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Varna a n d C a s t e 167

that is contrasted with the Dasa varna. The Satapatha Brahmana, on


the other hand, describes the four classes as the fourvarnas. 'Varna'
means 'colour', and it was in this sense that the word seems to have
been employed in contrasting the Arya and the Dasa, referring to
their fair and dark colours respectively. The colour connotatipii of
the word was so strong that later on when the classes came to be
regularly described as varnas, four different colours were supposed
to be distinguished." He states later that the Rg-Vedic distinction
between Arya and Dasa later gave place to the distinction between
Arya and Shudra.
In the Rg-Veda, along with the distinction between Arya and Dasa,
there is a division of society into three orders, viz., Brahma, Kshatriya
and Vish.
The first two represented broadly the two professions of the poet-
priest and the warrior-chief.The third division was apparently a group
comprising all the common peoples. It is only in one of the later
hymns, the celebrated Pumshasukta, that a reference has been made

A n attempt is made in this brief essay to consider the relation


between caste as it is in fact, and as it is subsumed by the
traditional concept of Varna. The consideration of this
relationship is both, important and overdue, as the concept ofvarna
has deeply influenced the interpretation of the 'ethnographic reality'
to four orders of society as emanatingfrom thesacrifice of the Primeval
Being. The names of those four orders are given there as Brahmana,
Rajanya (Kshatriya), Vaishya and Shudra, who are said to have come
from the mouth, the arms, the thighs, and the feet of the Creator.
The particular limbs associated with these divisions and the order
of caste. Varna has been the model to which the observed facts have in whidi they are mentioned probably indicate their status in the
been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of society of the time, though no such interpretation is directly given in
sociologists to some extent. the hymn.
The layman is unaware of the complexities of varna. To him it It is interesting to note ihat though three orders are mentioned
means simply the division of Hindu society into four orders, viz., in the Rg-Veda there is no single term to describe them. A term which
Brahrnana (Brahmin, traditionally, priest and scholar), IZshatriya (ruler originally referred to the distinction in colour and appearance
and soldier), Vaishya (merdiant) and Shudl-a (peasant, labourer and between the conquerors (Arya) and the conquered aborigines (Dasyu),
servant). The first three castes are 'twice-born' as the men from them was used later to refer to the hierarchical division of the society.
are entitled to don the sacred thread at the Vedic rite of upanayana, In the Varna scheme of the Vedas there are only four orders, and
while the Shudras are not. The Untouchables are outside the varna the Untouchables have no place in it. But there are references in Vedic
scheme. literature to groups such as the Ayogava, Chandala, Nishada and
The layman's view of vama is a comparatively late view, and varna, Paulltasa, who are outside the varna scheme, and who seem to be
which literally means colour, originally referred to the distinction despised.
between Arya and Dasa. Professor Ghurye writes, :.. in the Rg-Veda 'It is more reasonable to hold that both these groups, Chandala
the word 'varna' is never applied to any one of these classes. and Paulkasa, were sections of the aborigines that were, for some
[Brahrnana, Kshatriya, etc.] I t is only the Arya varna or the Aryan people reason or another, particularly despised by the Aryans. The Nishadas,
on the other hand, seem to have been a section liked by the Aryans,
?Firstpublished in S. Radhakrishndn et al. (eds) A.R. Wadio--Esrays in Phiforophy
Presenfed in IIis Honour. Rangalore, pp. 357-64, 1954.
probably because they were amenable to their civilized notions. The
Vedic expression 'pancajanah' is explained by tradition, belonging
I
168 C o l l e c t e d Essays Varna a n d C a s t e 169
to the latter part of the period, to mean the four varnas and the in Central India, shows up the deficiency of the varna-classlficatlon
Nishadas, a fact which shows that these people had, by this time,
The term Kshatriya, for instance, does not refer to a closed ruling
become quite acceptable to the Aryans.'
In brief, :.. the three classes of the early portion of the Rgueda group which has always been there since the time of theVedas More
were later solidified into four groups, more or less compact, with often it refers to the position attained or claimed by a k~calgroup
whose traditions and luck enabled it to seize polit~co-economicpower
three or four other groups separately mentioned: And 'the ideas of
In fact, in peninsular lndia there are no cenuine IZshatrlyds and
untouchability were first given literary expression in connection with
Vaishyas In this area these two categories only refer to the local castes
the Shudras and the sacrifice:
which have claimed to be Kshatriyas and Vaishyas by virtue of their
occupation and martial tradition, and the claim is not seriously
disputed by the others. Claims to being Brahmins are much less
I shall now describe the features of the caste system implicit in the
common.
varna scheme and then try to see how they differ from, or conflict
with, the system as it actually functions.
Firstly, according to the varna scheme there are only four castes
of the varna-model if he wishes to understand the caste system. It is
excluding the Untouchables, and the number is the same in every
hardly necessary to add that this is more difficult for Indian
part of India. But even during Vedic times there were occupational
sociologists than it is for non-Indians.
