Typing Book by Akii Pandey

Typing Book by AKII PANDEY
Print the following format on a A4 sheet and do practice by placing that paper in front of the
computer/laptop screen. You have to type below given set for minimum 50 times in one hour.
And in case you feel that you made a mistake just press enter two times and remove the paper
and start typing the set from beginning. (Note: Don’t use backspace while doing practice.)
Both para given below will make a single set. At initial stage it is not mandatory to type 50 sets
in one hour but do practice for minimum one hour in one sitting (especially for the beginners). I
am providing 100 sets with more than 2000 characters in each. All the best for your typing test.
From Ankit Pandey.
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z.
z y x w v u t s r q p o n m l k j i h g f e d c b a.
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z.
The quick brown fox jumps right over the little lazy dog.
Lazy dog little the over right jumps fox brown the quick.
The quick brown fox jumps right over the little lazy dog.
Monetary Policy Committee's decision, at its maiden meeting, to cut the

benchmark repurchase (repo) rate by 25 basis points held no surprise for
markets. What had been on watch was the language of the policy statement,
the extent of consensus in the committee and the manner in which the new
Reserve Bank of India Governor and chairman of the MPC, Urjit Patel,
presented the central bank's positions. Articulating the main concern that
informed the newly constituted rate-setting panel's rationale for reducing
interest rates, Mr. Patel said the global demand environment was clearly
looking far bleaker than previously anticipated, with the forecast for world
economic growth set to be downgraded further. The focus, he signalled,
therefore needs to remain on supporting the domestic economy through an
accommodative monetary stance. That the MPC has opted to lay primacy on
'supporting growth' while keeping its sights firmly trained on the RBI's central
remit to target a medium-term retail inflation objective of 4 per cent, within a
band of plus/minus 2 per cent, bodes well. Decision-making by committee is
never easy, and given the short time the MPC had since its constitution last
month, the lucidity of the policy statement shows its six members have hit the
ground running. While the minutes of the meeting-that will reveal each
member's arguments-will become available on October 18, all six voted for the
rate cut. The decision reflects the broad consensus that the risks to growth
from global uncertainty and financial markets volatility remain high, especially
ahead of the U.S. presidential election, and that a rate stimulus was warranted
given the recent slowing in retail inflation.
Even as it expects an improvement in the outlook for food inflation on

the back of increased sowing and supply management measures undertaken
by the government, the MPC has been cautious in flagging the risks to the
trajectory for price gains. In the panel’s opinion, the main factors that could
play a contributory role in furthering a fresh. (2050)
India has completed agreements for civil nuclear cooperation with 11

countries so far, including the U.S., Russia, Australia, Canada and South Korea,
but the upcoming agreement with Japan could be the most significant. Japan is
the only country to have been the victim of a nuclear attack, and its decision to
sign an agreement with India, a country that has not signed the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), would be a first. Reservations in
Japan against nuclear energy have hardened after the Fukushima accident.
Tokyo's support to the deal so far is therefore an indication of the importance
it accords to relations with India. For India, the civil nuclear agreement with
Japan is especially important for the message of trust it would convey to
Nuclear Suppliers Group members in a year the country hopes to have its
admission accepted. Japan's support at the NSG has been particularly marked.
In fact, India and Japan share many multilateral platforms, including
membership of the G-4 group that is knocking at the UN Security Council's
door for reform. Beyond symbolic reasons, Japanese nuclear energy
technology and safety parameters are widely considered to be cutting-edge,
and many critical parts needed for Indian reactors are made by Japanese
manufacturers. These will not be available to India until the agreement is done.
Although India has even considered trying to manufacture them locally, there
won't be alternatives to Japan for several years. Even the U.S. civil nuclear
deal, that is yet to be actualised, is contingent on the deal with Japan, given
that the current discussions for six reactors in Andhra Pradesh are with
Westinghouse, which is owned by the Japanese company Toshiba.
It may appear baffling why the deal has taken so long to negotiate. The
main sticking point has been India's refusal to sign the NPT, as it considers the
treaty unfair to the developing world. This is why New Delhi is keen on
ensuring that in the haste to seal the deal by the time Prime Minister. (2028)
But there is a long way to go. We have set an ambitious target of skilling
50 million people in the 12th Plan period, including 9 million in 2013-14. We
have to pull out all stops to achieve this objective. Funds will be released by
the National Rural Livelihood Mission and the National Urban Livelihood
Mission to be spent on skill development activities. 5 percent of the Border
Area Development Programme Fund, 10 percent of the Special Central
Assistance to the Scheduled Caste sub plan and the Tribal sub plan, and some
other funds will also be used for skill development.
I propose to increase the allocation for Defence to Rs 203,672 crore. This

will include Rs 86,741 crore for capital expenditure. The Minister of Defence
has been most understanding, and I assure him and the house that constraints
will not come in the way of providing any additional requirement for the
security of the nation.
Despite our constraints, we must find resources for science and

technology and for Space, Atomic Energy etc. I propose to allocate Rs 6,275
crore to the Ministry of Science & Technology; Rs 5,615 crore to the
Department of Space; and Rs 5,880 crore to the Department of Atomic Energy.
Hon'ble Members will be happy to know that these amounts are substantial
enhancements.
While we extol the virtues of science and technology (S&T), I think we do

not pay enough attention to science and technology for the common man.
With the help of the Ministry of Science and Technology and the Principal
Scientific Adviser to the Government, I have identified a few amazing S&T
innovations. I propose to set apart Rs 200 crore to fund organisations that will
scale up and make these products available to the people. I propose to ask the
National Innovation Council to formulate a scheme for the management and
application of the fund.
Continuing the tradition of supporting institutions of excellence, I propose to

make a grant of Rs 100 crore each to:
-Aligarh Muslim University, Banaras Hindu University etc.

When the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal (CWDT) proposed the

setting up of a Cauvery Management Board, it did so for very good reasons.
During monsoon deficit years, the pattern of flows in the different sub-basins
will not match the schedule of water deliveries worked out on the basis of
normal year readings. The CMB was conceived as a body that would monitor
the storage position in the Cauvery basin and the trend of rainfall, and assess
the likely inflows for distribution among the States. The tribunal was emphatic
in its final award: the CMB is integral to the resolution of disputes, between
Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and also Tamil Nadu and Puducherry and Tamil
Nadu and Kerala, over the schedule of releases for irrigation downstream. For
the Central government to now oppose the setting up of the CMB, taking cover
under Article 262 of the Constitution and the provisions of the Inter-State River
Water Disputes Act, 1956 that forbid the Supreme Court from intervening in
inter-State water disputes is little more than a streak of twisted logic. Indeed,
the Section of the 1956 Act that gives the orders of tribunals set up by the
government under it the same force as an order of the Supreme Court is being
invoked not to strengthen the orders of the Cauvery tribunal but to subvert
one of its crucial recommendations. The Supreme Court's direction to the
Centre to constitute the CMB was in keeping with the tribunal order, and not
in contravention of it, as the government was trying to make it appear.
The fact that the Centre did such a hasty U-turn on the CMB while
making its submission in the Supreme Court suggests that political factors may
have been at play. The Assembly election in Karnataka, where the BJP has high
stakes, is less than two years away. In contrast, Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has
no real base, has recently concluded its election. If there is a good legal
argument against the setting up of the CMB, it is that a larger, three-judge
Bench of the Supreme Court is already seized of the matter. (2034)
India's ascent to the number one position in Test rankings offers some
cause for cheer given the tumult off the field, with the R.M. Lodha Committee
and the Board of Control for Cricket in India still sparring over administrative
reform. India's 178-run victory over New Zealand in the second Test at Kolkata,
paving the way for a series triumph, secured the lead billing. This is the fourth
instance of India securing the top slot in the International Cricket Council's
rankings since it was introduced in 2003. It is significant that out of the four
stints, irrespective of the time frame, three have been over the past year. For a
squad evolving from the pangs of transition and with big shoes to fill, from
those of Sachin Tendulkar to those of Anil Kumble, it has done remarkably well.
The combined numbers of the playing XI at Kolkata were 28.54 years in age
and 27.54 in the average number of Tests played-for such a young team to
register dominance, under Virat Kohli's captaincy, is no mean achievement.
When India first secured the number one ranking in 2009, it was a team
packed with contemporary greats, including Tendulkar, Rahul Dravid, V.V.S.
Laxman, Virender Sehwag, M.S. Dhoni, Zaheer Khan and Harbhajan Singh.
In contrast, the current line-up is a work in progress, with cricketers still

working out their natural slot in Tests. Kohli and R. Ashwin remain the pivots,
while Murali Vijay, Ajinkya Rahane and Wriddhiman Saha have established
their staying power as Test cricketers. The emergence of opener K.L. Rahul is a
good sign, especially given India's traditional dilemma in finding batsmen
capable of seeing off the new ball. These men form the core that can take India
forward. However, much remains to be done. The opening combine is yet to
firm up, and Cheteshwar Pujara and Rohit Sharma need to re-establish their
solidity. The bowling remains over-reliant on Ashwin. These shortcomings
should be sorted out over a long home season in the course of which India will
host England, Australia and Bangladesh. (2034)
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar will clearly leave no stone unturned in
giving his prohibition policy a legislative punch. Within days of the Patna High
Court striking a blow to the "total prohibition" regime in the State, the
government notified the Bihar Prohibition and Excise Act, 2016, and
approached the Supreme Court to challenge the High Court order. The haste
throws some light on Mr. Kumar's political strategy, which is aimed at
distinguishing himself in a crowded landscape. Prohibition was his main
campaign outreach to women voters in the 2015 Assembly elections. Having
won the votes of women in earlier elections on schemes such as bicycles for
schoolgirls, prohibition gave his Janata Dal (United) an added moral aura-he
was fighting a no-hold-barred election against his former ally, the BJP, and he
was fighting in alliance with Lalu Prasad's Rashtriya Janata Dal. In the event, he
was returned to the Chief Minister's post, but with the RJD getting a greater
number of MLAs than the JD(U). Mr. Kumar's natural claim to the big post
draws from his personal credibility, seen to be more potent than his party's.
This connect with a wide cross-section of the public, as a politician empathetic
to aspirations for a dignified, socially and educationally empowered life, had
him in the fray for a larger national role during his BJP-allied days, and so too in
his current anti-BJP politics.
The prohibition plank, with its Gandhian overtones and empathetic

message to women, gives Mr. Kumar a chance to arrogate to himself the
mantle of a moral campaigner nationally. In the immediate term, it allows him
to set himself apart from the RJD's rougher politics, and change the subject
soon after his government found itself emitting the wrong message on law and
order, particularly when Mohammad Shahabuddin was briefly out on bail. By
attempting to overcome the High Court order, Mr. Kumar may have underlined
his assertiveness, but he has, in the process, missed the opportunity the court
gave him to reconsider. (2029)
The revival of the HIV and AIDS (Prevention and Control) Bill, 2014, and
the Union Cabinet's approval for provisions that make discrimination against
people living with the virus punishable, are positive steps. Such laws, however,
can only deliver benefits within the overall constraints imposed by an
underfunded public health system. Where the legislation can make some
difference, with active monitoring by HIV/AIDS support groups, is in ensuring
that acquiring the infection does not mean an end to education, employment,
access to housing and healthcare due to discrimination. The success of the
anti-discrimination aspects hinges on the readiness of governments to accept
the inquiry findings of ombudsmen, to be appointed under the law, and
provide relief. Since the new law is intended to both stop the spread of the
disease and help those who have become infected get antiretroviral therapy as
well as equal opportunity, it will take a high degree of commitment to provide
effective drugs to all those in need. In August, the Ministry of Health and
Family Welfare put the number of people getting free treatment nationally at
9,65,000, of which 53.400 are children. This must be viewed against the most
recent estimate last year, that 2.1 million people live with HIV in India, of
whom 7,90,000 are women. Regional variations in access to diagnosis and
treatment must be addressed.
The legislation and the structure of complaints redress that it proposes

should provide some relief to thousands of families that face discrimination in
admitting children to school, an infected individual getting a job, or treatment
in hospital. Unlike many other diseases, however, HIV/AIDS has received global
attention and funding, thus building up pressure on governments to come up
with supportive policies. Communities will now have the opportunity to ensure
that the strongest element of the prospective law, assuring confidentiality of
HIV status, is enforced. A breach could invite imprisonment and a fine. Yet, the
proposals approved by the Cabinet fail on one important count: (2080)
The Indian Constitution has ensured the independence of the judiciary

through a number of measures. The legislature is not involved in the process of
appointment of judges. Thus, it was believed that party politics would not play
a role in the process of appointments. In order to be appointed as a judge, a
person must have experience as a lawyer and/or must be well versed in law.
Political opinions of the person or his/ her political loyalty should not be the
criteria for appointments to judiciary. The judges have a fixed tenure. They
hold office till reaching the age of retirement. Only in exceptional cases, judges
may be removed. But they have security of tenure. Security of tenure ensures
that judges could function without fear or favors. The Constitution prescribes a
very difficult procedure for removal of judges. The Constitution makers
believed that a difficult procedure of removal would provide security of office
to the members of judiciary.
The judiciary is not financially dependent on either the executive or

legislature. The Constitution provides that the salaries and allowances of the
judges are not subjected to the approval of the legislature. The actions and
decisions of the judges are immune from personal criticisms. The judiciary has
the power to penalize those who are found guilty of contempt of court. This
authority of the court is seen as an effective protection to the judges from
unfair criticism. Parliament cannot discuss the conduct of the judges except
when the proceeding to remove a judge is being carried out. This gives the
judiciary independence to adjudicate without fear of being criticized. The
appointment of judges has never been free from political controversy. It is part
of the political process.
Besides this, no organ of the government can act in a manner that

violates them. As we shall study below in this chapter, judiciary has the powers
and responsibility to protect the fundamental rights from violations by action
of the government. (2000)
In a long year of war and strife, it is a silver lining that the Nobel
Committee in Oslo was spoilt for choice in deciding upon the recipient of the
2016 Peace Prize. A landmark nuclear deal brought a peaceful closure to Iran's
purported nuclear weapon ambitions and paved the way for better relations
between Tehran and the West, making the key negotiators leading contenders
for the Prize. The yeoman efforts of the White Helmets of Syria, a group of
local volunteers in Aleppo and other parts of war-ravaged Syria who help
rescue people injured or stranded in bomb attacks in war zones, merited
recognition. But the ending of one of the longest-running civil wars was the
achievement that got the highest recognition by the Committee. The Nobel
Peace Prize for 2016 has been awarded to Colombian President Juan Manuel
Santos after his government painstakingly concluded negotiations by signing
an accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), winding
down hostilities in a 52-year-old civil war. The accord, signed on September 26,
2016, provided for the disbanding of FARC militants and for the rebels to join
the political process as a routine political party, besides conceding demands by
FARC to address inequities in Colombia's rural areas through development
programmes and land distribution. FARC also agreed to dismantle drug
production facilities in areas in its control which had helped finance the war
against the Colombian government. This was a landmark accord that provided
an opportunity not just for peace but also for better prospects in the war
against drug production and trade in Colombia.
Merely a week after the accord, the government received a setback as

its attempt to get the accord ratified through a referendum failed. About 50.23
per cent of the voters who turned out (the turnout was less than 40 per cent)
voted against the peace agreement. Both the government and FARC have ruled
out a return to war despite this setback, and even the advocates of the “no”
vote, including former President Alvaro Uribe, have sought fresh negotiations.
(2088)
If "wonderful discoveries happening in biology" had acted as a trigger for

Nobel Laureate Venkatraman Ramakrishnan to switch form physics to
chemistry, the nearly matured and well-established field of chemistry failed to
enthuse Yoshinori Ohsumi, and he shifted to biology. Autophagy-a
fundamental process for degrading and recycling cellular components-was
known long before he ventured into the field, but it was his paradigm-shifting
research that revealed the importance of this fundamental process that comes
into play every other minute. His seminal work helped reveal that vacuoles in
yeast and lysosomes in human cells are not just garbage bins but recyclers and
fuel producers. Right from the stage of embryo development to countering the
negative effects of ageing, autophagy playes an important role. As in the case
of many Laureates, Dr. Ohsumi's initial years were more than frustrating, but
he prevailed. His approach to science is an antithesis to what is generally seen
in today's young researchers, and that precisely is what helped him break new
ground and bag the Nobel Prize this year - only the third Laureate since 2010
to not share the Prize for Physiology or Medicine with others.
But lysosomes and other cellular bodies would be severely impacted if

molecular machines in our body failed to work synchronously to carry
materials around in a cell and for several other functions. Though not as
elegant as the molecular machines at work inside us, the work done by Jean-
Pierre Sauvage, J. Frases Stoddart and Bernard L. Feringa, the winners of the
Nobel Prize in Chemistry, has set the ball rolling in the endeavour to realise
Nobel Laureate Richard Feynman's dream more than 50 years ago of building
very small machines. Though very primitive at this point in time, science will
see one of the biggest revolutions when the cogs and cranks of their work are
finally put together to build machines on a nanoscale; nanomachines will find
applications in diverse fields, from medicine to electronics. (2020)
In most contemporary educational systems of the world, secondary

education comprises the formal education that occurs during adolescence. It is
characterized by transition from the typically compulsory, comprehensive
primary education for minors, to the optional, selective tertiary, "post-
secondary", or "higher" education (university, vocational school) for adults.
Depending on the system, schools for this period, or a part of it, may be called
secondary or high schools, gymnasiums, lyceums, middle schools, colleges, or
vocational schools. The exact meaning of any of these terms varies from one
system to another. The exact boundary between primary and secondary
education also varies from country to country and even within them, but is
generally around the seventh to the tenth year of schooling.
Secondary education occurs mainly during the teenage years. In the

United States, Canada and Australia primary and secondary education together
are sometimes referred to as K-12 education, and in New Zealand Year 1-13 is
used. The purpose of secondary education can be to give common knowledge,
to prepare for higher education or to train directly in a profession. The
emergence of secondary education in the United States did not happen until
1910, caused by the rise in big businesses and technological advances in
factories (for instance), that required skilled workers. In order to meet this new
job demand, high schools were created, with a curriculum focused on practical
job skills that would better prepare students for white collar or skilled blue
collar work. This proved to be beneficial for both employers and employees,
for the improvement in human capital caused employees to become more
efficient, which lowered costs for the employer.
Then came the times when Women got to the space of equality in the
work place, achieving their own dreams, and becoming equal financial
contributors within their households. Now I believe it is time for them to lead
the way forward this New Year. (2004)
India needs a different approach to grow its economy and must remove
bottlenecks so that foreign investors can operate in the country just as its own
corporates expand their global footprint, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien
Loong said during his India visit last week. His remarks may appear out of sync
with the official discourse on India's recent economic performance, especially
the liberalisation of foreign direct investment and record inflows clocked since
the Modi government was sworn in. Mr. Lee's concerns, however, don't stem
from FDI policy per se, but two intertwined reform showpieces of the NDA -
one abandoned after hot pursuit in its first year and another that remains a
work in progress. These are amendments to the land acquisition law and
improvements in the ease of doing business, respectively. Indian officials told
business leaders accompanying the Singapore Prime Minister that they are
free to invest in India if they can, on their own, acquire the land to set up shop
on. As Mr. Lee pointed out, that makes investing in India virtually impossible -
industrial parks that Singapore had proposed in the past remain non-starters.
The Centre may not be used to such public plain-speaking, even from Western
leaders with longer reform wish lists, but it must take the Prime Minister's cue
for introspection and course correction.
Modernising India's land laws was high on the government's agenda in

2014-12; an ordinance was promulgated thrice to effect necessary changes till
Parliament could pass a law. Global investors were assured that land acquired
under the ordinance would be safe from any subsequent changes to the law.
But the Centre wilted in the face of Opposition resistance. A model land-
leasing law formulated by the Niti Aayog was mooted for States to adopt
instead, but a billion-dollar plant is unlikely to come up on leased foundations.
Since then, a proposed nuclear plant has moved out from Gujarat owing to
land acquisition problems, India's largest FDI proposal. (2013)
The United Nations Security Council's broad consensus in nominating

