are also teWng. The ablzaya mudrii commonly
appears in narrative scenes (fig. 93, A); it is the most common hand
gesture for the iconic images (fig. 93, L) and thus represen ts a con-
tinuous tradition. The bhumisparsa mudrii appears only in conj unction
with the attack of Mara, but it became a frequently depicted hand
gesture in the later devotional images (especially outside of Gandhara)-
18
1 am awa re of embedded narrative scenes on the bases of only three devo-
tional icons out of the thousands that a re exram: the piowing scene on the base of
a first meditation of Siddh~iltha icon, fi·orn Sahrr-Bahlol site C (Stein, " Excavations
at Sahri-Bahlol," pi. XL, fig. 12}, now .in the Peshawar Museum; the scene of mer-
chant~ breaking the Buddha's fast on the base of the sta rving Buddha, from Sikri
(Dar, "The Sikri Sculptures," 23, 25), now in the Lahore Museum; and a depic-
tion of the Pariniroli110. on the base of a Budd11a image from Junal G;lfhl, now in
the La hore Museum.

276 APPEND£X B
i.e., another iconographic element that stems from the narrative tra-
dition.'9 H owever, the only narrative depictions to show the bhitm:is-
parsa rnudrii are found in lzmmikfl panels of phase H- Ill. It is not
present in the narrative panels used to encircle the drums of phase-
II small stttpas, and thus it probably postdates phase II (see section
5.4.4 The Dome, Harmikii, and Clzattriivali). T he dlw:rmacakra mudrii,
associated with the first sennon, never appears in narrative contexts.
In narrative contexts the Buddha is shown turning a wheel (an lmusu-
a11y late exan1ple in stucco is extant at Thareli; see fig. 72) or some-
times simply sitting in abhaya mudrii with his first five disciples (fig.
93, A at upper right).20 In contrast, the dhamzacakra mudra is com-
mon in late phase ill icons (fig. 88, seated Buddha on the left end;
fig. 126). The late dating of devotional icons with this mudra can be
archaeologically corroborated , because at Takht-i-bahr late in phase
UJ , sacred area XX was built (fig. 2), and many late sculptures were
donated there (see section 7 .2 .4 T akht-i-bahl: Late Ph ase IH
Construction). Six of the eight excavated schist Buddha images fo1md
in this court djsplay the dltannacakra mudrii, while the other sculptures
found there include late phase ill monumental Buddha images and
fragments of Sravastr composite panels (sec section 8.2.2 T akht-i-
bahf: Sacred Area X)(: Loose Sculptut'e). Fur tJ1er confirrning the la te
dating for the dhamzacakra rnudrii is it~ consistent presence an1ong
groups of late sculpture such as those from the Sahn-Bahl61 sites.
T he varada mudrii is very rarely found in the Peshawar basin, Taxila,
and Swat, with one exception that I am aware of In sacred area
XX at T akht-i-bahl, in the upper register of stu.pa P37, several in
situ stucco Buddhas exhibit the oarada mudrii (figs. 2, 48).21 Otherwise,
this late mudrii is known only from a few late examples from
Afghanistan. C ertainJy the varada mudrii. postdates the narrative tra-
dition. Thus, a general iconographic development can be used to
separate phase II, phase ill , and late phase lll production.
19
The bhiimisparJa mudrti often appea.rs on the embei.Lislum:m of hanniklis, which
could easily belong to phase m.
20 T he dlwmzacakra mudrii is present in a few MmUkii reliefs, which show the fo ur
great life even111; in these i.nstanc~-s, it suggests a phase Ill date for the im age.
21 Hargreaves, "Excavations at Takht-i-blihf," 36.
Bahan dengan hak cipl 1

APPENDIX B 277
B2 Dating Gandhiiran Sculpture Q1l the Basis cif Stucco Ewlence:

Phases Ill and IV
While many sculptures in the Peshawar basin and Swat were carved
in schist and soapstone, the majority of sculpture must have been
done in clay and stucco (and occasionally terracotta). Signiftcant
quantities of stucco and some terracotta sculptures survive fwm sites
in Taxila (figs. 18, 19, 28, 29, 34, 35, 37, 43) and from Butkara I,
but the majority of excavated stucco sculptures have been lost. 22
Excavation photographs preserve additional evidence from the Peshawar
basin sites of Ali Masjid (a site on the Khyber Pass) (fig. 96), J amal
Garhi, Mekbasanda, Thareli (figs. 72, 77), Sahri-Bahlol, Shah-ji-kf-
Qher1, and T akht-i-bahi (figs. 46, 48, 50) and from the Afghanistan
sites of Bamiyan, Fondukistan, Hat;L<;Ia, Shotorak, and Tapa Sardar.
We know that by phase Ill, such images were being produced at
other sites in the Peshawar basin and Swat, because many extant
image shtines and sacred-area walls contain small sockets for a:ffi:cing
and supporting the bodies and heads of clay and stucco images (figs.
47, 49, 50). By phase IV, in Alghanistan, unfired clay was the medium
used for most images;23 because such clay is fragile and SU$Ceptible
to water damage, little has smvived. It appears that commonly the
body was made of clay, and the head, and sometimes hands and
feet, of stucco, a fabrication technique that may help to explain the
thousands of disembodied stucco head$ that survive from Greater
Gandhara. 2'1
On the basis of evidence from Taxila sites like the D harmarajika
complex, J aulian, and Mohra Moraclu (see Chapter Six), a strong
correlation is found ben-veen the use of phase ill masonry and the
advent or popularization of large devotional sculptures in clay and
stucco. Had these media been in use during phase II, we would
22
Many of the 19th and early 20th century excavations ignored this type of
sculprure, because it would have required expensive and time-consuming conserva-
tion. The most extensive body of stucco sculpture survives at Taxila, where sheds
were built to protect the imagery from rain.
23 For a summary of the m~or issues, see Taddei, "Chronological Problems
Connected with .Buddhi~ Unbakecl-Clay Sculptures from Afghanistan and Surrounding

Areas" and "La Plastica Buddhistica in Argilla in Afghanistan e nd Nordovest del
Subcontinente Indiano" in Oxus Tesori dell'Asia Cenlrale (Rome: Edizioni de Luca,
l994).
2< Another reason so few clay images have been recovered is that only in the
latter pan of the 20th century have they acquired value on the art market.
278 APPEl'lOIX B
expect to find narrative depictions of Life events of the Buddha, espe-

cially given that stucco and clay imagery was cheaper to produce
than schist imagery. 25 \!\That is surprising is that only 11 reliefs exe-
cuted in stucco recount nanative events, in contrast to the thou•
sands of scenes done in stone. Seven of d1ese relief~ were excavated
at Sahri-Bah161 and Takht-i-bahf/ 6 three more stucco narratives were
found .in the Dharmarajika complex (two in situ stucco depictions
were found in the RI relic shrine: the departure of the Buddha, and
Kar,1~haka taking leave of Siddhartha, which Marshall elated to the
2nd centwy C.E. on the basis of masonryf 7 and one from Thareli
(fig. 72) (see section 8. 7.4 T hareli: In Situ Sculpture). Thus, while
many in situ day, stucco, and terracotta iconic images stuvive through-
out Greater Gandhara, narrative images were almost never executed
in these materials, but rather in schist and soapstone. The fact that
these 11 stucco narrative reliefs are extant suggests that some over-
lap between material types must have occurred, but it does seem
that the shift to using predominan dy stucco occurred after na.rrativc:t
imagery had declined in importance.
T he large icons executed in stucco (and schist) use rnudras to make
reference to major life events of the Buddha that have devotional
significance, such as the first sermon, but aU of the seconcla,·y nar-
rative characters and other story-telling elements typical of the ear-
lier phase l1 narrative reliefs were eliminated (see section Bl Relative
Chronological Development fi·om Narrative Sculpture to Iconic Images
z:> These media can be rapidly worked and molds can be used, one of which
cao be seen in the Tax~la museum.
26 These reliefs mainly appear in the Archaeological Survey of India Frontier
Circle photographs housed in the Briti.sh Librat)'· They include the birth of the
Buddha, from Takht-i-bflhf (ASF photo 350); a second depiction of the birth and
the seven steps, both probably from Takht-i-bahl and now in the Peshawar Museum
(ASF 14·0 I}; Siddhlirtha leaving the palace, lrom Takht-i-bahl (ASF 348); a depar-
ture scene from Sahri-Bahlol (ASF 1265); two other life scenes from Sahrf-Bahlat
(ASF 1271 ); and a relief from Tharcli (Mi:wno and Higuchi, eds., 77umli, pl. 69;
no. 3).
21 The RI plinths were fabricated wung diaper mason.ry and were added to dtt
west {ace of the phase I kafij1ir ashlar base supporting the R3 chamber. The fact
that dtesc rcliei.S were attached to diaper masonry plinths, coupled with their style,
led Marshall to attribute them to his diaper period (phase U}, though they could
be later (Manhall, Taxilo, 253). His identifications cannot be corroborated, because
the reliefs in question were not photographed and toda)' are in a fragmenta.y cor-..
clition. At the Dharrnarlijika complex there is also a.1 in situ depiction of Trapussa
and Bhallika offering food to the Buddha, adjacent to the steps leading into court
A (Marshall, Taxi/a, 277, pi. 20, no. 1L4}.
280 APP£1\'0IX B
solid early phase m horizon for this architectural element (see sea.
tion 7.5 Ranigat: Phase IT to Phase IV Architecture).33 While th~s
evidence tells us only that this specific image postdates the deposi,.
tion of the coins, it nonetheless is a datable benchmark for the study
of stucco production.
Along -.vith the phase m and IV stucco p roduction, some schist
devotional icons were still being ca1"Ved. .Even though this use of
these two material types overlaps chronologically, there is good rea--
son to believe that schist was a more popular medium early in phase
Ill and that clay and stucco were preferred late in phase m and in
phase IV. For example, relics are commonly depicted on the bases
of schist Buddhas and bodhisattvas (fig. 123), but 1 am aware of only
one instance where a relic appears at the base of a stucco image: ~t
stucco seated Buddha attached to the ba~e of the main. stupa at
Mohra Moradu (fig. 34·). The schist in1age is typical of the less thatJJ
life-size mid-phase Ill devotional icons that exhibit conventiooa11
iconography (no relic depictions appear on schist Buddha images
that can be attributed to the later parts of phase ID). Thus, the
slightly over life-size stucco Buddha at Mohra Moradu probably dates
to about this time, or near the beginning of the common use of the
stucco medium.
A more telling chronological factor for dating stucco production
is the trend toward monumentality; life-size and smaller icons gen-
erally relate to early phase m and the very large icons to the late
part of phase Ill and phase IV (see section 6.3.6 The D harmarii.jika
Complex: Late Phase ill Architecture; section 6.3.8 Jauliafi: Phase
fll Architecture and the Image Shrine; section 7.2.4 T akht-i-bahf:
Late Phase m Construction; and section 7.5 Ranigat: Phase 11 to
Phase IV Architecrure). Monumental images were fabri cated using
stucco and clay for technical reasons, cost, and the difficulty in finding
large pieces of schist. In contrast, only a few monumental schist
images have been excavated (see below), whereas monumental stucco
heads (some more th<m 50 cm from chin to top of forehead) have
been recovered fi·om the Dharrnariijika complex, Jauliai'i, Mekhasanda,
Sahrr-Bahlol, and Takht-i-bahf (fig. 50), and sockets suitable to sup-
port monumental stucco images are extant at Abba Sahib China,
Ranigat, Takht-i-bahi (figs. 4 7, 49), and Thareli (see specific di~cus-
33The 14 in ;itu coins include one of Azes II, one of Kujula Kadpnises, three
of Hu~ka, and eight of Vasudeva.
..
APP£1\'DIX B 281
sions of these sites). Using material types to order phase Ill and IV
sculptural production must be approached with caution, as it is clear
that schist remained in use late in phase Ill and into phase IV.
B3 Dating Monwnental Schist Devotional Icons rf Buddhas and

Bodhisatwas: Late Phase Ill
The architectural evidence shows that starting early in phase Ill,

construction of many life-size image shrines began; more than life-
size image shrines appeared in the middle and late parts of phase
I1I (see section 6.3.8 J aulian: Phase ill Architecture and the Image
Shrine). While most monumental icons were executed in clay and
stucco, a few massive schist images have come to light, and it is pos-
sible to date these ~-pecific images to middle to late phase Ill; they
include the schist 2.65 m and 2.1 m Buddhas from Sahri-Balu ol and
a 2.3 m Buddha that is probably from T akht-i-bahi. Three other
monumental schist Buddha images from the Peshawar basin site of
Palai are shown in early 20th century photographs, 34 in pos1tions
that reflect either their original context or, more likely, one of reuse
(fig. 145). It seems likely that these large schist images were made
at a time when stucco and clay were in •videspread use as media
for large sculp tures. Stylistically, these large schi~t images differ from
those done in stucco, probably because different workshops were pro-
ducing them.
B4 Schist Images with Inscribed Dates
Five Peshawar basin schist images have inscribed dates, but the eras
of these dates are unknown. After considerable debate., the follow-
ing possible eras have been suggested: the O ld Saka, 3 ~ the Vikrama,
34 ASIFC nos. 998, 999.