groups which were not subsumed by vana even though it is not known
The position which each caste occupies in the local hierarchy is
whether such groups were castes in the sense sociologists understand
frequently not clear. It is true, however, that in most areas of the
the term. Today, in any linguistic area there are to be found a number
country Brahmins are placed at the top and the Untouchables at the
of castes. According to Prof. Ghurye, in each linguistic region, there
bottom, and most people know who are the Brahmins, and who
are about 200 caste groups which are further sub-divided into about
the Untouchables. But in Southern India the Lingayats claim equality
3000 smaller units each of which is endogamous and constitutes
with, if not superiority to, the Brahmin, and orthodox Lingayats do
the area of effective social life for the individual. The varna-scheme
not eat food cooked or handled by the Brahmin. The Lingayats have
refers at best only to the broad categories of the society and not to
priests of their own caste who also minister to several other non-
its real and effective units. And even as referring only to the broad
Brahmin castes. Such a challenge of the ritual superiority of the
categories of the society it has serious shortcomings. It has already
Brahmin is not unknown though not frequent. The claim of a
been seen that the Untouchables are outside the scheme, but as a
particular caste to be Brahmin is, however, more often challenged.
matter of actual fact they are an integral part of the society. The fact
Food cooked or handled by Marka Brahmins of Mysore, for instance,
that they are denied privileges which the higher castes enjoy does
is not eaten by most Hindus, not excluding Harijans.
not mean that they are not an integral part of the society.
One of the most striking features of the caste system as it actually
The category of Shudra subsumes in fact the vast majority of
exists is the lack of clarity in the hierarchy, especially in the middle
non-Brahininical castes which have little in common. It may at one
regions. This is responsible for endless argumentation regarding
end include a rich, powerful and highly Sanskritized group while at
mutual ritual rank: it is this ambiguity which makes it possible for a
the other end may be tribes whose assimilation into the Hindu fold
caste to rise in the hierarchy. Each caste tries to prove that it is equal
is only marginal. The Shudra-category spans such a wide structural
to a 'superior' caste and superior to its 'equals: And arguments are
and cultural gulf that its sociological utility is very limited.
advanced to prove superiority. The vegetarian castes occupy the
It is well-known that occasionally a Shudra caste has, after the i highest position in the hierarchy and approximation to vegetarianism
acquisition of economic and political power, Sanskritized its customs
and ways, and has succeeded in laying claim to be Kshatriyas. The i is adduced as evidence of high status. The drinlting of liquor, the
eating of the domestic pig which is a scavenger, and of the sacred
classic example of the Kaj Gonds, originally a tribe, but who I cow, all these tend to lower the ritual rank of a caste. Similarly, the
successfully claimed to be Kshatriyas after becoming rulers of a tract
1 practice of a degrading occupation such as butchery, or a defiling
170 C o l l e c t e d Essays Varna a n d C a s t e 171
occupation such as cutting hair, or making leather sandals, tends to the b~ggestland-owner and money-lender, the official headman of
lower the ritual rank of a caste. There is a hierarchy in diet and the village, and generally a very influentla1 man, and one of the
occupation, though this varies somewhat from region to region. The managers of the Ram8 temple at which the Brahmin IS prlest In
castes froin which a man accepts cooked food and drinking water are secular matters the priest is dependant on the headman In the
either equal or superior, while the castes from which he does not; are summei of 1952, the priest's eldest son passed the lower secondary
inferior. examination in the first class, and the priest went to the headman's
Similarly the practice of certain customs such as shaving the heads house as soon as he heard the news. He was pleased, confused and
of widows, and the existence of divorce, are also criteria of hierarchical CVCII ~vurricd.I le wantc.~I his \on 1 0 stucly further, wl~ithcost llloney.
rank. Not infrequently, the member of a caste points to some customs ; I I I L ~ ; ~ l ' i11e.111t
i~ his goillg to hiysorc \ v l l i i l l the priest co~~sitlzrc'da
of his caste as evidence of high rank, while others point to the existence strange and distant city. (AS a matter of actual fact, Mysore is only
of certain other customs as evidence of low rank. In cases such as the 22 miles from Rampura.) The priest discussed the matter with the
dispaiity between the position claimed by the caste and that conceded headman (who treated his worries half-jokingly), and then went to
by the others is indeed great. the headman's mother, an old matriarch of seventy odd years. He
The Smiths of South India seem to have tried to move high up in sat a few feet away from her and talked to her, addressing her every
the caste system by a thorough Sanskritization of their rites and few minutes as avva (mother-the Brahmin equivalent of awa would
customs, and this, instead of gaining them what they wanted, has be amma or tayi; but it is interesting to note that the priest made use
roused the disapproval, if not the hostility, of all the others. of a term of respect which every Peasant used), exactly as a peasant
Today, very few castes including the Harijan, eat food cooked by would. He was treating her advice with respect though according to
the Smith. Until recently, the Smith was not entitled to perform a the varna-scheme, she is a member of the Shlrdra caste.
wedding inside the village, or wear red slippers and so It is A member of a higher caste often goes to a rich and powerful
necessary to stress here that innumerable small castes in a region do member of a lower caste for help and advice. It is clear that in such
not occupy dear and permanent positions in the system. Nebulousness cases the former is dependent upon the latter. When members of
as to position is of the essence of the system in operation as distinct different castes come together, their mutual positions are determined
from the system in conception. The varna-model has been the cause by the context in which the contact takes place. Thus, for instance,
ofmisinterpretation of the realities of the caste system. A point that in a ritual context, the priest would occupy the higher position while
has emerged from recent field-research is that the position of a caste in a secular context, the headinan would occupy the higher position.