Antonio Guterres for the post of Secretary-General is an auspicious start to
what could be a more assertive UN in wrestling with the many crises of the
world. Last week, 13 of the 15 members of the Council, including the five veto-
wielding permanent members, sent the name of the former Portugal Prime
Minister to the General Assembly for final approval. If the Assembly passed his
nomination, then as the UN's ninth Secretary-General Mr. Guterres will have to
expediently attend to a number of pressing issues, including the worsening
international refugee crisis and the scourge of terrorism, both in part linked to
the debilitating Syrian war. His experience as the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees will come in handy as he goes about negotiating to find shelter for
and rehabilitate refugees from Syria, who at last count numbered well above
four million worldwide. At the UNHCR, Mr. Guterres is said to have focussed on
organisational reform and innovation by taking funding out of the
headquarters and pushing more money out to the field. It is clear that he is
passionate about the cause of refugees; he has frequently appealed to the
international community over the migrant crisis and has vowed to continue
being their spokesman.
An equally challenging agenda point facing Mr. Guterres is to find

creative ways to bridge the chasm between Western powers on the one hand
and Russia and China on the other. Ironically, owing to his very commitment to
address the refugee crises, he may be considered an "activist". This could be a
recipe for stasis, if not disaster, in any campaign to broker a peace deal in
Syria. Mr. Guterres can ill afford such obstructionism. As an institution, the UN
is frequently accused of being "bloated and bureaucratic", and has come under
fire over allegations of sexual abuse by its peacekeepers in the Central African
Republic. Although he has a reputation for being an instinctive strategist.
(2002)
For a country whose telecommunications ministers worry about being

labelled 'call drop' ministers, the recent auction of 2350 megahertz of telecom
spectrum was disappointing. Only seven out of 11 telecom players in India
participated, and there were takers for just around 40 per cent of the prized
radio frequency band on offer. In fact, four operators will fork out 90 per cent
of the Centre's receipts from this auction, around Rs.66,000 crore, half of
which will accrue to the exchequer this fiscal. The translates into a 43 per cent
shortfall from the Budget estimates from spectrum sales for this year, though
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has pointed out that the inflows from the black
money amnesty scheme would help the Centre balance its books. the official
argument is that the poor response is a function of the high indebtedness
(nearly Rs.400,000 crore at last count) of India's telcos; the latter could, in turn,
cite the high base price set by the government, pegging the potential value of
the spectrum at Rs.560,000 crore. Any operator looking to build a national
network using the most efficient spectrum on offer--in the 700 MHz band--
would need over Rs.57,000 crore. Not surprisingly, not a single player evinced
interest in this band.
In fact, it has been a suboptimal outcome from the perspective of every

single stakeholder. India's telecom success story has been integral to the
country's growth story in recent years, demonstrating to the world its ability to
tap and grow the domestic market quickly as well as establish a global
footprint. But a billion consumers, endless minutes of talk-time a day and low
tariffs are not enough if the quality of service on offer is deteriorating, both in
data and voice. In many areas, networks that should operate at 65 per cent
capacity are working at 95 per cent due to high congestion, leading to poor
voice services, as the telecom regulator, R.S. Sharma, noted recently. Despite
the new spectrum with telcos, the sheer volume of voice traffic means that
improvements in quality may be marginal. (2067)
The work in microeconomic theory for which Oliver Hart and Bengt
Holmstrom have received this year's Economic Nobel Prize goes back to the
1970s and 1980s when the foundations of contract theory were being firmed
up. Their work has provided economists the tools to understand interactions
between entities in a range of fields, such as the design of performance
incentives in firms and schools, corporate governance, privatisation,
constitutional law, and entrepreneur-investor relationships. The Royal Swedish
Academy of Sciences highlighted that their contributions to understanding
"real-life contracts and institutions, as well as the pitfalls when designing new
contracts" were crucial. Mr. Holmstrom, in 1979, published a theoretical model
and result that significantly enhanced the understanding of risk and incentives
in employer-employee relationships. This was called the informativeness
principle, which said performance should be linked to all variables or outcomes
that provide information on the actions taken by an agent, such as a firm's
manager, and not just the outcomes she can effect. Remunerating a manager
based on just the share price of her firm will reward and punish her for factors
beyond her control, and a better contract would therefore link managerial
compensation to the firm's share price relative to the share prices of other
comparable firms. Mr. Hart's key contribution to contract theory has been the
notion of incomplete contracts. Not all information is available ex ante; how
does a contract allow principals (such as employers) and agents (such as
employees) to negotiate unforeseen situations? The work by Mr. Hart and his
colleagues in this area was cited by the Academy for its breakthrough nature.
The Economics Nobel raises larger questions given the high-profile

nature of the subject and the fact that it is the only social science for which a
prize is awarded. Analysis from The Economist and the Nobel organisation
shows that to the 77 laureates who shared the 46 economics prizes awarded
between 1969 and 2016. (2061)
Over the last century, the Nobel Prize in Literature has sprung its fair
share of surprises. In 1950, for instance, the prize went to the philosopher
Bertrand Russell, who quickly followed this up with two books of awkward and
astoundingly pedestrian short stories, written and published almost as if they
were intended to justify the award. The trend has since persisted, with the
Swedish Academy picking writers across genres and geographies. They include
Swedish poet Tomas Transtromer in 2011, the oft-banned Chinese Mo Yan in
2012, Canadian short story writer Alice Munro in 2013, French novelist Patrick
Modiano in 2014 and Belarusian journalist Svetlana Alexievich, who has mined
oral histories extensively for her non-fiction work on life in the Soviet Union,
last year. Singer-songwriter Bob Dylan, a long shot in the Nobel sweepstakes
for years, is this year's delightfully idiosyncratic choice, for "having created new
poetic expressions within the great American song tradition".
While the purists might be aghast, what possibly clinched it for the 75-
year-old is that he isn't just another musician with a five-decades-plus career.
His lyrics - almost bordering on the philosophical when he asks some weighty
questions about peace and war in his 1962 hit, 'Blowin' in the Wind' -
chronicled Sixties America's angst, marking him out as a counterculture icon
although Dylan himself would later deny having lent his voice to a generation.
Like his contemporary Leonard Cohen, Dylan also wrote in a manner that made
listeners, almost contradictorily, both engage and distance themselves from
the music. In his hands the music and the lyrics merged and separated, urging
us to respond to his songwriting as melody and rhythm, at one level, and as
sheer poetry at another. His role as an influential modern ‘English poet’ has
been underrated, despite his profoundly personal odes about war, peace, love
and closure. So has been his contribution to the evolution of modern music
forms – few, for instance, would trace rap music’s. (2037)
Do smaller units make for better administration? It is no surprise that

Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao thinks so. After all, that was an
important reason for the movement demanding the bifurcation of Andhra
Pradesh and statehood for Telangana. But it is a telling commentary on the
development so far, that people geographically removed from the district
headquarters feel a sense of alienation from centres of power. Actually, Chief
Minister Chandrasekhar Rao originally intended to create just 14 new districts;
this was one of the election promises for the 2014 polls. Later, on the basis of
the report of a Cabinet subcommittee, a draft notification was issued for 17
new districts. But after fresh demands from sections of the people, the Chief
Minister finally settled on 21 new districts for a total of 31. Also, 25 additional
revenue divisions, 125 new mandals, four new police commissionerates, 23
new police subdivisions, 28 new circles and 91 more police stations have been
carved out. The new units could facilitate better monitoring of government
schemes, and provide a more even distribution of resources. Indeed, one of
the few intended benefits of the Members of Parliament Local Area
Development Scheme (MPLADS) is just this: an even spread of resources, and
local inputs into framing of development that allows local stakeholders greater
say in decision-making on issues directly affecting their lives is certainly
welcome, if undertaken after studying the cost to benefit ratio.
But the government's reasons for creating new districts morphed from
administrative to political. The decision to increase the number of districts
Jangaon, Sircilla and Gadwal. Undivided Andhra Pradesh had fewer districts.
Alongside the benefits in terms of ease of governance of smaller districts, there
are costs to be borne: creation of additional administrative infrastructure,
transfer of personnel, and replication of paperwork. The Rs. 1 crore sanctioned
for each district for initial arrangements will hardly suffice. (2039)
The Centre's categorical stand that personal laws should be in

conformity with the Constitution will be of immense assistance to the Supreme
Court in determining the validity of practices such as triple talaq and polygamy.
By arguing that such practices impact adversely in the right of women to a life
of dignity, the Centre has raised the question whether constitutional
protection given to religious practices should extend even to those that are not
in compliance with fundamental rights. The distinction between practices
essential or integral to a particular religion, which are protected under Article
25, a provision that seeks to preserve the freedom to practise and propagate
any religion, and those that go against the concepts of equality and dignity,
which are fundamental rights, is something that the court will have to carefully
evaluate while adjudicating the validity of the Muslim practices under
challenge. From the point of view of the fundamental rights of those affected,
mostly women, there is a strong case for these practices to be invalidated. The
idea that personal laws of religions should be beyond the scope of judicial
review, and that they are not subject to the Constitution, is inherently
abhorrent. The affidavit in which the All India Muslim Personal Law Board
sought to defend triple talaq and polygamy is but an execrable summary of the
patriarchal notions entrenched in conservative sections of society.
This is not the first time that aspects of Muslim personal law have come
up for judicial adjudication. On triple talaq, courts have adopted the view that
Islam does not sanction divorce without reason or any attempt at
reconciliation, and that talaq would not be valid unless some conditions are
fulfilled. There are judgments that say the presence of witnesses during the
pronouncement of talaq, sound reasons for the husband to seek a divorce and
some proof that an attempt was made for conciliation are conditions
precedent for upholding a divorce by the Supreme Court. (2017)
The tragic death of at least 22 people and injuries caused to dozens of

others in the SUM Hospital fore in Bhubaneswar on Monday throws up the
question: what lessons were learnt from the AMRI Hospital fire in Kolkata that
claimed over 90 victims five years ago? Was the hospital fire fighting system
activated immediately and were emergency measures taken to evacuate
patients? These and other aspects of the incident must be addressed by an
impartial investigation. If each deadly fire in a medical facility provided lessons
in hindsight, India's hospitals should be witnessing fewer events annually, with
a sharp decline in casualties. That would follow the global trend, as causes of
hospital fires are understood better, and regulations tightened for safety of
patients, their families, visitors and staff. There is also insight within the
country on why fires in hospitals could be particularly fierce. One study by IIT
Kharagpur engineers points to enrichment of the local environment by oxygen
leaks, which sets off fires in this plastics. The National Building Code is specific,
requiring hospitals to have horizontal evacuation exits for bedridden patients
and sprinkler systems for structures of specified height, which would cover
most medical institutions.
Prevention of fires and emergency response are not high priorities in

India, viewed by the Centre as a municipal function under State governments.
With a steady decline in the enforcement of urban regulations and building
plans, fire risks have multiplied in public buildings. It will take enormous
political will and active judicial oversight to enforce best practices and rein in
violators. Meanwhile, patients and visitors could get a modicum of risk
protection and suitable compensation if all institutions offering any form of
medical care are compulsorily required to be insured against disasters. Such a
regulation would make a hospital insurable only if it installs good quality fire
warning and control systems. There are reports that not enough could be done
in the SUM Hospital fire. (2064)
A video released by film-maker Karan Johar pledging not to work with

"talent from the neighbouring country" is obviously a last-ditch attempt to
salvage his forthcoming production, Ae Dil Hai Mushkil. With the effect of a
Rorschach test, Johar's pitch can be read in divergent ways. At one level, as an
outright capitulation to the mob, angrily led in Mumbai by the Maharashtra
Navnirman Sena, as well as to a wider audience currently consumed by a
lowgrade intolerance of anything Pakistani. At another, as a cleverly coded
defence of a film starring Pakistani actor Fawad Khan by drawing attention to
the labour of "300 Indians" on the project who face unfair rejection. Either
way, the larger issue is the ease with which a boycott of people from a
particular country is enforced, so that everyone is intimidated into falling in
line to a Tebbit-like test. Mumbai has, of course, long kept Pakistani
sportspersons at bay. Three years ago, the Pakistani women's cricket team at
the World Cup had be shifted out to Cuttack, diminishing not just Mumbai, but
India itself for the failure to uphold the spirit of sport essential to a liberal
democracy. Last year, even Pakistani umpires and television commentators
were compelled to pull out of their duties at an international match in
Mumbai. It's not Mumbai alone. In 2013, for instance, no team fielded Sri
Lankan cricketers in Indian Premier League matches in Chennai.
But the current, post-Uri rash of objections to Pakistani artists is

widespread - concerts have been cancelled from Gurgaon to Bengaluru, and
the airwaves crackle regularly with some film or sport personality averring to
keep apart from his Pakistani counterparts. However, it would be under-
reading the challenge to India's syncretic legacy if the political silence around
such boycotts was not highlighted. It is not enough for officials at the Centre to
say that there is no change in the visa policy for Pakistani citizens. When the
political leadership – in government and in Opposition. (2016)
After losing Tikrit in April 2015 and Fallujah in June 2016, the Islamic
State has been left with little territory under its control in Iraq. Mosul, the
country's second largest city, is its last significant bastion. It was where its
leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi declared a "caliphate" in June 2014. And it was
the ability of the IS to establish territorial control and run an administration
that qualitatively separated it from other radical jihadi groups such as al-
Qaeda. The capture of Mosul symbolised its effectiveness in combat against a
weakly organised Iraqi army and a sectarian Iraqi state, then under Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki. When a coalition of Iraqi armed forces, the Kurdish
Peshmerga, Shia militia groups supported by U.S.-led air strikes and other
special forces marched on Mosul on Monday, the long-planned offensive to
defeat the IS decisively was finally put into action. The plan is for the
Peshmerga and the militias to barricade the city from the east and south,
respectively, while counter-terrorism forces and police enter the city, engage
in street battles and secure it, leading to final capture. It will not be easy, even
if the IS is a much weakened force compared to what it was in 2014.
The offensive to dislodge the estimated 5,000 IS fighters are expected to

last many weeks. Visuals and reports filtering out from the battle zone already
point to the large-scale use of suicide bombers in armoured trucks and cars
taking on the coalition's tanks and advance forces. The million or so residents
of Mosul-the Sunni Arabs among them in particular-who bore the excesses of
the sectarian attacks led by Mr. al-Maliki's government are ready to rebel
against the IS, but are wary of the Shia militias. This suggests that a military
victory over the IS will not suffice, and the Mosul operation would be a test of
the Iraqi government's capacity to mend the sectarian conflict that enabled the
rise of the IS in the first place. Other complications too threaten the operation.
(2009)
The petitioner in these proceedings under Article 226 of the Constitution

of India complains of his alleged wrongful denial of permanent secondment in
the Directorate General of Quality Assurance ("DGQA"). He contends that he
fulfilled all prescribed conditions of criteria, and questions the decision of the
Quality Assurance Selection Board ("QASB"), which held meeting on
11.08.2011. He seeks a consequential direction to the respondents that he
should be permanently seconded to DGQA (with all consequential benefits of
seniority and continuity in service) on the basis of the criteria prescribed by
holding a fresh Board.
The Director General of Quality Assurance (DGQA) is an interservices

organization, comprising of personnel from all the armed forces, i.e. the Army,
and Indian Navy. Besides, it has its own civilian cadre of employees. The DGQA
is under the control of the Department of Defence Production. Apparently,
there existed a combined cadre of sevice officers of the research and
development wings of various inspection organizations. These were bifurcated
with effect from 01.08.1977. After bifurcation, the revision of the qualification,
requirement for tenure and permanent intake of service officers in the DGQA
were comprised in an OM governing the issue on 28.10.1978. Subsequently,
these were refined, in a letter of the Department of Defence Production, dated
09.01.1980. The guidelines for induction and permanent secondment of
service officers in the Indian Army of the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in the
DGQA were amended on 16.11.2007. The upper age of permanent
secondment was prescribed to be 44 years as on 1st April of the year of
permanent secondment.
The petitioner had, in the meanwhile, on 14.12.1991, joined the Indian

Army and was commissioned as a member of the EME Corps. He joined the
Controllerate of Quality Assurance at Jabalpur as Deputy Controller of Quality
Assurance on 21.12.2008. Subsequently, in March 2011, his spouse was
detected with recurrent cancer. (2009)
What threatened to become a constitutional impasse in Tamil Nadu has

been averted with Governor Ch. Vidyasagar Rao allocating the portfolios held
by the ailing Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa, to her seniormost colleague in the
Cabinet, O. Panneerselvam. He also made it clear that Mr. Panneerselvam will
preside over Cabinet meetings. The arrangement, to continue until Ms.
Jayalalithaa resumes her duties, is undoubtedly a pragmatic move, as it
addresses the concern about who is responsible for governance in the
interregnum caused by the Chief Minister's hospitalisation. Mr. Rao appears to
have broached the need for an interim arrangement with representatives of
the AIADMK government as soon as it became clear that Ms. Jayalalithaa
would require a prolonged stay in hospital. Opposition parties were getting
uneasy over the possibility that unelected members of her inner circle could be
calling the shots. Perhaps the arrangement could have been made a few days
earlier, if only the ruling party had shown less reluctance to acknowledge the
reality that the Chief Minister's health does not permit her to discharge her
duties. It is a matter of satisfaction that the impasse has ended. Given the
constitutional bar on any such inquiry, it will be unwise to question the claim
that the present arrangement has been made "as per the advice" of the Chief
Minister.
Developments in 1984, when Governor S.L. Khurana reassigned M.G.

Ramachandran's portfolios to V.R. Nedunchezhiyan and asked the latter to
preside over Cabinet meetings, constitute a guiding precedent favoured by
several jurists. D.D. Basu says in his Shorter Constitution of India: "If the
Governor allocates the functions of the Chief Minister, under Art.166(3), to
some other Minister during the temporary absence (say, illness) of the Chief
Minister, the functions of the Chief Minister under the Constitution can be
discharged by that other Minister, e.g., to preside over meeting of the Council
of Ministers; to communicate to the Governor . (2015)
Saudi Arabia's 18-month-long military operation in Yemen has been

replete with attacks on civilian centres and mass casualties. But even by recent
standards, the horrific strike on a mourning hall in Sana'a on October 8 that left
at least 140 people dead and more than 500 injured, most of them civilians,
was unprecedented. Since its start in March 2015, the brutal military campaign
in one of the poorest Arab countries has evoked international criticism against
the Saudis for the use of excessive force, even allegations of war crimes. But
Saudi Arabia has appeared to pay no heed. Riyadh claims it is defending the
internationally recognised regime of President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi,
which operates out of the southern city of Aden, against Shia Houthi rebels.
But while "defending" a government that doesn't seem to enjoy any legitimacy
at home, Riyadh and its allies have turned Yemen into a humanitarian
catastrophe. The UN estimates that over 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have
so far been killed and millions displaced since the Saudi intervention. Besides,
the country's already poor healthcare system has crumbled and its economy is
in a shambles. More than half of Yemen's 28 million people do not get enough
food, while close to 400,000 children endure severe malnutrition. Even from a
strategic point of view, the Saudi intervention is a disaster. After 18 months of
incessant bombing, the Houthis are still defending their bases, including the
capital city, while the Hadi administration operates out of some pockets.
Neither the human suffering nor the futility of the campaign has compelled
Saudi Arabia to look for other solutions.
This is because Riyadh sees this war as part of its rivalry with Iran. It
considers the Houthis to be agents of Iran, and does not want Tehran to have a
proxy presence in its backyard. But Saudi Arabia cannot be allowed to destroy
Yemen further to defend its narrow geopolitical ambitions. Washington
supports the campaign through intelligence. (2001)
The outcomes of the latest meeting of the Council tasked with steering
the Goods and Services Tax regime are worrying. For one, it leaves the Centre
hard-pressed to meet its intended deadline for the new indirect tax regime,
April 1, 2017. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley had set a November 22 target to
resolve all operational issues with State representatives in the Council so that
the rates and implementation modalities could be codified into law and passed
by Parliament in the winter session. When it met for the first time in late
September, things appeared to be on track, with the Council agreeing almost
unanimously on technicalities such as the turnover thresholds for firms to be
covered under the GST and the division of administrative control over tax
assessees between the Centre and the States. A time-bound road map to
finalise remaining details, such as the tax rates, compensation for States. A
time-bound road map to finalise remaining details, such as the tax rates,
compensation for States in case of revenue loss under the new system, as well
as the legislative actions required in Parliament and the State Assemblies, was
also agreed upon.
As the winter session approaches, that spirit of cooperation has