» Dates for the begimung of the Old Saka era arc based on rhe silver V"dSC
inscription of the (Sa)ka year 191 found at Sirkap. Assuming that Sirkap was sacked
in 40 C. E., Lohui7..en-De Leeuw argued that because tllis vase was wom, it was buried
when it was about 25 years old; this would bracket d1e beginning of tllis era to
191 B.C.E.-40 years, or about 150 B.C.E. (Lohuizen-De Leeuw, 7ne Scylhian. Period,
12). Continued occupation at Sirkap clouds matters, as it is possible that this wom
vase could have been deposited even I 00 years later, making t11e Old Saka equivalent
to the Vikrama era. See also Erdosy, "Taxila: Potitical History and Urban Su·uctw-e."
,
282 APPF..NDLX 8
the Saka, the Kani~ka I, the Kani$ka Il (effectively equivalent to a

dropped-hundn::d era), the Gupta, and the Sita-H ru:m King Khi.ngila. 36
The most important images that have inscribed dates are the life~
size Loriyan Tangai Buddha (fig. 88; large standing Buddha on fa1:
•·ight), done in the year 318 of an unknown era, and the Life-size
Hashtnagar Buddha, of the year 384 of an unknown era. These two
Buddha figures are especially significant because they can be com~
pru:ed to the large corpus of life-size conventional standing Buddha
images (middle phase ID production). The Loriyan Tai1gai inscribed
image appears in a group photograph of the 19th century that aUows
it to be directly compared to the other 49 Buddhas ru1d 29 bod-
hisattvas lound at tills site (see section 8.1 Loriyan Tangai: Loose
Sculpture). However, sculpture from this site rru1ges in date between
phase II and late phase Ill. In attempting to identify the era to
which the inscriptions on these two Buddha images might refer, two
seem likely: the Vikrruna era, known to have a beginning date of
57- 58 B.C.E., or the Saka era, with a beginning date of 78- 79 C.E.
If the Vikrama era is accepted for the Loriyan Tfui.gai Buddha, this
image would have been created in 261 C.E. and the H ashttlag""<ll'
image in 327 C.E. (placing tl1ese n-vo images in the early and mid-
dle parts of phase ill, respectively). Alternatively, t11e Saka era would
date the Loriyan Tangai Buddha to 396 C.E. and the Hashtnagar
Buddha to 462 C.E., or late phase III bordering on phase IV. O ther
possible eras, such as the Kani~ka I era (beginning date of 120 C.E.?)
and the Gupta era (beginning date of 319- 320 C ..E.), are consid-
36 K. Dobbins, "Gandhara Buddha Images with Inscribed Dates," &st and West
18, no. 3- 4 (1968); G. Fussman, "Documents Epigraphiques Kouchans, Buddha de
l'An 5," .Bulletin de l'Ecole Franfaise d'Ettdme-Orimt. LXI (1987); A. Harle, "A Hitherto
Unknown Dated Sculpture from Gandhara: A Preliminary Report," in South Asia11
Archaeology, ed. J. E. van Lohuizen-De Leeuw (Leiden: E.J. BriU, 1974); K. Kha.nda-
lavala, "1l1e Five Dated Gandhara School Sculpt1rres and Their Stylistic Implications,"
in l11dian Epigraf>lty: Its &ari11g on tl~ His/m)• qf Art, ed. F. Asher, G. Gai, and Americnn
Institute of Indian Studies ( ew Delhi: Oxford, 1985}; G . Mitterwallner, "The
Brussel$ Buddha li·om Gandbara of the Year S," in l11vestigati11g bufiatl Art., ed.
lV!. Yalcliz and W. Lobo (Berlin: Staatliche M.useen Preussischer Kultur·besitz, 1987};
Rosenfield, ""flze f)ynflSti' Arts qf tlze Kuslums. The issue of dropped hundreds was pr·o-
posed for Mathu111 inscriptions by J E. V<Ul Lohuizen-De Leeuw, "The Second
Century of the Kaniska Era" (paper presented at a Seminar on .Late Ktc~han
Nurnismarjcs, Loodon, 198 1). This theory has been critiqued O· Williams, "The
Case of the Omitted Hundreds: Stylistic Development in Mathura Sculpture of the
Kusana Period," in Mathura: 111e Cullural Herililge, ed. D. Srinivasan [New Delhi:
American lrostitute of Indian Studies, 1989)), a.nd new evidence corroborating itS
existence outside of Gandhlira has appeared in R. Salomon, "Three Dated Kha.r0${hl
In scriptions," Bulletin tf tlte Asia /nstiJule. no. 9, 1995: 127- 141.
APP.ENDDC B 283
ered too late, as they would place these sculptures, which seem to
relate to the main period of schist devotional imagery, well into
phase IV. Tllis kind of late dating does not agree '>vith the archi-
tectural evidence indicating that life-size image shrines came into
vogue in the early to nliddle part of phase III, or sometime after
200 C.E., a nd that by phase IV monumental imagery was more
common. The indirect architectural evidence of image shrine scale
is most in accord with the dating that results from applying the
Vikrama era.
Another image with an inscribed date, but lacking an archaeo-
logical context, is a Sravastf triad with an inscription mentioning the
year 5 of an unknown era (sinlihu in iconography and style to fig.
125). For it too, a range of eras has been suggested; some argue for
a date as early as ~ka l's era,37 or Kan~a II's era, 38 while others
advocate later eras, notably the Gupta or Sita-Hu~a King Khingila
eras. 39 The Buddha displays the dharmaetd.7a 1m1drii, sits on a lotus
throne, and is attended by two bodllisattvas-all elements that would
seem to place it later than the two inscribed standing Buddhas dis-
cussed above. This irnage is most readily compared to other Peshawar
basin Sravasti triad and Sravasti composite devotional icons. This
body of sculptures with Sravastf iconography appears to be related
to 5th century C. E. images outside of Gandl1ara, at western Indian
sites like Aj~~· Therefore, it seems unlikely that the year 5 inscrip-
tion refers to the Vikranla (58 B.C.E.), Saka (78 C.E.), Kani~ka (120
C.E.), or Ka1li~ka Il (dropped hundred) eras, because all of those
would place the relief too early.
The suggestion that the year 5 refers to the Gupta era or to 325
C.E. 40 seems viable, though we have no evidence for the use of this
era designation so fm· from the Gupta seat of power. An alternative
late dating would put this image in the 5th year or the Sita-Hurya
37
G. Fussman, " Documenls Epigraphiques Kouchans, Budcllm de l'An 5," Brdlai11
de l'&ole Frarlfaise d'Extreme-Orie11t (1974); Harle, " A Hitherto Unknown Dated Sculplure
from GnndJ1ar-a: A Pl'CtirnuUll)' Ro:port"; P. Pal e t Ill. , ligllt qf Asia: Buddlw SoJ.ymmmi
i11 .r'lsUm Art (Los Angeles: Los Angeles Cow1ty Museum of Al1, 1984), 19 1.
38
J. C•ibb, "The Origin of the Buddha Image: The Nwnismacic Evidence," in
Soutlt Asi'm Ardraeoln~·, ed. B. Allchin {Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984},
124; S. Czuma and R. Monis, KushaJI. Sculpture: Images ftom Ear(y Irzdia (Cleveland:
Cleveland Museum of Art in cooperation with Indiana University Press, 1985}, 35,
79, 198; Lohuizen-De Leeuw, "Th e Second Cemwy of' the Kaniska Era."
39
KhandalavaJa, 'The Five Da ted G-dlldha.ra School Sculptures and Their Stylistic
Implications"; Mittcnv-aUner, "The Brussels Buddha from Gandham of the Year 5."
«l Khandal:•v:tla, 'The Five Dated Gandhara School Sculptures and Their Stylistic
implications," 69.
284 APPENDIX B
King Khingila, ru1 era based on numismatic evidence, starting in tho

year 448 (plus an m1determined number of years}, giving a date of
453 C.E. or later (phase lii- IV border).41 This dating seems thct
most acceptable, given othe1· secondary dating criteria (see below).
B5 77ze Sravasti Devotional Icons: Phase.r Ill and IV
In the Peshawar basin sculpture is a group of devotional iconi~

images that may represent a series of miracles performed by th~
Buddha in the city of SravastL These miracles are depicted in thQ
phase II narrative sculpture,42 but identification of the miracles witbl
the devotional icons has been the subject of considerable debate.~
With regard to the iconic images, scholarly attention has centerecl
on several questions: the possibility that they are narrative images
md if so, what story they tell; what their potential connection is tQ
Malziiyiina ideology; whether they represent specific paradise seen~
md, in general what their relation was to te.xtua.l traditions. Without
taking a position here on this issue, I use the followiJ.1g terminolog}}
to refer to this corpus of imagery: (1} the Sriivastf miracles, showt'lJ
in the eru:ly 11an-ative depictions from phase II; (2) Sravastf triads,
reliefs that generally depict a Buddha in dharmacakra rnudrti, seated
on a lotus throne, and Ranked by bodhisattvas, a relief from Sahri9
Bahlol being an ideal exrunple (fig. 125); (3) Sravastf composite reliefS
(a group having considerable internal variation), a large centralli
placed Buddha in dlutrmawkra mudrii., seated on a lotus throne and
surrounded by many secondary figures; commonly, a lotus pond is
shown below with devotees, multiple bodhisattvas, and secondary
Buddhas; sometimes Buddhas and bodhisattvas are shown in the ac~
41
Mjnerwallner, "The .Brussels Buddha from Gandhara of the Year 5," 222.
42
A good example is a relief from Sanghol Rhode lhar is part of a larger oar>-
rative set of eight panel~; it shows the Buddha with flames S\UTOtutding his balo
and water issuing from his feet (see ASIM no. I I 39).
4
$ Brown, "Tbe Srllvastl Mirades in the Art of lodia and Dvarav:ui"; Foucher,
L'Art Crico-Boudtflrique du. CmuiMra; Etude szu les Origitres tk l'lnjlu111u:e Classique dons l'Afl
Bouddhiq11e dt L'l11dt et da fExlrimB-Orient; J. Huotington, "A Gandha.ran Image of
Amjtayus Sukhavati," Arwali de/Nstituto U11iiJcrJitario Omm.Ulk di .Napoli 40 (1980)i
Lohuizen-De Leeuw, The Scythian Period; Rbi, "Gandha.ra.n Images of the Srliva.stf
Miracle: An Tconogmphic Reassessment."
..
APP&"'DIX B 285
of multiplying themselves."" The Sriivasti composite reliefs are always

arranged within complex architectural spaces (figs. 126, 127).
Although it has been suggested that the devotional Sravasti triads
and Sravasti composite images maintained strong ties to the earlier
' '
narrative tradition (in particular, the Sra.vasti triad and Sravasti com-
posite retiefs share and incorporate many architectural elements fo1md
among the narrative panels), they clearly date to a Later period. One
argument for their postdating the narrative tradition is the incorpo-
ration of mudrii.s and certain iconographic elements, Like the lotus
throne,45 that do not occur in the early narrative panels (see section
Bl Relative Chronological Development from Narrative Sculptme
to Iconic Images and the Development of Mudras: Phase II to Late
Phase Ill). They were created on a larger scale suitable for their
function as independent devotional icons. Thus, in terms of a rela-
tive chronology, t11e large devotional Sravasti composite reliefs must
postdate phase II.
Many documented sculpn.res with Sravasti iconography have been
recovered as loose finds fi·om a variety of Peshawar basin sites, includ-
ing Takht-i-bahi, Loriyan Tangai, and many of the Sahri-Bahlol
sites. In some of these instances they are found intennixed with sculp-
ture from a range of pe riods ,~ but at a few sites they can be broadly
dated on the basis of associated sculpn.res and architectural context.
At Takht-i-bahr in the middle to late phase Ill sacred area XX, four
large fragments of Sriivastf composites were recovered (see section
8.2.2 Takht-i-bahi: Sacred Area XX: Loose Sculpntre; section 7.2.4
Takht-i-bahf: Late Phase m Construction; and Appendix D). In two-
celled shrine T4 in court XIII at Takht-i-bahf, a group of Sravastf
sculptures were found (five intact Sravastf plaques, one large unfinished
Sravasti composite relief: and four fragments of Sravasti composite
reliefs) (fig. 53, three shown). This shrine appears to have been built
in early to middle phase Ill, on the basis of the presence of inter-
nal built-in image niches and large image shrines flanking it~ entrance.
While much of the d eposited sculpn.re fi·om this sh•-ine is reused ,
44 M. Taddei, "Non-Buddhist Deities in Ga ndharan Art: Some 1ew Evidence,"

in lrwesligating l1ldia11 Art, ed. M. Yaldiz llnd W. Lobo (Berlin: 1979).
•s The lotus tluonc is a late feature. Rhi, "Gandharan Jmages of tl1e Sravastr
Miracle: An Iconographic Reassessment," 142.
-46 Such as in the lower sacred area a t T akht-i-bahf (courts £V- V), Loriylin "P"<lilgai,
and Ran igaL
286 APPENDIX B
the Sravastf plaques are in such good condition that it appears they
were commissioned specificaUy to be deposited here and thus must
postdate the shrine (see section 8.2.3 T akht-i-bahi: Two-Celled Shrine
XXill: Loose Sculpture and Appendix C). T he greatest concentra>
tions of sculptures \--vith Sravasti iconography were found at Sahr£..
Bahl61 sites C and D, where no fewer than six Sravastf composite
panels and 16 Sravasti plaques, one base, and two fragments were
excavated. These find~ from Sahri-Bahlol were in reused contextS';
but most of the associated sculpture and the sites themselves can be
dated to the middle and late parts of phase m (see section 8 . 3.~
Salu·I-Bahlol C: Loose Sculpture; section 8.3.3 Sahri-Bahlol D: Loose
Sculpture; and Appendix C). Also significant is the absence of SravastJ
sculpture at Thareli and Mekhasanda, both sites that were more
active elUt-ing phase Jl to the midcUe part of phase Ill (though a few
late phase Ill monumental image shrines can be found at both ceru.
ters) (see section 8.4 Thareli: Loose Sculpture; and section 8.1
Mekhasanda : Loose Sculptu re).
Several other strands of evidence point to a late phase m
or phase
IV dating for the Sravastl plaques, triads, and composite devoliona:l.
icons. The phase IV rock-cut Buddhist images from Swat include
depictions closely related to the St·avasti triad images of the Peshawat
basin, showing that tlus format for depiction remained significant i ~
the northwest in later centuries.4 1 Similar relief~ also appear in many
5th and 6th century C.E. cave complexes in western India, sug-
gesting that the Gandharan forms, though perhaps earlier, are not
widely separated in time from the northwest Sravastf sculptures. T ho
earliest western Indian examples, directly related to the Gandharaa
Sravasti triad and composite images, are the multiple reliefs found
in the late 5th century C.E. uilziiras and cail:)'as at Ajru:•~a. T h e westt
ern Indian examples are stylistically different from those of Gandhar~
but they do share many iconographic features, such as the lotus
throne with nagiis at the base, devotees, and complex groups o.f
attendants (e.g., boclhisattvas), and they are relatively large icons,
Significantly, the western Indian examples follow a reguJar codified
47
Filigenzi ("Mru·ginal Notes on the Buddhist Rock Sculptures of Swat," in South
Asum ArcJzaeolog)• 199i, ed. M. Tadclei and G . de Mru·co (Rome: IslAO, 2000]) has
addressed th.is body of imagety and r.raced many of tbe iconographic variMts. ThiS
is also the best source for a full bibliography on this topic.
•
APPfu'ID lX D 287
iconography, while the Gandharan examples are varied and seem-

ingly experimental.
In the j auliati and Mohra Moradu monasteries, phase lli in situ
stucco reliefs that are iconographically comparable to the Sravastf
triad panels have been excavated (see section 6.6. 3 Monastic Images:
Late Phase Ill Gandhakuli Image Niches) (fig. 29). Although the J aulian
example shown here depicts a Buddha Aanked by Buddha~ (clearly
a Late iconographic variation), in other instances bodhisattvas bracket
the central Buddha. As these gandhakuti niche images can be dated
on archaeological grounds, they help to provide a solid basis for
attribul'ing the devotional icons with Sravasti iconography to the late
part of phase m.
The inscribed year 5 Sravastf triad (see above) was executed in a
di~ti nct technical format and style that can be directly compared to
a limited number of other Gandharan images, among which is the
'
Mohammed Nari Sravastf composite relief (fig. 126). Both images
display a sophisticated and rare, arguably late, sculptural technique
that pushes the StTuctural integrity of the schi~t medium to the limi
only a handful of easily identifiable images were executed using this
technique. T hese sculptures are so deeply carved that elements like
the lotus petals on the year 5 image and much of the architecture
in the Mohammed Nari composite have been nearly completely
undercut and freed from the supporting stone matrix. The faces and
treatment of the hair are similar too, as are the lotus thrones. Thus,
if the year 5 date is attributed to one of the early eras, then the
Mohammed Nari relief would also have been created at this time-
phase II. It is almost impossible to believe that by the 5th year of
Kani~ka I, the dlzamwcakra mudra., the fuiJy developed bodhisattva, the
triad concept, and other sophisticated iconography possibly related
to Mabayana conceptions had already come into use. H owever, if
a late era is accepted, the year 5 image would date to the Latter
part of phase III or phase IV, which is in accord with the other
av-.lllable evidence.
APPENDIX C
REUSE OF IMAGES Al\TD ITS BEARING ON