in the hierarchy may vary from village to village. It is not only that This way of formulating the situation is not very satisfactory as
the hierarchy is nebulous here and there, and that castes are mobile behind the particular contexts there lie the permanent positions. In
over a period of time, but the hierarchy is also to some extent local. the example given above, the headman and his mother knew they
The varna-scheme offers a perfect contrast to this picture. were dealing not with an ordinary peasant, but with a Brahmin and
The varna-scheme is a 'hierarchy' in the literal sense of the term a priest at that. I-Ie normally occupied a position of respect; and as
because ritual considerations form the basis of the differentiation. priest of the Rama temple he had a special claim on the headman's
It is true that generally speaking the higher castes are also the better help and support. Helping him would result in the acquisition of
off castes, and the lowest castes are also among the poorest, hut a punya or spiritual merit. Helping any poor man confers spiritual
ranking of castes on principally economic or political considerations merit, but more merit would accrue when the poor man is also a
would produce a stratification somewhat different from that based on Brahmin and a priest. The Headman also needs the services of the
ritual considerations. The disparity between the ritual and economic priest, and when any important Brahmin friends visited Rampura,
or political position of a caste is often considerable. In the Mysore he would ask the priest to provide food for them.
village of Rampura, for instance, the Brahmin priest is accorded every The varna scheme has certainly distorted the picture of caste hut
respect by the village headman who is a Peasant (Okkaliga) by caste. it has enabled ordinary men and women to grasp the caste system
But the headman is the richest man in the village and in the area, by providing them with a simple and clear scheme which is applicable
172 C o l l e c t e d Essays
to all parts of India. Varna has provided a comlnon social language
which holds good, or is thought to hold good, for India as a whole.
A sense of familiarity even when it does not rest on faas, is conducive
to unity.
It is interesting to note that the mobility of caste is frequently 10
stated invarna terms rather than in terms of the local caste situation.
This is partly because each caste has a name and a body of customs
and traditions which are peculiar to itself in any local area, and no
other caste would be able to take up its name. A few individuals or
families may claim to belong to a locally higher caste, but not a whole
caste. Even the former event would be difficult as the connections of
these individuals or families would be known to all in that area. On TM E
the other hand, a local caste would not find it difficult to call itself
Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaishya. Even here there might be opposition, OF CASTE HIERARCHY*?
but the palvenus may distinguish themselves from the local Brahmin,
Kshatriya or Vaishya by suitable prefixes. Thus the Bedas of Mysore
would find it impossible to call themselves Okkaligas (Peasants)
or Kurubas (Shepherds), but would not have difficulty in calling
me of my lecture is 'Some Reflections on the Nature of
themselves Valmiki Brahmins. 'The Smiths of South India long ago,
Caste I-Iierarchy' and, as will become evident, it is a response
in pre-British times, changed their names to Vishvakarma Brahmins.
to L'rofessor Louis Dumont's original, important, and difficult
In British India this tendency received special encouragement during
work on the caste system, bearing the somewhat catchy title, I-Ionlo
the periodical Census enumerations when the low castes changed
Hieralrhi.ms (1970). The work has been widely reviewed and discussed,
their names in order to move up in the hierarchy.
and not only in Indianist circles. I shall, in the course of this lecture,
consider only a few of its main ideas, and if I appear critical it is
Notes because of my belief that the only way to acknowledge and honour
1. See his Caste and Class in indin, Bombay, 1950, p. 47. the arrival of a seminal work from a distinguished scholar is to
2. As to why the Lingayats succeeded in obtaining a high position while consider his ideas honestly and seriously. Ile deserves nothing less.
the Smiths did not, is an extremely interestingproblem for the historical According to Dumont, caste is an instihlti~nuniqile to the Hindus,
sociologist.Both the castes seem to have employed 'shock tactics', but and he is very critical of scholars who regard it as yet another form of
while in one case they came off, in the other, they did not. social stratification-a particularly rigid one. To do so would be to

V thank the Departine~rtof Social Anthropologyofthe University of Cambridge


for doing me the honour of inviting mq in 1979, lo deliver the Sir James Frazer
Lcrture. As it h a p p e n ~ d 1, was ~ n l able
y lo deliver the lecture in 1982. My apologies
arc due to Jack Goody and his colleagues in the Department ofSacial Anthropology
for the unconscionable delay in delivering the lecture.
I must also thallli the blaster and Fellows of St, John's Colirgc for electing ine to

in 1979 made it possible for me to devote all my time for study and this lecture is
one of the fruits o f t h a t study My thanks are due to the Committee.
'First published in Contl,bnlionr Lo Indian Sociolgg)~,n . s 18, 2 : 151-67. 1984.
186 C o l l e c t e d Essays
The Mahabrahman funeral priests of Benaras are regarded as so
low that they are occasionally referred to as 'Untouchable' as
Jonathan l'arry has reported recently:
... despite their unequivocal status as Qrahmins ihey are treated much like
Untouchables in many contexts. I have heard them described by the Hindi
word ochch~rtwhich means just that, and no fastidious person of clean caste
will dine with them. ... (Parry 1980: 93-4).

Brahmins who generally work as priests at funerals are degraded


by such work, and in some places, rendered permanently impure. It
is relevant to mention here that priestly Brahmins do not enjoy the
same social esteem as non-priestly Brahmins. The lowest among
priests are those who work as funeral priests to funeral priests. They
are linown as 'Mahabappa' in the Hindi region, and above them are
the 'Mahabrahman' who are funeral priests to other Brahmans. The
puja1.i or temple priest comes next to be followed by the pui-ohit

w
chaplain. The scholar 81-ahminwho does not work as a priest to others
occupies the highest position among Brahmins. One cannot help hile traditional, pre-British Indian society was stationary
asking how is it that Brahmins who are considered the highest caste in character, it did not preclude the mobility, upward as
are looked down upon when they perform their most characteristic well as downward, of individual castes in the local hierarchy
professional activity, viz., priesthood. This fact, however, has not received sufficient emphasis nor have its
implications been commented upon by the analysts of caste.