evaporated: the Council has agreed on precious little, including the tax rates
proposed by the Centre. Worse, the pact reached earlier on administrative
control of manufacturing sector assessees has unravelled with States raising
fresh concerns. The proposal to subsume in the GST all cess levies, several of
them introduced by the present NDA government, has been discarded. This
was a critical part of the official GST pitch and was backed by the Council in
September. But now the Finance Ministry is keen on an additional cess on
ultra-luxury and 'sin' goods to fund compensation for States losing revenue. It
has suggested a cess may be better than the 40 per cent slab for demerit
goods, mooted by a committee led by Chief Economic Advisor Arvind
Subramanian along with two other slabs of 12 per cent and 17-18 per cent.
(2054)
What began last month with a handshake and visible warmth between
two very different U.S. presidential candidates degenerated into disrespectful
interruptions, unashamed baiting, and abrasive name-calling as the third and
final debate between Democrat Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald Trump
came to a frosty end. With less than three weeks to go before the election, the
campaigns saw explosive revelations about both candidates. This included
disturbing evidence of Mr. Trump boasting about groping women without their
consent, allegations of such behaviour and sexual assault by at least nine
women, and an avalanche of confidential emails of Ms. Clinton's campaign
released by WikiLeaks that underscored her proximity to deep-pocketed Wall
Street donors. Yet, even as these damning facts have tumbled into the public
domain and the degree of hostility has soared, they have probably done little
to swing the election dramatically in either direction. Ms. Clinton was leading
by a little over two percentage points across an average of major head-to-head
polls around the time of the first debate. Her margin grew to over 6.5 per cent
after the "Access Hollywood" tapes of Mr. Trump's offensive remarks. Most
poll simulation models predict she is well-positioned to capture the minimum
of 270 electoral college votes that are necessary to secure the presidency,
principally owing to her likely success in the swing States.
However, the electorate is plagued by intractable, bitter polarisation

that is beginning to rot the core ideals of a tolerant, pluralistic democracy.
Even a resounding Clinton victory in terms of electoral college votes would beg
the question whether she will be able to bring on board her stoutly Democratic
agenda, given the vast number of middle class and poor Americans, many of
them white, who may not have voted for her. To achieve her goals will she not
be compelled to mend fences with the discredited mainstream Republican
Party leadership that will be busy trying to rehabilitate. (2021)
A big foreign policy challenge awaiting the next U.S. President is the
frosty relationship with an angry, resurgent Russia. Talk about a post-Cold War
partnership between the world's two greatest military powers is now a thing of
the past. It looks like a throwback to the Cold War days with Russia and the
U.S. fighting a proxy war in Ukraine, leading two competing military operations
in Syria and raising allegations and counter-allegations on a host of issues,
ranging from human rights violations and breaking international norms to
interfering in each other's domestic politics. Tensions came to a head this
month when the U.S. pulled out of talks with Russia over the Syria conflict. This
was immediately after President Vladimir Putin abandoned a key nuclear
disarmament treaty with Washington, demanding the removal of sanctions on
Moscow. If the belligerence and intransigence both countries display are any
indication, international politics is set to get a lot more murky. There could be
several triggers for this escalation, but the real problem is that the Cold War-
era mistrust between Washington and Moscow was never really buried.
Friction has been increasingly evident on the watch of President Putin, as he
pursues an aggressive foreign policy framed around what he regards as Russian
interests. This happened in Georgia in 2008, Ukraine in 2014 and Syria the year
after. In turn, the Obama administration's coercive diplomacy in dealing with
Russia's aggression has widened the rift. The suspension of Russia from the G8
moved Moscow farther away from the West, while sanctions negated the
goodwill built, since the 1990s, between Moscow and the West.
To be sure, Russia is a shadow of what the Soviet Union was at its peak.
Its economy is struggling in the wake of the slump in oil prices. Its currency is in
a free fall. Its geopolitical influence is largely limited to the Central Asia and
Caucasus. And its foreign policy doesn’t have any high moral ground—the
interference in Ukraine was a direct threat to the modern international system.
(2065)
The overcrowding of prisons in the country is a long-standing problem

that is seldom addressed effectively. Even though the Supreme Court has, from
time to time, raised the issue of prison reforms in general, and that of
overcrowding in particular, measures to decongest jails have been sporadic
and halfhearted. The issue is once again in the news, with the Supreme Court
bemoaning that prisons in Delhi and nine States have an occupancy rate of 150
per cent of their capacity. The average occupancy in all jails in the country was
117.4 per cent, as of December 31, 2014. What makes the picture bleaker is
that there is little change even though the court has passed a series of interim
orders to the States on measures to decongest prisons. In particular, the court
had on February 5 and May 6 this year spelt out steps that the authorities
should take to reduce prison occupancy. Cramped conditions in prison militate
against the prisoner's right to good health and dignity. Further, as pointed out
by the amicus curiae in this case, an excessive prison population creates
problems of hygiene, sanitation, management and discipline. Of equal concern
are the available staff strength and the level of training they receive.
It is unedifying to note that not one State or Union Territory has

bothered to prepare a plan of action, as directed by the court five months ago,
to reduce crowding and to augment infrastructure so that more space is
available to each prisoner. The court received some information about
proposals for constructing additional jails, but has found that these are only ad
hoc proposals, with no indication of either a time frame or the resources
provided for building these facilities. The court's sense of disquiet is
understandable, as many States seem to ignore the obvious mismatch
between the extent to which they keep the law and order machinery active
and the space and resources provided for those jailed under such action. Last
year, it was found that a little over two-thirds of India's prisoners were
undertrials. (2051)
Given how little the Congress stands to lose in the elections to the Uttar
Pradesh Assembly, the defection of its former State unit chief, Rita Bahuguna
Joshi, to the Bharatiya Janata Party should not have caused a flutter. She had
already been ignored by the party's new team in leading the election campaign
in the State. Even in her glory days, she had drawn her power from little more
than her proximity to the Gandhi family. What she brings to the BJP, besides
embarrassing the Congress, is therefore uncertain. In fact, the Congress will be
watched less for the organisational loss her switch may cause and more for the
manner in which it responds to her 'betrayal'. In diverse ways, all four political
parties in the fray are being compelled to clarify the organising principles that
set them apart. For the Congress, as it picks up the gauntlet with little
expectation of electoral success but an overriding ambition to use to the stage
to demonstrate its capacity to influence the electoral debate, Ms. Joshi's flight
poses the questions: What weight do Gandhi family loyalists carry in party
affairs? What is the Congress willing to do to show that it can democratise
itself and loosen the hold of the "high command"?
Family loyalty has taken on a particularly contentious turn in the ruling

Samajwadi Party, with readings of the shift in the fortunes of Chief Minister
Akhilesh Yadav and his many "uncles" changing by the week. The extent to
which the SP patriarch, Mulayam Singh Yadav, can cohesively accommodate
the jostling ambitions of his sons, brothers and others is uncertain, in the midst
of rumours that Akhilesh Yadav may branch out and launch his own party. The
BJP, for its part, appears to be unequal to the opportunity of deepening the
development narrative that helped it sweep U.P. in the 2014 Lok Sabha
election; it seems to be falling back on Hindutva polarisation to rally its cadres.
In what is perceived as a political signal, Union Tourism Minister Mahesh
Sharma has announced. (2011)
The latest GDP data from China show the world's second-largest
economy seemingly in good health. Third-quarter growth was 6.7 per cent,
reflecting the government's continued pump priming by way of increased
spending, and a robust property market. That the headline number came in
exactly at the same reading as the previous two quarters also signals a level of
almost unnatural stability in the economy's performance as expansion has
hovered around 7 per cent or very close to it for the last nine quarters,
ensuring that there has been no hard landing as the key global growth engine
slows. Earlier this decade the Chinese government began a 'rebalancing' of the
economy by shifting the focus away from a production and export-led model
to an increasingly domestic consumption and services reliant one; it has had
some success in this with consumption contributing 71 per cent of GDP growth
in the first three quarters of 2016. Still, the high level of government spending
and the mounting debt - core debt as a percentage of GDP exceeded 250 per
cent in the first quarter according to data compiled by the Bank for
International Settlements - are causes for concern. With the state leading
investment in infrastructure as a means to stabilise growth, public spending
climbed 12.5 per cent in the nine-month period, widening the nation's fiscal
deficit. But it is the pace and size of the overall credit expansion that have set
alarm bells ringing, including at the International Monetary Fund.
In a working paper titled 'Resolving China's Corporate Debt Problem',

the IMF has cited international experiences with similar-sized credit booms to
caution that China increasingly risks facing slower growth or a "disruptive
adjustment" unless it acts quickly. With both scenarios fraught with danger,
Chinese planners will be cognisant of the social costs a sudden, sharper
slowdown can extract. Japan’s economic doldrums since its ‘lost decade’ at the
end of the last century is a primer of what could ensue from such an economic
slowing. (2037)
The Central government has formed a three-member committee to keep

a close watch on the bird flu situation with 17 more deaths being reported
from the Hauz Khas Deer Park, taking the toll in the Capital to over 40. The
move comes even as the Delhi government on Saturday maintained that there
was no threat to human beings from the bird flu scare. Delhi Animal Husbandry
Minister Gopal Rai said H5N8 virus was found in the samples of three of eight
birds which had died recently at the Delhi Zoo and not the H5N1 virus, which is
more dangerous. The Union Environment Ministry noted that a constant vigil
was being kept around the national zoological parks. "Constant vigil being
observed by Government agencies in & around National Zoological Park to
monitor & contain H5 Avian Influenza in.. co ordination with State level
Agencies. @moefcc has constituted a three-member committee to keep a
close watch over the developments," Union Environment Minister Anil Madhav
Dave said in a series of tweets.
Speaking at a press conference organised on Saturday Delhi Zoo director

Amitabh Agnihotri said: "The Centre has sounded an alert for zoos across the
country, and we have been issued a set of dos and don'ts. The zoo will stay
closed till we are satisfied with the situation." He added that the best practices
in hygiene were being reassessed to ensure that contamination and cross-
infection were minimised. Also, the Central Zoo Authority is conducting
inspection of zoo enclosures, noted Mr. Agnihotri. The Central Government's
Department of Animal Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries added that a new
bird flu virus subtype, H5N8, had been confirmed in samples from the Gandhi
Zoological Park in Gwalior.It also asked the Environment Ministry to issue
advisories to all wildlife/bird sanctuaries in the country. In view of
transportation of poultry and related products between Rajasthan and Delhi,
the Rajasthan government has asked field officers to take "precautionary
measures" to check its likely outbreak in the State. (2025)
In a fresh blow to Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, his close
aide and MLC Udayveer Singh was expelled from the Samajwadi Party on
Saturday, just days after he shot off a stinging letter to party supremo
Mulayam Singh, alleging that Mr. Akhilesh's stepmother was conspiring against
the Chief Minister. Mr. Udayveer Singh had earlier this week announced that
he and other Akhilesh loyalists would boycott the SP's silver celebrations in
November, protesting against the expulsion of many of their colleagues by Mr.
Mulayam Singh and his brother Shivpal Yadav. Mr. Udayveer Singh was
expelled from the SP for six years for indulging in "anti party activities",
"indiscipline" and "working against the principles and policies" of the party,
said Deepak Mishra, SP spokesperson and close aide of Mr. Shivpal Yadav. The
resolution against the young MLC was passed unanimously in the party's State
executive meeting held here, where his "objectionable, undignified and
derogatory remarks" against the party supremo were "condemned", Mr.
Mishra said.
A resident of Firozabad, Mr. Udayveer Singh, an M.Phil from JNU, is

among Mr. Akhilesh Yadav's most trusted aides, having studied in school
together in Dholpur. Soon after Mr. Akhilesh Yadav earlier this week
announced that he would start the party's campaign on his own with a rath
yatra on November 3, Mr. Udayveer wrote a four-page note to Mr. Mulayam
Singh. In the letter, the MLC cited several reasons for the ongoing feud in the
family, including wrong advice and feedback to Mr. Mulayam about Mr.
Akhilesh, conspiracy within the family and personal envy against the Chief
Minister further fomented by outsiders like Amar Singh. Reacting to his
expulsion, Mr. Udayveer Singh said he had no regrets and reaffirmed his
loyalty to Mr. Akhilesh Yadav. “I stand by what I wrote,” he said, adding that he
was upset not over his sacking but by the fact that the “truth” was being kept
away from Mr. Mulayam Singh. Sources said the expulsion had shocked and
further confused the SP cadre. (2034)
The military fraternity has reacted with outrage at MNS chief Raj
Thackeray's attempt to browbeat film producers who have employed Pakistani
actors, to contribute to the Army Welfare Fund. Former Army chief General
Shankar Roy Choudhary told The Hindu that the Indian Army has nothing to do
with the local politics of Maharastra and should be left out of it. Several others
from the fraternity called it "extortion money." Seeking to settle the
controversy surrounding the release of Karan Johar's latest film Ae Dil Hai
Mushkil, Mr. Thackeray held discussions with the team on Saturday and
announced that they pay a "penance" of Rs. 5 crore for employing Pakistani
actors.
"All the producers who have Pakistani artists in their film will as penance
have to pay some money. I suggested Rs.5 crore per film... and give the money
to the Army welfare fund," he said in Mumbai. A decorated veteran of 1971
war Major Chandrakant Singh, VrC said that he was offended and hurt by the
issue. "The Army will not accept such a thing," he observed.
"The Army belongs to the people and not to any particular segment. It
does not need the funds, it only needs respect," Former Chief of Integrated
Defence Staff Lt. Gen. Anil Chait said. Ex-servicemen and citizenry alike took to
micro blogging site Twitter to express their disappointment. "I served four
decades in uniform and never did I live on extorted money. What's this
happening in my country?," Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Manmohan Bahadur,
distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies expressed his anguish
on Twitter. "Why should the armed forces be made a part of this extortion? By
accepting this money they would become a 'receiver' of tainted money," he
said in another tweet. Several senior serving officers too questioned the logic
of the Services being dragged in to the issue. "Why do they drag the armed
forces into such issues if not to gain political mileage," one senior serving
officer said while another officer observed "The Army will never accept it."
(2023)
Ajay Thakur masterminded a memorable triumph against a spirited Iran

with a terrific exhibition of raiding in the 2016 Kabaddi World Cup final at the
Arena here on Saturday. Outwitted in the first half by rival skipper Meraj
Sheykh's versatile display-he fetched points by kicking with his right leg and
streching his right hand at the opponent-and down 13-18 at half time, India
took charge of the final in the second half with Thakur's sleek raiding skills
earning super raid points. Once Thakur won a handtouch point against Sheykh,
India look the lead for the second time in the match and then proceeded to
dominate and win 38-29. Pardeep Narwal, who was India's second most
successful raider in the league stage, was off colour, but substitute Nitin Tomar
rose to the occasion, winning super raid points that sent out Sheykh and Fazel
Atrachali at a critical juncture.
Eventually Surjeet's leglock on Sheykh reflected India's control of the

match against an opponent that depended largely on Sheykh and Atrachali,
both ProKabaddi League professionals. It was a third clash between India and
Iran in a World Cup final-the previous two were held in 2004 and 2007 in
Mumbai, and on both occasions, India triumphed. With the third World Cup
being staged after four editions of the ProKabaddi League, there was a lot of
hype and hoopla around the event and there was immense pressure on Anup
Kumar's team to win the title a third time. His team lost the opening league
match to Republic of Korea, but hit back strongly in the remaining league
matches and showed remarkable composure to turn the tide against Iran in
the title match. Earlier Sheykh did the star turn demonstrating his cunning
manoeuvres as a raider.
Thanks to the five raid points Sheykh won in the first half, including a
super raid execution, Iran led 18-13 at half time. India took the field with Anup
Kumar, Manjit Chillar, Thakur, Pardeep Narwal, Sandeep Narwal, Surjeet and
Surender Nada. After two empty raids from either side, Sandeep Narwal.
(2018)
The challenges of a rapidly urbanising world and of providing people

with equal opportunities in cities were the central themes at the just-
concluded UN Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development,
Habitat III, in Quito, Ecuador. As a once-in-a-generation event, the Habitat
conference sets a guiding compass for member-countries for the next 20 years,
and attracts wide governmental and civil society participation. Yet, the process
has to be strengthened to evaluate how countries have fared since the two
previous conferences on issues such as reducing urban inequality, improving
access to housing and sanitation, mobility, and securing the rights of women,
children, older adults and people with disability. Moreover, as services come to
occupy a dominant place in the urban economy, the divide between highly
paid professionals and low-wage workers, the majority, has become
pronounced. All these trends are relevant to India, where 31 per cent of the
population and 26 per cent of the workforce was urban according to Census
2011, with more people moving to cities and towns each year. Urban
governance policies, although mainly in the domain of the States, must be
aligned with national commitments on reduction of carbon emissions under
the Paris Agreement, and to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 11.
India's ambition to harness science and data for orderly urbanisation is

articulated in a set of policy initiatives, chiefly the Smart Cities Mission and the
Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation. There is little
evidence so far that these could achieve the scale needed to address the
contradictions of building 21st century cities for 20th century industrial
technologies. Today, these conflicts are reflected in the fact of adequate parks
and public spaces, suitable land for informal workers who offer services in a
city, egalitarian and no-polluting mobility options and new approaches to low-
cost housing. In the national report prepared for the Quito conference. (2014)
Last week's sale of $17.5 billion worth of sovereign bonds by Saudi

Arabia, a record for an emerging market, was no ordinary affair. The sale is
part of a series of measures the country is taking to extricate itself from a
sticky situation - a deeply entrenched structural dependence on oil in a world
of persistently low oil prices, which went from over $110 a barrel in 2012 to
below $30 at the start of 2016. This has, not surprisingly, had consequences for
the kingdom, most of whose revenues come from oil. It posted a record $98-
billion budget deficit, or 16 per cent of GDP, in 2015, and is expected to grow
at rates less than half of last year's, according to the International Monetary
Fund. Riyadh is only too aware of its precarious position. It has moved away
from a 'pump at will' policy at OPEC, one designed to keep U.S. shale oil in
check but that ended up hurting its own economy by pushing down oil prices.
Consequently, at next month's OPEC meeting Saudi Arabia is likely to accept
output cuts, even though these cuts may not apply to its arch-rival Iran. It has
also decreased government spending, cut public wages and bonuses, and plans
an IPO of Saudi Aramco, the state oil producer, as part of Deputy Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman's 'Vision 2030' reform plan. For now, the bond sale will
help close its budget and take pressure off its approximately $550 billion
foreign exchange reserves.
The success of the debt issue, oversubscribed with orders totalling $67
billion, is due to three main factors. First, despite the high price of the bonds
and the long-term economic and geopolitical risks associated with Saudi
Arabia, the yields looked attractive in the context of low interest rates in
developed economies. Second, oil prices have increased since the beginning of
the year and are in the region of $50 a barrel. Third, the kingdom's salesmen
are reported to have made a solid pitch on the bond roadshow, addressing
investors’ concerns over the undiversified economy. (2000)
The data breach at 19 Indian banks that has led to more than 32 lakh
debit cards being blocked or recalled is a wake-up call for the banking industry.
While the actual number of complaints received so far, 641, and the sum of
money that appears to have been fraudulently withdrawn, Rs.1.3 crore, are
both small relative to the scale of the potential data theft, it is disconcerting
that it has taken almost six months for the system to officially acknowledge the
incidents and initiate steps to address them. It is all the more galling since the
Reserve Bank of India and its top officials have been urging bankers for quite
some time to accord urgent priority to cyber security. A private bank appears
to have been a point of entry for the data criminals who, according to reports,
may have infiltrated using malware at ATMs operated by a third-party
payment services vendor. The National Payments Corporation of India has
been coordinating investigations into the incident, and a forensic audit is
expected to reveal preliminary findings soon. For the government and the
banking regulator, much is at stake as the two have sought to move in concert
to harness the digital revolution to advance socio-economic policy objectives.
These include increasing financial inclusion, better targeting of subsidies
through the direct benefit payments model, improving economic efficiency be
lowering transaction costs, and moving toward a cashless economy so as to
reduce the circulation of black money and curb tax evasion.
In this context, former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan's comment at a

