RETHINKING ON SLUM

REDEVELOPEMENT DESIGNS
DISSERTATION

SHONIKA MUGI R
ACI5UAR092
CONTENT

- INTRODUCTION
- AIM
- OBJECTIVES
- SCOPE
- METHODOLOGY
- WHAT ARE SLUMS?
- HOW ARE SLUMS FORMED?
RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION
URBANISATION
COLONISATION AND SEGREGATION
POVERTY
POLITICS
INFORMAL ECONOMY
NATURAL DISASTERS
GOVERNANCE
- PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPACT OF SLUM ON AN INDIVIDUAL
- WHAT CAN BE DONE TO PREVENT THE DEVELOPEMENT OF
SLUMS?
- WHAT DO WE MEAN BY LAND ROGHTS OR SECURE TENURE?
- WHAT IS SLUM UPGRADING?
- TOWARDS AN URBAN WORLD UPGRADE BEFORE
REDEVEOPEMENT
- UPGRADE AS A SUPPORT FOR FUTURE MEGA-CITY
- WHY IS SLUM UPGRADING IMPORTANT?
- SLUM UPGRADING BENEFITS A CITY BY
FOSTERING INCLUSION
PROMOTING ECONOMIC DEVELOPEMENT
ADDRESSING OVERALL CITY ISSUES
IMPROVING QUALITY OF LIFE
PROVIDING SHELTER FOR THE POOR
IN-SITU SLUM UPGRDING
- ROLE OF TAMILNADU SLUM CLEARENCE BOARD
- OBJECTIVES OF TNSCB
- PROGRAMMES IMPLEMENTED BY TNSCB
SLUM CLEARANCE PROGRAMME
ENVIRONMENTAL IMPROVEMENT OF URBAN AREAS
FLOOD ALLEVATION PROGRAMME
TAMIL NADU SPECIAL WELFARE FUND- CONSTRUCTION
OF TENEMENTS
- PROBLEMS FACED BY THE SETTLERS AT THE RESETTLEMENT
COLONIES
- PROBLEMS IN ACCESS TO THE INFRASTRUCTURE FACILITIES
AND SERVICES AT THE RESETTLEMENT COLONIES
PROBLEMS FACED BY THE RE-SETTLERS ON THE DAY OF
EVICTION
REASON FOR EVICTION
- CASE STUDIES
- SETTELEMENT IN BIDADA VILLAGE, KUTCH (WESTERN INDIA)
- KHICHIRIPUR SLUMS, DELHI
- RESHMA CAMP, DELHI
- WHY DO THE GOVERNMENT POLICIES FAIL
- DEVELOPEMENT PERSPECTIVE ON SLUMS
- DISTINCTIVE APPROACHES TO TACKLE THE PROBLEMS OF
SLUMS
PUNITIVE ACTION
PREVENTIVE ACTION
CURATIVE ACTION
- PAST AND PRESENT APPROACHES TO SLUMS AT NATIONAL
AND INTERNATIONAL LEVEL
NEGLIGENCE
EVICTION
ENABLING POLICIES
RESETTLEMENT
- UNRECOGNIZED SLUMS - AN OVERVIEW
- ANALYSIS FOR BETTER SLUM POLICIES
- COMPARITIVE ANALYSIS OF LIVING CONDITIONS OF SLUM
DWELLERS AFTER THE POLICY INTERVENTIONS
- BETTER STRATEGIES TO ERADICATE SLUMS
- CONCEPTS TAKING FROM INFORMAL SETTELEMENTS TO
CREATE AN ALTERNATIVE SOLUTION
RETHINKING ON SLUM
REDEVELOPEMENT DESIGNS
ABSTRACT:
Cities are supposed to be places of opportunity for their residents,
including the poorest. But flawed policies and poor implementation have
made it difficult for low-income city residents to access basic services,
practice their livelihoods, and invest in their homes and families. Existing
government spending on slums has focused on building large-scale
resettlement colonies on the outskirts of the city, to the exclusion of in-situ
rehabilitation.
This study is focused on understanding policies towards slums in the city
and the history of their implementation, and understanding and measuring
access to services in slums and informal settlements.

AIM:
The study is focused on
• understanding policies towards slums in the city and
• their parameters to compare the pros and cons of redevelopement
projects for better community space and developement of slums

OBJECTIVES:
The main objective of the study is
• To study the general history of settlements in slums and their
present status
• To understand the need of the slum dwellers who refuse to evict
from their place
• To analyze the policies undertaken by the government and the
reason for relocating slum dwellers to another place
• To study the lifestyle of the slum dwellers in the city

SCOPE:
• Analyzing the origin and living aspects of the slum dwellers in the
city
• Research on policies of slum clearence and reports of pros and cons
of their implementation
• Reports on successful slum redevelopement projects worldwide
• Providing better examples for slum redevelopement projects for those
lack in other projects
• Sketches and images representing the present slums in the cities
 METHODOLOGY:
BACKGROUND
- What are slums
- History of slums
- Need for slum rehabilitation
- Analyzing the present scenarios

INTENT
- Reason behind the slum issues
- Why the people slum does not vacate from their places?
- Problems faced by people in resettlement colonies
- Is the scheme effective in improving living conditions of urban poor?