THE DATING OF GANDHARAN SCULPTURE
In Greater Gandhara almost no sculpture has been found in situ;

instead, it appears in collapse deb1is and in reuse contexts (fig. 58).
Some of the earliest 19th cennrry excavators who worked at sites
like Takht-i-biihr or J amal Ga.rhr believed that the disruption they
obse1ved was due to purposeful destruction of the sites; they mentioned
only occasional in situ remains. 1 The extensive archaeological evidence
available today shows that throughout Gandhara's history, schist, and
to a lesser extent, stucco2 images were reused by the Buddhist com-
mu nity. This kind of recontextualization is also a reflection of chang-
ing devotional practices. Reused sculpnrre can be separated into two
major categories: images that were discarded and used in sacred
areas a~ building material, and sculptures that were moved from
their original locations to serve new devotional requirements.
The most common pattern was simply to place an old, commonly
broken image in a relic shrine or against a stii.pa. 3 This might have
been a fast, cheap way of making a donation. It could also be that
' Crompton noted that many of the sculptures atjamlil Garhi had been removed
from their original positions (A. Crompton, " Report on the E.xploration of the
Buddhist Ruins at J amal Garhi Du.ring the Momhs of March and April 1873, by
the 8th Company Sappers and Miners, in Pwyt1b Publi~ Works Deportmmt Proceedit~g~,
Local Funds .Branch, December 1873, C ivil Works: Building no. 1-a, Appendix a,
1- 7; Pwyab Coummumt CazetU, Supplement, 12 February 1874, 1- 7," in E. Errington
"The Western Discovery of the Art of Gandhara and 1.he Finds of Jamalgarhi"
(Ph.D. thesL~. London University, 1987), 446. Wilcher went so far as to suggest that
al Takht-i-bahi d1e scuJpt,u·e was intentionally destroyed and muti11ted, as none of
it was found in situ (Wilcher, "Exploration of the Buddhist Ruins a1. Takht-i-bai,"
435).
2 Several phase m stucco Buddha figures were reused at the site of £~11ma in
Afghanistan , as Shoshin Kuwayarna, one of the excavators, pointed out to me. See
also Mizuno, ed., Dun>1an Tepe and Lalma: Buddllu t Sites in iljglu111ulon Suroeyed ill
1963- 65, pl. 22, fig. 2. A careful review of the archaeological evidence shows that
stucco imagery was also reused at Sahri-Bahlol and at the Dhannarl\jika complex,
where many heads were placed in two-cellcd shrines. It seems likely that many of
the loose stucco heads recovered throughout greater Gandhara were also reused.
' I have discussed tlus at length in Behrendt, " Relics and Their Representarjou
in Gandhara."
APPENDIX C 289
the image itseU' had taken on sacred qualities and was not easily dis-
carded; this might account for imagery being incorporated into the
masonry of stiipas or generally used as building material in the sacred
area, in a location where it could not be seen or venerated. Occasion-
ally, reused images were integrated into a new stUpa at the time of
its initial construction. During the latest period of reuse (phase IV),
a practice developed of gathering all of the extant devotional imagery
from the sacred area and assembling it around relic structures that
were apparently still being worshiped. It is significant that during all
periods of reuse the sculpture was moved to the holiest points in the
sacred area--almost without exception, relic shrines and stiipas. T his
pattern indicates that such reuse was the result of a donative or
devotional practice; many of these nodal structures were repaired
and maintained, and in some instances it appears that the sculpture
was deposited over a long span of time.
In Greater Gandhara, imagery was being reused continuously, as
structures fell out of use or were refurbished. However, it is possi-
ble to recognize two major chronological ranges when reuse wa.s
more prominent. The first period probably occurred near the end
of phase II and into phase ID, when many narrative sculptures were
moved, most often to two-celled shrines in the sacred area. The sec-
ond period of reuse appears to correspond to a time in phase IV
when patronage had collapsed and Buddhist population was declin-
ing. It is characterized by the reuse primarily of phase III devotional
images. Although a few narrative images appear in such deposits,
they are typically worn and broken and do not form coherent sequen-
tial sets, suggesting that they had been in circulation for a long period
of time before their deposition. This late period of reuse can be
roughly dated, especially at the sites of Sahrr-Bahlol, as the major-
ity of recontextualized imagery found here consists of large devo-
tional images of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, Sravastr triads, Sravastf
composites, and Sravastf plaques, along '1-vith a few monumental
stucco heads (see discussions of Sahrr-Bahlol loose sculptural finds
and Appendix D). It seems that the last Buddhist communities did
not have the economic resources or perhaps even the ability to cre-
ate new images. The patterns of late reuse provide a valuable means
to better understand this period of Gandharan Buddhism.
The recycling of Buddhist imagery is to some extent a site-specific
occurrence, though certain patterns are shared. Here, I discuss sculp-
tural reuse in the Dharmarajika complex and Kalawan in Taxila,
APPEJ'IDIX C 29 1
The reuse of phase II narrative schist sculpture i,~ well documented

at Butkara I in Swat. T here, in five inst.:'l.nces, reused sculptures were
placed against or inserted into the walls of finished st.u.pas, and 14
other reliefs were incorporated in the internal fabric of later struc-
tures.6 Faccenna has shown that the reused images were produced
in the earliest period, though the main period of in1age recontextu-
alization occurred in a time corresponding to phase III; this con-
tention seems to agree with the evidence from Takht-i-bahr.; In some
places, the pieces were pla<:ed without regard for the scenes depicted,
but in one instance 25 fragments were placed together, the missing
sections being completed in painted stucco.8 The casual juxtaposi-
tion of early narrative sculpture suggests that by the late periods,
GandJ1aran BuddJ1ists no longer understood the narrative content of
the images and were instead reusing the nanative sculpture because
the appearance of the Buddha could serve iconic devotional require-
ments.9 It could also be that sculpture w·as reused because of its con-
tact with a relic. Tllis possibility holds true for reliquaries; even when
they were broken, they were commonly repaired and reinterred in
stilpas. 10 It is significant that at Mekhasanda several broken narrative
stone reliefs were found inside the main stripa, suggesting that they
might have had some sort of relic importance. 11
The most common site for the redeposition of phase II sculpture
is in relic shrines, a pattern observed at the Dharmarajika complex,
Kalawan, Takht-i-bahi, T hareli, Ma~janai, and Butkara III. The best
example:: is the L two-ceUed shrine at the Dharmarajika complex,
where a large number of scllist sculptures, almost all of which were
• Facccnna, Butkaro 1, vol. 3, no. 3, 700.

1
[bid., 70 l. Faccenna dated the rnain period of reuse to the 4th cemwy. C.E.
on the bases of the stratigraphy and the rccovcty of a Kidarite coin, though some
of the early reuse can be dated to the period of Huvi~la (phase 11), on the basis
of multiple coin finds (Faccenna, BuJkara. I, vol. 3, no. l, l 68).
8 Faccenna, Butkara. I, vol. 3, no. 3, 700.
9 In conjunction with this contemion, Faccenoa has also suggested that reuse
occur•·ed because or a lack or suirable stone, but this seems to hold only for .Butkara
I, where relief.~ apparently were valued for their green color (Ibid., vol. 3, no. 3,
70 I); then: apparently was no shortage of materials in tl1c Peshawar basin.
10
H. Couscns, The Allliquilies qf SiJU!, witlt HistoricaL OuJline (Calcutta: Govenunent
of India Central Publication Branch, 1929), 94; Faccenn.a , Butknra. I, vol. 3, no. 3,
701.
11 Mizuno, ed., Melclwsal!da, 83. T reaS1.U"t seekers had opened tlte main silipa; the
sculprures were !ound among the debtis in the disturbed cemer of it. Thus, this
sculpture may reflect the incorpomtion of an earlier small sttipa, as at Kunala in
Taxila, or tltc narrative reliefs could have been deposited in tl1e fabric of the main
JtiijJa.
292 APPF..NDIX 0
cr eated dUJing phase 11, were found scattered around the exterior
of the building (fig. l , southwest of the main stilpa). In this instance,
out of 23 sculptural fragm ents, only three images belong to phse
m,12 suggesting that the imagery was probably deposited soon aft(lr
the narrative relic·& lost favor in the sacred area; otherwise, we wouid
e>..'J)eCt to see more phase m: imagery intermixed. Another compa-
rable instance of early reuse is seen at Kalawan in the A 1 two-celled
stupa slu·ine (ftg. 20). In this shrine, in addition to a reliquary, cop>-
per plate inscription, and coin of Vasudeva, 18 miscellaneous fi·ag-
ments of phase II schist sculpture and a stucco head were recovered.13
T he evidence for dating the sruine to phase 11 is overwhelming: a
datable phase n inscription, a phase II coin, phase n: masOfll)', and
n
a body of phase sculpture that mu~t have been deposited not long
aiter these images lost their or·iginaJ context.
C2 Second Period of Reuse: l.ale Phase Ill and Phase IV
The pattern of placing reused sculprure in two-celled relic shrin;es

continued into phase IV. In multiple instances, the reused imagery
in relic shrines includes phase II narrative and decorative reliefs,
phase Ill devotional icons of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, and la;te
phase :m Sravastf triads, Sravast:l composites, and Sravast:l plaques.
In the Dharmarajika sacred area, phase TII srucco sculpture was
found in the G5- 6 two-cellecl rel.ic shrine, in the R complex, aod
in many of the sluines that ring the prada/cyi~wpatho of the main stflpa. 14
At the Takht-i-bahi T4 t•No-celled stupa shrine, 133 sculpruraJ frctg-
ments were excavated; although many originally embellished phase
I? Tile reliefs include I t ph ase n narrative panels, lCn phase ll decorative or

embellishing stupa panels, a phase m stan ding bodhisattva, and two phase m bod.hi-
~'ltttva heads (~I!u-sball, Taxi/a, 251). Marshal! hypothesized thitt pilgrims donl(fed
the images displayed in building L, as scbL~t was not readily avallable at Taxl.la.
On the basis of patterns of reuse a.t other sites, it seems more likely that at dne
time several phase [I stupas, complete with imported schillt relic&, stood in the sacted
a.rea.
IS Ibid., 327- 8.
14
T he C5-6 structu re contained a few stucco images (Ibid. , 256); the R com-
plex contained a considerable amount of stucco image!)• (Manhall, Taxi/a, 2!1<1),
wltich. like the images in the C5- 6 shru1e, may have been reused. Considen(ble
miscellaneous r·eused sculptw·e v.'l\S found around the main stupa. (Ma.rshail, Taxf.ta),
but the extensive rebuilding in d\is area makes tltis evidence diRicult to in terptct.
APPENDIX C 293
n small stupas, a comiderable number of devotional icons were found,

many of which have late phase m Sravasu iconography (fig. 2, court
XXIII)15 (see section 8 .2.3 Takht-i-ba.hr: Two-Celled Shrine XXlll:
Loose Sculpture). Reused imagery was also found in stiipa shrines at
Thareli,16 Mrujanai, 17 and Butkara Ill.18
In aU of these instances, it is likely that the relic shrines were in
use at the time that the assemblages of sculpture were deposited;
therefore, in some instances it appears that shrines were used Ji·om
phase II until phase IV. While it is difficult to know when the reused
imagery was deposited, as this could occur at any time after it was
sculpted, statistically phase II imagery would be more abundant in
the earlier periods and phase ID and IV sculpn.u·e in the latest period.
In some instances, the worn, abraded, and broken state of the
deposited phase II sculpture suggests that it had been in circulation
for a considerable length of time prior to its deposition; a good exam-
ple is the early sculpture found in the Takht-i-bahf T4 two-ceUed
shrine discussed above.
•~ The T 4 two-cellcd stiipa shrine (colu·t XXHI) and aqjacent stiipa were exca-
VlJted by the Archaeological Survey of India, but lUll descriptions were not pub-
Lished; see AS!FC 938- 50; Stein, Archeological SutuO' qf India Frontier Circle fo r 1911- 12,
i-iii, 2- 3, plan 30- 1. Many of the 133 pieces found in and around this shrine were
fragmentary and difficult to identify, but the following rough count can be made:
2 1 fragments of phase l.I schist narrative sculpture, 40 fragments of phase l.I stii.pa.
embellishment, five fragments of fa lse gable reliefs (one quite large), four fragments
of phase UI icons, five phase ID heads, three small panels with a seated Buddha,
seven mall panels showing a seated Buddha with some elements of Sravastf devo-
riooaJ iconography, one large unfinished Sriivaso composite relief, and lour frag-
ments of Sravasti composite relief.~.
16 111e s:i.ngle-celled Tha.reli shrines include D3, D4, D5, and D6 (which con-
tained the base of a stiipa). In D4, the excavator noted, "Inside this room were
found stone figures of the Buddha, of Vishnu riding on a garuda ... and srucco
figures of the Buddha, among other things." DS is said to contain niches for votive
offerings, and D6 has two niches on r.he inside back wall. l.n front of this shrine
and "between building 0 5 and 0 6, numerous stone sculptures, stuccos and other
objects were lo und" (Mizuno a.nd Higuchi, eels., n1areli, L53- 4).
17
Khan , " Prel.Lmi.oa.ey Repon of l\II•u:janai.," 13; see also plates. [n the S 3 two-
cclled stiipa shrine, at least 1.2 reu sed phase U a.ud Ill reliefs were excavated. Many
of these reliefs appea.r to have Oliginally embellished the strifia (see section 5.3.5
Marjanai: Original Sculptural Placement), but. at least 12 were donated a.licr the
shrine had been established.
18 At .Butkara Ill, several complete sets of narrative reliefS were reported from
individual sh•ines; th ey were apparently piled a t the bases of stiipas isohued in
enclosed shri nes. We caJU10t know if this reflects reuse or if these were part of the
original stiipa's embellishment, as the exact constituents of these assemblages have
yer ro be published (Rahma n, "Burka ra ID," 703).
294 APPENDIX C
The presence of reused sculpture shows that relic shrines remained