recent banking technology conference is instructive: "Payment systems are the
plumbing of the financial system; so long as there is no leakage or clogging, we
are unaware of their functioning. But when they do back up, the situation
becomes catastrophic quickly." With banks in India having embraced
technological change, the onus is on them to integrate inter-generational
legacy systems across branches, ATMs and online banking. (2014)
Several subtypes and strains of avian influenza viruses are now found
around the world, some of them capable of causing death among humans and
others inflicting serious losses on poultry farmers. The latest bird flu scare in
New Delhi and elsewhere has been triggered by the death of some free living
birds in the city's A.N. Jha Deer Park, and 15 painted storks in the Gwalior zoo.
Worrying as it is, early detection and identification of the virus subtypes helps
in launching containment measures. As a major agricultural nation with a large
poultry industry, India has implemented an action plan formulated by the
Centre's Department of Animal Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries to deal with
avian influenza. It incorporates a clear protocol for preventive checks and
testing, for reporting an outbreak, removing farmed birds from an affected
area and compensating farmers. The outbreaks in Kerala and Karnataka over
the past two years have tested the efficacy of the intervention strategy. It
came as a relief when on September 5 India declared itself free of the H5N1
virus, identified by the World Health Organisation as the animal influenza virus
of greatest concern for human health. Considering that the virus is endemic in
parts of Asia and mutates quickly, the need for vigilant monitoring against its
reintroduction and spread cannot be overstated.
The Delhi government's finding that the virus associated with the bird
deaths in the capital is the H5N8 type hints at the possible role of migratory
water fowl, which are known to carry this virus to wintering grounds. Zoos
across the country are at risk, since they often have waterbodies within or
nearby, attracting winter visitors. A more recent cause for concern has been
the virus strain H7N9 that caused serious illness in people mostly in China, but
not in birds. On the positive side, the national plan to combat avian influenza
relies on a broad-based periodic testing system for farmed birds and wet
markets, and upgrading of apex scientific institutions. (2028)
Peacemaking may well have been the intent behind Samajwadi Party
patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav's summons to his warning son and brother at a
party meet in Lucknow on Monday. But the gathering soon lapsed into a
tawdry spectacle of blame-calling and weepy confessional, with all three airing
their grievances petulantly in full view of the assembled party faithful. Since
September 13, when Mr. Yadav replaced son Akhilesh Yadav, the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh, with his brother Shivpal Yadav as the SP's Stare unit
chief, the party has been hurtling inexorably towards a split, in a blaze of
sackings and accusations. The occasional restoration of one or the other of the
dramatis personae to a lost post has failed to check the feud. Monday's
developments have all but foreclosed the possibility of any resolution that
could put the SP back together again in time for the Assembly elections in a
dangerously polarised landscape. Ever since he became Chief Minister in 2012,
Akhilesh Yadav has functioned in the shadow of his father and "uncles" -
relatives and party stalwarts. This has cut both ways for the young Chief
Minister. He has had to field questions about his authority with charges that
U.P. in effect had "four and a half CMs" - but it also allowed him to separate
himself from the SP's worst instincts. Their overbearing presence allowed his
government an alibi for failing to maintain law and order. Their continuance
served as a reminder of the generational shift he effected, from their
traditional resistance to English education and computers, and their "boys will
be boys" excuse-making for the politics of patronage and rent-seeking.
Till the meltdown over the last couple of months, it seemed that all the
SP was headed towards was a final transition from the old guard towards a
more aspirational politics. A convincing transition is now all but impossible,
and the timing of Akhilesh Yadav’s next steps could determine his future in
public life. It is ironic that Mulayam Singh Yadav. (2015)
The death of 28 members of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in an

operation by the security forces on the Odisha-Andhra Pradesh border is a big
blow to the outlawed group. The joint operation was led by anti-Naxalite units
of the Andhra Pradesh and Odisha police at Panasput village in Malkangiri
district in Odisha. In September 2013, 13 Maoists were killed by the Odisha
police in the same district, and the latest operation indicates the strength of
the special forces deployed to counter insurgency in these States. The security
forces had suffered significant losses when the Maoists killed 38 anti-Naxal
Greyhound commandos in a boat attack in the Balimela reservoir in Malkangiri
in June 2008. The military setbacks apart, the Maoists are today diminished
politically as well. The desertion of one of their top tribal leaders, Sabyasachi
Panda, in 2012 and the surrender of tribal cadres in Narayanpatna in Koraput
district have set the Maoists on the back foot in southern Odisha. It is believed
that the attacked cadres at Malkangiri district this week were at a "plenary"
organised to examine ways of getting out of the current organisational and
political morass. The Maoists have been unable to expand as a political force in
the plains areas; and as a guerrilla force they have been limited to the remote
and hilly tribal belt of central India. It is, however, not clear whether these
setbacks will compel the Maoists to disavow their insurgent goals and instead
join the political mainstream to pursue their avowed ambition of guarding the
interests of the tribal poor.
Not too long ago, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had identified the
Maoist movement as the biggest internal security threat. Buoyed by the
unification of various Naxalite outfits into one party in 2004, they had
consolidated themselves in some districts, taking advantage of the weak
presence of the welfare and administrative agencies. But by subordinating
political activism to militarism they have done little for tribal empowerment.
(2025)
As proof of its commitment to economic renewal, the Narendra Modi

government had set itself the target of breaking into the top 50 in the World
Bank's annual ranking of countries on ease of starting and operating a for-
profit enterprise. That the Bank in its Doing Business 2017 report now ranks
India 130 among 190 countries, just one notch higher than last year, is
therefore likely to be taken as a signal of the snail's pace of economic reform.
This too when competition is hotting up. Seventy-five per cent of the 283
reforms reported this year were carried out by the developing economies, and
the world's ten best improvers include Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Serbia, Kenya and
Indonesia. The report notes that the BJP-led government was elected in 2014
"on a platform of increasing job creation, mostly through encouraging
investment in the manufacturing sector." While it has left out labour
regulations from this year's index, the Bank acknowledges India's gains in
simplifying tax payments, trade procedures and contract enforcement (though
it still ranks a low 172 on this front). Most heartening is that India is now the
26th easiest place to get an electricity connection, up 25 places from last year.
The average time taken to get a connection has come down from 138 days in
2013-14 to 45 days in 2015-16. Besides, transformative changes such as the
proposed Goods and Services Tax and insolvency and bankruptcy norms, if
implemented by June next year, could propel India higher in the Bank's next
report.
For its part, the government has argued that the Bank only focusses on
two big cities while reforms are happening across States. But that, in fact,
frames a larger problem because with an eye on the index officials had
focussed on simpler procedures in Mumbai and Delhi. By May this year, an e-
biz platform allowed investors to apply for 20 Central government services
online, along with two services in Delhi and 14 each in Odisha and Andhra
Pradesh. In Maharashtra, a $5-billion investment announced by Foxconn
remains on paper. (2046)
The attack on a police academy in Quetta, the capital of Pakistan's

restive Balochistan province, is the second major terrorist strike in the city in
recent months. In August, 73 people were killed in a suicide attack at a
hospital. This time, the attack was carried out in a more sophisticated manner.
At least three militants entered the academy and started firing indiscriminately
before two of them blew themselves up. These recurring attacks, particularly
in the west and north-west, threaten to pull Pakistan back to another cycle of
violence after a brief lull. After the 2014 Peshawar school massacre in which
148 people, mostly children, were killed by Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)
militants, the army had launched a large-scale operation against the militant
groups operating in the north-west. After the months-long military and
financial crackdown, there was a sharp fall in the number of attacks last year.
But as the attacks in Quetta and Lahore this year would suggest, the post-
Peshawar operation never defeated the militant groups. They may have
retreated in the wake of the military campaign and are now regrouping
themselves.
This resurgence of terror has new security dimensions. First, the site of
the violence this time is Quetta. In recent years, Balochistan has been the focus
of Pakistan's counter-terror operations as the province is expected to play a
major role in the $46-billion economic corridor China is building, connecting
Gwadar to Xinjiang. Second, if the only major terror group the Pakistan army
had been fighting till a few years ago was the TTP, an increasing number of
groups and offshoots have made the fight more complex. This week's Quetta
attack, for instance, has been claimed by three groups - a faction of the TTP;
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a sectarian militant group, and the Islamic State. The
Lashkar claims it cooperated with the IS to carry out the assault. If true, this
opens the possibility for the IS to operate in Pakistan, where it does not have a
strong organisational. (2027)
The political rehabilitation of former Karnataka Chief Minister B.S.

Yeddyurappa of the Bharatiya Janata Party happened long before his legal
exoneration by a special court of the Central Bureau of Investigation this week
in the mining operations corruption case. After having forced him to resign as
Chief Minister in 2011, on his indictment by the Lokayukta, the BJP made him
its State unit president and has even been projecting him as the chief
ministerial candidate following his return to the party after a failed experiment
of going it alone in the 2013 Assembly polls. Mr. Yeddyurappa and the BJP
seemed supremely confident that he would get past the legal hurdles and be
ready to lead the party to fight the Assembly election of 2018. But despite the
acquittal, there remain several unanswered questions brought up in the
Lokayukta report on illegal mining in Bellary: these include the nexus between
those in the government and the mining barons sustained through a web of
intricate transactions involving charitable trusts run by family members of
politicians and the use of corporate social responsibility initiatives by business
houses as a cover for illegal gratification of politicians and their kin. While the
payments made by affiliates of JSW Steel to the trusts managed by his sons are
not in dispute, the court held that Mr. Yeddyurappa's order to ban export of
iron ore was a collective decision of the government and that there was no
evidence of corruption.
Unless the order is challenged in the higher courts, the path is clear for
Mr. Yeddyurappa to lead the BJP's campaign in Karnataka, shutting out rivals
within the party. For the BJP too, which publicly swears by clean governance,
the verdict removes all doubts about making him its political mascot for 2018.
Karnataka is the only State in the south where it has a reasonable chance to
form a government, and the party would not like to make a mess of its political
options ahead of the Assembly election. With the possible exception of Ananth
Kumar. (2033)
Venezuela has once again been rocked by opposition-led protests after

the process to requisition a recall referendum to oust President Nicolas
Maduro was obstructed last week. Local courts in four states issued injunctions
to halt the opposition's collection of signatures from 20 per cent of the
registered voters, the second phase of the constitutionally mandated recall
process, after allegations that there were irregularities in signatures collected
in the first phase. The Supreme Court upheld these injunctions, which means
the referendum process in the four states will have to be restarted. The timing
of the referendum is important. If the outcome were to go against Mr. Maduro
before January 10, 2017, mid-term presidential elections will have to be held. If
the referendum is held later, a setback would only mean his replacement by
the vice-president till the scheduled elections in 2018. The besieged
government has sought talks with the opposition to be mediated by the
Vatican, but Mr. Maduro has poor approval ratings and his government has
been unable to arrest a slide towards further economic chaos. The opposition
has more popular support than it did during Hugo Chavez's reign and,
importantly, it controls the National Assembly.
Mr. Maduro does not wield the king of charismatic sway that Chavez, his
mentor, did, but the problem goes deeper than this. The continued fall in
global petroleum prices under Mr. Maduro's watch has put the country's social
welfare model under severe strain. In Chavez's heyday, the government
leveraged the country's immense petroleum reserves to fuel a welfare
economy and spend heavily on subsidies. This model resulted in several
structural flaws in the economy - corruption in state enterprises, heavy
dependence on imported consumer goods due to meagre incentives for
production in a highly subsidised economy, and artificial price and exchange
controls that resulted in a black market for foreign currency, national currency
and persisting inflation. (2011)
Even by the standards of Pakistan's unpredictable polity, the week ahead

for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif could be tempestuous, as all his troubles
threaten to come to a head together. Opposition leader Imran Khan has
announced that on Monday he will go to court seeking clearance to stage a
"shutdown" protest in Islamabad and Rawalpindi. He has also said that
regardless of the outcome of the hearing, his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf will go
ahead with the protests starting Wednesday to force Mr. Sharif's resignation
over corruption allegations. Mr. Khan will be joined by several political groups
and flanked by religious extremists of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council that include
Hafiz Saeed, and the cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri, with their combined followers
estimated in the hundreds of thousands. The allegations of corruption pertain
to the 'Panama Papers' that contained details of offshore companies and
undeclared assets allegedly owned by Mr. Sharif's family. On Tuesday,
petitioners calling for Mr. Sharif to be disqualified from office are scheduled to
be heard by a special bench of Pakistan's Supreme Court. The Chief Justice,
who heads that panel, has already passed several strictures against the
government, and rejected its request for a commission to investigate the
Panama disclosures instead. Meanwhile, Pakistan is in mourning for more than
60 people, most of them young police cadets, who were killed in a terrorist
strike in Quetta, and a massive security operation is under way as Mr. Sharif
attempts to refute criticism of his government's National Action Plan after the
attack.
These troubles come at a time when Mr. Sharif is expected to announce

who Pakistan's new army chief will be. While the possibility of General Raheel
Sharif receiving an extension is not being ruled out, Mr. Sharif is reported to be
considering other options too. His decision on what is effectively the most
powerful office in the land will have a bearing on Pakistan's strained civil-
military relations. (2000)
The Centre's coercive method has worked. Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the
two States that were holding out against pressure from New Delhi to
implement the National Food Security Act (NFSA), have also fallen in line. By
threatening to raise the price at which it was allocating food grains if they did
not implement the law, the Centre has managed to get these two States to
agree to the implementation of the Act would have had to pay Rs.22.54 a kg
for rice for their monthly allocations under the 'above poverty line' (APL)
category, as against the Rs.8.30 a kg they are paying now. For Tamil Nadu, it
would have meant an additional expenditure of Rs.2,730 crore, over and above
the Rs.2,393 crore it is spending on its universal public distribution system
(PDS). The State says it will implement the Act and also continue its universal
PDS coverage. In the bargain, it will have to maintain a uniform supply of 5 kg
of rice per person as stipulated in the NFSA, and protect the existing
entitlements of PDS beneficiaries. The resultant increase in off take would
result in additional expenditure of Rs.1,193 crore for Tamil Nadu. Kerala
maintains an APL-BPL distinction in its PDS. However, its concerns over the
implementation of the Act related to the possibility that many beneficiaries of
PDS consumers into 'priority households' and others.
Over the last year or so, Kerala and Tamil Nadu had been warming to the
idea of joining the NFSA, but sought time to do so. They wanted to complete
end-to-end computerisation of their PDS and the process of seeding Aadhaar
numbers with family cards. One clear advantage of joining the national food
security system now is that the computerisation and Aadhaar seeding process
may result in the elimination of bogus cards and beneficiaries. Tamil Nadu’s
case for such a clean-up is glaring as the number of people covered by its
family cards is about 7.81 crore while the State’s population is 7.21 crore.
There are lessons for both the Centre and the States in this conflict. (2018)
The former grand wizard of the white supremacist group Ku Klux Klan,
David Duke, cautioned his (presumably white) radio listeners that voting for
anyone besides Donald Trump would "be treason to [their] heritage". He
further stated that Mr. Trump has made it acceptable to talk about the
"incredible concerns of European Americans today". Without a doubt, the
defining characteristic of Donald Trump's presidential campaign has been an
unapologetic endorsement of nativism.
Nativism is more than a mere rhetorical assertion of national identity. At

its core, it is the exertion of control over a country's institutions and policies
for the expressed benefit of a dominant ethnic group. Mr. Trump has not been
shy about promoting the interests of the white population. His policy proposals
include building a wall between the United States and Mexico, banning all
Muslim immigration, and ending the H-1B visa programme that has brought so
many foreign workers to the U.S.
The U.S. is not an obvious candidate for this brand of nativism. In

perhaps the most popular patriotic song in the U.S., 'God Bless the USA,' Lee
Greenwood offers, "I'm proud to be an American where at least I know I'm
free. And I won't forget the men who died, who gave that right to me."
Americans tend to define their identity rather obliquely, in terms of "freedom"
and "liberty" and the dogged defence of these ideals - hardly the sorts of
proclamations that should stoke any kind of nativism.
These troubles come at a time when Mr. Sharif is expected to announce

who Pakistan's new army chief will be. While the possibility of General Raheel
Sharif receiving an extension is not being ruled out, Mr. Sharif is reported to be
considering other options too. His decision on what is effectively the most
powerful office in the land will have a bearing on Pakistan's strained civil-
military relations. The rift between the government and the military is not
new, but it seems to have been widening since the Uri attack and India's
announcement of surgical strikes in retaliation. (2053)
The killing of eight prisoners belonging to an outlawed group hours after

their escape from the high-security Central Prison in Bhopal has set off a
controversy that is unlikely to die down soon. The eight undertrials, belonging
to the Students' Islamic Movement of India, had been charged with serious
offences and were alleged to have been involved in the murder of policemen
and in armed robberies. While escaping, they killed a police guard who had
tried to stop them. The murder of their colleague may have goaded the police
to pursue the suspects and zero in on them within hours on the city's outskirts
with the help of the public. However, the dramatic events that took place
subsequently are clouded in doubt as the official narrative does not quite hand
together. The State government and the police have failed to provide a cogent
explanation for the events of the day. The circulation of footage purportedly
recording some moments before and after the encounter has invited charges
that the encounter was 'fake'. Doubts have been raised whether the eight men
were carrying any weapons or posed an imminent danger to the police party
that closed in on them. Were they about to surrender, having run out of
options, when they were killed? One police officer's claim that they had
firearms and had attacked the police contradicts another officer's version that
they had no weapons.
The Madhya Pradesh government is understandably keen on an inquiry

into the jailbreak to find out crucial details - such as who masterminded the
escape, and whether there was any support from others in the prison or
outside. Further, it should be investigated how CCTV cameras, watchtowers
and searchlights all mysteriously failed while the undertrials were scaling two
high walls one after another. There can be no justification, however, for the
government's stand that the encounter itself does not require an investigation
any deeper than a routine magisterial inquiry. The Supreme Court has laid
down that every police encounter. (2026)
It is almost four months since the unrest in Kashmir began following the
killing of Hizbul Mujahideen 'commander' Burhan Wani. Protests, intermittent
violence and long stretches of curfew have continued to put normal life on
hold. Delegations of civil society representatives as well as politicians have
attempted to reach out to separatists and find a way to bring calm to the
streets, but to little avail. In fact, the opposite is happening with increasing
mindless arson attacks on schools over the past two months. By one count, 27
schools, most of them government-run, have been set afire so far in the Valley
over this period. No one has yet claimed responsibility for these attacks. The
government has blamed the separatists for encouraging the arson. In turn, the
separatists charge the administration of failing to protect the schools. Amidst
all this blame-shifting, it is disturbing that separatist leaders such as Syed Ali
Shah Geelani have not condemned the acts of violence outright. Their
equivocation must be called out, even as the Jammu and Kashmir High Court
has directed the government to reopen all the schools despite the separatists'
shutdown call.
It is against this backdrop, of life thrown out of gear and specific

targeting of school buildings, that students have been rattled by the
government's plan to conduct State Board examinations in the second half of
November. The government needs to assure them of adequate security to
address their anxieties. The situation is reminiscent of the early 1990s.
Hundreds of schools had been targeted then. Disrupting the school calendar is
one of the oldest tricks in the insurgents' playbook. It sends out the signal that
the administration is not in full control. And it heightens anxiety among the
local population that their children's life chances are doubtful, thereby
reinforcing popular disaffection and alienation. However, the occasional
occupation of school buildings by the security forces also makes them a symbol
of the state, and a soft target for militants. (2043)
A few weeks ago, many Americans would have guffawed at any

suggestion that there could be a nail-biting finish to the November 8
presidential election. Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton had a comfortable
lead in the polls, around 12 percentage points in some surveys. The campaign
of Republican nominee Donald Trump had been dealt multiple blows stemming
from the "Access Hollywood" tapes, where he was caught boasting about
groping women without their consent. His popularity plummeted further after
at least nine women alleged he had sexually assaulted them year ago.
However, with less than a week to voting day, the race has tightened. For the
first time since May, Mr. Trump is leading in one major poll. The game changer
is FBI Director James Comey's announcement that his agency was reopening
inquiries into Ms. Clinton's email record after discovering correspondence
relating to her in the computer of Anthony Weiner, estranged husband of her
aide Huma Abedin. There are multiple undercurrents to this vicious election
battle that need to be parsed.
In the blue corner, Ms. Clinton still enjoys an overwhelming statistical

probability of winning the 270 electoral college votes required to secure the
presidency. She maintained a statesmanlike poise throughout the presidential
debates, and in Email-gate the FBI has failed to unearth any evidence of
criminality against her so far. Yet her problem lies in the perception of
untrustworthiness created by her use of a private server while she was
Secretary of State, her proximity to deep-pocketed donors on Wall Street and
her hard line on a fiscally expansive welfare agenda for the middle class. In the
red corner, Mr. Trump has refused to tone down his abrasive rhetoric against
women, Latinos, Muslims, African-Americans and the differently abled despite
the expected backlash from these demographics and growing alienation from
mainstream Republican Party leaders. He has similarly hurled defiance in the
teeth of those demanding that he release his tax returns. (2027)
The massive pollution cloud enveloping northern India every year is a

good example of the disconnect between official policy and ground realities. It
has been known for long that burning of agricultural waste in the northern
States significantly contributes to the poor air quality in large parts of the Indo-
Gangetic Basin, with local and cascading impacts felt from Punjab all the way
to West Bengal. Harmful fine particulate matter measuring 2.5 mm in diameter
(PM2.5) is among the pollutants released. Punjab responded to the issue with
a prohibition on the burning of paddy straw, and the launch of initiatives
aimed at better utilisation of biomass, including as a fuel to produce power.
Yet, there is no mission mode approach to the annual crisis. The efforts do not
match the scale of agricultural residues produced, for one, and fail to address
farmers' anxiety to remove the surplus from the fields quickly to make way for
the next crop. The national production of crop waste is of the order of 500
million tonnes a year, with Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and West Bengal topping the
list. Again, 80 per cent of straw from paddy is burnt in some States, impacting
air quality and depriving croplands of nutrients.
It is an irony that the national capital and several other cities suffer
crippling pollution in the post-monsoon and winter months partly due to
biomass burning, when demand for fodder is rising and the surplus material
could be used productively. Pilot projects to produce power using biomass
demonstrated in Rajasthan, and mechanised composting and biogas
production units of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute could be scaled
up, and farmers given liberal support to deploy such solutions. Given the twin
benefits of pollution abatement and better productivity, conservation
agriculture needs to be popularised. This would encourage farmers to use
newer low-till seeding technologies that allow much of the crop residues to
remain on site, and curb the release of a variety of pollutants. (2017)
The suicide of Subedar Ram Kishen Grewal, allegedly over delay in