The two most potent sources of mobility wsre the fluidity of the
political system, especially at the lower levels, and the availability of
marginal land which could be brought under the plough, itself the
result of a static demographic situation. I shall consider each of these
sources briefly
ltwas the establishment of British rule over the Indian subcontinent
that closed the door finally to families and bigger groups achieving
mobility through warfare. Until then, it was always possible, though
not easy, for an official or soldier, or the head of a locally dominant
caste, to acquire political power and become a chief or king. Thus,
even during the heyday of the Mughal empire, Shivaji (1627-80),
the son of a jagirdar or fiefholder of the Muslim kingdom of Bijapur
in South India, was able to found a large and powerful kingdom
(Majumdar et al. 1963). Shivaji's was n o doubt an exceptional case,
but it illustrates, though with some exaggeration, the fluidity or
openness of the pre-British political system. Recent detailed studies
'First published in Milton Singer and Bernard Cohn (eds) Srluclure and Change
! in Indian Society, Chicago: Universiv of Chicago Press, 1968.

I
188 C o l l e c t e d Essays Mobility in the Caste System 189

of this system in such different parts of the country as eastern Uttar 'The Patidars were the principal local supporters of the Gaekwads
Pradesh (Cohn 1962) and central Gujarat (Shah 1964) make clear [Maratha rulers of central Gujarat]. Some Patidars had taken to arms,
how ambitious and ~ulscr~~pulous tax collectors and officials couid and a couple of them had established petty principalities. All this
take advantage of periods of confusion to found their own chiefdoms had led the Patidars to claim the status of the Kshatriya varna and to
or kingdoms. adopt many "kingly" customs and manners' (1964: 94).
Political fluidity in pre-British India was, in the last analysis, the Historically, the IZshatriya varna was recruited from a wide variety
product of a pre-modern technology and institutional system. Large of castes all of which had one attribute in common, that is, the
kingdoms could not be ruled effectively in the absence of railways, possession of political power. According to Baines, ' ... there is, in
post and telegraph, paper and printing, good roads, and modern fact, no section of the Brahmanic hierarchy into which recruitment
arms and techniques of warfare. A ruler, however able, had to delegate from outside has been more extensive or to which the claims to
his authority to his subordinates. Succession to political office membership have been more numerous' (1912: 30). The historian
followed the rule of primogeniture, and this posed 3 problem to K.M. Panikkar has stated that ever since the time of Mahapadma
kings who had uncles (father's younger brothers) and younger Nanda in the fifth century BC, evely known royal family has come
brothers who had to be kept out of mischief. Fratricide and parricide from a non-Kshatriya caste (1955: 8). Even the upper-levels of tribes,
were deemed to be great sins, and a man was indeed expected to such as the Bhumij, Munda, and Gond, established their claims to
show affection for his brothers and his father's brothers who stood be IZshatriyas (Sinha 1962).
in the social relationship of fathers. Appointing uncles and younger When a leader of a dominant caste or a small chieftain graduated
brothers to posts was one way of solving the problem, though it to the position of a raja or king, acquiring, in the process, the symbolic
was not without its risks. Where the kingdom was big, they could and other appurtenances of Kshatriyahood, he in turn became a
be posted to jobs far away L-o~nthe capital. source of mobility for individuals and groups living in his domain.
The life of ordina~yfolk was regulated by such institutions as A necessary concomitant, if not precondition, of such graduation was
caste and village community, and the elders of the locally dominant Sanskritization, that is, the acceptance of the rites, beliefs, ideas, and
caste punished violators of the social and moral code. This suited values of the great tradition of Hinduism as embodied in the sacred
the rulers, even Muslin1 rulers, excepting those whose proselytizing books. For instance, a king who did not have the requisite number of
zeal was stronger than their political wisdon~.Warfare was endemic, Brahmins for performing an important ceremony did not hesitate
and frontiers as well as loyalties changed frequently. A great ruler to raise members of a lowerranking group to the status of Brahmins
brought a brief period of order to the kingdom. The death of a great (Baines 1912: 27). Where, however, there was an entrenched group
lung was often followed by efforts on the part of tribute-paying chiefs of Brahmins, the king had to recognize their power and make the
to declare themselves free and stop paying tribute. necessaly adjustments.
Opportunities for seizing political power were more lilte!y to be By virtue of his position as the head of the social order, the Hindu
available to the leaders of the dominant castes, and even tribes, than king had the responsibility to settle all disputes with regard to caste,
to others. This is why in South India dominant peasant castes such and the power also to raise or lower the ranks of castes as a reward
as the Marathas, Reddis, Vellalas, Nayars, and Coorgs have been able or punishment. Muslim kings, and even the British in the early days
to claim Kshatriya status. Numerical strength and the prestige and of their lule, exercised at least the first function. Most of the Hindu
power coming from ownership ofland put them in a strategic position maharajas ruling over the larger 'native'states during the British period
for capturing political power in periods of uncertainty, which were allowed their jurisdiction in caste matters to lapse only at the beginning
only too frequent. This situation, however, does not seem to have of the twentieth century (Smith 1963).
been confined to South India. The medieval Pala dynasty of Bengal 1shall now consider thesecond source of mobility, that is, the 'open
was 'Shudra' in origin (Panild<ar1955: 9). The Patidars of Gujarat, in agrarian system' of medieval India. According to Stein, a historian
origin a peasant caste, became politically powerful in the eighteenth of medieval South India, 'marginally settled lands suitable for culti-
century, when they claimed to be Kshatriyas.Anrind Shah has written: vation' were always available, and this 'permitted the establishment
of new settleme~ltsand even new regional societies' (1968: 79).