important to the religious life in Gandhara weU into phase IV. Some
architectural evidence also is extant to corroborate the late use of
relic shrines. In Taxila there is masonry evidence to show that two-
celled relic shrines were maintained into phases Ill and IV. The
Dharmarajika two-ceUed G5- 6 relic shrine appears to have been
repaired along its north wall in phase IV, the R5 stfipa shrine was
repaired in late phase Ill or IV, m1d the R3 direct-access relic depos-
itory was buttressed in phase IV .19
The clem·est ex<Unples of late reuse are at Sahri-BahloF0 sites A,
C, and D. At Sahri-BahJ61 site C, around small stupa iii (figs. 57,
58), numerous phase m sculptures were piled. 21 The reused images
consist primarily of large standing and seated schist Buddhas, thougb
a Sravastr triad is also present, along with miscellaneous stucco heads
and other fragments (see Appendix D). It is significant that no reused
schist phase II narrative sculptures were found around stii.pa iii, eveo
though a considerable number were found at this site;22 icons were
singled out for reuse. At Sahrr-Bahlol site D, two other small stiipas
(i and iii) were chosen a.s suitable sites for reuse. 23 The sculpture
o? 1\llarsha!J indicated the presence of these late masomy o·epairs and buu.o·esses
on his map. His arguments for a nondescript phase IV masonry type are supported
by late modifications made to the Dharrnarajika comt H and J monasteries (Marshall;
Taxila, 286-7). This late irregular masonoy cannot be accurately dated, but it does
postdate the original construction of these monasteries.
20
An extensive discussion of these sites, along with information regarding the
specific location of sculptures, is found in Tissot, "Salu-i-Bahlol (Part IV)"; ''The
Site of Sahri-Bahlol in Gandhara (Part lli)"; "The Site of Sahri-Bahlol in Gandhar""
Pakistan: Further Investigations"; "The Site of Sahri-Bahlol in Gandhara."
21
Stein said that small stiipa ili, which had a 2 m square base and is decorated
with a stucco frieze, was used for the deposit of miscellaneous sculptures at a later
time. He al~o noted a late pavemenl that showed this stapa was still in use whco
the rest of the site had fallen into ruin (Stein, "Excavations at Sahri-Bahlol," I07- 8.
ASFC photos 1100- 1105 show S<.;ulpture found around stiipa base iii. The exposed
stiipa base is shown in ASFC photos l 105- 6. Stein noted that the stucco sculpture
of this sti~opa is somewhat narrative in content and suggests an early foundation
(Stein, "Excavations at Sahri-Bahlol," I07--8}.
27 Stein, "Excavations at Sa.hri-Bahlol," I 04. Photos record the recovery of 19
narrative fragments, I .I false gable fragments, and two llamrikii panels. However,
these narratives cannot be grouped into sets, and the fragmentary nature of this
earl)' sculpture shows that it has completely lost it original context, probably because
it h;~d been i.n circulation for considerable time before its deposition.
23 Ibid., 11D-·11. Imagery from around the base of stiifx• i can be seen in ASIFC
photos 1214- 17. It incl udes nine large sch.ist sculptures of seated and standing
Buddhas and bodhisattvas, along with a considerable number of sculptural frag-
mentS from devotional images. A third possible .sh1pa is platfonn iv (where reused
sculpmre was deposited), which has a 2.3 m square base.
Copyrighted mater I
'
APPF...J\'DlX D
U LERIC COill\T OF SCULPTURE TYPES

FROM OME PES HAWAR BASIN SITES
The following sculptural counts are by no means complete, as Lhey

arc based on photographs. Especially in the 19th and early 20th
cemuries, only well-preserved sculptures were singled out for photo-
graphic documentation. T he fragmentary nature of some of this scuip.-
tural material makes it difficult tO determine if multiple pieces belong
to a common image. An attempt has been made to separate the
sculplUrc into meaningful categories (see introduction to Chapter
Eight), though sometimes their fi·agmentary nature makes this difficult
Errors in the numeric count can also arise because a given scuiJ»
ture in some cases appears multiple times (and from different angle~
in Lhe photographs, especially in the case of the early 20th century
Archaeological Survey of India Frontier Circle photographs. While
every eiTort has been made to be conservati\·e in making these cstb-
mates, the numbers indicate only general trends.
DI Lorryan Tangai
In the 1890s Alexander Caddy photographically documented sculp-

ture from the site of Loriyan Tiiiigai_l Care must be taken wheo
imerpreting Caddy's photographs, because they show only intact
sculptures, and those executed in stucco were apparently not included;
only minor traces of stucco work are visible in the general views of
the main .rti1pa. Although it is possible that few stucco images were
produced to adorn this site, as is clearly the case at Thareli, it seems
more Likely that Caddy did not deem them worth photographing.
The phase I1 narrative sculpture in these photographs consists df
39 panels (fig. 85 includes some of them). T he photos show only
major architectural elements, which include four small stilpa domes
I AS IM 1O:i2 69.
APPENDIX D 297
and 25 pieces of bases, moldings, and chattra. Two large multi-piece

false gables made up of I.7 pieces and one smalJ single-piece fal5e
gable are shown (fig. 85, upper right).
Most of the phase ill devotional icons appear in two group pho-
tos, which provide relative scale (figs. 88, 89). The diminutive Buddha
images include 21 seated and six standing, while the small bodhi-
sattvas consist of ni ne seated and two standing images. D evotional
icons of modest size (about I m to life-size) include 17 seated and
five standing Buddhas and six seated (t\vo with crossed ankles) and
12 standing bodhisattvas. Recognizably late images include a single
monwnental schist Buddha, a Sravastf composite image, and three
Sravasti triad images.
D2 Takltt-i-b1iltf 2
0 2. I Takht-i-biihi Upper and Lower Sacred Areas I V- Jl

Sculpture th at was collected by various parties in the 19th century
can te ntatively be attributed to T akht-i-bahi. In 1850, Bellew worked
at the site, and in 1871 Wilcher conducted the first systematic exca-
vation of upper stilpa court X. 3 Wilcher reported that he uncovered
"46 human heads; 35 squatting human figures; 75 erect human
figures . . . and 7 frescoes.'"' T he early excavations by the Archaeological
Survey of India led to some superficial excavation reports, but exten-
sive photo documentation resulted in 367 archived photographs. Scale
is often impossible to determine in the Takht-i-bahr photographic
documentation; thus, life-size figures are easily contused with small-
scale depictions.
Miscellaneous schist finds from the main lower sacred area (courts
JV and V; Wilcher had already cleared court X ) can be di vided
roughly into phase II and ill remains. Phase 11 sculptme includes
16 narrative panels (plus ten from early collections), two four-faced
2
ASfM nos. l I 73- 74; ASIJ'C 5- 7, 181- 302, 337- 366, 436, 444, 446, 62 1.- 622,
767- 790, 798, 825, 856- 970, 1403- 1410, 1477- 1 •~93, 1845- 48. See also Arclzaeolngical
Suroay qf lntiW. Photographs: !tu/ex qf Location, IndW. Office Colkctums in 1/ze British Library.
' Bellew, A G1!7Zeral Report on the Yusufi;ais, 92; Wilcher, "Exploration of d1e Buddhist
Ruins at Taklu-i-bai," 435.
4
Ibid., 437.
300 APPENDIX D
of the image shrines in the southwest corner. In image shrines c and

d, sepm·ate bases for devotional icons were found in situ (figs. 51, 52)
D3 Salzri-Bahliil Sites
D3.1 Sahri-Bah/.Ol A
When the site of Saht-r-Bah16J A 10 was excavated in 1906- 07 morQ
than 300 sculpttw<Ll f"r-<~.gments were recovered (fig. 54), but unlike in
the later Sahrr-Bahl61 excavations, a complete photographic record
was not made. The excavator did mention the recovery of 83 frag•
ments of phase ll stupas and 28 pieces of narrative sculpture.'' Thus,
while ~-peci.fic sculptures of interest are noted and discussed, little cal1i
be said about the total body of recovered sculpttu·e that was deposited
in the Peshawar Museum. Noteworthy are eight devotional icons
found in situ lianking the entrance of a poorly preserved structure
(lig. 55), which appears to have been a two-celled relic shrine, on:
the basis of structural typology (see section 8. 7.2 Sahrf-Bahlol: Some
Possible In Situ Sculpture). 12
D3.2 Sah1i-Balzlol B
T he 1909- 10 excavation of Sahrr-Bahl61 B yielded considerably quan-
tities of schist sculpture. 13 One of the excavated stujJas14 was embell-
ished with in situ stucco sculpture (fig. 56). This site has a moderate
number of phase IJ remains, which include 12 nm-rative panels, a:
single false gable, and two hamlika pieces. Phase Ill medium to life..
size sculptures include eight standing Buddhas, 12 seated Buddhas,
three standing bodhisattvas, and five seated bodhisattvas (one of which
has the late crossed-ankles motif). otable late phase Ill material!
10 ASO'C 2 1.- 87; .D. Spooner, Arcltoologi.cal SuTVI!)' iflndi.a Frorllier Cinlefor 1906-07
(Peshawar: Govemment Press, Northwest Frontier Province, 1907); Spooner, ~Excava
tions at Sahri-Bahlol (1906- 07)."
11 fbid., I 07, 109.
12 [bid., l 05- 06.
13 AS1FC 623- 727; Spooner, ArcJ@/.ogical Survry if buli.a FrorllWr Circle for 1909- 10;
Spooner, " Excavations a.t Sahri-Bahliil (1909- J0)."

14 This stujJa was located at grid 20- 74 (Spooner, "Excavations at Sahri-BahJol
(1.906- 07)," 47- 8, pl. Xll.l).
J
APPENDlX D 301
includes two monumental scllist standing Buddhas and a single Sravastf

triad image.
I
I D3.3 Sahri-Bahlol C 1 ~
I
I
T he numbers presented here are approximate, because large quanti-
ties of often very fragmentary scu1ptw·e were found at Sahrr-BahJ61 C.
The phase II material i~ composed of 19 narrative fragments, 11
I false gable fragments , and two hamzika panels. These narratives can-
not be grouped into sets, and the fragmentary natu re of all of this
early sculpture means that it has lost its original context. Phase Ill
I
schist sculpture includes four medium-sized standing and 15 seated
Buddhas (three of these seated Buddhas are in tUwmwcakra mudrii), as
• well as two small standing Buddhas and five small seated Buddhas.
T he medium-sized bodhisattvas include 15 standing and ten seated
(one of the seated examples has a lotus base, two have crossed ankles,
and two are in dJ1amwcaJcra mudra), six bases, and eight small, stand-
ing figures. There are also three Sravastf composite panels and ten
Sravasti plaques.
The stucco finds include one Buddha, one monumental Buddha
head, and 166 heads of Buddhas and bodhisattvas ranging in scale
from very small to life-size. Tllis high number of heads suggests that
conditions were not favorable for preservation of the more fragile
bodies of tl1e stucco sculpture at this site; this kind of selective sur-
vival of stucco heads can be seen at many other sites, notably
M ekhasanda, som e Taxila sites, and H ac;lc;la in Afghanistan.
D3.4 Sahri-Bahl6t D
At Sahri-Bahlol D great quanttbes of sculpture were recovered in
reuse contexts 16 (see Appendix C) (fig. 59). The approximate count
of phase Ill sclllst scuJpmre comprises one medium-sized standing
Buddha, I 2 medium-sized seated Buddhas, three small standing
Buddhas, and four seated Buddhas. T he few bodhisattva.s include
two medium-sized standing images and one that is seated, along with
15
ASIFC 1079- 11 85; Stein, Archeological Survry of f11dia Fmaticr Circle for 1.91 1- 12;
Stein, "Excavations at Sahri-Bahlol."
16
ASIFC 1186-1254; Stein, Archeolngical Sw~' of b1dia Frontier Circle for 1911- 12;
Stein, "Excavations at Sahri-BahlOI."
APPENDIX D 303
pieces of schist Buddha and bodhisattva icons. T he m uch more lim-

ited stucco remains, which seem to belong also to phase Ill, include
35 heads, a mere 123 fragments of various figures , and 2 10 archi-
tectural fragments.
0 5 Meklwsanda22
Like T hareli, Mekhasanda was excavated in the 1960s, and all of

its sculptural material was photographed. This smaller site contained
far less material. The schist phase IT remains include five large nar-
rative panel fragm ents and 15 minor pieces, four significant pieces
of false gable reliefs, and 210 schist architectural fragments . T he
schist phase III finds include three standing Buddhas, four bases of
standing Buddhas, six Buddha heads, three standing bodhisattvas,
three bases of standing bodhisattvas, one seated bodhisattva, one
seated bodhisattva with crossed ankles, and t\vo heads. In addition,
there are 21 small fragments of Buddha and bodhisattva sculptures.
T he stucco production is composed of 99 heads, 80 sculptural frag-
ments, one monumental Buddha head , and a fragment of a second
monumental Buddha head. There are 200 stucco architectural frag-
ments and 44 stone elements used to support stucco architectu ral
elements.
0 6 Ranigat 23
Ranigat was excavated in the 1980s and was fully photographically