receiving arrears under the One Rank, One Pension related move, the ex-
servicemen groups demanding unconditional OROP have resumed their
protest at Delhi's Jantar Mantar; it had been called off six months ago after
assurances from Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar. Amidst all this, the real
issues in the implementation of OROP have been lost sight of. The veterans are
demanding OROP in its rightful form, which going by the accepted definition
implies uniform pension to armed forces personnel retiring with the same rank
and length of service regardless of the date of retirement. Among the major
concerns highlighted by the veterans are: annual equalisation as against the
approved five years; exclusion of those who opt for premature retirement
(PMR) from the ambit of OROP; implementation from April 2014; and adoption
of the highest pay scale of 2013 for revising pension. The government's
predicament is obvious. Except for PMR, all these are financial issues and have
budgetary implications. Annual pension revision for over 20 lakh people would
also be an administrative challenge.
The big issue is PMR, as it has consequences for the armed forces that go
beyond extra pension money. The Centre's OROP notification said "personnel
who opt to get discharged henceforth on their own request" will not be
entitled to its benefits. This made a distinction between those who opted for
PMR in the past and those who may do so in future. There is still no clarity on
the criteria of PMR, which has created confusion in the rank and file,
particularly among those who are looking to leave the service after completing
the pensionable service or have been superseded and have no further chances
of promotion. It is debatable whether officers opting to leave the service on
their own for better prospects and drawing regular pension should be given
the additional benefit of OROP. However, there needs to be clarity to the PMR
criteria. (2005)
An employment tribunal ruling in London last week that Uber drivers are
"workers" and not "self-employed", and therefore entitled to a minimum wage
and paid leave, could have implications not only for Britain's 40,000 Uber
drivers but for others associated with the 'gig economy' in Britain and beyond.
Uber's business model is predicated on calling itself a platform that connects
those who want transportation services to those who provide them. The ruling
held that connects those who want transportation services to those who
provide them. The ruling held that Uber sells rides, not software, despite its
legal and corporate structure and licensing agreements attempting to suggest
otherwise. The gig economy is driven by algorithms and technology. It extends
beyond ride-sharing applications to food delivery, car rental and hosting
services. Earning money as an independent contractor - that is, through a gig -
is not new. But the changing nature and growth of such business models and
their inextricable linkages to technology, often via a smartphone app, is making
it hard for regulators to keep up. From the consumer's perspective, app-based
transportation services have been beneficial: increased clarity on pricing,
speedy redress of complaints, decreased waiting times via efficient driver-
passenger match algorithms, and so on. The business model has brought more
drivers into the workforce by offering flexible hours and gigs to anyone who
meets certain criteria. From the service provider's perspective, the ability to
work flexible hours can be a way to earn supplementary instruments cannot
circumvent basic work-related rights. Thus it has begun the overdue process of
determining the producer's obligations.
In India, with its vast unorganised labour force and patchy social
protection, piecemeal work, such as that offered through apps in the for-hire
transport market, holds the possibility of earning a livelihood that is above the
minimum wage. The issues in India, for now. (2000)
Donald Trump will be the 45th President of the United States. These
words will echo in the hearts of 324 million Americans today, some shell-
shocked and downcast, others delirious with joy. The sheer divergence of
emotions over the surprise result is a poignant signal of how deeply divided
the nation is, after a polarising two-year election campaign. Bigotry, patriarchy
and racist rancour, which reared their ugly heads throughout this season of
incivility, may find no welcome catharsis with the apotheosis of Mr. Trump.
According to the exit polls, 58 per cent of whites and 21 per cent of non-whites
and 74 per cent of non-whites votes for his Democratic opponent Hillary
Clinton. He also scored higher with men than women, and with those voters
who did not have a college degree. In other words, bluecollared white men and
women thronged to Mr. Trump in droves, angry about their perceived
impoverishment and disenfranchisement inflicted by the country's political and
financial elites. It had left them with only one option: to throw a metaphorical
grenade at these power centres.
At the heart of the shock result is the shock itself, which stemmed from
what most analysts have been calling the vote of the "silent majority". Why did
the U.S. media and pollsters fail to see which way the wind was blowing? They
apparently did not suspect, when poll results suggested that Ms. Clinton was
the more acceptable candidate, that some of the respondents to these polls
may have been unwilling to admit to being supporters of Mr. Trump. It is likely
for instance that women, 42 per cent of whom voted for Mr. Trump, were
reluctant to reveal their preference after Mr. Trump was exposed for boasting
about sexual assault and faced allegations of the same. What was not taken
proper note of was that in almost every swing State, there were between 11
and 18 per cent "undecided" voters in late October - a significant number of
people that tilted the election in favour of Mr. Trump. Insofar as this election
reflected. (2020)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's move to curb unaccounted cash, or

black money, circulating in the Indian economy by with-drawing the highest-
value currency notes of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 as legal tender within three-odd
hours of the announcement, is a bold one. He invoked provocative imagery to
explain the measure - of corrupt officials stashing kilos of ill gained money
fuelling inflation as well as terrorism. He pointed out how difficult it is for
honest taxpayers to buy a house as the real estate sector seldom operates
without a cash component, some of which finds its way to political funding.
The increase in the circulation of these notes in the past five years has been
disproportionate to the economy's growth. The introduction of new Rs.500
and Rs.2,000 notes, the government argues, would not only check counterfeit
currency, a problem that has assumed serious dimensions, but also purge
India's economy of the black wealth amassed in the form of high-value notes.
Any decision like this needs to be sudden, and it is not surprising that it has
caused hardship as people scramble to get notes of smaller denomination for
daily expenditure. The only defence for this is that the larger public purpose
outweighs the immediate difficulties.
Having promised during the 2014 election campaign to bring black

money worth lakhs of crores supposedly stashed abroad, the NDA government
has been under pressure to do something dramatic. The two amnesty schemes
it launched over the past year, including one for foreign assets, didn't yield
anything near the 23.2 per cent of GDP that the World Bank had estimated
India's shadow economy to be in 2007. Today that would be nearly $479 billion
in unaccounted wealth, according to rating agency Crisil. While there will be
pain and confusion in the short term for common people and the economy, a
disruptive measure was perhaps the only way to shake up the system to a new
compliance normal. But the Centre must ensure that no poor person is saddled
with old. (2009)
With Rahul Gandhi and the Congress, it is difficult to say who needs the
other more. Indeed, it is not clear whether the party is shielding him from the
risk of electoral failure or whether it is looking to him for political leadership
and guidance. In any case the seemingly never-ending wait for his ascension as
the president of the party was not doing either him or the Congress any good.
If the decision of the Congress Working Committee to ask Mr. Gandhi to take
up the top post was a surprise, it was only in its timing. Ever since the Lok
Sabha election of 2014, Mr. Gandhi was being prepared for this very job; also,
his mother and Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, had not been keeping good
health. But two factors stood in the way. Members of the party's old guard
were unsure of his leadership skills, or were apprehensive of being left out if
the order changed. More important, Mr. Gandhi himself wanted time. He
wanted to make sure he did not appear to be hankering after power and
position, and he did not get blamed for electoral defeats that were, by any
reckoning, inevitable. But just as the seniors in the party reconciled themselves
to the changing times, Mr. Gandhi too seems to have become more responsive
to the requirements of an organisation such as the Congress: that he would
have to deal with the party as it is, and that he would not be able to readily
mould it to the form he would like it to take.
Quite possibly, Mr. Gandhi would not have had a shot at becoming the
party president were it not for his lineage. But the nature of the faction-ridden
Congress is such that it needs a leader whose right to lead is not questioned at
every step. Mr. Gandhi meets this requirement. While the fractious nature of
the party grants him greater legitimacy as a leader, it also makes his task more
difficult. At the CWC meeting, he expressed his willingness to take on the
assigned role of party president to "fight for the preservation of the idea of
India". This is a phrase that the Congress. (2018)
The operation to recapture Raqqa in Syria launched by a U.S.-backed

coalition of Kurdish and Arab fighters is bound to increase the military pressure
on the Islamic State, which is already under attack in Mosul, its power centre in
Iraq. The Raqqa offensive has long been on the cards. The Syrian Democratic
Forces (SDF) finally moved their troops to the city's defence lines after getting
weapons and the clearance from the U.S. As in the case of the battle for Mosul
where the U.S. provides air cover to the Iraqi forces and Shia militias, in Raqqa
it will provide assistance to the SDF. The U.S. strategy is to choke the IS from
both sides, and its partners on the ground seem ready to take the high risk of
attacking the group's strongest bases. Over the past year the Kurdish fighters
have been consistently effective in ground battles against the IS. Most of the
major territorial losses of the IS in Syria - be it Kobane, Tal Abyad or Manbij -
were at the hands of the Kurds. The jihadist group, which once had direct
access to the Turkish border, has now retreated to its core in Syria, stretching
from Raqqa to Deir Ezzour. Against this background, the SDF clearly has an
upper hand. The IS will also find it challenging to defend two of its most
important cities at the same time. But that doesn't mean that the SDF will have
an easy walk into Raqqa.
The SDF is certain to face strong resistance. Raqqa is one of the first
cities the IS captured; it has in place a ferocious, ideologically charged and
battle-ready team to build a strong defence. As the ongoing Mosul battle
shows, breaching the IS defence lines will take time and also lives. Raqqa has a
population of about 2.2 lakh. Major air-borne campaigns to help the SDF
advance on the ground advances of enemies. But the most pressing challenge
the SDF faces is the response from Turkey. Raqqa is a Sunni-populated town.
Turkey is opposed to the SDF taking over Raqqa as a major constituent of the
coalition is the Kurdish militia, the People’s Protection Units (YPG). (2037)
The agreement between India and Sri Lanka on establishing a Joint

Working Group on fisheries is a small step forward in resolving the dispute
between fishermen of both countries. In fact, such a mechanism had been in
place until a few years ago to address problems that arose whenever
fishermen from Tamil Nadu were arrested by Sri Lanka. The points agreed on
are important: a hotline between the Coast Guards of both countries, a
meeting of the JWG once in three months, and a meeting of the fisheries
ministers every six months. Welcome too is the commitment that there would
be no violence or loss of life of fishermen. These measures are useful in getting
Indian fishermen or their boats released from custody, but they are unlikely to
have any immediate impact on the livelihood crisis facing the fishermen of
northern Sri Lanka. Such a crisis may grip Tamil Nadu fishermen too one day,
after the fishery resources in the Palk Bay are exhausted. The real issue is how
long trawlers from Tamil Nadu will continue to fish in Sri Lankan territorial
waters, and how soon bottom trawling is ended. The official statement after
the talks between the foreign ministers refers to "expediting the transition
towards ending the practice of bottom trawling at the earliest". An agreement
on this is crucial, but in the absence of a time frame there remains a question
mark over a solution emerging.
Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen are firm on an immediate end to all

incursions and are against seized Indian boats being released without legal
process, even though they agree that the arrested fishermen should be
released. In talks between representatives of fishermen held a few days
earlier, Tamil Nadu fishermen had asked for a three-year phase-out period for
their trawlers, and a deal under which they would fish for 85 days a year until
then. This was rejected outright by the Sri Lankan side, which holds that the
Indian vessels cause serious economic and ecological damage. One way of
preventing boundary. (2003)
The election of Michel Aoun, the 81-year-old former general, as

Lebanon's President ends a two-and-a-half-year political stalemate. It signals
hope that the country's fractious political class will come together to form a
government invested in addressing the many challenges it faces, from basic
civil issues to threats coming from neighbouring, civil war-stricken Syria. The
length to time it took to elect a President in itself shows the compels nature of
the political system. Under a long-standing arrangement, the President has to
be a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni, and the Speaker of
Parliament a Shia. The major political parties represent these sects, and
reaching a consensus on key issues is tricky. What makes matters worse is
external intervention. Hezbollah, which represents the Shia community, has
Iran's backing, while the Sunni political faction led by Saad Hariri is supported
by Saudi Arabia and the West. President Aoun, a Maronite politician, is a
Hezbollah ally. His election is the result of an agreement among the Shia,
Sunni, and Christian factions. Mr. Hariri backed Mr. Aoun's election in
Parliament, while the President, in return, named Mr. Hariri as Prime Minister.
The Hezbollah chief, Hassan Nasrallah, has declared that he won't oppose Mr.
Hariri's appointment.
However, Mr. Hariri may find it difficult to form a truly representative

government that can survive in Lebanon's confessional system. His acceptance
of Mr. Aoun as President could be a tactical move given the Sunnis' diminishing
political clout in the country. He may also face Hezbollah, which runs a militia
that is stronger than the national army. Hezbollah fighters are arrayed
alongside the regime of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, while Mr. Hariri’s
regional patron, Saudi Arabia, backs the anti-Assad rebels. The animosity
between Mr. Hariri and Mr. Nasrallah has a personal side as well. Mr. Hariri
accuses the Hezbollah of assassinating his father, the former Prime Minister
Rafik Hariri. (2018)
The United Nations conference on climate change now under way in

Marrakech, Morocco, has the ambitious task of drawing up the first steps on
enhanced finance and technology transfer, which is vital to advance the Paris
Agreement that entered into force on November 4. India's negotiating
positions at the ongoing Conference of the Parties 22 (CoP 22) must ensure
that on both these aspects, the basic principle of equity and common but
differentiated responsibilities laid down by the UN Framework Convention on
Climate Change are upheld. Mitigating greenhouse gas emissions is central to
the effort to contain the rise of the global average temperature in the current
century to well below 2 Celsius since pre-industrial levels. But that goal is
considered impossible even if sincere action is taken on all pledges made so
far, necessitating a higher ambition. Moreover, the Paris Agreement does not
have a carbon budget system that gives weightage to the emerging economies
taking their historical handicap into account. The imperative therefore is to
demand suitably high financial flows to both mitigate emissions and prepare
communities to adapt to climate change. Such a mandate should be seen as an
opportunity, since CoP 22 will discuss ways and means for countries to
integrate their national commitments submitted for the Paris deal into actual
policies and investment plans. In India's case, new developments in sectors
such as construction, transport, energy production, waste and water
management, as well as agriculture, can benefit from fresh funding and
technology.
Adopting green technologies in power generation, which has a lock-in

effect lasting decades, and other areas like transport with immediate impacts
such as reduced air pollution has a twin advantage. The local environment is
cleaned up, improving the quality of life, and carbon emissions are cut. It is
imperative therefore that the national position raises pressure on rich
countries for technological and funding assistance under the Paris Agreement.
(2035)
India and the U.K. have many reasons to have close relations. They are
two pillars of the Commonwealth, sharing democratic values and a world view
on many political issues including terrorism. The Indian community that has
settled in Britain has helped deepen ties. Today India is the third largest
investor in the U.K., and the U.K. is the largest G20 investor in India. It stands
to reason that for her first foreign visit outside Europe after taking over as
Prime Minister, Theresa May chose India. As long as British courts don't stand
in her way, she will work to engineer the U.K.'s exit from the European Union
in early 2017, and her visit to India was seen as a way of exploring a trade path
outside of the EU, with preliminary talk expected on reviving negotiations for a
free trade agreement that were first started in 2007. For the past few months,
British ministers, including key advisers to Ms. May, have emphasised that the
Brexit movement would benefit India-U.K. ties. Given this backdrop, it remains
a mystery why, in the event, Ms. May's visit turned out to be devoid of any
substantial measures that would put India-U.K. ties on a new trajectory.
The two MoUs signed in the presence of Prime Minsiter Narendra Modi
and Ms. May, on improving the ease of doing business and on intellectual
property rights, did little to add any shine to the lacklustre visit. Worse, Ms.
May seemed more comfortable with her previous role as U.K. Home Secretary
when she had announced strictures on immigration and student visas that
have led to a 50 per cent drop in Indian students enrolling in British
universities. Just three days before her visit to India, London announced new
restrictions on overseas students, including two-tier visa rules based on the
"quality of courses", and a crackdown on work visas to control migration. Quite
oblivious of the impact of these measures on her hosts, Ms. May chose to
announce during her first day in Delhi that not only could she not consider
India’s demands for relaxation. (2023)
There was never any doubt that Punjab's legislative adventurism in

enacting a law in 2004 to terminate all previous agreements on sharing the
waters of the Ravi and the Beas with its neighbours would not survive judicial
scrutiny. Answering a Presidential reference on the validity of Punjab's action,
the Supreme Court has declared the State's law illegal. It has ruled that Punjab
reneged on its solemn promises by terminating its 1981 agreement with
Haryana and Rajasthan to discharge itself of the obligation to construct the
Sutlej-Yamuna Link (SYL) Canal. Its objective was to overcome the 2004 decree
passed by the Supreme Court directing it to complete the canal work
expeditiously. The court's reasoning draws from previous verdicts relating to
the Cauvery and Mullaperiyar disputes, reiterating the principle that "a State
cannot, through legislation, do an act in conflict with the judgement of the
highest court which has attained finality." It is another matter if legislation
takes the form of a validating Act to cure specific illegalities or one that
removes the basis for a particular verdict. The verdict by a five-member Bench
is a timely reminder that it would be destructive of the rule of law and
federalism if a State were to be allowed to usurp judicial powers by nullifying a
verdict that has rendered findings on both fact and law.
As Punjab heads for the Assembly election, this issue has already led to
posturing by all major parties on which among them is the best protector of
the State's interests. This attitude leads to a disturbing tendency among States
to be judges in their own cause, especially when it comes to water disputes.
Political parties in power increasingly resort to legislation or Assembly
resolutions rather than negotiation. The Opposition parties collaborate in this
with equal zeal, lest they be seen to be wanting in passion for the cause.
Punjab may well have had legitimate grievances, historically, in the sharing of
waters. This was, in fact. (2001)
The writer has misread the intention behind demonetisation of Rs.500

and Rs.1,000 notes ("The new colour of money", Nov.11). A decision like this is
not always taken to spruce up the economy. Unaccounted wealth is a black
mark on our society. If the salaried class pays taxes through its nose, the same
is expected of the wealthy. The argument that such a step will not discourage
corruption fails to impress the reader. When new currency notes are required
for future transactions, it automatically means that there is no free circulation
of currency notes for paying bribes. The next argument that nothing will
change drastically as demonetised notes will be replaced by fresh ones is
fallacious since all the unaccounted cash will never be replaced. There are
restrictions in the exchange process entailing huge tax. What is in the account
book alone will be exchanged. The whole nation is happy with the move.
It is too far-fetched to see any cultural angle, as the writer does, in the
introduction of Devanagari numerals in the notes. Notes have 'Reserve Bank of
India' written in Hindi, for instance. Does that also constitute a cultural attack?
The situation is not as smooth as claimed by some people in this space. Many
are suffering. Some banks are refusing to exchange money, saying they are
short of funds. Common people feel that the economy will no longer be
tainted and feel like they are contributing to cleaning up the mess. But the
government must explain what it has done to catch the big sharks.
In Bengaluru where I live, most ATMs and cash deposit machines are out
of order. This needs to be sorted out without any delay as this crisis is causing
long queues. Also, separate queues for deposits and exchanges would make it
easier.
This master stroke will eliminate the counterfeit notes in circulation and bring
black money-holders under the scanner to a large extent. It will also help us
move towards a cashless economy. People are thronging banks to exchange
and make deposits. (2001)
This move is also compelling people to open accounts to deposit their

cash, thus bolstering financial inclusion. This is good for the reeling banking
sector and for the economy as deposits help in lending loans. Higher deposits
may lead to lowering of interest rates. However, the logistics make things
difficult. When most of the ATMs are dry in cities, including the national
capital, one can well imagine the situation in villages. The banking machinery
must deal with this task on a war footing.
I am an Indian citizen living in the U.S. While demonetisation seems like

a welcome measure, we do not know how people abroad, who are not visiting
India any time soon and who don't have non-resident ordinary rupee accounts,
will exchange the currency they have. Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena
appeared sincere and straightforward in his interview ("Reconciliation can't be
done in a few days", Nov.11). His remark that he has an obligation to solve the
problems of the Tamils, as most of them voted for him, is reassuring. The road
to reconciliation, though a daunting task, is possible with a spirit of
accommodation, understanding and empathy. The President appears to be
well intentioned. If the Tamils are assured of peaceful living conditions and
equitable treatment, there should not be any reason for reconciliation talks
failing.
American voters now exhibit severe party polarisation. Even in an