RESEARCH
Case study and Documentation reports
- Study of slums in kutch, dehi, chennai, mumbai
- Study on the performence of TNSCB
(Thirunelveli)

PROCESSING RAW
- Comparitive study for indianDATA
and worldwide slums
- Policies of government for slum developement
- State of living before and after resettlement of slums
- Problems faced during eviction
- Role of architecture in slum resettelemnts and their problems

FINDINGS
- Reports on successful redevelopement projects
- Analyzing the living aspects of slum dwellers

INSIGHTS
- Creating better community space for slum dwellers by sustainability or affordability
WHAT ARE SLUMS?
The word “slum” is often used to describe informal settlements within cities
that have inadequate housing and squalid, miserable living conditions. They are
often overcrowded, with many people crammed into very small living spaces.
These settlements lack basic municipal services such as water, sanitation,
waste collection, storm drainage, street lighting, paved sidewalks and roads for
emergency access. Most also do not have easy access to schools, hospitals or
public places for the community to gather. Many slums have been unserviced and
unrecognised for long periods, over 20 years in some cities.
Like all informal settlements, housing in slums is built on land that the
occupant does not have a legal claim to and without any urban planning or
adherence to zoning regulations. In addition, slums are often areas where many
social indicators are on a downward slide; for example, crime and unemployment
are on the rise.
All slums are not the same, and some provide better living conditions than
others. Likewise, slum dwellers are not a homogeneous population, but a diverse
group of people with different interests, means and backgrounds.
Slums are also a significant economic force. In many cities, as much as 60
percent of employment is in the informal sector of the urban population.
Today, more than one billion people in the world live in slums. In the
developing world, one out of every three people living in cities lives in a slum.
UN-HABITAT defines a slum household as a group of individuals living
under the same roof in an urban area who lack one or more of the following:
• Durable housing of a permanent nature that protects against extreme climate
conditions.
• Sufficient living space, which means not more than three people sharing the
same room.
• Easy access to safe water in sufficient amounts at an affordable price.
• Access to adequate sanitation in the form of a private or public toilet shared by
a reasonable number of people.
• Security of tenure that prevents forced evictions

HOW ARE SLUMS FORMED?

Slums form and grow in many different parts of the world for many different
reasons. Some causes include rapid rural-to-urban migration, high unemployment,
poverty, informal economy, poor planning, politics, natural disasters, economic
stagnation and depression and social conflicts. Strategies tried to reduce and
transform slums in different countries, with varying degrees of success, include a
combination of slum removal, slum relocation, slum upgrading, urban planning
with city wide infrastructure development, and public housing project (Luhar,
2014).
 In most cases, urbanisation is closely linked to sustained economic growth, as
nations’ share of GDP and employment moves from agriculture to industry and
services, sectors that benefit from agglomeration in urban centres. In countries
where most of the population is rural, agricultural production systems are
increasingly based around large-scale, mechanised farming, and inadequate access
to credit and technology put a strain on the capacity of smallholders to adapt to
droughts and climate variability. Rural–urban migration is the result of these
transformations, and a critical component of urbanisation (Cecilia Tacoli, 2014)
There are various causes for the creation and expansion of the slum; some of
the causes are as follows-

Rural-urban migration:
There has been a decline of over 30 % in the proportion of people working in
agriculture over the last 50 years, while global population has increased by 250%.
The major reason for the growth and creation of slums is rural-urban migration.
Diverse income opportunities and better education to their child attracts people to
the urban areas. However most of the time migrants are unable to get job
immediately which leads to their financial shortage. On the other hand many cities
fail in providing affordable housing to the large number or rural migrants and
finally they settle for slums.

Urbanization:
It is closely linked to the formation of slum. Rapid urbanization creates
economic growth, opportunities and creates employment, this attracts the rural
population to the cities. However as known poor urban infrastructure and
insufficient housing, the local governments are unable to manage large
population which gives rise to slum. The local government are unable to manage
the large population due to poor urban infrastructure and insufficient housing

Colonialism and Segregation:

The class division due to apartheid is an example of how colonialism
pushed an entire race in to misery and poverty. This had implications in the
economic background as well. The wounds of yesterday have healed but the scar
still remains

Poverty:
Urban poverty is also the major factor for the development of Slum. With
migration of rural poor people, poverty is also migrating to urban area. The poor
people arrives with hope, he or she normally has no access to basic amenities.
For them slums are only the options to settle themselves. Poverty is strongly
correlated to slum formation.
Politics:
Many local and national level politicians for their political interest, subverted
efforts to remove, reduce or upgrade slum into better housing options for the poor.
During the second half of the 19th century, i.e. political parties of the French relied
on votes of slum population and they are engaged in maintaining that voting bloc.
Replacement and removal of slum created a conflict of interest, and politics
prohibited efforts to remove, relocate or upgrade the slums into housing projects
that are better than the slums. Similar situations are found in the slum of Brazil,
slums of India, and slums of Kenya. Social Conflicts: Millions of Lebanese people
formed slums throughout the civil war from 1975 to 1990, likewise in recent years;
many slums have sprung around Kabul to accommodate rural Afghans escaping
Taliban violence.