documented. As tlus site was denuded of sculpture throughout the
19th and 20th centuries, the following count must be considered
incomplete. Moreover, conditions unfavorab1e for the presetvation of
stucco have left us almost no record of this category of sculpture.
Then: are 78 intact schist natTative pan els and 209 recognizable
fragments (some of these must belong to harmikii friezes). No intact
false gable reliefs were reported, but 64 fragments attest to their
presence.
22
Mizuno, ed., Mek11asanda, pls. 35- 66.
21 To avoid the possibility of recou nting sculptures, the on.ly material considered
is that which appears in photographs in Nishikawa, Rtmigat.
•
304 APPENDIX D
Dating to phase Il (and to some extent phase Ifl) are 173 small
schist heads and no fewer than 448 fragments of small schist figures,
many of which were parts of narrative panels. Corresponding to
these figures are 1212 schist architectural fragments and 131 elements
of vtdikiis. Also found were six large fragments of pillar capitals.
The schist phase LU devotional icons consist of 29 standing Buddhas;
seven bases for standing Buddhas, 17 seated Buddhas (five of which
are in dhannacalcra mudrii), seven heads, nine standing bodhisattvas,
four bases of standing bodhisattvas, 12 seated bodhisatrvas (one in
dhannacakra mudrii, three with crossed ankles, and one seated on a
stool with a pendant leg), and three bodhisartva heads. Also found
were two large donor figures and I 31 fragm ents of schist devotional
icons. Although no Sravasti figures were fOtmd, 35 fragments attest
that this late phase lll category of sculpture was present at the site.
Stucco finds are limited to 15 medium-sized heads, 121 small heads,
and 228 small fragments of figures. Also documented in these pho~
tographs arc 58 large coins and 74 small coins.
GLOSSARY
additive image
An image that was placed, where space permitted, against a wall
in a sacred area or vihiira courtyard that had no shrine-like enclo-
sures (figs. 35, 36).
assembly hall
A square hall found at most Gandharan sites; many were large
enough to require a set of four internal pillars to support the roof.
In many cases, the hall is attached to the monasteries, but in some
instances it is by itself. The exact function of these chambers is
not known; their association with monasteries suggests that monks
may have assembled in th em.
Bactria
Ancient name for a reg10n in Afghanistan.
chattriivali
Stacked umbrellas that sheltered the vertica.l a-xis of a stilpa. Their
presence is also linked to creating a proper auspicious environ-
ment for housing a relic.
diaper masonry
A masonry type used in T axila, the Peshawar ba~in, Swat, and
Afghanistan in which large, roughly shaped stones were set into
beds and small chips of stone filled the interstices (fig. 9). In the
Taxila area, this masonry type can be used to date a monument
to phase n.
direct-access relic
A relic that was openly displayed rather than being placed in the
inaccessible core of a stupa; e.g., the skull bone of the Buddha
that was on display at Ha<;l<;la.
direct-access relic shrine
A shrine that displayed a relic that could be viewed and some-
times hanclled (figs. 118, 119).
•
316 BffiLlOGRAPHY
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M. Asher ~1t1d G. S. Gai. New Delhi: O,.-ford & ffiH , 1985.
Klimburg-Salter, D. "Front an Art Historical Perspective: Problems of Chronology
in the Ku~~a Period." In Coins, Art, mui Clumwlogy: Essays 011 the Pre-Islamic His!IYIJ
of the lndo-lramim Bord.erlmuls, edited by M. Alram and D. Kl.imburg-Sa.lter. Viennl(l
Vedag der Osten·cichischcn Akademic der Wissenschaften, 1999. ,
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( 1933- 34): ll-1 5.
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ManoharlaJ Publishers, 1996.
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dell'lstitulo Uniuersitaria Oriet11ale di Napoli 47 (1987): 153- 76.
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l
•
LNDEX
Abba Sahib China, 27, 38. 203- 204. Archaeological Su rvey of India (ASI),
207, 2 10, 255; colossal image shrine I , 17- 18, 113- 11 4. I lB. 188.
at, 137. 203. 245, 253- 254. 267, 2 16-217. 2N, 269. 296- 297. 302
280, fig. 111 ASokan edicts, 13, 21., 39. 235:
abhaya mudrii, 168, 172, 251; as columns, 55; sttipas erected by,
chronologic indicator, 274- 276 39- 40
Adashir, 2.i6 Asokavadana, 39.
additive sculpture, 32- 33, 69, 71, 110, assembly hall, 35, 76. 198: in situ
159- 161, 165, 2 17. 229. 246; typical sculpture found in, 23 1. 241, 249,
distribution of, 161; placement in fig. 6.1
pre-existing shrines, 161 , 233; sockets a tlantes, 117, 126- 127, 165, 243, 247;
for anachrnem of, 2 18, 247; schist depictions of on phase lll stupas,
iconic sculpture, 232, 247; figs. 28. 9fi
monwnental iconic sculpture, 190, Aurangabad caves, l.ll.. 251
218 Azes, 68, 87, 97, 192, 25 7- 259
Afghanistan, 2, 4, 10- 12, 14- 16, Azes 0 , 49. 68, 2iZ
20- 25, ;g, 39- 40, 79, 92- 93, I 04, Azes Dheri (see Cangu Dher)
152, 203, 208- 2 10, 218. 229, Azilises, 2iZ
254- 255. 261- 262. 264, 269, 271,
276-277, 30.1 Bactria, 2..2., 1.5.
A.i Khanoum, !1.,. 271 Bagh, lfi1
Aja~o!Ji., !...!., 37, l36, 171 , 174, 252, Baligram, g.§, !ill
283, 2Bfi Ballar rope, g.§, 80, 162, 207, 255
Akhaurf, Khacler Mollfii sites, 25, 34, Bantiylin, u., 14, 20- 22, 2 1o. 255,
36. ?1., 80, 93- 95, 138, 142 277; monumell!al devotional icons
Akhauri B, 74, 167, 251 at, 203- 204, 253, 267; pass at 2.3
Alchon Htm, 202, 208, 2'16 Barikot (ancient city of), 19, 26, 46
Alexander the Great, l2 Barthoux, J., 279
Ali M~jid, 277; phase UI stucco Basa,va.l, 2.1
stupas at, 110, 127, 163-165, 20 1, Bayley, Sir Clive, ill
265, f·ig. 9fi Bazira (see Barikot)
alms bowl of the Buddha, 10. 15, 30. Begram (ancient city of), I l l
61- 64, 175, 236, 238; 6th century Bellew, H. W. , 17, 11 5. 18 1, 187,
C.E. pilgrimage to, 206; depictions 216-2 17, 230, 291
of, 238, figs. 122, 123 Bhaja, 239
Amaravati, 130. 273 Bhamala, 74, 80, 15 1, 162, 206.
Amlukdara, 21 207- 208, 2 10, 254, 263, 264,
awfa, 28, 52- 54. 95 266-267, 279
Anda.n Dheri, 77. 21i.l Bharhut, !i, 15, 53, 55, 57- 59, 124,
Andhra, 8, 14, 55, 130, 273 273
aniconic period, 273 BhiJsa topes, 5 L 53. 55, 58. 93, 236,
apsidal haU (see cairya hall) 241
324 INDEX
Bhir Mound, 25 Butkara - J., 7.

-19,-- 26,-30,-42,- 73, 77,
-
.Bhojpur, i2 102- 103, I 35. 189; chronology of,
blzwnisparia mudrii, dating of, 275- 276 49 - 50: ph~·se I, !2., 40. 47-50.
Bodhgaya, 5 1. 53, 55. 273 5 1- 54. 59- 60. 98. 100, 235- 236.
Bodhi Tree, 1..3.0. 255 .. 259: phase ll, 99- 101. 107.
bodhisattva image, 3. 9. LL 33. 35- 36, 158; phase m, 14 1, l ~ - 255; phase
7 1, 92, 114. I 17. 132, 135, 143, rn accelcmtion in patronage, 140:
16 1, 164. 188, 2 12. 217, 219, phase IV, I 41, 206, 254- 255; Great
222- 223. 225- 226. 230- 231' 233, .Building two-celled shrine, 30, 64.
245, 247- 249, 268. 274- 275, 280 .. 74, 76. 86. 100- 101, 107. 140, 236,
282- 283. 287. 289. 292. 295, fzg. 98: relic sh rines at, I 00- 10 1:
297- 304: with crossed ankles, 223, main stii.pa, 48--53, 99, I 30, 145;
226-227, 297, 300- 304; with axial characteristics of main st!ipa.,
pendant-leg, 227, 304: in dl101macakra 145: prada/cy'iJ,zapatlza area, 56, LOO.
rnudrii, 227. 304 . as attendant, l 07: movement through sacred area,
172- 174, 252, 283- 284. 287: in 48-49, 100- 101. 107. 148-.14.9:
Sravastr reli efS, 172- 173, 252; as eJq)an.s.ion of sacred area of, I 89;
monastic personal devotional icon, sculpture fi·om, 57 . L25, 14 I, L65,
167. fig. 23: datable st1.tcco example 243, 21fr-271. 273, 277: reused
of, 20 I. 279- 280; dating schist sculpture from, 290- 2.9. 1; possible
monumental images of, 2B.l earthquake at, 207; satellite monastic
Brlihm i, !..3ft complexes o£; 93--94, .99. 101 - L02.
Bzitish colonial peziod, !..§.. 112- 1 I 4 105, 241
Br.itish Museum , 11 2 Butkara ill, 20. 2§.. ;iL 56. 73- 74, 71.
Bubzai tope, 95 99. 104- 105. 11 5, 125, 133, 26 1:
Buddha image, 3. 7- 8. I 1- 12. 33, 36, configuration of sacred ru·ea of, 92,
71, 92, 114, !..!1.. 135, 14·3, 161, 104 - 105; two-celled stilpa shrine ll.lld
164- 165, !88, 212, 222- 223. early stllj>as at, 98. l..lM - 105. I 2 1.
225 226. 230- 232, 244- 245, 290- 29 1, 293
2<H - 249, 268. 274- 275, 278, 280.
282- 283. 289. 292. 294. 295, Caddy, Alexander, !L 11?- 113.
297- 304; origin of 58-59. 90. 115, 2 I 2- 215, 242, 296
237. 272-273; life stories including, cai~a hall, :ill, 46. 70- 74, 85. 86. 240,
59. 79. I 10 - 111. I 15, 120. 128, 253, 286
164, 238, 243, 247, 273- 274; CaUieri, Pierfrancesco, 19, 187, 207
hierarchic appearance in narrarivc central Asia, 107, 208, 234, 264
sculpwre, I ~i 1- I 32: ,·ows of under C haqalaq Tepe, 2.1
arches, 130- 132. fig. 638 ; rows of C harsada , 1:fi
with attendant donor figures, C hatpat stfipa, 20. 27. 58. 60. 130.
130- 131. fig. 63C; rows of on image 237. fig. ill
shrine bases, 179, 299- 300, fig. 73; clwttrii.ooli, 28. 11 0, 133-134, 165, 220.
dating schist monume.mal images of, 297. 299
21<k and worshipper plaques, China, 2. 12, 22. 25, 50, 6 1- 63, 65.
167- I 69, 219- 220, 299; with crossed 23•1·. 272
ankles, 29 7; in dlwmzacakm mudrii, Chinese pilgrims, 66- 67, 206. 2 I 0,
20 1. 219, 22 1- 222. 276, 283, 301. 236, 238, 211
304; as attenda.tztS in triads, 172, chronology, phase system, 3- 11. 24,
287. fig. 2.9. 40. 78- 79. 234 ; phase !.., !39- 76
Buddhism, beginning of in Greater 235-237: phase 11, 6.1- 108,
Gandhiha, 39 237- 244, 256: phase m, 1!37- 233.
.Buddhism, decline of in the Pcshawar 245-253, 256: late phase m,
basin, 10. 12 204- 210 253- 254, 256; phase IV, 15.
Buner, 23. W 203--210. 253--254. 2.5.6.
INDEX 325
chronology, phase system applied to dlurm~acakra mudrii, 172, 201 , 2 l9, 22 1,

archir.e ctural remains, 2 12, 255-267: 224, 301, 304; implications for
phase L L 39. L77, 255- 259. 275; dating sculpture, 219, 222- 223,
phase U, 7- 9, ~ 77- 79, 177, 256, 226- 227, 275--276, 283- 284. 287;
25.9 - 262, 275; phase Ill, 9 - 10, 137, •·elation to wh eel-ruming Buddha
256, 262- 265, 275; Late phase fJJ, images, 233
I 86-188. 256. 266; phase IV, Dh arrnarajika complex, L 13. 25. 26.
9.- !.1, 80, 133, 137, 162, 177, 40, 74, 77, 80, 8 1, 102- 103, LOS,
194, 267 289. 292; phase !.., !1, 4.1- 45,
chronology, phase system applied to 46-47 ' '~9. 51- 52, 55, 59, 235- 236,
sculpture, 3, 96, 110. 112. 130- 131. 255--256. 259: phase 1 sculpture at,
14 1, 168, 176. 268-287: phase I. 7. 57, 27 1; phase U, 84- 93. 107. 158,
268. 272, 274- 275; phase n, 7 9. 236, 260; possible phase 11 image
14, 109- 134. 268, 274 - 276, 278: sh rines, 142- 144; phase m,
phase m, 9 - 10, 14- 15, 268, 136- 137' 140- 141' 144- 150.
274- 281; late phase W and phase 155- 15 7' 162, 166, 189, 236, 245,
IV, 9 - ll , 133, 268- 269. 277- 281: 255, 263: phase lll embellishment of
history of sculpture dating debate, main stt1pa, 164; late phase IU and
268- 270: dating on the basis of phase rv, 150- 154, 187, 206-207,
styk, 270, dating on the basis of 209 - 210, 254- 255, 267, 280:
foreign influence, 270- 271 two-celled shrine H, 64, 76, 85- 87,
Chu~1ar sandstone, :Hl 89, I 00, 144, 148, 153, 186, 236;
circwnambulation, 8. 28, 3 1, 48- 49, G5- 6 t:wo-cclled shrine, 73, 75, 83,
51 -53. ~ 59. 84 . .9.5. 100. 103. 87, 259- 260, 292. 294: I3 apsidal
11 0, 121, 129, 148- 149, 198- 199, hall, 69, 73; L two-celled shriJle, 87.
202, 236-237, 240- 2•H ; in relic 291- 292, R J- R5 relic shrines,
shrines, 67, 68- 69, 74, 100 87- 89, 101 , 107. 152, 278, 292.
Classical tradition, 50. 211 294: pradakfitwpatlw shrines, 90- 92.
Classical srrucrures, fiZ I 07, 142- 143, 150; pradakfi'.lapalha
clay sculpture (see al~o stucco area, 41 , ·~3. 49, 85- 87, 89- 91 , 101,
sculpture), !..1 71, 177, ?77 149- 15 1; western processional path,
clay seals, Buddhist, 1..12 87. 89, 107. 142, 144, 148,
coins (sec numismatic evidence) 1. 50- 1:> 1. 179, 185, 236; sealing of'
Cole, Major H. H .. !.L 11 3- I 14, western gate into pmdalcPtwj>atluz;
11 6-1 17 .. 126 151- 152: northern processional path,
column, 42- 43. 49. 69, 85. 90, I 00, 144, 14·6-150, 154, 185, 236;
102- 104, 143, 230, 236, 304; eastern processional path, 152, 154;
columns on the corners of stfipa monumental image shrine Nl8, 91.
bases, 56, I 03, I 25- 126, flg. I 0 I; 154. 203. 204, 21 0; inscriptions at,
Asoka.n columns, 40: post-ASokan 47, 75, 87; additive imagery at, 160;
columns, 51. 55. 60: relics in, !1:2 dating of stucco sculpture at, 277; as
Court, Lfi regional hub, 48. 79- 80, 99. 241;
Crystal Palace (London), lli patronage patterns of, 86, I38- 140,
Cunningham, Alexander, 1i. 65. 142, 153; movement r.hrough sacred
68- 71 ,m 198. 21.1 area and changes r.hrough time, 4 I .
45. 84- 87, M, u..:J.- 153. 154: late
Damkor, 77 segregation of lay and monastic
Deane, Lieutenant-Colonel Harold, !.1.. population, I 53
118-1 19. 228=229 Dbarmarajika complex monasr.e •i es, 36,
Decr;a n plateau (see India, west) 79: phase I, 43, \2Q; phase li,
Devn.imor.i, 170- 171, 252 14·5- 146, 250; A complex, 43- 44,
devotional imagery (see sculpture, 85, 98, 138. 279; B complex, 43- 44,
iconic) !&, 98, 138, 240; G quadrangular