election that saw Bernie Sanders split the Democratic Party, and several key
Republican leaders abandon Mr. Trump, most members of the Democratic and
Republican parties fell into line. The CNN exit poll shows that about 90 per cent
of each of Democrats and Republicans voted for their party's candidate in this
election; by contrast, a Gallup exit poll found that 20 per cent of Republicans
defected from the party to vote for Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964. Furthermore,
about 70 per cent of the American electorate is registered with either the
Democratic or Republican Party. For instance, in California, where it was
certain that Hillary Clinton would win a plurality. (2083)
"I was born like this, I had no choice. I was born with the gift of a golden
voice," wrote Leonard Cohen in "Tower of Song", suggesting he was sentenced
to a life of imprisonment in music. It was a life in which he fused pain and
passion, blended the sacred with the profane. Among the greatest of the
singer-song-writers to emerge from the sixties, Cohen spoke of extreme
passions in liturgical phrases and with biblical references. The Canadian
troubadour, who found inspiration in Greece and fame in the U.S., was a
successful novelist and a poet before turning to lyrics "to slash your wrists by",
rendered almost conversationally in a brooding and arrestingly sensual bass.
Unlike other musicians, he didn't fade away as he grew older, or when "he
ached in the places where he used to play". His last two albums were suffused
with witty, self-deprecatory humour and intimations of his own mortality.
Cohen also remained a spiritual seeker in his verses all his life, his songs often
deviating from the narrative to ask questions about the divine, as he wandered
from Zen Buddhism to Advaita Vedanta while staying Jewish by faith.
Along with Bob Dylan, who called him "No.1 to his Zero", Cohen blurred
the line between poetry and lyric in the sixties and seventies. They spoke the
language of the time using words of rebellion and spirituality. The words of
"Suzanne" and "Closing Time" dive into religion and morality, cutting just as
deep without the music. "Bird on the Wire" was where he hit peak, the
simplicity of the rhyme serving to ram home the complexity of the emotion. He
retained his edge even in his last album, speaking with the same voice and
shifting only in theme to death and leave-taking. Cohen used chords sparsely,
not allowing the music to drown the words. However, his music was no lesser a
feat. The rises and falls of "Hallelujah" draw listeners to emotions of
accomplishment and dejection in the gap of a few notes; the soft sensuality of
"Dance Me to the End of Love". (2001)
When India conducted its nuclear tests in 1998, Japan was the country
that took it the hardest: it put all political exchanges with India on hold, froze
aid and announced economic sanctions within hours. A thaw in ties didn't
come until 2001, when sanctions were lifted. And then, in 2009, the two
countries began an annual strategic dialogue. This has now come to fruition
with the signing of the nuclear cooperation agreement in Tokyo during Prime
Minister Narendra Modi's visit. The deal is critical to India's renewable energy
plans. Japanese companies that produce cutting-edge reactor technology were
previously not allowed to supply parts to India. In addition, Japanese
companies have significant holdings in their U.S. and French partners
negotiating for nuclear reactors now, and that would have held up the deals.
This is Japan's first nuclear deal with a non-signatory to the Non Proliferation
Treaty, and it recognises India's exemplary record in nuclear prudence. It is
indeed a much-needed moral boost as New Delhi strives for membership in the
Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). The move will boost the meagre, and dipping,
bilateral trade of $15 billion, and lift the strategic military and defence
relationship.
There are several riders to this rosy prognosis, however. First, the
nuclear deal has to be approved by Japan's Parliament. This will not be aided
by unhelpful references such as those made recently by Defence Minister
Manohar Parrikar, about revisiting India's no-first-use nuclear weapons policy.
In Japan, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe may face criticism that he extracted too
few assurances from India on a nuclear test ban. In India, Mr. Modi may be
criticised for giving in too much, as a note slipped into the agreement now
accepts an emergency suspension of the deal if India tests a weapon. The clock
is ticking, and Mr. Abe must bring the deal to Parliament in early 2017 to
ensure that the commercial agreement for Westinghouse's six reactors in
Andhra Pradesh that is due in June 2017 comes through. (2035)
With the Supreme Court responding to the presidential reference and

terming illegal the Punjab Termination of Agreements Act, 2004, politics in the
State has predictably acquired a defiant edge. Amarinder Singh, who was Chief
Minister when the legislation was passed more than a decade ago in order to
deny the neighbouring States their determined share of river waters, lost no
time in announcing his resignation as a member of the Lok Sabha and that of
all Congress MLAs from the Punjab Assembly. As an act of protest it has an
absurd edge, but with Assembly election due in early 2017, the party obviously
wants to raise the stakes by identifying itself with the emotive water issue. In
fact, it allows Mr. Singh the ideal launch pad to take on not just the Shiromani
Akali Dal-BJP government, but also the Congress campaign strategist, Prashant
Kishor, with whom he has been at odds. Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal
had upped the ante earlier this year by shepherding a law in the Assembly to
return to the original owners land acquired decades ago for the Sutlej-Yamuna
Link canal meant to enable sharing of river waters. Even as the State Governor
refrained from giving consent to the legislation, bulldozers were employed to
fill part of the canal with uprooted trees and soil to mark the Punjab
government's defiance. In response to the Supreme Court's advisory on the
2004 law, Mr. Badal has called a session of the presumably Congress-less
Assembly.
If there is a case for recalculating what may be a fair sharing of river

waters given the changes in water availability, then Punjab's government and
politicians are unwilling to even consider this. It is an all-or-nothing game in an
election season in which the established political coordinates have been
scrambled. Over the past couple of decades, Punjab politics had settled into a
two-party/alliance dynamic, the Congress versus SAD-BJP. The 2014 Lok Sabha
election changes that, with the Aam Aadmi Party taking four of the 13 seats.
(2002)
From the demand side, there are four elements that we need to
examine: private consumption expenditure, government expenditure
particularly on investment, private investment particularly corporate
investment, and external demand. As far as private consumption expenditure
is concerned, a major factor contributing to a push is the implementation of
the recommendations of the Seventh Pay Commission. Government's salary
and pension expenditures are expected to rise by 20 per cent. As those
recommendations were made effective only from August 2016, the impact on
the production of consumption goods will be seen only in the second half.
There is evidence of some sectors like two-wheelers growing fast. The impact
of the good monsoon on rural demand may also show up in the second half.
Total Central government expenditures in the first half were 52.0 per
cent of the budgeted expenditures for the year. This is only a shade higher
than previous year. Capital expenditures have shown a rise of 4.6 per cent over
the previous year. Increase in capital expenditures is welcome as they lead to
greater investment. In September 2016, capital expenditures grew by 20 per
cent on year-on-year basis. However, this was mainly due to the increase in
loans disbursed. It is to be noted that the bulk of the public investment comes
from public sector enterprises. As of now, there is no information how much
additional investment has been made by PSUs. Roads and railways seem to be
doing well.
The third important segment is corporate investment. In the last several

years corporate investment has been roughly one-third of the total Gross Fixed
Capital Formation. Therefore it is critical to watch its behaviour. The Reserve
Bank of India has been making a forecast of corporate investment based on a
methodology outlined by me. In the September 2016 issue of RBI Bulletin, it
has provided the outlook that emerges for 2016-17. Bulk of the investment
expenditures in any year are the result of the projects initiated. (2012)
Thus, the positive signs in the economy are an improved agricultural

performance and a pick-up in rural demand, some increase in private
consumption expenditure primarily due to the implementation of the Seventh
Pay Commission recommendations and an enhanced capital expenditure by
government. The negative indicators are a continued stagnation in corporate
investment and a poor external environment. The growth rate of GVA (gross
value added) at basic prices in 2015-16 was 7.2 per cent. This year it may be
slightly better at 7.6 per cent mainly because of improved agricultural
performance. This estimate of the growth rate will undergo a downward
revision if the disruptions caused by demonetisation persist for a long time.
The Indian economy has acquired a certain amount of stability. Prices

are under control. Both CPI (consumer price index) and WPI (wholesale price
index) inflation are below 5 per cent. Improved agricultural performance may
further moderate food prices. The fiscal picture has been under control, even
though as of now the fiscal deficit is running high. The current account deficit
remains subdued. For the current year, it may be lower than last year's level of
1.1 per cent of GDP. All these are favourable factors for sustained economic
growth. The banking system is however under stress.
On the reforms front, there has been some improvement. Initially, there
was the amendment to the Insurance Act to facilitate larger foreign
investment. The Bankruptcy Act has been enacted. The real estate sector now
has a regulator. Finally, the goods and services tax is becoming a reality. All of
these are enabling legislations. The impact of these legislations on the
economy will take some time to come. But they are moves in the right
direction.
To maintain a high growth rate in the medium term, a kick start in

investment is imperative. This is yet to happen, even though the investment
sentiment is slightly better today. But more than ever, non-economic factors
will play a key role. (2016)
There has been, in recent times, an unusually public conflict between

the judiciary and the executive over the shortage of judges in various high
courts. Amidst the perception that the situation has reached crisis proportions
and is threatening to cripple judicial functioning, it is somewhat disconcerting
that as many as 43 names out of a list of 77 recommended for appointment
have not found favour with the Centre. It has informed the Supreme Court that
these names require reconsideration by the collegium. The Centre contends
that it has cleared 34 appointments, and that there is no file pending with it. It
appears to have taken the cue from the remarks of the Chief Justice of India,
T.S. Thakur, that it is better to send back the names it is not happy with rather
than keep the entire list pending. The collegium is now obliged to return to its
recommendations and examine the government's specific objections about the
suitability of each candidate. This may further delay the filling up of vacancies,
which have been well above the 400-mark at the high court level for some
time now. The executive, of course, is bound to make the appointments if the
collegium reiterates the recommendations, but it is quite unusual that such a
large number of names should be returned. It raises the question whether
larger differences between the judiciary and the executive are playing out in
this form.
Chief Justice Thakur has been quite vocal and unsparing in his criticism
of the delay on the part of the executive in filling up vacancies. In open court as
well as in public forums, he has highlighted the grim situation as the judicial
branch is grappling with an enormous work burden, on the one hand, and an
exploding docket on the other. The executive feels it is being blamed for delays
that are not entirely of its making, and contends that high courts have
contributed to this situation by letting vacancies lie unattended. Another
possible undercurrent is that the Centre is unhappy over the Supreme Court
collegium. (2029)
Even as protests continue to swirl across the U.S., the President-elect,

Donald Trump, has embarked on the first and arguably most important project
of transitioning to a new government: picking the White House team that will
carry out his policy agenda. The exercise acquires added significance given the
earthquake-like impact of his election victory on a variety of constituencies,
including different segments of the American people, and the U.S. Congress. In
an ideal world, the team that he picks to run the White House would have to
be capable of helping him balance the deep anxieties of liberal America with
the irresistible demand from his conservative backers and independent
supporters that he deliver on the promises made during the campaign. His task
is more straightforward with regard to Capitol Hill as both the Senate and the
House of Representatives are now controlled by the Republican Party.
However, Mr. Trump's messy rise through the primaries divided the party's
leadership over their acceptance of him as their nominee, and thus this
relationship is also in need of healing.
Mr. Trump's initial stab at West Wing appointments is off to a start that
could be characterised as astute yet polarising. In picking Reince Priebus as his
Chief of Staff, Mr. Trump has signalled to House Speaker Paul Ryan his desire
to put the nastiness of the campaign behind them. Mr. Priebus and Mr. Ryan
are Wisconsin politicians who go back two decades. As the longstanding head
of the Republican National Committee, Mr. Priebus walked a tightrope over
the fraying ties between Mr. Trump and party heavyweights during the darkest
days of the campaign. Having thus proved his organisational acumen and
loyalty to Mr. Trump, it is fitting that Mr. Priebus will soon be tasked with
negotiating with Congress, executive branch agencies, and external political
groups to implement Mr. Trump's agenda. The other high-profile choice will be
harder to swallow for many: Steve Bannon, the CEO of the Trump campaign.
(2013)
In the 67th year of the Republic and 70th year of freedom, we find
ourselves engaged in a heightened debate on the imperatives of preserving the
constitutionally ordained jurisdictional equilibrium between the legislative,
executive and judicial branches of the Indian state even as we celebrate the
expansion of constitutional freedoms and the resilience of our democracy. At
the heart of this debate is the reach of judicial review power exercised by the
Supreme Court. Given the tenuous relationship between the executive and
judiciary, the subject is increasingly relevant to the functioning of our
constitutional democracy. While the sterling contribution of the court in
asserting the inviolability of and expounding the right to dignity as the core
constitutional value has been universally acclaimed, questions recur about the
rightful limits of judicial intervention in the matter of policy choices in the
executive and legislative domains.
Some of the court's transformative judgments are recalled to indicate

the evolution of our constitutional order, premised on protection against the
arbitrary exercise of power, non-discrimination and "constitutionalisation of
socio-economic rights". Establishing the procedural fairness and
reasonableness test in Maneka Gandhi (1978) to determine the
constitutionality of the exercise of executive power and declaring in M. Nagaraj
(2006) that Articles 14 (right to equality), 19 (right to fundamental freedoms)
and 21 (right to life) "stand at the pinnacle of the hierarchy of constitutional
values, the court recognised that human dignity, equality and freedom were
"conjoined, reciprocal and covalent values" (Sandra Liebenberg, 2005).
While expanding human rights jurisprudence and recognising as

fundamental the citizens' right to food, health, education and clean
environment, etc., the court in an expansive interpretation in V. Markendeya
(1989) recognised the Directive Principles of State Policy as "the conscience of
the Constitution" which give shape and. (2019)
A day after Class 12 students turned up in large numbers for their

school-leaving examinations in the Kashmir Valley, attendance for the Class 10
tests too crossed the 95 per cent marks. Successful conduct of these tests is
crucial not just as a signal that normalcy could be returning to Jammu and
Kashmir after the months-long unrest, but equally importantly, to secure the
school year for students. In the event, given that classes had been disrupted
since the July 8 killing of Hizbul Mujahideen 'commander' Burhan Wani, the
syllabus had been reduced by half for students opting to appear for the
examinations now. But their successful start, amid demands that they be
summarily postponed, should also allay fears caused by a series of arson
attacks on school buildings across the Valley. More than 30 schools have been
attacked in recent months - in fact, on Monday teachers managed to prevent
serious damage when a school in Baramulla district was set ablaze. The attacks
are a clear signal of the determined plan by miscreants, their identity yet to be
established, to hold classes hostage. It is critical that, going forward, the State
government rally teachers and parents sufficiently to build a constituency to
firewall the school calendar from disruptions imposed on the Valley.
After a long summer when too many children were caught in the
crossfire, with some killed or blinded due to the security forces'
unconscionable persistence with pellet guns, a curtailed syllabus for
examinations must serve as a reminder of the risks to the aspirations of yet
another generation. To bring back calm, more needs to be done to use the
tenuous calm on the street to normalise the daily transactions among local
communities. If anger spilled over on to the streets in unexpected and
disturbing ways after Wani's death, as the weeks and months passed it led to
maximalist rhetoric on the part of the separatists, expectedly, and the
government, unnecessarily. It is bewildering, for instance, why Defence
Minister Manohar Parrikar. (2034)
A year and a half after China and Pakistan announced plans for an
Economic Corridor, the CPEC, to connect "Kashgar to Gwadar", the two
countries operationalised the trade route this week, with the first shipment
moving to Gwadar port and on to the Gulf and Africa. Many of the
infrastructure and energy projects that are part of CPEC, worth an estimated
$46 billion, are already under way. Of this, $35-38 billion is committed in the
energy sector, in gas, coal and solar energy across Pakistan, with the combined
expected capacity crossing 10,000 MW. This is roughly double the current
shortfall the country experiences. In addition, the 3,000-km rail and roadway
project is expected to generate 700,000 jobs by 2030. While Pakistan sees
CPEC as a game changer, there are many challenges. There are some
misgivings domestically, with critics questioning the project's viability, and
some accusing China of launching a second "East India Company". There are
the security challenges too, especially in the western areas near the key
Gwadar port, where militants ranging from Baloch nationalists to the Taliban
and the Islamic State have carried out attacks. Systemic challenges include
project delays in the CPEC's first year, which the World Bank warns could prove
to be an impediment to Pakistan's overall growth. Pakistan-India tensions,
unless contained, too could endanger sectors of the project where Pakistani
troops are engaged in providing security. Finally, the economic slowdown in
China and the political instability in Pakistan could impact the project's future
as well.
However, these internal considerations for Pakistan shouldn't blur the

bigger picture for India: CPEC is now a reality. In the past India's reaction to the
project, announced a few weeks before Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit
to China in 2015, had turned from dismissal and disdain to disapproval and
then to outright opposition. India even raised concerns over projects in
disputed Gilgit-Baltistan at the UN General Assembly. (2016)
A week into the demonetisation drive, we are in the midst of a painful

transition. In a televised speech on November 13 delivered in Goa, the Prime
Minister sought 50 days' reprieve, though he did not tell us what exactly we
should expect. Perhaps we are en route to a better state but in the interim we
are left to ponder an unedifying transition. Much of the evidence of what is
taking place in the economy since the fateful night of November 8-9 is
anecdotal, but no less valuable for that is all we have.
News from different parts of the country indicate two developments. On

November 8 itself, there had been frenzied late-night shopping till midnight
especially in the upmarket malls. This indicates that some sections of the
populace had money hoarded from unaccounted activity and wanted to get rid
of it while it was still legal tender. From the next day on, there has been a rush
to the banks to exchange currency notes and to deposit money into savings
accounts. The experience of those attempting the former has not been a happy
one. Reports speak of long waits, scuffles, bank employees favouring relatives
over fellow citizens and banks running out of cash. The mind is drawn to
accounts of the life of the people of Delhi in the reign of Mohammad-bin-
Tughlaq.
The other development is the reported spurt in deposits in Jan Dhan

accounts. As these accounts mostly belong to persons with low incomes, and
often showed a near-zero balance, it suggests that these deposits may be black
income being distributed among many agents. We have heard of benami titles
to property, could we have just witnessed the emergence of benami deposits?
Could the facility of allowing deposits of up to Rs.2.5 lakh without attracting
income tax have unwittingly acted as a conduit to the laundering of black
money? Accounts have also come of gold sales rising. How can this be possible
when high-denomination notes, which as we shall see constitute the
overwhelming part of total currency in circulation, are no longer legal tender?
(2027)
With the current cash flow deficit, people are being forced to make
digital payments. Without proper precautions and security policies, the highly
reactive nature of cybersecurity leaves us vulnerable to cyberattacks.
One of the biggest financial data breaches in India, exposed in late