Informal economy:
Development of informal economy creates employment opportunities and
attracts workers. Informal economy is that part of economy which is neither
registered as a business nor licensed.

Natural Disasters:
People migrate from the affected areas to the temporary settlements setup for
them by the authorities. Later on these areas are forgotten and overtime converts into
slum areas Land degradation has been the main factor in the migration of subsistence
farmers into the slums or shanty towns of major cities, producing desperate
populations vulnerable to disease and natural disasters and prone to participate in
crime and civil strife..such an exodus exacerbates the already dire urban problems.

Governance:
Another reason slums develop is bad governance. Governments often fail to
recognise the rights of the urban poor and incorporate them into urban planning,
thereby contributing to the growth of slums.
In addition, many countries simply cannot respond to rapid urbanisation quickly
enough. People are coming to cities far faster than the planning process can
incorporate them. Often, they find their own land and build a shack before the
government has a chance to learn of their existence.
The attitude of a government towards urbanisation is also an important component.
Some governments take a hostile approach to urbanisation. They believe that if they
provide urban services to the poor, it will attract urbanisation and cause the slums to
grow. The problem with this view is that very few people come to the city for water
or services—they come looking for work.
 In other cases, governments take more of a passive approach to urbanisation.
They either do not have the planning tools to deal with the rapid urbanisation that is
happening, or the tools in place are not sufficiently responsive to the reality on the
ground.

PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPACT OF SLUM ON AN INDIVIDUAL:

From an individual perspective, a person is affected by several factors while
residing in a congested slum environment. The person becomes a member of
growing family with increasing expenses, decreasing resources and less space for
housing. He might face a negative impact of residing in a slum, not from their
community perspective but as a result of false assessment from the outside world.
The effort by the individual to improve his conditions is jeopardized by the effect of
living in a slum due to increased frustration level, decreased ability to concentrate in
studies, drop out from schools due to poverty to sustain his family, greater health
risks of the family and expenses arising from it. The psychological frustrations, in
turn, has a bearing on behavioural responses and one’s ability to cope with the
conditions causing hyper reactive attitude. There comes the need for social inclusion
by making opportunities for people in slums. Rather than considering slums as a
separate entity, they can be physically integrated to the city by all means providing
basic infrastructure and a hygienic, healthier environment to live in.

WHAT CAN BE DONE TO PREVENT THE DEVELOPEMENT

OF NEW SLUMS?
 There are basic things a government can do to prevent new slums from
developing. One is to recognise that urbanisation is going to happen. Sometimes
governments believe that adopting alternative policies, such as focusing on rural
development, will stop urbanisation. This approach is rarely effective.
Once governments accept the reality of urban growth, the next step is to plan
for it and determine where the new residents will live. Authorities should identify
land and plan for its settlement even if money is not available for urban services.
Once people settle on that land and feel that they have a right to live there, they will
begin investing in it. Over time, the area will upgrade incrementally.
WHAT DO WE MEAN BY LAND RIGHTS OR
SECURE TENURE?
Land tenure is the right of an individual or group to occupy or use a piece
of land. It can be via ownership or lease.
Land rights is about confidence in the future. People who are safe from
eviction with a sense of long-term stability—whether they own the land or not—
are much more likely to invest in their housing or community. Over time, these
incremental improvements by residents can upgrade the entire community.
There must also be a clear legal framework behind land rights. Often, slum
dwellers face significant obstacles to owning or obtaining the rights to land. Land
markets are frequently dysfunctional, and inappropriate standards or regulations
make it nearly impossible for local authorities to find enough well-located,
serviceable and affordable land for the residents of overcrowded slum
settlements.
In addition, control of land is often connected to political patronage and
corruption, making it difficult to get clear information about land ownership,
use and availability.

WHAT IS SLUM UPGRDING?

Slum upgrading is a process through which informal areas are gradually
improved, formalised and incorporated into the city itself, through extending land,
services and citizenship to slum dwellers.It involves providing slum dwellers with
the economic, social, institutional and community services available to other
citizens. These services include legal (land tenure), physical (infrastructure),
social (crime or education, for example) or economic.
Slum upgrading is not simply about water or drainage or housing. It is about
putting into motion the economic, social, institutional and community activities
that are needed to turn around downward trends in an area. These activities should
be undertaken cooperatively among all parties involved—residents, community
groups, businesses as well as local and national authorities if applicable.
The activities tend to include the provision of basic services such as
housing, streets, footpaths, drainage, clean water, sanitation, and sewage
disposal. Often, access to education and health care are also part of upgrading.