• >
326 INDEX
monastery, 33, 9~. 139, 145 146, Gaoseogzhuan (The Lives of Eminent
167, 263; J quadrangular monastery, ~Ionks, eclited 519 C.E.), 62 63
9~. 139; H quadrangular monastery, garland holder, 57. fig. 12; io situ
94, 139, 170: 1\15 quadrangular placement of, 58, 60, 237. fig. 114
monastery, 1-!5 146, 165; satellite Garrick, H., 19
monastic complexes, 93- 9-1, 250; Gautama. 59
monastic population through time, Ghazni, 194
93 9+, 138 139 Giri. 77. 79, 206
Dipankara Jtitaka, 129 130 gold leaf, 109, 172
Dir valley, 23 Gondophares. 182, 25 7
Gujarat, 11 , 170, 252
eanhquakcs, 207, 242, 290 Guldara, 20, 209, 261
Ellora, 11 , 171, 252 Gupta period, 55, 152, 282 283
Ephthalitcs (sec Hcphthalitcs) Grant Skeoe, 120
Errington, Elizabeth, 197, 206 Grcco-Roman style, 7, 16, 50
Greece, 271
Facccn na, Domcnico, 19, 47, 122, Grlinwedel, 128
207. 279 Guides mess, Mardan, 16
liusc dormer (sec false gabll') Gumbatuna, 20, 27, 56
l>tlsc gable, :ll , I I 0 I I I, I I 7,
122- 123, 128 132-133, 179, 217, Haq(la, 20- 21, 61- 65, 277, 279, 30 I;
220, 224, 227. 243- 244, 253, satellite monastic complexes of, 93,
297 304; lilc sJJan of motif; 110, 24 1
133, 174, 214, 244; placement on Haibak, 2 1
sltipru, 214; depictions of; 132; halo, 133; double halo, 222
multi-piece examples, 11 8, 123, 133, Hargreaves, H., 181
2 14, 244, 297; iconic images in harmikD., 28, 54, 110, 117, 122,
tri-lobed niches, 144 145; placement 133- 13 4, 165, 179, 298, 300 30 1,
in monastk cell, 169; incorporation 303; life span of motif, 110, 214;
in Srnvastf composite reliefs, 174, setS, 118, 123, 133. 213. figs. 87.
214, fig. 127 9S B; iconographic developments s<:<'ll
F;uncnsi, 65 in. 276
Faxian. I. 15, 22, 61 65. 175, 239 Hashmagiir Buddha image with
figure carrying garland motif, 110, inscribed date, 282
118, 123, 127' 1.10, fig. 95£ Hazar-sum, 21
figure under arch motif, I 16, I 18, Hellenistic traclirion, 7. 12. 57
120. 123. 127, 129, 132, 243, 298, Hephthalites, I 0, 15, 23. 205; role in
ftg. 121 supposed destruction of Buddhist
Fil-khana, 21 community, 204- 205
Fit.GSimmons, T., 208 Higuchi. T .. 191 , 194
Fondukistan. 20, 255, 277 Himalayan mountain range, 22, 271
forgeries of Gandharan sculpture, 269 Hinayrma Buddhism, 14
Hindu Kush mountain range, 22 23
Gandhlira, ancient (sec also Pcshawar Hindu Shahis, 15, 256
basin), 1, 10 11, 16, 25 Hindu temple, 68
Gandhara, Grcatco·, 2, 6, fl, 12 13, Huo:tas (see Hephthalites)
15 16, 22, 26, 65, 78, 95, I 09, 142, Hun, 206- 207, 256, 271
146, 149, 157, 163, 166, 174, 187, Hunza valley, 23, 25
194, 235, 253, 255 ·256, 267, 27 1, Huv~a, 13, 49, 103, 177, 192, 237,
27 7, 295; histooy or, 12 13; 255- 25 7, 263
geography ut; '.!2 '.!4·
Gand hari language, 35 image shrine[s), 3, 9, 14, 27, 31 ·33,
Ganges basin, 40, 50 37, 66, 103- 104, 11 0, 11 7, 135,
Gangu Dht:r, 2<l, 176 139- 143, 147, 156-160, 183, 189,
arep11
•
328 J.:NOEX
82; single- and double-cellcd shrines, fig. 86; phase m sculpture, !...!.±.
!lQ, ~ 166; phase lll emphasis on 136. 177. 217; late phase m and
relic shrines, 15-1- 155, 157, 162; phase IV sculpture, I 7i. 187, 248,
organization of sacred area, 285; multi-piece false gable, 133;
105 106. 1-}2, 240; additive imagery, Buddha wirh inscribed date, 282:
160; rcUSI'd sculpture, 289. 291 292: loose sculprure, ?96- ?97
monasteries, 167 168, 170. 251; Lowari Pass, 21
monastic population, 138; monastic Lumbini. l l
personal devotional image, Ui8
K~herr, l1 55, 1.61 ~ Iahii)'iiml Buddhism. 14, 284, 2B1
K~ka. 13, ~ 2iz 93, I 05. 177. ~[ala Tangai, l! 3
192, 2H. 237, 256 257. 263. 273, ~ lalakand Pass 21
282 283 , 285; era, elate of, -} 5; ~lal,likydla. stupa.
17, 26, 255;
Kani.5ka 11, c:ra of, 282 283; phase IV relic deposits in, 207.
Kaniljka 's st u/J<I, ll.5. ru:
kai\jur (sec also masonry); use in cores manuscript fragments, 2, 15 '16
of phase lll stucco sculptures, 163 Mara, 275
K;u:~ ~haka, 218 Mardan , 228
Kal'llkoram Pass, 23, 25, 1.311 Matjanai, 20, 27, 11 74, 77, 79, 98,
Karkai, 97, I 15, I UJ 120 11 5, 120- 121; phase rr, 105 106,
Karli , LJ I 08; two-cellecl sWpa slui.ne S3, I06,
Kashmir, 2, 16, 22 23. 2011, 25.6 125, 229; reused sculpture, 290 291, ·
Kashmir-Smast, 20 2.9.3. '
Khadcr Mnhra 0 2, 96, 108, lAli. Marshall , S ir J olm, 5 6, 18 19, ~ 58,
Kham51.h i, 35, l.3ll 60. 66-68, 70- 72, 75. 82- 83, 2.Q,
Khusrau TI, 25.6 92. 114, 143, 173, 205. 207' 256,
K hybcr Pass, ll.. ill 278, 279
Kicrn rn. 2fi3. masonry, 5-6. I 76. 244, figs. ;!.. lt
Kida ra 11, I..!UI phase I, 258-259: phase 1 rubble
K ida rites, 15 masonry from T axila, ±z. 25 7. 260.
Koi Tangai. 96, ill 267; phase I kaiijur ashlar masonry
Kujula Kaclphises, ~ 255. 25.1 from Ta.xila, 42. 44, 46, §Q, ~ ~
K uoiila, ?.L 142, 162, 206 207. 213; 88. 25 7- 259; kaiijur ashlar masonry
phase Ill foundation, 139; as a reflection of patronage rather
monastery, 167, 169, 265 266; as than chronology, 259: phase IJ.
satellite monastic complex, 9-1-, 139 260 261: phase li diaper masonry
K ushan. 13, ~ 107. 237. 256 257. from Ta.xila, 28, 47, 69. ~ 82, 2.!.,
271' 273 ~ 142, I 44, 159. 238. 257- 261,
Kushano.Sasanian•, 15, 105. 177. 192, 262, 264-. 278: diaper masonry i11
245, 25fi the Peshawar basin. 6-7, 96, 141,
Kuwayama. Shoshin, 21. 206. 208, I & 260- 261; diaper masonry in
2lD Swat, 103. 105, 261; soapstone
ashlar masonry in Swat. I 03; early
Lahore M useum, 1, 18. 2.1 112. 118. phase m proto semi-ashlar masonry
228, 239 from Taxila, 141 , 144 145, 264;
La lchak, 26. 74-, 162, 2!lfi phase m semi-ashlar masonry from
Lalma, 2.J Taxila, 8. 2.!., 136 137, 141 142,
Lauriya Nandan~'llrh, !i!i /-14, 148- 149, 157, 164, !1..!., 245,
Locban r I, I!, Jll , ..9.9. 26 1, 262- 265, 277; late phase Ill
Loriyiul 'l'l!J)gai, 2 11 , 212 215; phase double and triple semi-ashlar
fl sculpture, 96, 11 3, 123, 177, 2 /J. ma.sonry from Taxila, 13 7, 14 1, 145,
227; phase TT stupas, 179, 2 /.~; small 147- 150, 153, 158, 208, 245 N6,
stii.pa reconstruction now in the 262, 264, 266, 267, 277; phase IV
lndi<Ul Museum , 124, 2 13, 218, masonry, 266- 267; interstitial chips,
INDEX 329
261 , fig. 9; incorporation of 196- 197, 249, 262, 266-267, fig. 61;
sculptw·c as building material, 2.89 images associated with rnoumain
Masson, 16 uil1iiras, 195. 233, fig. Ifi
Mathura, 272- 273 mona~tic area, 27. 80, 11 9. 1..35
Maurynn period, 13, 24·, 39, <Ul. 49. monaslic image sh rin es, 36, 80, 149.
235. 2.55 162- 163, 166-174, lTh 251, 253;
Maus, 2.'i.2 monastic personal devotional images,
Mediterranc<tn, !1, 22. 50, 56, 36. 163, 167- 169. J95, 251' figs. 23.
270- 271 27: groups of icons placed in
Mckhasanda, 20, 2•1·, 35, 38. 77. pre-existing monastic cells, 163,
136- 137. 143, 232, 261: phase n, 169- 171. 251; monastic pedestal
96. 177- 180. 183, 192; phase rn, images, 36. 163, 169- 171. 251 - 252;
150. 156- 158, 177- 180, 221, 229: monastic gandltaku!i image niches,
late phase m and phase rv, 178, 36-37, 136,155. 163, 167,171- 174.
187. 205: relative chronology or, 252, figs. 27. 29: chronologic
178- 179; in situ sculpture, 180, 21 I , relationship between pedestal images
231. figs, 66. 67: loose sculpture, and gandllal111ti image niches, 172
137. 2 11- 212. 226, 277. 280. 286. monastic populations at given sites, 29,
30 I. 30.~: reused sculpture, 290- 291 43, 93- 94, I 0 I , 138- 140. 181, 188,
1vl.ian Khan, 17, 96, ll3, ill 191, 197, 24:9
J\l.lingora, 1..02 monastic relic shrines, 61. 66. 166-167;
Mir Jan , ll.3 stiipa shrines in monastic ccUs, 36.
Mi.rpurkhas, ll 44, 95, 14·6, 166- 167, 169, 24·0;
Mizuno, Sciichi, 20 191, 194 two-cclled relic shrines in
Mohammed ari, Sr:ivasti composite monasteries, 36. 80, 166; sllipas in
reliefs from, 172, 187. figs. 126, 127 monastic courtyards, 95-96, I 08,
Mohenjo Daro, di rect access sltipa, 64, 146, 166-167, 240, 250
239 monastic smaU sacred area, 27. 37,
Mohra Ma.lia.ra.ii, 64- 65. 68-69, 136. 163, 169. 193- 197, 249- 250;
73- 74·, ~ 100, 153, 236 private devotional needs of monastic
Moh ra Moradu , 33. 36. 69, 74, 77. comm unity, 166- 167
79. 80, 94, 136. 159- 161' 233; Mora Pass, 212
phase IJ, 94- 95; phase m, 142, mountain viJUira (see monastery)
156, 162- 163, 245, 250, 255: StuCCO mudrii, 1 I0; relative chronological
imagery, 141, 277. 280: additive development or,
274- 276, 27ll
imagery, 159- 161, 229: rwo-ceUed naga, 2.86
relic shrine, 94-95, 159;
quadrangular monastery, 159, 183, agarahara , 2 3-2 4
262; stiipa added to pre-existing Nag-a:rj unakor:rc)a, 27 3
monastic cell, 165, 167. 169: Naj~>ram, 65
devotional icons added to alandii, 146. L71. 251 - 252
pre-existing monastic cell, 169. 1alhou complex, 17, 24, 96. lid,
fig. 38; monastic gandlwkuti shrines, 115- 118. 122- 123, 177: Lower
171- 174. 184, 252, 287: monastic alhou, 116- Ul, 123, 213; upper
pedestal images, 169, I 7'2 N:.thou, W - 118. 122- 123, 126,
monastery, 27- 28, 33- 38, 76, 80, 82, w
84-85, 93-94, 136. 195: phase (, imogram, 20, 27. .'>4. 106. 135. 261:
43-44, 46, 21.. ~ 55, §§_, 84- 85. phase III, 150. ill
138. 166, 240, 259; phase ID, niroii11a, 8.3.
135- 137, 140, 162- 163, 166-171, Nishikawa, Koji, 20
250- 251' 265- 266; late phase m, numismatic evidence, 3- 4, 10- 12, 15,
1 11- 114; phase IV , 209, 267; 16, 41, 45, 49. ~ 68, m,
2§,
mountain oihiim, 33, 37- 38, I '16. 97- 98, 101-103, 105. 111, 137, 145,
139- 140, 163, 188- 189. 194- 195, 156, 176. 177, 183, 191, 194,
330 INDEX
1..9.6- 198. 200, 202. 207, 222. 227, l LO, I 12, I 19, 129, 135-137. 139,
235. 238, 244, 248, 253- 256. 259, 147, 155-156, 158, 163, 165-166,
262- 263, 269. 27 1- 272, 279, 292. 175-2.15. 24-1- 242, 244·, 246,
304. fig. z 248- 249, 253-255. 261' 265. 267,
269. 273, 276-277, 28 I . 284- 286.
Palai , 2.8..1 290
Panr, 19, ~ 42, 77, 94, 99. 103, 105. Peshawar Musetml, I , 18, 112. 300
270; phase 11, 101- 102, 108 Peshawar University, 20
Parinitvfu:ta, I I 8. 121, 123, 2 I 3; phase phase system (see cllronology, phase
m and IV iconic representations of, system)
264, 279, fig. 43 pilgrimage, 10. 27. 6 1. 62- 63, 64. 94
Parthim-t, 13, 23. 45, 50, 272 (see also Chinese pilgrims}
patronage; periods of abwldanCc, 7, pillar (see column)
14, 77, 107, 135-136, 235, 273- 274; Pippala, 25, 36. ll. 79; phase 11,
phase m increase in, 137- .141. 142, 95-96. LOB; ph a.se Ul, 136. 142,
175, 187- 188, 245, 250, 253. 255; 156, 162, J69. 245; monastic slupa
phase IV decline in, 8, I 0, 15, 141 , shrine and phase I] stfipa, 98, 12 l,
175, 189, 204- 205. 245, 253, 267, 12:-r-126, 165, 167, fig. 1(1
295; clu·onologic gaps in, 2, 205; prada}qitta (see circumambulation)
Auctuations in at given sites, 162; for provenance of sculpture, 11 2- 1 14
drama tic effect, l 04. i'l·8; by la)'
community, 83, 96; monastic conb·ol Old $a.ka era 2BJ
over, 84- 85; of main sliipas and oew '
sacred areas, 14, 28. 34, 81, 96. Ranig-dt, 20, 21. 53- 54, 77' 96. l 97.
107, I 84, 190; of secondary sacred 199, 213, 261 :. phase l and II,
a.reas, 189- 19 1; of srrucrures added 97- 99, 108, 183, 192, 200- 204:
w sacred areas, 59. 78. I 03. ph ase 11 stripa.r, 121, 125, 126,
.188- 191. 23.5- 236, 250; paLteJ'tlS of f'S. 80; phase m, 136. 150. 157.
clustered offerings, 90. 146-14 7. I 75, 200- 204, 245, 255; late phase
153, 189; of sma.ll stupas, 28- 29, 41 , lll and phase IV, 137. 166, 187,
49, 2.L 58. 84. !...!.L 122- 123, 127, 200- 210, 248; phase lV colossal
157, 184, l9Q-19l, 242, 247; of image shrine, 137, 245, 254. 26 7,
relic strucmres, 30. 7.5. 79. 83. 84. 280: multiple sacred areas, 189, 191,
I 90, 274; of sculpture in relic 200, 202- 203; in situ sculpture, 279;
shrines, 69, 72, 105- 106, 118, loose sculpture, 137, I 77. 226-227,
2!9- 220, 230; of columns, :2.L 59; .10FI04
of image shrines, 32. 132, 15 7, 162, Ratnagiri, 29, !l.L 25 2
184- 185, 246, 274; of' rnonurnental r·cfurbishment during phase lU of
image shrines, I 86. 189- I 90; of earlier st:ructures, 147, 149, 175.
sculpture, iU., 58- 59, 190, 217, 235, 178, 182, 242, 248, 289- 290
274; of iconic images, lli- 2 15; of relic, 7- 8, JJ- 14, 28, 30, 43, 60- 61,
additive sculprur•e, 33, 16 1, 2•n ; of 72- 73, 25-76. 108, 135, 189, 238,
reused sculpture, 87, l1.L 106, 288; 274- 275, 291: rel igious emphasL~ on
of pavement stones with embedded during phase IT, 107- I 08; emphasis
coins, 98. I 97. 20 I: of monaste ries, on during phase []], l...'ill
28, 34, J84, 265: of satellite relic, deposits in main Jtupas, 4. LO. 28.
monastic centers, 94; of images in 30, ~ 4:6, 147, 207, 254, 256, 259,
monasteries, 168- 169 262- 263; in small stfipas, •1·2
Patuli, 5 1, 273 relic, direct-access, 15, 6.1- 70, 75, BB.
paving stones with holes for coin 100- 10 1, 143, 238
donation, 98. 197, 202. 279, fig. 8 1 relic, securit)• for, 6 1, 64. 66- 67. 72,
Peshawar basin , 6, 9 - 10, I 5- 16, 20, 76, 88, l 05; restricted tu:ccss in relk
22- 23. 24- 27, 33, 37. 39.. 53. 54, shrines, 67, 69 - 70, 73- 74
62. 73, 77- 79. 92-94, llii-99. 107, relk shri ne, 8, ~ 14, 27, 32, 6.1- 76.
'
I
I
INDEX 331
I
•
79. 143, 149, 245, 247; sculptural 189, 230, 238- 239, 241; phase III,
depictions of, 56, 61, 63- 64, 73, 89. 1.15- 137. 156, 161 , 163, 189, 230,
!.!.L 165, figs. ~ I08, 118, Ltl, 240, 25l; phase nr ex,ans ion of,
I 122, 123; direct-access relic shrine, 187- 191. 253; phase IV, 203- 201.
30, 73- 76, 236; stupa shrine, 30. !ill, 209- 210, 246, 253; evidence of
11 5, 125, 139, 154- 155, 229; phase IV collapse in patronage of,
two-ccUcd stiipa shrine, 30- 31. 205- 206, 253: core r·elic su·ucrur·es
•
73- 76, 78, 81, ill!, 104- 105, 109, in, l 06, 136; multiple or subsidiary,
120. 155. I 85, 239, 259. 26 1, 29. ~ 101, 140, 147. 159,
fig. 107; two-ceUed shrine, 73-76, 189- 191, 192, 199, 220- 221, 249;
W, 82, 85. 87. 95. I00, I 09, distribution of structures in, 78,
139- 140, 155, 162, 185- 186, 192, 84- 85, 92, I 04- 105, 136, 162, 179,
228- 229, 236, 239- 24·0, 242, 261. 235; organiUltion for dramatic effect,
285, 294, 300; two-cclled shrine wi1J1 I 04. l 07- 108, l 36, 179, 185, 198,
loose relics, 74- 75; single-celled stiipo. 204; movement through (see also
shrine, 91, 109, 1. 20. 152. 155, Dharmarajika complex and Butkara
228-229, 239; single-cclled shrine, I), 32. 42, ZQ,!!:!, 198- 199. 236,
90, 92- 93, 109, 157' J85, 192- 193, 240; with relic shrines at entrances,
198: importance of in phase m 186; with perimeter image shrines,
sacred areas, 154- 156, 185; 158, 165, 179, 247; unenclosed, 160,
establishing a relic in, 75 . 83: image 193, 229: assemblages of iconic
shrines added to pre-existing relic sculpture found in, ill
shrines, 161, 185, 247; in situ Sahri-Bahl61, 17, 24. 26, 94, 114. 176.
imagery associated with, 228, figs. 187, 207, 255; in situ sculpture 21 I,
55. 90: additive sculpture placed in, 229, 230- 231, figs. 54·, ~ additive
161, 219-220; reused sculpture imagery, 160; loose sculpture, 21 1,
associated wid1, 289. 29?-?94 216, 221- 223, 227, 278, 280,
rcliquaty, 16, 70, 72- 73, 106. 11 2. 284- 285. 300- 302: late sculprure,
262, 29 1- 292; stupo.!reliquary, 62, 177, 248, 276- 277, 281 ; sculptural
75- 76, llii reuse, 189, 229, 253, 289- 290;
reused sculpture (sec also appendix C), satellite monasric complexes, 93, 181,
!..Q, 87. 91 . !.J..:!i 118, 120, 178, 189, 22 l. 241; Sah t·i-Bahl61 A, 137. 21 1,
190, 211, 2 14, 216, 219- 220, 230, 229, 294, 300; Sahrr-Bahlol B,
249, 28 L 298, 30 L fu-st period of /63-164, 206, 222. 300- 301:
reuse in phase m, 199. 242, 289. Sahri-BahJol C, 222- 22.'1, 286,
290- 292; second period of reuse in 294- 295, 301, fig. 58; Sahri-Bahlol
phase IV, 205, 210. 22 1. 223, 228, D, 223, 286. 294- 295. 301- 302;
242, 253, 286, 289, 292- 295; as a Sahri-Bahlol F, 206; Sahri-Bahlol G,
reflection of phase IV Buddhist 208, 254-. 267, 295, fJg. fill
praclicc, 253; sites not subjected to Saidu, 19, ~ 55, 77. 94, 99, 115,
reuse, 225- 226, 229; placed in relic 135; phase U, 102- 104; phase III,
shrines, 87, 161, 219- 220, 244, 285. 150, 189, 255; main stiipa,
288, 292- 293; placed around sllipa 102- 103, 109, 115. 122, fig. 105;
bases, 223, 288, fig. 58; confusion monastery, I 0 1; trabeated
with addilive images, 160, 246-247; cl1~.rnbe rs, 187; in situ sculpture,
possibly damaged in earthquakes, 233; sculpture, 270
207, 243; confusion with Saka era, 282- 283
iconoclasm, 2.0.1 Saka-Parthian, 2.3
rock-cut sculpture, 2 10. 255, 2ftfi Saka period, 45
Rome, 271 - 272 Sakyamuni, 14, ·10, I 72
Sai'icr 8, 40, 52- 53, 55, 58- 59. 1 2·~.
sacred area, public, 27, 32- 33, 37, 42, 236, 273; axial image sh rines on
44, •1·5, §.!., 83. 102- 104, 135. !1!., main stiipa, 145; temple I 7
185, 197, 275; phase n, 77- 108, identification as relic shrine, 239;