190 C o l l e c t e d Essays Mobility in t h e Caste System 191
This situation was not, however, confined to South India, but was lvr.ll as certai~~forr~~soi.ldn~inistr.~tivcnn~lmilit.~ryorgGi!~izatic)n wllich
true of the country as a whole. Irfan Habib has written: The Ain-i- th? British brought with t h r ~ nto lntlia'l'lle land survey ; I I I L ~sertlt.~l~r~lt
Akbari and Rennel's Atlas (1780) show that down to the eighteenth lvorkof the n i r ~ e ~ e ucentury,
~ ~ ~ hthe introduction oftt,~lt~~ial i?(i)r111s.
century large cultivable tracts still lay behind the forest-line. The the application of British concepts ofownershi11to land wl~ich111.1cle
medieval governments attempted to encourage extension of cultivation it saleable, ant1 the availability of new economic opportlrnitirs in
and improvement in cropping by grant of revenue concessions and the port cit~esand mpi~als,all had far-rcarhing effects O I I mobility.
loans to finance [the]purchase of seeds, cattle, or excavation ofwells Land coultl he sold ro anyone who had money, even membt,rs o t
by the cultivators themselves' (1963: 62). In other words, there was 'low' castes (Railey 1957: 49). There came illto existence :I rl'lss ot
premium on human labour, initiative and skill, and rulers offered Inert, rcrnlitecl gelierally from the ul~percastes, who rcsidrd in urb.ln
incentives to individuals to open up new f1-ontiers.Such a situation areds but who I I J ~ a pred-~~-fl,!-,p in vill.lges. I.;lncI o~vnc~rship w;~c.I
imposed a check on the authority of chiefs and kings, who had to
treat their rural subjects reasonably well in order to keep them. The
-
svmhol of securitv -1s well as high .;ori.ll status even for tht.111,.inJ
there
. ~ ~ -~
was. ~
in. addition.
~~
~ ~a sentimental
- attachment to ancestral land
abilityof citizens to flee to frontier areas provided a sanction against 2nd vill'lge. Iktt gradu.~llythe high cost of urban living, including
excessive oppression by rulers. rI1e sdui.ition of cons, ; ~ r ~ later,
d cl.lughter.;, ccl<,hr;~ting eupen,ivc
Burton Stein has argued that the modern phenomenon of compe- weddings, performing funeral and other rituals, and fulfilling
tition among castes for enhanced status within a narrow, localized
ranking system is inappropriate for understanding medieval mobil-
-
obligations to a l a r-~ number
e of relatives, forced this class to sell t h e i ~
land to Peasant and other rural castes.
ity. Social mobility in medieval India involved spatial mobility, and The British were instrumental in bringing modem knowledge to
the units of mobility were individual families; the need as well as the India and also such new values as the equality of all citizens before
facilities for 'corporate mobility' did not exist. Stein has pointed out the law, the right of every man not to be imprisoned without resort to
that the various sub-divisions which now exist among theTamil peas- due legal processes, and the freedom to practice as well as to propagate
ant caste of Vellalas arose out of their former mobility (1968: 79). one's religion. So also there was a new humanitarianism or, rather,
Similar sub-divisions also exist among several other peasant castes. the extension of humanitarianism to new areas, resulting in the
While the sources of mobility lay in the political and economic abolition of suttee, human sacrifice, and slavery. Western rationalism
systems, Sanskritization provided a traditional idiom for the ex- appealed quite early to the Indian elite, and by 1830 there was a small
pression of such mobility. This is not to say, however, that all cases but articulate body of rationalists in Calcutta (0' Malley 1941: 70,
of Sanskritization in traditional India were always preceded by the 309,314).
possession of political or economic power, or even that Sanskritization I should make it clear that I am not concerned here with the
always had a mobility aspect. argument that the British belief in the equality of all human beings
was far from being unequivocal, and that some of them were indeed
racists; that in their desire to remain in power they supported
The establishment of British rule resulted, on the one hand, in dosing reactionary sections of Indian society such as the princes and the
the traditional avenues to mobility and, on the other, in opening landlords, and indeed, even resorted to the time-honoured principle
several new ones. More important, it set forces in motion which of divide and rule. My main concern here is with the understanding
altered fundamentally the overall character of society; Indian society of the changes in social mobility brought about by British rule and
ceased to be stationaly and became mobile, and the quantum of their implications for Indian society as a whole.
mobility increased as the years went by. European missionary effort was a significant factor in the mod-
I shall now mention briefly, and in a grossly oversimplified form, ernization of India. Spurred by an evangelizing zeal, missionaries
the factors directly bearing on the new mobility which came into highlighted the evils of indigenous society, quite unmindful of the
existence as a result of British conquest. For the first time in Indian bitter hostility which their criticisms aroused among Indians. One
history there was a single political power straddling the entire of the causes of the Indian Revolt of 1857 was 'a Genuine fear that
subcontinent, and this was made possible by the new technology as government intended to Christianize Hindus and Muslims alike. This
Mobility in t h e Caste System 193
192 C o l l e c t e d Essays
was then a part) resulted in a relative prosperity for the Ganjam and
idea seems to have been entertained chiefly in North India, where ~~~d Distillers (1957: 160-1). Oilmen (Telis) all over eastern India
missionary propaganda was active and recent' (ibid.: 78). untoucha- benefited from the enlarged marliet for trade in oil and pressed oilseeds
bility, suttee, human and animal sacrifice, idolatry, ritualism, polythe-
brought about by the improved communication and population
ism, polygyny infant marriage, a n d han on widow marriage among
growth. The Noniyas of eastern Uttar Pradesh, IZolis of the Surat Coast
the higher castes, all were subjected to sharp and persistent criticism.