In addition to basic services, one of the key elements of slum upgrading is

legalising or regularising properties and bringing secure land tenure to
residents.
Ultimately, upgrading efforts aim to create a dynamic in the community
where there is a sense of ownership, entitlement and inward investment in the
area.
TOWARDS AN URBAN WORLD,
UPGRADING BEFORE REDEVELOPEMENT
The majority of slums, or informal settlements are located very often in mega
cities such as shangai, mexico, rio de jeneiro or mumbai. Those mega cities have
experienced a dazzking growth and developement often synonymous with an
increasing economy and finance, involving the rise of population and the density,
but also a rise in the cost of living
Therefore, the housing issue is a problematic one which is instrinsically
linked to the evolution of those cities. Consequently, the rise of population
involves a rise in the cost of living which in turn leads to a rise in number of
slum dwellers
The redevelopement plans, that different governments have highlightened in
the last two or three decades, have been heavily based on “western approach”. It
has to be considered that these plans all involve the eventual taking over the
slums, leaving thousands of people without homes or a place of work. The
population involve the rise of the cost of living which is involving the rise of
slum-dwellers.

Indeed redevelopement is too often following the weight of speed, formal

structures and global thoughts
More than a redevelopement, it is an upgrade which should become the
first step of intervention in the slums and informal settlements. An upgrade
which involves taking the qualities, both spatial and social, of such places and
improving the way of living, providing better comfort and a suastainable
organisation with the aim of keeping the strength and the nature of those areas.
 For political and economic reasons, mega-cities need to be attractive and
to answer to the standards which show them as flourishing, growing, dynamic,
modern, fluid, and technological.
 With the speed and the growth of these cities, informal settlements are
often either swallowed by the city, without integration or “spit out” at the
borders, waiting for the next expansion to be either swallowed or pushed away
again.
“Slum rehabilitation projects instead of slum upgrading are
anonymous high-rise structures instead of houses of the poor. The
ultimate aim for the slum redevelopement schemes is undeniably the
ensure of slums but stacking people in high rise garden city and thus
banishing poverty, at least from sight”

Quote taken from the book “Reclaiming (the urbanism of) Mumbai”,
by kelly shannon and janina gosseye,2009.
 Those plans which attempt to engulf slum are usually transforming a very
informal typology into an “ultra-formal” and westernised one, involving the
loss of the human scale and the loss of identity of those places built by the
residents themselves.
For example, in a slum like Dharavi, a slum of enterprise located in the
heart of mumbai, building a tower, even one with bigger dwellings, a safer
structure, more comfort and better sanitation will actually deprive its residents
of theor livelihood, of the social network they created and the rhythm of life
they follow, which represents the specificity, the essence of this place

UPGRADE AS A SUPPORT FOR FUTURE MEGA CITY:

However, with the strategy of upgading before redeveloping, it appears
possible to integrate the informal settlements in the city of tomorrow. Keeping
and improving the qualities specific to those zones, architects and urban
planners will have an effect on what is supposed to carry and support the
moving city, the dynamic and growing city
Finally, it is may be the role of architecture: offering living spaces to the
people and reinforcing the link between those people and the city
WHY IS SLUM UPGRADING IMPORTANT?
The main reason for slum upgrading is that people have a fundamental right to
live with basic dignity and in decent conditions.
On another level, it is in a city’s best interest to upgrade slums and prevent the
formation of new slums. If slums are allowed to deteriorate, governments can lose
control of the populace and slums become areas of crime and disease that impact the
whole city.

SLUM UPGRADING BENEFITS A CITY BY:

Fostering inclusion:
Slum upgrading addresses serious problems affecting slum residents, including
illegality, exclusion, precariousness and barriers to services, credit, land, and social
protection for vulnerable populations such as women and children.

Promoting economic development:

Upgrading releases the vast untapped resources of slum dwellers that have skills
and a huge desire to be a more productive part of the economy, but are held back by
their status and marginality.

Addressing overall city issues:

It deals with city issues by containing environmental degradation, improving
sanitation, lowering violence and attracting investment.

Improving quality of life:

It elevates the quality of life of the upgraded communities and the city as a
whole, providing more citizenship, political voice, representation, improved living
conditions, increased safety and security.

Providing shelter for the poor:

It is the most effective way to provide shelter to the urban poor at a very large
scale and at the lowest cost.

In addition, in-situ slum upgrading is:

Affordable:
Slum upgrading costs less and is more effective than relocation to public
housing. Developing land with basic services costs even less.
Flexible:
It can be done incrementally by the city and by the residents at a pace that
is technically and financially possible for both.
Viable:
The poor can and are willing to pay for improved services and homes.

ROLE OF TAMIL NADU SLUM CLEARANCE BOARD:

The Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board was set up in 1971, with the
following objectives. The activities of the Board were initially confined to
Chennai city and subsequently extended to all the Corporations, Municipalities
and Town Panchayats in Tamil Nadu in a phased manner.

OBJECTIVES OF TNSCB:
1. To clear the slums especially those located in flood- prone and other
vulnerable areas and to resettle them in self-contained hygienic houses with
basic amenities near the urban limits. 2. To prevent private landowners from
evicting the slum dwellers from their huts and to provide security of tenure for
the latter. 3. To provide basic amenities like drinking water supply, roads,
storm water drain, one public water connection, sewerage disposal and
streetlights to all the slums.