332 lNDEX
sateiEte monastic complexes of, 93, 247, 279, 287. 300, f.gs. 28. 43, 46,
24· 1 48, 49, :ill, 56, 72, 73, 8 1, 9fi
Sanghao sites (Sanghao Rhode, sculpture, monumental, 8- LL 14, 7./,
Sanghao Cbinlai, Sanghao Nullah), 137, 153. 174. 180, 186. 212, 2 15.
I 7, I 13; narrative sets from, l11 2 18- 219, 226, 23 1, 253. 266, 269,
SankMya, 2 73 276-277, 279, 280- 281. 283. 289,
Sarnath, 40. 5.3 295, 298, 30 1- 303; triad images,
Satv.islavada, Buddhist sect, B3 203; popularity of stucco media for,
Sasanian, 15, 23, 192, 206. 245, 251i 2H£l
schist, ~ 18, 57. I 16; used to r sculpture, narrative, 7- 9. 14, 31, 57,
sculpture, I 10, 158, 163, 213. 224, 59- 60, 64, 74, 96. 107 - 108,
227. 277- 278, 279- 280, 298, 109- 134, 176-177, 212. 223-224,
3illl- 304; durability of sculptures 227, 233, 237- 238. 262, 273- 275,
executed in, 21 I , 249, 290; 278- 2 79. 284- 285, 21l9- 290, 292.
suitability for reused sculpture, 21 1, 294, 296-304: phase n distribution
288; as building ma terial in and religious function of, 107,
Peshawa r basin, 109, 176. 251; as I 09- 111, 121, 216 ; in situ and
building material in Swllt, l 09, 261 ; original placement of, 1J 4- 121,
see also masomy 127- 132. 228- 229, 242; sequence of
sculptu re, phase 1, J9- 50, 199. 237; narrative events, 129: phase ll
phase n, 109- 134, 176. 196. narrative sets, 106. 114, 116, 120.
LillH 99. 201, 2 12- 213, 216. 219, 128, 131. 213, 220. 228, 242, figs,
224- 225, 242- 243, 245; phase m, 85, 86; phase Il narrative sets in
176. 178, 211- 233. 245; late phase stilpa slu-ines, 106 .. 115, 119.
m, 176. 186- 188. 2 1s . 218- 224, 120- 12 1, fi!:,'S. 90. 9 I); phase Il
227; phase rv, 176, 216, 2 19 (see narrative sets on main stiipas 103,
also chronology, phase system 109, 115, 242; scale of, 109, 115,
applied to sculpture, reused 242; impo,·ta6on of, I 09; •lle.'Uls of
sculpture, rock-cut sculpture) attachment of, 124; exmnples
sculpture, iconic, 3, 8-9, 14, 31- 32, executed in stucco, 1 I. 0, 233, 24 7,
I 10, I I 7, 135-137, 142, 156, 161, 278. fig. 72; iconographic
164- 165. 196, 2 12. 214, 216, 220, development in, 274- 276, 279; lack
226-227' 24<~ -245, 249, 265. of in situ sculptural evidence tor
275-276, 278, 2S..1, 289, 292, 29 7. phase Il .!liipas, 122, 242
300; iconographic developmeors of, sculpmre workshops, 112 . 173, 270, 281
171- 174. 274 - 276, 279, 287; scale Scylhians, 13
in relation to chronology, 137, 214; semi-lunette (see false gable)
occurrence as means of dating Senan , M., 113, 242
arclutecture, I 76-177· depictions of Shiibazgarlll, 24, 39. I 77 182
relics on bases as dating indicator, Shah-ji-ki-cJh eri, 17, 24, 77, 114. 168,
280. fig. 123; with Late icono!." -aphic 176. 277: phase II, 96.. 158; phase
characteristics, 206. 2 15. 21 8; rv. 2illi-20S, 21 o, 254- 255, 267;
appearance in tri-lobed frames, 133, identification as Kan~ka's stUfia, ill
ftg. 18; triads, 2 17: placement io Shaikban-dheri, 1l.fi
relation to relic structures 161- I 62; Shapur II, 263
placement in monasteries, 162-169: Shin~:,rardar, 21.
fig. 3fi Slmaisha, 20, 2 7, 56, ?2 201>--207
sculpture, in situ evidence, 268- 269, Shotorak, 277, 279
288; schist in1ag~-s, 35- 36, 58. 60. Siddhartha, 21.8
104- 105. 109, 168. 211, 221 . Sikri, 17, l.9.. 113. 115. 136, 19 1, 19 7.
228- 229, 232, figs. il, g 71, 91; 225, 228--229; phase 11 sculpture,
stucco images, 110, 14 1, 144- 145, 96, 1/8-1/9, 177, fi!:,>"S- 90, 9 I;
169- 174. 194, 218. 222, 232- 233, phase ill, 157; in s:in• sculpture,