in Gujarat and members of several other groups benefited from the
The missionary onslaught was particularly significant inasmuch
new employment opportunities resulting from the railway, road, and
as it threw the new, Westem-oriented Indian elite on the defensive
canal construction. In all such cases, the wealthier families or sections
and made them address themselves to the immense task ofreforming
became possessed by the desire to move up in the caste hierarchy by
their society and reinterpreting their religion. This reaction was more
acquiring the symbols and rituals of the higher castes. The absence,
prominent among Hindus than among others for a variety of reasons
in British India, of legal barriers to donning the sacred thread and
which are not relevant here.
chantingvedic hymns (mantras) on ritual occasions, both symbolic
Missionaries were also active in humanitarian workand education.
of 'twice-born' status, was certainly an important factor in this
They ran hospitals, orphanages, and schools, concentrating their
process. But everywhere the locally dominant castes were antagonistic
attention on the poor and the lowly, that is, Untouchables and others
to the mobility aspirations of the low castes, and they used physical
from the low castes, tribal folk living in remote areas, and women
violence aswell as economic boycott to prevent the low castes from
behind the purdah (Spear 1962: 290-1; Tangri 1361: 377). They
Sanskritizing their style of life. They did not, however, always succeed.
stimulated the growth of regional literatures by setting up printing
An ambitious low caste had a new remedy at its disposal: it could
presses, cutting types for various Indian scripts, printing books and
appeal to the police and law courts against dominant caste violence.
founding journals, writing dictionaries and grammars, and translating
The twentieth century has indeed witnessed a great increase in the
classics in the regional tongues into English.
quantum of mobility in the caste system, and Sanslititization played
New economic opportunities came into existence as a result of
an important role in this mobility by enabling low castes to move
the establishment of law and order, removal of internal customs
into the higher castes.
barriers, and the extension of comrnunications linking, first, the
The mobility of a few low castes had a 'demonstration effect' on
different parts of the counuy into a single economy and, second,
all the others in the region. The latter felt that they were n o longer
the country with the world outside. The building of railways, digging
condemned to poverty, oppression, and lack of esteem. They could
of canals and roads, introduction of such plantation crops as indigo,
also move up if they tried hard enough. Social horizons suddenly
tea, cotton, coffee, and jute, and the growth of towns, and factories,
expanded for them. It is probable that this widening of social horizons
provided employment for thousandn all over the countly. English
contributed to the vigour and strength of the Backward Classes
education was indispensable for an Indian who wished to take
Movement of the twentieth century.
advantage of the better paid and more prestigious occupations, such
The Backward Classes Movement was widespread in the Indian
as higher levels of administration and commerce, and the professions.
subcontinent as a whole and was particularly strong in peninsular
The new opportunities, at least at the higher levels, were usually taken
India, where it had a distinctive ideology and pervaded every area
advantage of by the high castes, resulting in a considerable overlap
of social life. The importance of the movement is beginning to be
between the traditional and the new elites. This had the twin effect
appreciated by Indianists, particularly in the context of the significant
of increasing the cultural and ideological distance between the high
changes occurring among the Harijans. But it is necessary to stress
and the low castes, as well as making the new opportunities doubly
that the Movement affected not only the Harijans but also a wide
desirable. In the first place, they were well paid and prestigious, and
variety of castes and, in South India, all castes except the Brahmin.
in the second, only the high castes had access to them. Eventually,
The conversion of the so-called low castes to Islam and Christianity
this gave rise to the Backward Classes Movement.