PROGRAMMES IMPLEMENTED BY TNSCB:

Slum Clearance Programme
The Slum Clearance Programme envisages the construction of storied
tenements with adequate infrastructure like water supply, sewerage, roads and
streetlights, etc. TNSCB has been implementing this programme since inception
of the Board and so far constructed 68550 storied tenements at a cost of
Rs.259.28 crore in Chennai, Madurai, Coimbatore, Trichy, Salem, Tirunelveli,
Erode, Tuticorin, Thanjavur, Karur, Kumbakonam, Nagapattinam, Tiruppur and
Sankarankoil. The funds required for this programme are obtained from
TUFIDCO as loan assistance and will be repaid by the Government over a
period of 15 years

Environmental Improvement of Urban Areas

To make the slum areas habitable, basic amenities like water supply,
roads, street light, P.C. units etc. are provided as a short time measure in
unhygienic urban slums on "as is where is" basis at an average cost of Rs.2000/-
per family on the following standards without dislocating them.
 This programme is being implemented out of the budgetary support
provided by the Government every year a) One public water connection
unit for 20 families b) One Pre-School unit for 100 families c)
Roads, storm water drains, tree planting etc. d) One street light at 40 meter
interval

Flood Alleviation Programme:

Construction of Houses for the Slum Families who were affected by floods.
Under flood alleviation programme, TNSCB has programmed to construct 2688
houses at a cost of Rs.23,87 crore at Okkium Thuraipakkam (new Chennai), to
resettle the slum families living on the river margin and posing hindrance to the
desilting operations. TNSCB has completed construction of 2296 houses at a
cost of Rs.20.37 crore.

Tamil Nadu Special Welfare Fund-Construction of Tenements:

The Government has provided grant assistance under Tamil Nadu Special
Welfare Fund to TNSCB every year since 1994-95 for the construction of
tenements to the slum families. Under this programme, Rs.270.90 lakhs have
been received as grant from the Government and TNSCB has so far constructed
295 tenements in Chennai city at a cost of Rs.263.80 lakhs.

PROBLEMS FACED BY THE SETTLERS AT THE

RESETTLEMENT COLONIES:
Attempts were made in this chapter to highlight the problems faced by
the re settlers at the resettlement colonies. This is with the reference to the
factors such as clean environment, water supply. Transport and postal
communication and public distribution system. Discussions were held to
ascertain the problem of children's education, morbidity and mortality,
psychological marginalization and social dis articulation due to resettlement.
PROBLEMS IN ACCESS TO THE INFRASTRUCTURE
FACILITIES AND SERVICES AT THE RESETTLEMENT
COLONIES:
Problems faced by the re-settlers on the day of shifting:
The process of shifting the families from their old slum settlements to new
resettlement colonies was a memorable experience for community development
workers. Despite precautions and planning, certain amounts of difficulties were
foreseen. Sympathetic administrators, committed Community Development
workers, and devoted NGOs made the process of shifting without tears and
problems through their power of persuasion and reasoning.
Reasons for eviction:
The evictions of the slum dwellers have been effected for the variety of
reasons. Some of these may be unpalatable to the affected families. Some may not
be to the Uking of vested interest and political groups who were benefited by the
continued existence of slums in congested areas. The reasons for the displacement
of slums are as follows. The hutments on the river bank embankments faced
the danger of periodical flood, those on the railway embankments and expanding
traffic rules with increasing transportation, congested areas located in the midst of
overpopulated and non town planning localities, places where infrastructure
facilities such as drinking water, drainage and electricity can no longer have been
extended, areas prone for inundation and frequent out break of fire accidents.
The discussions with the officials of TNSCB and the resettlers revealed that the
people have been shifted to Velachery from Adayar river bank were the victims of
natural calamities like frequent floods (7.7 per cent) and the others (92.3 per cent)
were shifted due the lands occupied by them was taken for development purpose.
The Buckingham Canal Bank settlers have been shifted due to the introduction of
Mass Rapid Transit System (MRTS) along the canal.

The people who have been shifted from Kodampakkam road,

Nelsonmanickam road, Layola college road and Foreshore Estate road to Velachery
due to the widening of the existing roads besides the difficulties of suffering from
traffic accidents and increased road traffic.
Similarly people who lived along the railway line near Chetput railway
station and Basin bridge railway station to Kodunkaiyur resettlement colony and
Poja Raja nagar slum to Korrukkupet resettlement colony and Ennore V.O.C. Nagar
Slum located nearer to the Ennore railway station to Ennore resettlement colony
respectively had been shifted due to the expansion of railway tracks and increased
train traffic.
CASE STUDY AREA : SETTLEMENT IN BIDADA
VILLAGE,KUTCH (WESTERN INDIA)

LOCATION Bidada village lies at the western most tip of India. It is

situated in the southern coastal part of Kutch.

CLIMATE Kutch has a tropical monsoon climate with high average

annual rainfall. The daily temperature variation is quite wide due to the presence
of a vast desert. The central, western and southern coastal areas have hot and
humid climate due to the proximity to the Arabian sea. The air is salty and the
soil thick with salt. It is not suitable for cultivation.