INDEX 333
ill 228- 229; similarity of sacred executed in, 133, 160- 16 1, 2 18,
area to Tbarcli, 193; decline in 277; placement of additive images
patronage o( 206: single-cdled sl!ipa executed in, 159- 161, 2 18;
shrine and stilpa now in Lahore embellishmen t of phase [[( stripas,
Museum, lU., 119. 123, 131. !1L I 63-·166, 199, 233, 290, 300;
228-229, 239 on the bases of image shrines, 179,
Sind, 10- l l, 64, 239 fig. 73; narrative depictions, 110,
Sirkap, 7, 25. ~ 64- 66. 73, 85--86, 233, 2.J.B.
88, 166, 239; phase I, 43, 45-47, structu ral typology, 6, 10, 27- 38, 109,
53- 58, 60, 237, 255, 257, 259, 268, I 76, fig. 5, appendix A; phase I, 46,
271; lA sllipa and complex, 43, 66, 2.!., 60, 259; of phase I monasteries,
84, C stiipa and complex, 0 . aps.idal 259: of phase I small stilpas, 259; of
hall, 47, §1, 69 - 71, 72, 74, 77, 236; phase I main stiipas, 98, I 36, 259;
fig. 1?)53; F st.Upa (Double Eagle) phase U, 78- 79, 109, 261; of phase
and complex, 43, 46, 52- 53 11 main stilpas, 97 - 98, I02- 103, I09,
Sirs u.kh , 1.!1:!1: 192, figs. I!!, ~ l 05: of phase II
Sita-Hii1~a king Khingila, 282. 2.8:! small siUpa, 95- 96 , 98. 119. 262,
Soter Megas, I 03 104 fig. !t phase m, 135- l 37. 265; of
Spooner, D., 181 phase Ul main suipa, 136, I58, 179,
$ravasti sculpture, 2 12, 217. 2 19, 226, 183; of phase III small st.Upa,
269, 293. 304: daring arguments, 126- 127, 165-167, 179, 265, figs.
268- 269. 284- 287; Sravasrf Miracle 28, 96; of phase Ill sacred ar ea,
narrative images, 284; Sravastl .156, 158, I 83; of phase TV
plaques, 168, 2.19, 223, 285- 286, cruciform stilpas, 208, 26 7, fig. 83:
289. 292. 299, 301- 302, fig. 53; of phase TT and UI qt•adrangular
Sravasrf triad images, 168, l72- 174, monasteries, 183, 265-266: of
253, 284, 289, 292, 294- 295, mountain uihiiras, 194- 195, 262,
297- 298, 30 1, fig. 125; Sravastl 265- 267; of phase IV domed
triad with inscribed date of 5, 283, quadrangular monasteries, 209, 267,
287: Sravasu composite imagcs;l72, fig. 1I2: of siJlgle-celled shrines, 91.
174, 2 15. 227, 253, 276, 283- 286, 11 7- 118, 142- 143, 192, 265: of
289, 292. 297- 299, 301-302. lig. two-celled shrines, 265- 266: of
I 26, I 27: relation to f.'llse gable image shrines, 9 1, I I 7- 118
sculptures and their placement, 174. 142-143, 177 265: of monumental
214, 223, 244; Mohammed N:ui image shrines, 177 180, 266; of
Sravasti compo;ite image, 287, colossal image shri nes, 203, 267,
frg. I 26 fig. I 11; of phase Jl and III
Sri Lanka, 113. quadrangular monasteries, 183,
stacked narrative reliefs, 124, 129, 265- 266; of mountain uilziiras,
fig. 121 194- 195, 262, 265- 267: of monastic
Stein, A., I 82 small sacred a reas, 19.5=1.97
stucco sculpture, 9, !..1 18, 32, 58, shipa, direct access ma.in, 31, 64,
68- 69, 71' 177' 2 17' 223, 226- 227' 70- 72, 78, 81- 82, 88- 89, 108, 155,
242, 296, 299- 300, 302- 304; phase 236, 239
Jn and IV dating for majo•·ity c•f stiij>a, maill, ~ I 3, l6,
21- 28, 32- 3<1·1
production, 110, 180, 201- 202, 219, 39-40, 42- 43, 48, 60, 80, 85- 87'
233, 266, 274·, 277- 281. construction ~ ~ 95-98, 102- 104, 125,
techniques, J63- 164; regional tL~e for 148- 150, 161- 162, 192- 193,
sculpture, 110, 249; survi_,.al in 198- 199. 229: phase I, 4·1, '~5-52,
archaeo]()gical record, 21 L 223. 30 1; §Q, I 36, 236-237, 259; phase II,
scarcity of at some sites, 2 15; 108, 109, 136. 200- 201, 240;
suitability for reuse, i l l 288; phase ill, 136, 158, 2 12, 2 18, 25 l ;
socketS for the support of images relic placement in, 72- 73, 106;
334 lNDEX
chronologic development of axial phase I. 139; phase ll, ~ 115,

characr.eristics, 42, 48- 49, 59, 85, 139, I 82-183, 188. 190; phase III,
144- 14.5 149, 164, 236; cruciform 136- 137. 139- 14{), 143, 150.
plan, 9. 24, 254, 263, 295; multiple 157- 158, 175, / 83- 186, 229. 245,
main stiipas at a given site, 101- 102, 255; late phase .Ill and phase £V,
105-106. 108, 136. 189, 190, 203; 139- l+O, 177 186- 188, 206, 209,
sculptural embellishment of, 108, 253; sacred areas rv and V, 181 ,
164, 165, 2+2, 246, 248, fig. I 7; 198, 2 15. 216-2 17, 297- 298; date of
placement of multi-piece faL<se gables PI main stiipa, 98, 182, 188- 190,
on, !l.fl, 2 14; harmikii sculptures on, 192, 250, 290; sacred area X, 181,
2 13. fig. 87; additive images on, 183- 185, 190, 216-217, 297; P2
160- 161; reused sculpture in, 29.1 main stiipa 108- 109. 115, 183;
stt1pa, small , 8- 9, 27- 29, 37, 56, 58, sacred a•·ea XX, 160, 182, 186- 188,
69, 78- 79, 95. 99. 105, '1 96-199. 190- 19 1, 203, 205, 212, 218- 219.
230; phase !, ±.L 57. 60. 125, 236, 250, 2 76, 285, 298-299; small
259; phase II, 79, .95- 96. 2!l., 10·~. sacred area XIV, 182- 183, 185,
106, 109, 118. 121- 134, 182, 220- 221. 25 1, 285, 292- 293, 299;
192- 193, 200- 20.1, 213, 220. two-ceUed shrine T+ in court XIV,
226-227, 240, 24·2, 244, 248, 262, 182-185, 220- 221. 232, 250, 290,
275, 279, 290, 299, 300, 302; 299- 300; two-celled shrines T 1- T 4,
reconstruction of, I LO. 121- 134, 185- 186, 189, 190, 219 - 220, 229;
124, 128- 129, 243, fig. ~ phase n courts vm and IX, 182, 187, 188,
base, 124- 127, 128. 242; phase ll 205. 2 14; assembly hall L 182, 187,
drum , 106, 120, 123, 127- 132, 2 18; multiple sacred areas, 139- 140,
24:5; phase rr sculptural 188- 18.9, I 99; trabeated image
embellishment of, 31, I 14, 116-122; shrines, 193; monumental image
dramatic impact of phase Il fom1, shrines, I 80; quadrangular mona.~tery
122: depictions o r ph nse 11 examples, n, t67. t74. t82- t85, 188, 252;
122. I 25, 127, 130, 133, 243- 244, mountain vihliras, 139, 181 , 196;
fig. 120; limi ted production of monastic small sacred areas, 196;
during phase rr. 123; phase ill, 29. monastic population, 140, 181, 188.
163- 166, 188. 200, 218, 222, 243, 197, 249; in situ sculptu re, 21 1,
24 7- 248, 265, 300, figs. 28. 46. 48. 220- 22 1, 232, 276, figs. ~ :21.;
56. ~ phase m base, 126- 127, loose sculpture, 115, 13 7, 177 ,
165, 247; phase m drum, 165; 181- 182, 185, 190, 2 11- 212, 215,
phase m sculptural embellishment, 218- 220, 225, 227, 276, 278,
165; phase rv, 166 280- 28 1, 285. 297- 300; additive
Sung Yun, 62, 204, 207 sculpture, 160, 217, 229; reused
Swat, 6- 7, 9- 10, !1, 15- 16, 19 - 20. sculpture, 207, 288. 290- 29 1;
22, 26-27. 30. ill, 1Q, 41- 42, phase m small stiipa, 110, 163 - 165,
53- 55, l!h 73- 74, 77- 79, 92--94, 96, fig. 46; palronage pattems of, J84·,
98- 108, 115, 130, 135, 137, 166, 186-191, 2.05
175. 189, 210, 212, 2 14, 228, Taliban, 22
234- 237, 241- 248, 255, 261 ' 265, Tang dynasty, fi5
269- 270. 273, 276- 277, 286, Tapa-i-kafariha, 92,m
290 - 291; phase m acceleration of Tapa Sardar, 2!.,. 255, 264, 277, 279
patronage in, 140, 156, 163; phase Taxila, 6- 10, !1.. 16- 19, 23, 25-27.
1V, 206, 209, 254- 255: possible 30.
- 33- 34, •1·0- 41 , -+5. 48-4-9,
earthquake, 207 52- 54, 56, 58, 65, 72- 74, 77- 79.
80- 8 1' 93-94, 96-97. 99, 102. 105,
T addci, Maurizio, 21. l9 107- /08, !.l.Q, 114, 135- 138.
Takh t-i-bahr, !1, 2±. 33-35, 38, 74, 141- 174, 175, 183, 185, 187,
94, 114, 176, 188- 189, 248, 26 1; 205- 207. 209, 222, 234- 237, 240,
history of excavations, 181 - 182; 244, 245, 247- 249, 250- 251,
Copyrighted materi l
INDEX 335
254-257. 259. 264- 265. 267, 269. T ucci, Ciuseppi, 19

276-277' 289. 3lll T urki, Sbahis, l.5.
terracotta sculpture (see stucco
sculpture), ill Udayana, 22.. 2.6
texts, Buddhist, 3.5 Urnayyad Empire, 25.6
T harcli, 2Q, 24. 37- 38. 77. l,l.fi. 197. U~n.i~a relic (skull bone at Hac.lc.la),
199. 248, 261 ; phase U, 96, 61 - 64
191- 194; phase Ill, 136, 150,
157-158, 175. 191- 194, 221. Vajrapat~, l 72
229 - 230. 245, 255; late phase 111, vamda mudrii, 2 18: implications lor
187, 193; lowe r sacred are~• D , 108, datit•~h 275- 276
143, 183, 192, 196. 198. 229, 302; Vasudeva, ~ I 03. I 04, 15 1, 177,
area D processional corridor, 185; 194, 198, 245, 256- 25 7' 263. 2.92
single-celled sliipa shrine, 91 . 120, vedika, 49. 2.1 53- 55, 59- 60. ~ l 03,
228. 239, fig. 70; sacred area C, 124, 145, 156, 227, 236-237, 243,
19 H 92, J96. 302; multiple sacred 304
areas, 189; mountain vihiiras, 139, vedika, pseudo, I l 0. 11 8. I.23, 127,
194- 195, 250, figs. §.1 76: small 129- 13 1, 133, 243
monastic sacred area C, I06, 194, Ventura, 1.6
302; monastic population, 191 , 197; u!ltilra (see rnooa.stery)
in situ sculpture, 232, 276, 278, Vikrama era, 2RI- 2R3
figs. 71, 76: loose seu.lpture, 177. Vima Kadphises, 97. 192, 237, 25.6
2 11- 212. 2 17, 224- 227, 277. Vima Takto (see a.lso Soter M egas),
280, 302- 303, reused scu.lpture 25.6
290- 29 1, 293: patronage at, Vishnu, 68
190- 193
toilet trays, 57, fill White Huns (see Hephthalites)
Tokar Dara, 27. 'l8. 2±, 56. 65. 207, while-wash lime plaster in relic
209, 255; relic shrine, 23 7, fig. ill chambers, 65-·66, 70, 72, 8 1, LOO
T op-Darrah, 133 Wile her, R. E., l.L 181 , 190, 2 16. 29.1
tOraJ;Ja, ~
trabeated structures, chambers in Xuanzang, ·!., !1, 22, 34, 55, 61-63;
foundations, 37, 182, 187- 188, 195: on the destruction of Buddhist sites,
tunnels, 186- 188. 203; image 204. 206--207
shrines, 193; relic shriJ1es, 92. I 06.
120. fig. 70; over monastic cells, y alqf, ill
209, 2.i1:. )'~!~ 2ft
trade, 2. 12. 23. 107, 138, 234. Yueh-chih, l.3.
27 1- 27 2
lliratna, 118. 130, 2 13. 273 ziggurat, 68
Tryiistrir]'lsa heaven, 27 3 Zoroastrian, 68- 69
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In trod!Jction " "" """" , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,. I

2 03 0I The Phase I Stupa. 00 00 00 00 00 .... 0............ ...... 00 ...... 00 51

5.3 Evidence of Phase II Original Sculptural

6.3.9 Mohra M oradu: Phase III Architecture

A3.2 Phase ill Character of Masonrv in Taxila 264

I. Plan of Dharmarajika complex, Taxila (modified from Marshall,

Architecture, Pla11s, and Sculplure from Taxi/a

9. Sketch showing main Taxila maso nry types; phase I rubble

11. D ouble-eagle stii.pa, block F, Sirkap, T axila (after tvlarshall, 1916,

Akho.uri and Khiider Mohra Siies

Marep1-1an. 3allll-1llleHHbl~ asropCKI-1M npasoM

38. Standing schist bodhisauva from cell 8 of the Mo~·a Moradu

Arckilecture arui Sculpture ftom the Peshawar Basin

Marep1-1an. 3allll-1llleHHbl~ asropCKI-1M npa,sol l

Material com direitos autorais

58. R eused sculptures from Sahri-BahJ61 site C, Peshawar basin,

70. Single-celled stftpa shrine D 6 and single-celled shrine D5, Thareli,

Material com direitos autorais

Bahan dengan hak cipta

Architecture and Sculpture )Tom Swat

Bahan dengan hak cipta

I07. T wo-ceUed stupa shrine 3, Marjanai, Swat (after Khan, 1995,

Abba Sahib China

Architecture and Sculpture from Afg!tanistlm

115. Bamiyan Great Buddha, Afghanistan, height 53 m (courtesy of

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XXV

Sculpture with Miscellaneous or Unknown Provenance

1.18. Depiction of a cloth-covered relic on display in a shrine, frag-

Bahan dengan hak cipta

Although the architectural tradition of ancient Gandhara, in the

Bahan dengan hak cipta

Bahan dengan hak cip, a

changed through time. The two variables taken into consideration

The result is a flexible sequence of image production that does not

The Phase Chronological Sequence

The analysis of Buddhist architecture of Gandhara in this book relies

2 The analysis of sculptw·al remains is restricted here to objects recovered in ,

• See D. KJimburg-Salter, "From an AJ·t H.istor·ical Perspective: Problems of

Taxila., considerable progress has been made toward a better Lmder-

Appendjx B). lt provides a general sequence that seems more reli-

fabricated, it is possible to characterize trends in patronage and rec-

I shift to iconic imagery is a reflection of changing ideology. However,

and bodhisattvas were created, 17 but this body of evidence remains

17 A. filigenzi, " Marginal Notes on the Buddhist Rock Sculptures of Swat," in

OVERVIE"W OF GREATER GANDHARA

The region of ancient Gandhara, located in the northwest of the

northwest of the subcontinent. ' The root~ of the Greater Gandharan

Bahan dengan hak cipta

time, sculpture was used to embellish the relic structures. Narrative

Bahan dengan hak ci )

Bahan dengan hak cipta

1.1 Historic Survl!)' rif Archaeology in Gandhiira

At the beginning of the l9th century, British colonialists occupied

8 Zwalf, Crmdlwra Sculpture, 13.

ofjanllil&>arbi" (Ph.D. thesis, London University, 1987), 3 1- 2 14; C. Mas.~on, "Memoir

contain coins. General Alexander Cunningham oversaw d1e first gov-

in r.he J.ndia Oflice collections in the Bri tish Libnuy in London.