in many parts of India, and to seas such as Sikhism and the Arya
Less frequentiy, in some areas, a few low castes had access to new
Samaj in the Punjab and western Uttar Pradesh, was often motivated
trading or employment opportunities. Bailey mentions how the
by a desire to shed the odium attached to being low. But the converts
prohibition policy of the Government of Bengal (of which Orissa
194 Collected Essays Mobility i n t h e Caste System 195
found that it was not at all easy to shake off their caste and that, in n the first phase, the traditional aspects of the caste system were
fact, they carried it with them to their new faith or sect. Indian Islam 1 strong and the high castes resented the appropriation of the
and Christianity both bear the stamp of the caste system; this is not s of high rank by the low. They could no longer rely on political
to say, however, that the caste system among the Indian Christians ty to punish the parvenus who dared to appropriate those
and Muslims is the same as the caste system among the Hindus. mbo s. The latter, however, had to overcome their own resistance to
appropriation, and, even when they did, the high castes had
enough 'moral authority', if that is indeed the proper term, to ostracize
Speaking broadly, the Backward Classes Movement passed through and even physically punish them. Equally important was the fact that
two stages; in the first the low castes concentrated on acquiring the the new opportunities thrown up by the British rule were taken
symbols of high status, whereas in the second the emphasis shifted advantage of mainly by the high castes: Brahmin, Baniya, vaidya, and
from the symbols to the real sources of high status, that is, the posses- Ibyastha. It was in this context that the institution of the decennial
sion of political power, education, and a share in the new economic Census, introduced by the British, came unwittingly to the aid of
opportunities. The leaders of the Backward Classes Movement real- ambitious low castes. Sir Herbert Risley, the Commissioner of the 1901
ized clearly that all three were interrelated and that one could not Census, decided to make use of the census investigations to Dbtain
be secured in full measure without the others. Thus, political power and record the exact rank of each caste. Not unnaturally, a number of
was necessary to introduce the principle of caste quotas for jobs in castes decided to seize this occasion to daim high rank. They seem to
the administration and seats in technological, medical, and science have felt that, if they succeeded in getting themselves recorded as high
courses, and, later, to secure the licences and permits necessary for caste in the census, an official document of the Government of India,
trading in a variety of goods and for undertaking other economic no one would indeed be able to dispute their rank. In other words,
enterprises. Education, on the other hand, was indispensable for the census became an equivalent of the traditional copper-plategrants
obtaining the higher categories of posts in the administration and of Indian lungs declaring the rank and privileges of a caste, highlighting
even for the effective exercise of political power. the role of the political authority in the caste system. There was a
It is this emphasis on power that led to such seeming inconsist- widespread move among castes to assume new and high-sounding
encies as a caste claiming to be 'backward' in official and political Sanskritic names generally ending with s u f i e s indicating 'twice-born'
contexts and of high rank in traditional contexts. Classification as rank. Mythology, uaditions, and particular customs were also cited in
'backward' enabled the members of a caste to obtain preference as a support of the daim to high rank and no distinction was made between 8

matter of right in educational institutions, scholarships, and jobs in mythology and histoly. Not infrequently, the different sections of a
the administration and this was not counted against it in evaluating single jati living in different areas claimed to belong to different varnas,
its rank in the traditional hierarchy. and ambitions also changed from one census to another. Over the
The 'low' castes realized clearly that, once they had the necessary years, an increasing number of castes assumed new names in their '
power, the acquisition of the symbols of high ritual rank would be desire to be recorded as high castes, and this was one of the factors
easy and also meaningful. It also meant that they were aware that a which made inter-census comparisons of particular castes impossible.
new prestige system had emerged, in which education, political The coming into existence of caste sabhas or associations was an
power, and a Westernized style of life were important ingredients, important factor in the spread as well as the accelerati~nof mobility.
and which in principle were open to all. Acquisition ofpower became Initially, their aims were to reform caste customs in the direction of
necessary in a situation in which the high castes, which had a head Sanslaitization, to lay daim to high rank, to undertake such welfare
start over the others with regard to the new sources of power and activities for caste fellows as buildings hostels, houses on a co-operative
prestige, would otherwise continue to remain on the top. The kind basis, colleges and hospitals in some areas, founding journals and
of situation depicted by Harold Gould for a few villages in eastern endowing scholarships. 'With the gradual transfer of power from the
Uttar Pradesh for the mid 1350s (1961), belongs, properly speaking, British to Indians, caste associations tended to become political
to the first phase of the Backward Classes Movement and not to the pressure groups, demanding for their members, electoral tickets from
more sophisticated second phase. the principal political parties, ministerships in state cabinets, licences
196 Collected Essays M o b i l i t y in t h e Caste System 197
for undertaking various economic activities, jobs in the administration, to a sense of identification with one's caste, and also a realization
and a variety of other benefits. I may add here that castes performed that caste mobility is essential for individual or familial mobility.
these functions even where they were not organized into formal sabhas ~ h a rich ~ distiller
~ , or butcher had to get the name, customs, and
or associations. style of life of his caste changed in order to shed his identity as distiller
or butcher and acquire another that was more esteemed. Herein
came the enormous usefulness of the traditional avenue to mobility,
According to Stein, the modern phenomenon of conlpetition among Sanskritization.However, it had to cope now with a far greater number
castes for enhanced status within a narrow, localized, ranking system of castes than before.
is inappropriate for understanding medieval mobility (1968: 80) The The kind of mobility I have described above may be regarded as
need as well as the facilities, such as the printing press, for 'corporate typical. There was, however, another kind of mobility which was much
mobility' did not exist in medieval India. The units of medieval mo- less common in the past, hut which might become more common in
bility were individual families, and the 'open agrarian system' favoured the future. In the big cities of India there are small numbers of rich
spatial mobility, which, in turn, facilitated social mobility. Stein has people who are educated and have a highly Westernized style of life.
certainly enhanced our knowledge of Indian society, but in his analy- Thede Inay be described as living minimally in the universe of caste
sis of mobility processes in medieval South India he has ignored the and n~aximallyin that of class. The occupations practised by them
need which has always existed in the caste system, to translate famil- bear no relation to the traditional occupations of the castes into which
ial mobility to caste mobility Mobility does not otherwise obtain they were born. They ignore pollution rules, their diet includes
public recognition. Whom will the sons and daughters of the mobile forbidden foods, and their friends and associates are drawn from all
family many? Marriage within the old caste group, the most natural over India and may even indude foreigners. Their sons and daughters
solution, would be the negation of such mobility. Another solution many not only outside their own castes but occasionally also outside
would be hypergamy, by which the parent group continues to give region, language, and religion.
its girls in marriage to the mobile family, while the girls born in the The introduction, in independent India, of universal franchise
latter either marry into a higher caste or remain unmanied. The at all levels of the political system has placed before vast sections of
connubial drag on mobility was far less severe in South India where the populace new opportunities of mobility through the acquisition
cross-cousin and cross-uncle-niece marriages were, and are, more of political power. This is particularly true ofthe dominant peasant
preferred than elsewhere. Ideally, in South India a simple, nuclear castes and even the non-dominant castes which are numerically
family could in the course of two generations achieve connubial self- strong. There are highly influential political leaders from the Harijan
sufficiency. However, in every part of India it was necessary for the and other backward castes and there exists a wide cultural and
mobile family or section of acaste to break with the parent caste and economic gulf between the leaders and the rest of the caste members.
claim a new identity. To that end, it was necessary to form a separate The style of life of the leaders tends to be Westernized, and their
endogamous unit. Having hypergamous relations with the parent associates and friends are not restricted by caste and regional
caste was only the second best solution. Even apart from marriage a considerations. Political leaders, however, have to maintain their links
mobile family or section had to become a caste, for only then could with their castes and regions if they wish to stay in power, whereas
its relations with other castes be defined. members of the professional elites need not.