SOCIETY The village has about 500-550 houses and people are of
various caste and communities like Harijans, Muslims, Brahmins and Darbari.
The major population is of Hindus, Jains and Muslims. People of same
communities stay together forming different zones of the village. The Harijans
and Muslims being non-vegetarians, have their houses in the wind direction
away from the village so that odours emanating from flesh and meat
preparations can be avoided by the rest of the village. (Udamale 2003)

SPATIAL ARRANGEMENT OF SETTLEMENT

Spatial pattern is that of long row type houses with narrow street network
and dense population. The traditional settlement pattern responds to the hot and
humid conditions very well (Udamale 2003).The narrow streets, common wall
structures form a dense urban fabric that breathes through the smaller indoor
open spaces like courtyards. The ratio of area of private territory to that of
public territory is quite high. The close packing of dwellings reduces the
external surfaces exposed to sun and results in maximum shading of private and
open public spaces. The overall urban form is very compact with a combination
of few flat and a mostly sloping roof forms.
SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION
It is observed that the housing typology differs in the spatial pattern. The socio
cultural attitudes and other factors defining the social grouping gets translated into the
spatial pattern with changing position of kitchen, definition of public and private
spaces, use of courtyard, open to built relationship (Udamale 2003).
 The courtyard is used very effectively for various purposes such as defining
privacy, to get light into the building, to link various public and private zones in
the house. It majorly helps in negotiating the climate. It cools down the dwelling
in the night by releasing the heat and allows the heat to penetrate during the
winter.
1. The main village or chowk is largest in size, from which main streets
radiate.
2. At the junction of major arterial streets, main street intersection chowks
are formed.
3. At the intersection of secondary streets, neighbourhood spaces are formed.
4. Narrow streets terminate in formation of space around 5-6 houses which
are door fronts or aangan.

Figure 2 The spatial pattern of Bidada village Figure 3 Road network showing the growth of
settlement.

SETTLEMENT GROWTH PATTERN

Village settlement seems to grow in an organic manner, but it has a highly
sophisticated rule system which guides its growth. These rules are determined by
matters of privacy as they have adjacent roofs, windows and doors. They provide
frameworks within which people can live together within close proximity. Streets are
like water stream lines flowing smoothly in various directions. As they go ahead the
width length goes on decreasing forming alleys in the village interiors.
They behave like channels of wind through the village, and are all aligned
along the south west direction. They are cooled by the shadows of the street walls,
creating a micro climate of the village. They are formed by staggering houses by few
feet; width of a narrow street varies from 8‟ to 18‟, with houses having a frontage of
10‟ to 15‟ width. (Udamale, 2003).
Figure 4 A typical plan and section of the Bidada settlement

A typical feature is that the entry to a dwelling is faced by a courtyard across

the street. (Udamale 2003) This pattern repeats alternatively, to help achieve privacy
and multidirectional flow of breeze and makes it dynamic and visually interesting.
Main entrances never face in straight line, avoiding direct sight in the house.

ELEMENTS EVOLVED AS RESPONSE TO THE CLIMATE-

Passive-cooling techniques used in the hot and humid region aims at
increasing the air flow and reducing the heat gain. Due to water scarcity
the evaporative cooling becomes very difficult.

Common walls-
The high density of the urban form facilitates mutual shading keeping the
vertical surfaces in shade throughout the long, hot days of summer except for the
time when the sun is at the zenith.

Thick external walls-

All the external walls are very thick working on the principle of thermal
mass where the thickness of the brick wall delays the heat gain and works as
thermal battery during the cold and dry winters.

Courtyard-
The central square courtyard with high height to width ratio works in a
typical manner. During the summer time throughout the hot summer day it is a
shaded and in combination with the thick external walls delaying the heat gain
keeps the interior cool. During the night the same courtyard becomes a heat sink
and by natural convective cooling allows the hot air to be released outside.
Small wedge shaped opening on the outer walls-
Due to the typical shape of this opening, pressure difference is created and
airflow is generated. This in combination with the courtyard generates convective
cooling during the during the summer night. The angle of the opening is developed
considering the sun angle during the winter.

CASE STUDY AREA – KHICHRIPUR SLUMS, DELHI.

LOCATION Khichripur squatter settlement is located in East of Delhi. It is in
the walking range of the Ghazipur dairy farm and occupies an unobtrusive plot of
land. The area is bounded by a slum resettlement colony of kalyanvas and Ghazipur
drain.

BUILDING PROCESS The beginning of acquisition of land on which to

build was the primary determinant of the housing pattern in this squatter settlement.
The organization of living and working activities within the combination of culture
rooted behavioural characteristics and resource limitations have furthered contributed
to its growth.

SETTLEMENT PATTERN
The settlement is very compact in nature and has the maximum amount of built
up area possible. It has a very high population density and the ratio of area of private
territory is much higher than the public. Dwellings are very closely packed and most
of them share the common walls. Settlement is developed around a great variety of
open spaces that include small, irregular squares and open areas in between units. As
much as public spaces for social interaction, streets and paths in informal settlements
also follow a hierarchy of different widths, finishes and public importance .Narrow
streets and paths that might not provide access to cars are land-efficient and also serve
for the ventilation and lighting of the units. In many cases, narrow alleys also
permit to have double access to the units, which is particularly useful for units that
combine residence and income generation activities or for units that house shops.