October, had compromised the financial data of over three million users and
victimised major banking companies. The breach occurred when a network of
Hitachi ATMs infected with malware enabled hackers to steal users' login
credentials and make illegal transactions. Following this, companies issued new
cards and asked customers to limit their ATM usage to those operated by their
banks. However, a few weeks after the breach, the demonetisation
announcement pushed people to do just the opposite - rush to withdraw
money from just any functioning ATM. Till date, there has been no
communication from banks or the Reserve Bank of India assuring the public
that the infected ATMs have been taken out of service or fixed to prevent
further breaches.
Over the past week, digital payments have hit record transactions:
PayTM said there was a 200 per cent increase in its mobile application
downloads and a 250 per cent increase in overall transactions; MobiKwik said
its user traffic and merchant queries increased by 200 per cent within a few
days of the government's announcement. Companies such as Oxigen and PayU
have also seen a rise in their service usage.
This trend is certainly heading in the right direction if we are moving

towards a cashless economy, but the speed of technological development and
its integration into our economy far supersedes the speed of defence
mechanisms and protocols that could mitigate cyberattacks. Cybersecurity is
unparalleled and reactive in nature, which begs the question: is it safe to utilise
these new payment platforms?
PayTM, for instance, is certified under the Payment Card Industry Date
Security Standard (PCI DSS) 2.0 certification, which is the current industry
security standard. (2017)
When 86 per cent of currency notes in a country of 1.3 billion people are
rendered illegal tender in a matter of hours, it is bound to create a short-term
disruption in daily lives. Particularly so, since much of India's economic activity
still takes place in the informal sector with no cheque payments, resulting not
just in widespread direct and indirect tax evasion but also an inability to assess
the true state of the economy. For instance, while farmers' income is not
taxed, most of them now have a Kisan Credit Card, first launched in 1998, and
no-frills bank accounts whose creation has been scaled up by the present
government. But the agricultural economy is still controlled by middlemen and
traders who only make cash payments to farmers while repaying a profit from
the difference in prices from farm-gate to fork. The introduction of the Goods
and Services Tax will make it tougher for such intermediaries to remain below
the tax radar, though foodgrains will be zero-rated under the tax regime. Just
as paying taxes on their profits is uncharted territory for such traders, the
government too is navigating uncharted waters with the demonetisation drive,
necessitating adjustments on the go.
Rural Indians, like their urban peers, may be in a tizzy for now over the
currency swoop and face challenges in transactions, but there doesn't seem to
be a threat to the rabi crop as the Opposition has sought to suggest. By last
Friday, the total area sown was significantly higher than at the same time last
year, except for coarse cereals. The latest relaxation, allowing farmers to
withdraw Rs.25,000 a week, should assuage any concerns on this front.
However, the Reserve Bank of India and the Central government were clearly
not prepared for the cash crunch in bank vaults and post offices, that has
become evident a week after the demonetisation. So, even soiled Rs.100 notes
have been brought back into circulation to tide over the scarcity. Given our
abysmal public health infrastructure, (2007)
The 2003 ceasefire on the Line of Control has clearly now ceased to hold,
with daily exchange of fire between Indian and Pakistani soldiers. The DGMO
channel has failed to quell exchanges that include artillery and mortar fire.
There are no bilateral talks today at any level, and the only contact between
the governments in Islamabad and New Delhi is when one county's foreign
ministry summons the other's High Commissioner to issue a demarche about
the growing casualties along the International Boundary and the LoC in Jammu
and Kashmir. The two countries have even dispensed with routine niceties:
Pakistan is yet to condemn the Uri attack in which 19 soldiers were killed, and
India has not put out a statement on the spate of terror attacks in Balochistan.
Meanwhile, fears about the LoC firing spiralling out of control have grown. In
Pakistan, that worry has increased because of the impending decision on who
will be the next army chief, and owing to tensions between Army Headquarters
and the Nawaz Sharif government. India, having announced its 'surgical strikes'
as a new red-line of response post-Uri, is concerned about a terrorist build-up
across the LoC, with 18 infiltration attempts reported in the past week.
It is against this backdrop, with confidence-building measures

dismantled and dialogue dead, that Sartaj Aziz, Foreign Affairs Advisor to the
Pakistan Prime Minister, has indicated that he will visit India for the Heart of
Asia donor conference on Afghanistan in early December. A year ago, when
External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj attended the Heart of Asia meet in
Islamabad, she had announced the resumption of bilateral talks, called a
"comprehensive dialogue". This year no such announcement appears to be
even remotely on the cards during Mr. Aziz's trip to Amritsar. It is, however,
window of opportunity to take the current tensions firmly in hand, and assure
regional leaders gathered at the conference - which will include Afghanistan
President Ashraf Ghani. (2001)
Demonetisation has been done many times before, without it disrupting

the lives of ordinary Indians. Not this time though. Could it have been done in a
less disruptive manner? Yes. Then why wasn't it?
While there is no answer to this question from the government, some

have blamed it on lack of adequate planning, and others on the necessity of
secrecy. But the real answer may lie in the political rather than the economic
or logistical realm. One could debate the merits and demerits of
demonetisation as the best strategy to curb the black economy. One could also
debate the merits and demerits of a 'fast' demonetisation versus 'slow' or
gradual demonetisation. One could debate the manner of execution, in view of
the known incompatibility between the newly printed notes and the ATM
machines that could not dispense them without recalibration. One could
debate the impact of this demonetisation - the instant elimination of Rs.500
and Rs.1,000 notes, which constituted 86 per cent of the currency in circulation
- on ordinary people's lives.
All these aspects have indeed been widely debated. And it was eagerly
anticipated that Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was away on a visit to
Japan, would address these issues on his return. Some were even hoping that
he might roll back the move to ease the pain, at least until the logistics are in
place.
Instead, the rhetorical turn in his speeches the day after his return took
everyone by surprise. Addressing public functions in Goa, Belgavi and Pune on
Sunday, he sought to turn the entire narrative about demonetisation into one
about himself, his political career, and the unfairness of being persecuted by
powerful enemies. "I know what kind of forces and what kind of people are
against me now... They will not leave me alive. They will destroy me," he said.
In other words, the one who truly deserves sympathy in the present scenario is
not the mass of daily wagers, street vendors, and farmers whose already
precarious livelihoods have been disrupted, but Mr. Modi. (2029)
It is no surprise that the Supreme Court has declined to review its 2014
judgment banning jallikattu, the popular bull-taming sport held alongside
annual harvest festivities in rural Tamil Nadu. The original judgment had drawn
on sound legal principles to conclude that the need to prevent cruelty to
animals overrides the consideration that conducting the sport was necessary
to preserve culture and tradition. More particularly, the court had found that a
2009 State law that sought to regulate jallikattu was repugnant to the 1960
central legislation to prevent cruelty towards animals. The former Act did
contain stringent provisions, but animal rights activists contended that the
element of cruelty could not be eliminated altogether. Despite evidence that
the game caused distress and pain to the animals, and even led to injuries and
occasional fatalities, political leaders in the State and sections of the public
often make the claim that jallikattu has cultural and religious significance for
the Tamil community. Jallikattu is construed as a macho sport in which intrepid
young men demonstrate their valour by pouncing on fleeing bulls. it is also
associated in the popular imagination with cultural pride. Over the years, the
tradition was kept alive in many villages under the belief that not conducting
jallikattu would invite divine wrath. As a result, the bull-baiting sport was
invested with religious significance too.
It was unlikely that the court would have entertained a review merely on
a claim that popular sentiment favoured the conduct of jallikattu and that its
purported religious and cultural significance would provide constitutional
protection to it. The Bench has rejected attempts to invoke the right of
religious freedom guaranteed in Article 25 of the Constitution. It was
unfathomable that there could be a connection between jallikattu and
religious freedom, the court said. And it was held mainly for human
entertainment at the expense of the animal. Apart from the state
government's review plea, (2037)
Russia's move to quit the International Criminal Court (ICC) is the

outcome of the political undercurrents that have of late strained its relations
with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). More ominous could be
the ramifications of the exit, the fourth within the last two months, from the
established world arbiter. The collective vision of that global pact was to bring
the impunities of political leaders to justice before a transnational body when
all domestic remedies were exhausted. Russia's announcement was
predictable as a reaction to the court's report on Tuesday, stating that the
2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine amounted to an occupation. Moscow
has denied any role by its military, maintaining that Crimea's accession was
authorised in a popular referendum. NATO's continued eastward expansion
explains at least some of President Vladimir Putin's belligerent rhetoric. Not
only has the western military alliance extended into the countries of the
former Eastern bloc, it has also brought some member states of the erstwhile
Soviet Union within its fold. Moscow's approach to the world court is far from
ideal. But the constraints of initiating punitive action against the U.S. and its
allies for the war crimes committed during the Iraq war would have further
eroded Russia's diminishing faith in the liberal world order.
South Africa's decision to walk out of the Hague court in October

symbolises its abdication of a regional leadership role. Africa still remains
hostage to the machinations of traditional tribal warlords, who systematically
subvert democratic institutions and squander the rich natural wealth in league
with big corporations. South Africa's regressive step came at a time when
politicians in neighbouring countries, faced with legal proceedings for
perpetrating heinous crimes, have successfully projected the impression that
the ICC was biased against the whole continent. The current stance of Pretoria
is a far cry from that over a decade ago when the country incorporated crimes.
(2037)
There is a new swing in Dalit politics today. Its signs are palpable in the
way Dalits have reacted to atrocities on them, the modes of struggles devised,
the kind of alliances forged, and the nodal concepts and norms invoked for
action. While old ways of doing Dalit politics - paternalism, quotas, sub-caste
appeal, conversion, bahujan (including sarvajan) - are still around, more in a
client-patron mode, Dalits are increasingly taking charge of affairs in their own
hands.
A few features of this turn are noteworthy: caste is back into reckoning;
the use of social media to network and communicate has proliferated; Left
politics and its limitations are under scrutiny; Babasaheb Ambedkar has
reinforced his presence as the flagpole; there is a highly literate Dalit
leadership deeply aware of historical injustice and electorally decisive numbers
in support; a thick notion of Brahmanism is highlighted as the enemy; a search
for a new civil society-state axis is on; and a new body of concepts and slogans
are being deployed as the battle cry. Dalits have begun to dig deep into layers
and layers of folklore and alternative nationalist imagery to forge skilful use of
signs, symbols and representations.
While one can say that all these features were part of the Dalit
movement at one time or the other, it is their combinatory which is proving
itself lethal. Above all, this stir is situating itself on the terrain of India's distinct
democratic politics, employing its resources as much as possible. There is no
single political party at the head of this movement although many political
parties will have much at stake in it.
The continuing, large-scale and disdainfully executed atrocities on Dalits

were largely confined to police records and the bulky records of the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes for long. But incidents such as a suicide note
by a research scholar, Rohith Vemula, that stated, "My birth is my fatal
accident", has connected all of them and much more to the social fact of caste.
(2022)
The social relations in which Dalits are caught calls upon them to
struggle not merely against external dominance, be it capital, caste or power,
but also against denial of their very humanity. The latter forms of struggle are
pitted against subtler forms of human degradation and enslavement of one's
very self.
The new turn in Dalit politics is precisely calling for a widening of the
terrain of struggle rather than merely restricting it to political power or
religious conversion. Given this task, there are new instrumentalities in place in
Dalit struggles: the social media does not become merely a site to network, but
also to inform, to criticise, to assess as well as redefine concerns. In fact the
social media has emerged today as the backbone of the new Dalit awakening
as could be seen in the solidarity movement with Rohith Vemula across the
country, in 'Azadi Koon' (March for Freedom) from Ahmedabad to Una in
Gujrat, or the 'Udupi Chalo' walk that brought thousands of Dalits from
different parts of Karnataka to the temple town, Udupi.
The great marches and rallies winding across distant villages and small
towns and uniting people around a set of core demands are connecting people
physically and emotionally. There are slogans asserting pride in being a Dalit,
with a sub-caste enumeration as an add-on, not infrequently. There is a
resurgence of folklore, sites of atrocities have become places of pilgrimage,
traditional musical instruments of Dalits have thrown up fusion with rhythmic
dances of great power and poise, and broadsheets, songs and street plays,
evocative posters and imaginative slogans challenge dominant perception and
sensitivity. Women and men are found shoulder to shoulder with one another
in this 'long march', something that the late Sharmila Rege portrayed in her
writings. Ambedkar makes a rich and exemplary presence across such
performances, and there is almost none beside him in stature. Today, sites of
Dalit rallies are crowded with a rich display of books and publications. (2030)
Hitherto, cleavages between Dalits and backward castes, Dalits and

Muslims, and the gender divide have come in the way of optimising the
democratic dividend from their overwhelming numbers. The decisive support
of Dalits to the backward castes in the Mandal agitation did not beget enduring
political alliances. The Dalit and Muslim alliance never took off the ground at
any time in right earnest. And, less said the better with regard to the alliance
between backward castes and women. In recent years, faced with Hindu
consolidation under the aegis of Hindutva, the targeting of Dalits and Muslims
by the cow-brigades or Gau Rakshak Dals the growth in civil society
surveillance and moral policing, and the relative marginality of these groups in
the market, there is a growing realisation among sections of them that they
need to politically draw closer.
The slogans that resound in the Dalit movement today indicate such a
thaw: The banners read, and slogans echo: 'choice of food', 'right to land',
'Swabhiman' and 'Atmabhiman' (self-respect), 'Azadi' (freedom) and 'dignity'.
They pronounce death knell to historic oppression, and freedom to define their
own self-hood. Dalits also proudly announce the equality of women and their
right to choose the kind of life they wish to live and denounce the surveillance
of Hindutva brigades on them. The dragging out of Mohammad Akhlaq from
his house and his killing by a local Hindu mob on the charge of storing beef at
his house in Dadri, Uttar Pradesh, has become an important issue in Dalit
struggles, woven around the right to food. As a result, we find the bonding
together of a large number of associations of these groups and communities.
The registry of norms that are invoked by the current Dalit movement to
explain and justify its objectives and actions has much to distinguish it from its
earlier expressions. It is increasingly human dignity and worth, and the capacity
to be what one can be, that occupy the high ground. The reduction of freedom
to one's birthmarks. (2030)
The UN conference on climate change held in Marrakech, with an

emphasis on raising the commitment of all countries to reduce greenhouse gas
(GHG) emissions, is particularly significant as it provided an opportunity to
communicate concerns about the future climate policy of the U.S. It would be
untenable for the U.S., with a quarter of all cumulative fossil fuel emissions, to
renege on its promise to assist vulnerable and developing nations with climate
funding, technology transfer and capacity-building under Donald Trump's
presidency. As the Marrakech Action Proclamation issued at the close of the
conference emphasises, the world needs all countries to work together to
close the gap between their intended reduction of carbon emissions and what
needs to be done to keep the rise of the global average temperature well
below 2 C in this century. The Paris Agreement on climate change was forged
on the consensus that manmade climate change does have a scientific basis,
that the developed countries are responsible for accumulated emissions, and
that future action should focus on shifting all nations to a clean energy path.
Not much progress was made at Marrakech on raising the $100 billion a year
that is intended to help the poorer nations. Political commitment and resource
mobilisation will be crucial to meet targets for mitigation of emissions and
adaptation.
India is in a particularly difficult situation as it has the twin challenges of

growing its economy to meet development aspirations of a large population,
and cutting emissions. National GHG levels are small per capita, but when
added up they put India in the third place, going by data from the Carbon
Dioxide Information Analysis Center in the U.S. As a signatory to the Paris
Agreement, which has provisions to monitor emissions and raise targets based
on a review, pressure on India to effect big cuts is bound to increase. The UN
Framework Convention on Climate Change will hear from the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 2018. (2021)
Donald Trump's surprise win in the U.S. presidential elections has lent
the dollar new wings. It has soared against most currencies, including the
rupee, in the expectation that his economic policies will spur growth and
inflation in the world's largest economy. The prospect of the Federal Reserve
raising interest rates provided an up draught that helped the dollar extend a
record appreciating streak against the euro last week and pushed the rupee
past 68 to a dollar. In Congressional testimony last week, Fed Chair Janet Yellen
signalled that the central bank was close to a decision to raise rates again.
Some economists predict U.S. GDP growth could see appreciable acceleration
in 2017 - with one projection positing even a doubling of the pace by the
fourth quarter - if the new administration delivers on some of its promises,
including tax cuts, deregulation and infrastructure spending. In fact, with a
Republican majority in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, Mr.
Trump could benefit from smoother Congressional backing for policy initiatives
to boost economic activity. U.S. stocks and bonds have also reflected the
optimism over the outlook for U.S. growth and prospects that increased fiscal
spending will help reflate the economy, with the S&P 500 Index adding gains
for the second straight week and benchmark bond yields climbing in
anticipation of faster inflation.
For the rupee, which has slumped 2.3 per cent from its 66.62 a dollar
close on November 8, the flight of capital from emerging market assets has
inflicted significant pressure that has been exacerbated by the Centre's
decision to withdraw higher denomination currencies. Foreign institutional
investors have sold more than $2.5 billion of Indian equity and debt holdings
so far this month, compared with the about $1.5 billion they offloaded through
October. With the demonetisation move infusing a surge of liquidity into the
banking system, domestic interest rates are expected to decline, making the
rupee less attractive. (2027)
The introspection journey that looks at the limitations of a mainstream,

broadsheet newspaper like The Hindu in the age of digital disruption has
generated an interesting mix of responses. While those who repose faith in the
legacy media endorse the ideas shared in the last three columns, those who
differ even question the earnestness of this exercise. Their alternatives,
unfortunately, seem to prefer 'what-the-public-is-interested-in' to the idea of
what is in public interest, which remains the core of journalism.
A reader from Chennai, M.D. Ravikanth, wrote: "Your introspection

("Journalism's return to oppositional roots," Nov.14) was not as frank and
outspoken as it was expected to be." He then, rather ironically, cited an article
by pulp fiction writer Chetan Bhagat, making five sweeping observations as a
starting point for multifaceted sustained dialogue on media.
At a deeper level, this column tries to repudiate Mr. Bhagat's

reductionist interpretation and attempts to bring nuances to the relationship
between the news gathering experience and the readers' perception of truth. I
have no problem in accepting the first postulate of Mr. Bhagat, who calls
Indian and the U.S. media 'elitist': "You are not as smart as you think." I never
looked for any exceptionalism for media professionals. But, his other four
postulates betray the lack of understanding of the process of journalism.
His second postulate is: "Find out what people want. Discover the truth.
Then articulate. Don't think you know better and you will 'tell' them. Listen to
them first. They would have told you about Trump." Journalism's attempt at
discovering truth is not a populist exercise but a rigorous analysis of facts and
figures, and it cannot be reduced to an opinion poll. Then, he comes up with
this unsubstantiated statement: "If the media were more balanced about
Trump, and then brought out his follies, they would have had more impact and
credibility. Instead, their hate only created sympathy for Trump." (2009)
Volumes have been written these past few days on the success of
Donald Trump in the U.S. presidential elections. Less has, however, been said
about the reasons for Hillary Clinton's eclipse. Democracies, perhaps, need to
take somewhat greater note of what actually caused the Clinton 'meltdown',
which was contrary to all optimistic forecasts.
This is the age of uncertainty, the era of disruption. British physicist

Stephen Hawking has called the 21st century "the century of complexity". This
decade began with the Arab Spring and its traumatic aftermath. The message
of the upheaval was, however, conveniently ignored, and it was viewed as a
mere West Asian phenomenon. The implications of the rise of dangerous
ideologies such as the Islamic State were again ignored, and treated as a mere
terrorist interregnum. The massive refugee influx into Europe in the wake of
Syria-Iraq quagmire was similarly under-estimated, including how it was
altering people's attitudes and perceptions, and provoking deep-seated
feelings of both xenophobia and anti-establishmentarianism. It should have
been evident that the world was changing, and was becoming more disruptive.
These may not be the 'best' of times. Nor, however, are they the 'worst'
of times. Technology and the economy have outstripped policies in recognising
the value of disruptive ideas, and how if properly channelised, they could lead
to spectacular results. Politics continued to lag behind, though in certain
countries political parties had begun to discern the 'winds of change'. The
Indian elections of 2014 are a case in point. Older democracies in the West,
nevertheless, continued to remain inured to 'new age politics'.
Ms. Clinton's campaign was a victim of this adherence to erstwhile

'marketable' labels. Middle America, meantime, had become convinced that
more of the same would only consign them to an uncertain future, even worse
perhaps than their situation under the present dispensation. This hardly means
that the Trump campaign. (2009)
It is disconcerting that the administrative affairs of Indian cricket should

continue to be embroiled in controversy in the midst of a packed and
interesting home season. Not many can complain about the manner in which
cricketing matters are being managed, but the intransigence shown by the
office-bearers of the Board of Control for Cricket in India in not constructively
accepting the reforms recommended by the Supreme Court-appointed R.M.
Lodha Committee is getting to be tiresome. These recommendations, including
those barring ministers, bureaucrats and anyone above the age of 70 from
holding office in cricket's administrative body, are now binding on the BCCI
after the Supreme Court accepted the report. The Justice Lodha Committee
has been grappling with a set of reluctant office-bearers who claim they cannot
force the State units affiliated to the BCCI to accept all the norms. Some
associations are said to be unwilling to accept the age ceiling and the one-
State, one-vote norm. In its latest report, the Committee has asked for the
removal of all those who fall foul of its bar on various grounds. In addition, it
has asked for an observer to be appointed to 'guide' the Chief Executive Officer
in running the BCCI, particularly with regard to contracts, transparency norms
and the audit of domestic, international and IPL matches.
The question arises whether the Lodha Committee should have named
G.K. Pillai, a former Union Home Secretary, as the observer. As it is up to the
Supreme Court to decide whether an observer is needed, the recommendation
of a specific name was both unnecessary and puzzling. While the time may
have come to enforce the norms accepted by the Supreme Court, any
suggestion that the Committee favours drastic action rather than appealing to
reason should be avoided. It is apparent that some unsavoury developments
have upset the panel. These include the BCCI taking decisions out of sync with
the panel's recommendations at its Annual General Meeting in September.
(2011)
The World Health Organisation has declared that the Zika virus no longer
constitutes a public health emergency of international concern. This brings to
an end the heightened global focus on the virus that has caused about 2,300
confirmed cases of microcephaly (a birth defect manifesting in a smaller head
size) since May 2015. The WHO had declared the Zika virus a public health
emergency on February 1, considering the high number of neurological
disorders reported in Brazil and a similar cluster in French Polynesia in 2014.
Among the reasons cited were the unknown causal link between the virus and
microcephaly and neurological complications, the possibility of its global
spread, lack of vaccines and diagnostic tools, and the lack of immunity to the
virus in newly affected countries. The link between Zika and microcephaly was
established in May, the hunt for a potent vaccine and reliable diagnostic tool
has begun, and scientists have been able to find the routes of transmission.
However, the global risk assessment has not changed. The spread of Zika to 67
countries and territories is a grim reminder of the lack of immunity against the
virus and the abundance of mosquito vectors. A dozen countries have reported
local transmission.
Despite the link between the Zika virus infection and microcephaly being
well established, the entire spectrum of challenges posed by the disease is not
known. The WHO Emergency Committee has called for sustained research and
dedicated resources to address the long-term challenges posed by babies born
with microcephaly, but signalling the end to the global search for effective
vaccines and diagnostic tests, and creating awareness about the risk of sexual
transmission. For instance, it is not clear why more babies were born with
microcephaly in northeast Brazil compared to the rest of the country or why
the country had a higher case-load than others. This information is crucial to
understanding the link between Zika infection and microcephaly. (2001)
Thirty-two-year-old Uma Devi (name changed) is conspicuous in a crowd

of parents who have come to pick their children up in swanky cars. She works
as a Group D employee at a government hospital, but thanks to the 25 per cent
reservation quota mandated by the Right to Education (RTE) Act, her seven-
year-old son goes to a "big" CBSE-affiliated private school in in Bengaluru.
Waiting for her child outside the school, she says she is thrilled that he
can speak English. "My husband who is a driver studied only till Class X and I
studied till Class XII as the circumstances at home forced both of us to
discontinue our studies," she says.
But "big" schooling has come with a deeper and disturbing reality.
"Aunty, English ma'am says he doesn't read properly!" shouts one of her son's
classmates as the children run towards their parents.
The innocent comment of her son's classmate wipes the smiles away
from Uma Devi's face. "I work overtime and pay Rs.900 for his tuition classes.
What more can I do?" she asks helplessly. Her child has to "compete" with
children from well-to-do families and she simply cannot afford expensive
birthday parties, picnics or even tuitions.
"While the government reimburses tuition fees, schools still ask us to

pay for miscellaneous fees such as smart class fees, picnic fees and transport
fees and we cannot afford to pay," says another parent whose child studies in
a school in south Bengaluru.
The discrimination begins thus: children from the RTE quota and their
parents are often left feeling small because the spirit of equality seems to be
lost in monetary disparity, and this is not just the story of Uma Devi.
Every family has a humiliating experience to tell. Ten-year-old