The new oppormnities created by the British rule resulted in greater
spatial mobility and increased economic disparity among the members
of the same local caste group. These two effects became heightened Edmund Leach recently stated that 'wherever caste groups are seen
as the Indian economy developed and political power was gradually to be acting as corporations in competition against like groups of
transferred to the people from the rulers. An important feature of dflerent caste, then they are acting in defiance of caste principles'
social mobility in modern India is the manner in which the successful (1960: 7). Again, 'People of different castes are, as it were, of different
members of the backward castes work consistently for improving species-as cat and dog. There can therefore be no possibility that
the economic and social condition of their caste fellows. This is due they should compete for merit of the same sort.' According to him,
198 Collected Essays Mobility in t h e Caste System 199
in a caste system as distinct from class, only the dominant castes, power to benefit caste fellows. This tendency has become stronger in
who are always numerically in a majority, compete for the services independent India, where every adult has a vote, and the govelnment
of individual members of the lower castes (ibid.: 6). There is also pursues the policy of providing special facilities and concessions to
competition between members of different grades of the same caste: backward castes to enable them to catch up with the advanced castes
'the grades would not exist unless their members were constantly in in education and economic position. Numbers mean strength, and
competition with one against the other' (ibid.: 7). According to Leach, divisions which previously seemed important are now ignored. As
then, the position of each caste is fured, while thegrades within each Beteille has pointed out, 'Competition for power and office requires
caste are in a relation of competition with each other. If such a certain aggregation of segments.The thousands oiminimal segments
competition results in mobility, the position of the mobile grade in a given region cannot compete individuallyin the struggle for power.
ought not to be higher than that of the caste ofwhich it was agrade, When they come together they follow alignments inherent in the
fol- that might result in competition between different castes. traditional structure of caste. That is why the larger segments which
1 have tried to show earlier that the traditional or pre-British compete for power today regard themselves as castes or jatis and are
political and economic systems favoured the mobility of particular so regarded by others' (1964: 134). However, the political need for
castes, especiallythe dominant Peasant castes. Several of them claimed, aggregation is so great that sometimes distinct caste groups occupying
some successfully, to be Kshatriyas. Indeed, as many observers of the different positions in the regional hierarchy manage to come together.
Indian scene have noted, the Kshaniya category has been a very popular As an example, I may mention the Gujarat IZshatriya Sabha, in which
one, and all kinds of castes have claimed to be Kshatriyas. This would Rajputs are admitting the populous but low-status Kolis to the rank
run counter to Leach's statement that there can be no possibility that of Kshatriyas in order to capture power in Gujarat state. The Yadavs of
different castes 'should compete for merit of the same sort: north lndia provide an even more egregious instance of a large number
Again, it is a commonplace observation that the caste system, in of castes from different linguistic areas coming together and trying to
any given area, is not a clear-cut hierarchy with the position of each form a single caste-category in older to strengthentheir political power
caste defined precisely, but that vagueness characterizes the position (Rao 1964). It is likely, however, that aggregations attempting to span
of many castes. This is the position today, and there is no reason to great social and cultural distances are apt to be less stable than those
think that the situation was radically different in pre-British India. which only bring together the different segments of the same caste or
This lack of clarity is not accidental but an essential feature of the even structurally neighbouring castes.
system, inasmuch as it makes for the mobility of individual castes The situation may be,summarized by stating that mobility in
(Srinivas 1962). It is relevant to note here that during the uaditional medieval India was based onfission and, in modem India, onfusion.
period the ultimate authority for settling disputes with regard to the But the fusion of like units has had consequencesfor the entire system.
rank of a caste was the king, who could also, incidentally, raise or lower For instance, it contributes to the weakening of the ideas of pollution,
the rank ofcastes. All this is not consistent with a situation in which while simultaneously being a result of such weakening. The unit of
different castes are in a non-competitive relation with each other. endogamy is beginning to widen to include adjacent segments or
If Leach's 'principles' are not applicable to the caste system in grades. In other words, in the process of exploiting new opporlunities,
traditional or pre-British India, they are even less applicable to the significant changes are occurring in the caste system. This is why
situation obtaining today. In independent India competition between Bailey's fonnulation that 'Castes still exist: but they are used as building
different castes seems to be the normal situation. With the passing blocks in a different kind of system', is unsatisfactory inasmuch as it
of political power to the people, castes have become pressure groups ignores the changes which have occurred in the individual 'building
and are competing for power and for the fruits of power. blocks' (1963: 123).
Stein's characterization of mobility in modern India as 'corporate',
in distinction from medieval mobility, which was familial, is
important. While the existence of modem means of com~nunication
facilitates 'corporate mobility', the motive force for corporateness
comes horn the prospect of obtaining political power and using thai

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