PUBLIC REALM The public or semi-public spaces play a fundamental role

in community building and in social interactions between residents. Therefore the
settlement is punctuated by a series of open spaces. Each cluster of unit is woven
around an open area(featured by a tree, a water tank or a shaded area). These open
areas vary in importance and functionality providing multiplicity of interactions
between dwellers.
Figure 5 The densely organised pattern of kichripur slum, Delhi

SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION In its simplest form, a dwelling unit contains

a single space which houses all sorts of activities. The number of rooms is obviously
a function of the wellbeing of inhabitants. They usually use simple space
organizations. The dwelling units which contain up to 3 spaces have very simple
layout organizations. The rooms are not specialized for certain activities in this phase
and have multifunctional use with minimum furnishings. The toilets are generally
located in a corner.

AESTHETIC NEEDS This slum is a tangible proof of the importance that

dwellers attach to the aesthetic appearance of their homes. The use of vibrant colors,
façade decoration, and careful choice of textures demonstrate that not everything
here is about lack of choices. Even in cases where the exterior facades of informal
housing seem „unfinished and dilapidated‟ (by formal standards), the interior of
informal units frequently demonstrates the particular care put into to have a very tidy
assembly of their paraphernalia.

EXPANDABILITY
Instead of setting up complex space organizations, users preferred simple groupings
of spaces for their changing requirements. Adding an individual unit or a group of
spaces to the existing layout demonstrates the feature of expandability of the dwellings
in. Dwellings have grown over time following the availability of resources and the
family needs. The original core and later additions and modifications tend to merge
into a unified unit.

MATERIAL The use of light materials (timber and corrugated iron sheets) and
recycled components plays a fundamental role in the flexibility of the units. The
recycling of materials and available building construction waste is one of the most
efficient strategies adopted by the squatter settlement. It is therefore not rare to find an
aluminum window, a ceramic toilet or a stone kitchen counter in a dwelling.
CASE STUDY AREA – RESHMA CAMP, DELHI.
LOCATION

Reshma camp is located in West Delhi. Its about one kilometre away from the
kirti nagar metro station. The residents occupied the land owned by the railways to
build the slum. The slum is built over an area which was elevated overtime due to
dumping and settling of waste.

BUILDING PROCESS
The site chosen for the construction of the slum is a very strategically apt one in
the sense that the settlers understood the importance of having a natural slop for the
flow of sewage and waste water etc..there are narrow lanes dug in the earth to allow
the flow of water and the houses on the edges of the elevated land has pvc pipes
hanging from the floor level draining out water to the outside. The materials used for
construction are bamboo for structure support tin, wooden boards and plys for
panelling metal sheets or plastic sheets for roof. In some parts the walls were covered
with mud also.

SETTLEMENT PATTERN
The settlement has a linearity in the arrangement of households. It followed a
certain compact grid patter with alleys of one metre width. Each squatter is about 3
metres wide and 2.4metres high. There were no double storied building since most
of the structure was built on bamboo supports., however there were some houses
which had brick walls (building waste) though even they had only one floor each.
SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION
A dwelling unit contains only a single space which houses all sorts of
activities. The rooms may or may not be partitioned according to the number of
people in a single shelter and different activities. The single room houses the
kitchen and a space for sleeping. The rooms are not specialized for certain
activities in this phase and have multifunctional use with minimum furnishings.
The toilets are generally located in a corner or on the sides depending on the width
of the rooms. Though public toilets are provided in the periphery of the slums,
these are not sufficient and people resort to defecating in the open. Men usually
take bath in the open space outside the house.
EXPANDABILITY
The scope for expanding is very limited as the settlement itself is built on settled
waste and the material used are bamboo and metal sheets which do not allow
vertical expansion which is the only expansion possible due to constraints in space
due to the density of the settlement.

MATERIAL Bamboo and metal sheets are the common materials used in the
slum. Some houses have used bricks(building waste) as well. But the spatial
organisation remains the same.

CASE STUDY AREA – KAMLA NEHRU CAMP, DELHI.

LOCATION

Kamla Nehru camp is located in West Delhi. Its about one kilometre away from
the Kirti Nagar metro station. An alley from the Kirti Nagar road towards the eastern
direction behind the furniture market leads to this slum.

BUILDING PROCESS The slum has come up on either side of a road

parallely. Some of the houses facing the road has commercial space in the ground
level and living space on the upper level. The upper level is mostly accessed using an
external staircase. The alleys in between the houses are so small thet hardly two
people can walk side by side

SETTLEMENT PATTERN The settlement came upon either side of the

lane stretching from Kirti Nagar road to the railway lines. It’s linearly arranged with
roads on either side of the settlement. Effectively the settlement forms two strips of
squatter’s on either side of the lane.
SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION Almost all the houses had two floors.the floor
below was used for commercial activites and also had a space for kitchen whereas the
second floor had living spaces.the second floor is accessed using external staircase
which almost inclines like a ladder.the staircases were mostly metal pipes and
sections.the houses were built using reused bricks(building waste and also were
painted in bright colours.the dense packing of houses prevented light from entering
into the insides of the houses located in the middle.this helps to keep the house cool
during winters as light does not penetrate inside and people usually spent most of the
time outside. There were public toilets in the perimeters of the slum area. There were
water connections at few junctions from where people could collect water. Electronic
items like tv.vcd etc.. .were also very common.