Raghavendra (named changed) spent all night studying for his Kannada test,
but he was in for a rude shock when his teacher told him that he could not sit
for it as his parents had not paid their fees. They simply had no money to
spare, and the school was not willing to make an exception. (2006)
As the most powerful and cohesive power in the region, India needs to
chart a road map to restore the ceasefire on the Line of Control. The brutal
killing of three Indian soldiers, one of them beheaded, in the Machhil sector in
Jammu and Kashmir must alert both India and Pakistan to the danger of the
retaliatory cycle spinning out of control. After decades of hostilities, the formal
ceasefire of November 2003 had come as a big boost to peace at a time when
India was grappling with militancy, state-sponsored terrorism and political
disaffection. Starting that winter, the guns fell silent along the International
Boundary and the LoC, thousands of residents of border villages on both sides
returned to their farms, and India was able to complete its fence along the LoC.
Militancy in J&K declined significantly, and normalcy gradually returned to the
Valley. It is a matter of debate if the ceasefire was a contributing factor in the
reduction in militancy in Kashmir, but cover fire provided by Pakistani military
posts along the border had been regularly used by militants to sneak into India.
This is reportedly how the terrorists who killed Indian soldiers on Tuesday
managed to get across the LoC.
It is clear now that the ongoing, almost daily, exchange of fire has
rendered the ceasefire meaningless. Ever since the terrorist attack on an Army
camp in Uri in September, tensions have bubbled over. Ceasefire violations
have become routine, and thousands of villagers have shifted to safer
locations. Small arms, light machine guns, various kinds of mortars and artillery
are being used by both sides. In the fog of hostilities, it is not easy to
distinguish who is the guilty, and who started the firing. What is clear is that
this race to the bottom could get out of hand. Contributing to the uncertainty
is the power struggle in Pakistan, with the civilian government of Nawaz Sharif
trying to hold its own vis-a-vis the army. The expected exit of Army chief
Raheel Sharif may add to the confusion. (2014)
Ruling parties enjoy an inherent advantage in by-elections, especially in

States where Assembly elections were held only months earlier. Voters see
little point in antagonising their rulers when there is no immediate prospect of
a change in government. West Bengal, Assam, Tamil Nadu, and Puducherry
had all gone to the polls in April-May this year, and the by-elections of last
week were not expected to deviate from the general election trend. Even so,
the huge victories of the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal, the BJP in Assam,
the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, and the Congress in Puducherry speak to renewed
levels of enthusiasm for the ruling establishment. That ruling party legislators
are better equipped to deal with constituency-level issues would not have
been lost on the voters in the Assembly by-elections. In the by-elections to the
Lok Sabha, the BJP won one each in Madhya Pradesh and Assam, but lost to
the Trinamool in West Bengal. But even here, the BJP increased its vote share
considerably, finishing ahead of the Left Front in Cooch Behar. While there is
no doubt that the people have reposed their faith in Chief Minister Mamata
Banerjee, there was no logical basis to her explanation of the electoral
outcome as a "people's revolt" against the demonetisation move of the BJP-led
government at the Centre. Regional factors related to the performance of
State governments seem to have influenced the results, rather than any
overarching theme. The results are no endorsement of the demonetisation
decision either, as the BJP would like people to believe.
Besides the byelection in Thiruparankundram, Tamil Nadu had polls in

Aravakurichi and Thanjavur, where elections had been deferred by the Election
Commission following widespread distribution of cash for votes. Whether due
to the demonetisation or the lower stakes in the deferred elections, there was
reportedly a reduced flow of currency notes, and a less intense campaign. In
Puducherry, the election was more important for the Congress. (2015)
A new humanitarian crisis is unfolding in Myanmar after the military

crackdown on "Islamist jihadists" in the Rakhine State, home to more than one
million Rohingya Muslims. The military claims it began the counter-terror
operation after three border security posts came under attack on October 9.
But since then more than 130 people have been killed in the State and 30,000
displaced, triggering a new wave of migration of Rohingyas to neighbouring
countries. The army denies targeting civilians, but satellite images taken after
the start of the crackdown indicate that hundreds of buildings were burnt
down; reports suggest that even those who tried to flee the country were shot
dead. The migrants are not welcome in Myanmar's neighbourhood either. The
violence itself is not surprising given the record of persecution of the
Rohingyas in Myanmar. Many in the Buddhist-majority country call them illegal
immigrants from Bangladesh though they have been living in Rakhine for
generations. Myanmar's military started a systematic persecution of the
Rohingyas in the 1970s when thousands were deported to Bangladesh. The
rest were stripped of citizenship by the junta, which often used the Rohingya
problem to drum up support for itself among the Buddhist majority.
What is surprising this time is the silence of the government led by Aung
San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. Ms. Suu Kyi, the country's de
facto ruler, has not said much about the military operation in Rakhine, or
spoken for the Rohingya cause. When her party took power in April, ending
decades of military rule, many had hoped that it would signal the dawn of a
new era of peace and democracy in Myanmar. But the government has been
largely ineffective in tackling internal security and humanitarian issues. The
operation in Rakhine shows the change of guard in government hasn't brought
any meaningful difference to Myanmar's most disadvantaged sections. True,
the army still remains a powerful institution. It controls the security, defence
and border ministries besides wielding considerable economic power. (2089)
So-called "anti-India" protests, however, are effectively banned in

Kashmir, no matter how peaceful they may be. The authorities have sweeping
powers to prevent protests, not only under the Armed Forces (Special Powers)
Act, but also under Jammu and Kashmir's draconian Public Safety Act. Section
144 of the Criminal Procedure Code, prohibiting assemblies of more than four
persons (an old tactic of the British Raj to prevent nationalist protests), is in
force throughout the Valley. Assemblies, marches, graffiti, pamphlets, even
silent vigils - all these are banned if there is any trace of a demand for freedom.
Further restrictions on civil liberties ensure that this state of affairs goes
unchallenged. Student politics is banned. International human rights
organisations such as Amnesty International and the United Nations Human
Rights Council are not allowed to visit Kashmir. Local human rights activists are
also on a short leash - the arbitrary detention of Khurram Parvez during the
last two months is the latest warning that they should not go too far. Similarly,
when Kashmir Reader (one of Kashmir's leading dailies) was banned on
September 30, other media outfits "got the message", to quote a prominent
Kashmiri editor. Kashmir, in short, has been turned into a kind of open jail.
In an insightful article ("Address the 'new normal' in Kashmir", The

Hindu, October 10), former National Security Adviser M.K. Narayanan candidly
acknowledged that the current unrest in Kashmir is a "home-grown" popular
uprising which cannot be blamed on Pakistan or outsiders. He did not
comment, however, on the "new abnormal" that accompanies this uprising -
an extreme suppression of civil liberties.
When all forms of dissent are banned, the line between peaceful protest
and armed resistance becomes blurred. The main difference, it may appear, is
that violent deeds receive more attention. Everyone in India has heard of
stone-pelting, but daily acts of peaceful protest - or attempted protest - in
Kashmir have been ignored. (2031)
By admonishing the Union government for delaying the appointment of

a Lokpal, the Supreme Court has sent across a timely message that efforts to
cleanse the economy must be matched by equally strong measures to cleanse
public life too. There can really be no excuse for the failure to establish an
institution even three years after passing the relevant law. The only reason for
the delay in the appointment of the Lokpal is that a minor amendment to the
Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013, to enable the leader of the largest party in
the opposition in the Lok Sabha to join the five-member selection committee,
is yet to be passed. A parliamentary committee has endorsed the amendment,
which is on the same lines as the mechanism for the selection panels for the
Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Chief Information Commissioner. The
court has indicated that it will not allow the institution to remain inoperative
indefinitely, evoking apprehension on the Centre's part that a judicial direction
may be given to get the amendment passed or an ordinance promulgated. The
Centre needs to re-examine its own options on implementing the Lokpal Act.
The law now provides for a five-member panel to select the anti-corruption
ombudsman, comprising the Prime Minister, the Lok Sabha Speaker, the
Leader of the Opposition, the Chief Justice of India and an eminent jurist. The
hitch is that there is no recognised LoP in the lower House. The question now is
whether the Centre is right in claiming the Congress floor leader cannot hold
that post because its bench strength is well short of the required 55.
The rule that the Speaker can recognise as LoP only the leader of the
principal opposition party that has 10 per cent of the total number of Lok
Sabha seats is based on precedent. It was a ruling by Speaker G.V. Mavalankar,
cited in the 'Directions for the Functioning of the Lok Sabha', with respect to
recognising a group as a 'parliamentary party'. The only legal provision defining
the 'Leader of the Opposition'. (2021)
Hundreds of thousands of angry citizens have been taking to the streets

every weekend in South Korea, against the continuation in office of President
Park Geun-hye. The crisis of confidence in Ms. Park's leadership exploded after
her aide Choi Soon-sil was arrested over allegations that Ms. Choi covertly
exercised illegal authority over critical government decisions. She has also
allegedly extorted $69 million from the giant industrial conglomerates, or
chaebols, in the form of donations to two charitable foundations. Ms. Park has
stood her ground and clung on to the presidency, even as she sacked at least
eight of her aides in an unsuccessful attempt to regain public trust. Yet,
pressure is mounting as the opposition parties are circling the wagons over
impeaching her for breach of the Constitution. An impeachment motion would
require two-thirds support in the 300-seat National Assembly. Opposition
parties enjoy a combined majority there, and say they have secured the
backing of more than 29 lawmakers of the ruling Saenuri party, the minimum
number required to push this through. If they succeed, this would be the first
time in 12 years that South Korea's National Assembly has impeached a
president.
History also matters in the broader context of the unravelling

relationship between the South Korean government and the chaebols. What
began as a storied macroeconomic strategy of "picking winners" from amongst
competing industrial groups, a paradigm that produced the Samsungs and
Hyundais of today, is under a cloud. On November 8, prosecutors raided the
Samsung offices over allegations it had transferred $3.1 million to a company
owned by Ms. Choi in Germany. The hard-fought democracy that South
Koreans won in 1987, driven by "people power" protests similar to the ones
seen in Seoul this month, is in need of revitalisation. The pressure to establish
a more sustainable model of governance is immense, not least because South
Korea finds itself at a strategic crossroads on the global stage. (2019)
Since the dawn of the nuclear age in 1945 there has been an ongoing
debate centred on defining an appropriate role for nuclear weapons.
Everybody agrees that these weapons are enormously destructive and should
not be used. The question is whether the best way to prevent their use is to
consider these as weapons for war fighting (just like conventional weapons but
only more destructive), or to see them as qualitatively different, meant
exclusively for deterrence. Different countries possessing nuclear weapons
have evolved their doctrines based on the historical experiences shaping their
world views, their threat perceptions and security obligations.
India is no exception and on January 4, 2003, it issued by the Cabinet

Committee on Security on operationalising India's Nuclear Doctrine. This
statement summarised the key principles: "a) building and maintaining a
credible minimum deterrent; b) posture of 'No First Use', nuclear weapons will
only be used in retaliation against a nuclear attack on Indian territory or on
Indian forces anywhere; c) nuclear retaliation to a first strike will be massive
and designed to inflict unacceptable damage; d) non-use of nuclear weapons
against non-nuclear weapon states; however, in the event of a major attack
against India, or Indian forces anywhere, by biological or chemical weapons,
India will retain the option of retaliating with nuclear weapons...."
The two key elements - a "credible minimum deterrent" and "no first
use" - were first articulated by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in
Parliament on May 27, 1998, days after India had undertaken a series of five
nuclear tests in Pokhran and declared itself a nuclear weapon state. Mr.
Vajpayee stated that India did not see nuclear weapons as weapons of war;
that their role was to ensure that India is not subjected to nuclear threats or
coercion; that India will not engage in an arms race; and that India believes in a
"no first use" policy and remains ready to discuss this with other countries.
(2014)
The amendments to the Income Tax law passed by the Lok Sabha now
offer those with unaccounted cash a last shot at amnesty. They can pay half
their cash as tax and deposit a quarter into a new Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan
Yojana. Those who fail to do this voluntarily for bank deposits made since
November 8 would end up retaining about 15 per cent of the total amount if
they cannot establish a legitimate source for the funds. There is a Robinhood-
esque edge to the PMGKY approach, directly linking the war on black money to
welfare of the poor. Essentially an extension of the recent Income Disclosure
Scheme that cleaned up about Rs.65,000 crore of undeclared income by
levying 45 per cent tax, the December 30 deadline for bank deposits in
demonetised notes gives a more purposeful push to the effort to clean out all
the cash in the grey economy. The scheme for disclosing foreign assets last
year had yielded just about Rs.2,400 crore in taxes, so a tougher approach was
perhaps necessary to instil real fear among habitual tax evaders. Since the
demonetisation of currency notes worth an estimated Rs.14.18 lakh crore,
nearly Rs.8.45 lakh crore has been brought back into the system. If the
proportion of notes deposited or exchanged is in line with their circulation
prior to November 8, about Rs.2.56 lakh crore in Rs.1,000 notes and Rs.3.17
lakh crore worth of Rs.500 notes (that can be spent on exempted categories till
December 15) is still out there.
Many clever ploys have been attempted to subvert this drive and
convert black money into white: hiring people to exchange currency; tapping
cash-in-hand entries of firms to launder illicit cash; pumping funds into bank
accounts for the poor; purchasing goods in bulk where old notes are still
allowed; even tipping off the taxman to conduct search-and-seizure operations
on one's own premises to avail of a provision that allows individuals to pay a
mere 10 per cent penalty on such income if they admit to it. The government is
trying to close the door on such ingenuity. (2036)
With the CPN(Maoist-Centre)-led government in Nepal approving

amendments to the Constitution that will be tabled in Parliament, a first step
towards positive change has been made in addressing federal concerns. The
amendments include federal redrawing of boundaries that will allow for at
least two Madhesi-dominated Terai provinces, substantial recognition of rights
of naturalised citizens, especially women, and some degree of proportional
representation in the Upper House. All these were major demands raised by
Madhesi and other groups in agitations that lasted months and disrupted life.
But with the opposition Communist Party of Nepal (Unified-Marxist Leninist)
refusing to countenance any change, the Nepali Congress not providing
adequate support to the government and the Madhesi parties refusing to
budge from maximalist positions in the run-up to the move, it remains to be
seen whether these amendments will pass. A failure would mean the political
battle to honour the commitments made in the interim Constitution in 2007,
which followed a series of agitations seeking a federal democratic character to
Naya Nepal, is lost to the status quoists.
Last week marked the tenth anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace

Accord (CPA) between mainstream political parties and the Nepali Maoists. It
formally ended the decade-long civil war and paved the way for a
constitutional republic. The initial achievements, painstakingly won, secured
the peace process and mainstreamed the Maoists to bring a measure of
stability to a country emerging not only from civil war but also a disastrous
spell of rule by the palace. However, these last ten years have not quite seen
the substantive change people had hoped for, with political parties abandoning
the bipartisan approach to the CPA. Far from rising to the responsibilities of
the new compact, the polity reverted to its default position of the 1990s, with
short-termist power grabs and spells of political instability. This abdication
resulted in a failure to (2016)
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Monetary Policy Committee's decision, at its maiden meeting, to cut the

Even as it expects an improvement in the outlook for food inflation on

India has completed agreements for civil nuclear cooperation with 11

I propose to increase the allocation for Defence to Rs 203,672 crore. This

Despite our constraints, we must find resources for science and

While we extol the virtues of science and technology (S&T), I think we do

Continuing the tradition of supporting institutions of excellence, I propose to

-Aligarh Muslim University, Banaras Hindu University etc.

When the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal (CWDT) proposed the

In contrast, the current line-up is a work in progress, with cricketers still

The prohibition plank, with its Gandhian overtones and empathetic

The legislation and the structure of complaints redress that it proposes

The Indian Constitution has ensured the independence of the judiciary

The judiciary is not financially dependent on either the executive or

Besides this, no organ of the government can act in a manner that

Merely a week after the accord, the government received a setback as

If "wonderful discoveries happening in biology" had acted as a trigger for

But lysosomes and other cellular bodies would be severely impacted if

In most contemporary educational systems of the world, secondary

Secondary education occurs mainly during the teenage years. In the

Modernising India's land laws was high on the government's agenda in

The United Nations Security Council's broad consensus in nominating

An equally challenging agenda point facing Mr. Guterres is to find

For a country whose telecommunications ministers worry about being

In fact, it has been a suboptimal outcome from the perspective of every

The Economics Nobel raises larger questions given the high-profile

Do smaller units make for better administration? It is no surprise that

The Centre's categorical stand that personal laws should be in

The tragic death of at least 22 people and injuries caused to dozens of

Prevention of fires and emergency response are not high priorities in

A video released by film-maker Karan Johar pledging not to work with

But the current, post-Uri rash of objections to Pakistani artists is

The offensive to dislodge the estimated 5,000 IS fighters are expected to

The petitioner in these proceedings under Article 226 of the Constitution

The Director General of Quality Assurance (DGQA) is an interservices

The petitioner had, in the meanwhile, on 14.12.1991, joined the Indian

What threatened to become a constitutional impasse in Tamil Nadu has

Developments in 1984, when Governor S.L. Khurana reassigned M.G.

Saudi Arabia's 18-month-long military operation in Yemen has been

As the winter session approaches, that spirit of cooperation has

However, the electorate is plagued by intractable, bitter polarisation

The overcrowding of prisons in the country is a long-standing problem

It is unedifying to note that not one State or Union Territory has

Family loyalty has taken on a particularly contentious turn in the ruling

In a working paper titled 'Resolving China's Corporate Debt Problem',

The Central government has formed a three-member committee to keep

Speaking at a press conference organised on Saturday Delhi Zoo director

A resident of Firozabad, Mr. Udayveer Singh, an M.Phil from JNU, is

Ajay Thakur masterminded a memorable triumph against a spirited Iran

Eventually Surjeet's leglock on Sheykh reflected India's control of the

The challenges of a rapidly urbanising world and of providing people

India's ambition to harness science and data for orderly urbanisation is

Last week's sale of $17.5 billion worth of sovereign bonds by Saudi

In this context, former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan's comment at a

The death of 28 members of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in an

As proof of its commitment to economic renewal, the Narendra Modi

The attack on a police academy in Quetta, the capital of Pakistan's

The political rehabilitation of former Karnataka Chief Minister B.S.

Venezuela has once again been rocked by opposition-led protests after

Even by the standards of Pakistan's unpredictable polity, the week ahead

These troubles come at a time when Mr. Sharif is expected to announce

Nativism is more than a mere rhetorical assertion of national identity. At

The U.S. is not an obvious candidate for this brand of nativism. In