EXPANDABILITY
On the unit scale only vertical expansion is possible, which has almost
expanded to the maximum limit possible as almost all the houses already have two
floors. In the settlement scale there’s further land on either side of the existing slum
as you reach the railway lines from the main road side. But one side of the
settlement is now used to dump waste.

Figure 11 A typical elevation of Kamla Nehru Camp

MATERIAL Since Kirti Nagar is a market for wooden furniture’s, there are
a lot of workshops which work with wood. Waste from this workshops are used
widely for different parts of the squatters for example for supporting the roof , for
making windows. In some cases furniture’s and also some commercial spaces are
completely made of wooden piece s as well.The main building block of the
settlement is however bricks. Bricks available from the building waste have been
widely used for the construction of shelters. Metal sheets are used for roofs which
are supported by wooden pieces.
WHY DO THE GOVERNMENT POLICIES FAIL? A secure
place to live, access to basic amenities such a s water , sanitation, health care,
electricity and the right to undertake livelihood are the crucial safety networks for
the urban poor. Often the government policies fail to address the actual needs of the
slum dwellers. All the policies focus only on infrastructural part of the development
whereas the actual policy should reflect a scheme which can pave way to empower
the slum dwellers an inclusive manner. The focus should be on improving the living
conditions. Providing infrastructural support alone does not make things any better.
Governments have tried and built various project for the development of slums and
it works well in the beginning stages of implementation, but later on when the
dwellers run out of resources to maintain the building the living conditions are no
better than before. Relocating them and building new infrastructure for them is not
the solution to this issue. The idea of creating better living conditions for them
is based on the understanding the current living conditions, not just physically but
emotionally as well.(Motasim, 2010), “Their naked dinginess is often alien and
unattractive while the honestly poor shack is often personal and warm” (Turner,
1977) Government policies often fail to address the changing needs and
behavioral patterns of the family. Often with the addition of new members through
marriage or birth there is a need for expansion. In fact the spontaneous growth of a
settlement is what makes the slums even more efficient than a consciously designed
settlement.

DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVE ON SLUMS

Slum redevelopment approach employed in the research is a shift towards
bridging the gap of exclusion of slum dwellers in different aspects and at different
phases of slum redevelopment programme. The beneficiaries perception,willingness
and satisfaction levels are equally weighed to formulate redevelopment strategies.
Perception of slum dwellers regarding their living environment differ variably by age,
occupation and existing living environment. A study by R.Gill suggests that most of
the residents preferred slum life in the city over rural life. They greatly valued
improving their situation and were optimistic for chances of upward social mobility.
This implies the need for social upbringing.
Slum development projects in India such as Basic Services for Urban Poor
underJNNURM has led to displacement of slum dwellers from the city center.
Suchinterventions by the government or external agencies have demonstrated
toworsen the lives and livelihood of people. The displacement of these eligiblegroups
from the prime locations of the city to the periphery areas, raisesquestions of social
justice and equity (Patel,Sejal,2014).
 A few attain better living conditions whereas majority suffer due to additional
financial responsibilities.
Another criticism on slum rehabilitation schemes is that it promotes high
risebuildings and these are more expensive to construct and maintain. They mayalso
be ill suited to the lifestyles of urban poor engaged in informal economy.
People eventually vacate these high rise settlements because of their inability tospent
savings for future maintenance and also, due to increased travel expensesto access the
city.
Our understanding of slum dwellers’ willingness and choices differ variably
from what reality is. Their preferences may vary from one person to the other and it is
difficult to stick to a uniform mindset while planning for a redevelopment project.
Slum dwellers prefer low rise developments and daily activity areas as
community spaces to interact with. Since they are adopted to such sociocultural
environment, any developmental effort that makes changes in their interactive
environment could be discarded by them.
Management of urban environment through redevelopment of slums can be
seen as an alternative with integrated,inclusive and participatory approach that needs
understanding of the capabilities,choices and willingness of slum dwellers.
Socially, cities should be “cities for all‟ with strong programmes for social
inclusion.
Hence, there is a need to promote socio-architectural approach in designing that
understands inter-relationship between the individuals and their physical setting to
meet the needs of the community
DISTINCTIVE APPROACHES TO TACKLE THE PROBLEM OF
SLUMS:
There are three distinctive approaches to tackle the problem of slums seen till
recent :

Punitive actions:
It involves evicion of slum dwellers often forcefully and relocation within city on
another site. It is mainly focused on demolishing the informal settlements and clearing
the land without any substitute for inhabitants.Shady part of it is that these projects
directly benefit the developers excluding the poor from developmental opportunities.
Such a displacement of the people in slums to another site elsewhere can cause
fragmentation of the community. Their approach of collective action and mutual help
gets disrupted thus reducing the social cohesion that existed earlier within the
community
Preventive actions:
Preventive or proactive measures provide opportunities to urban poor and enable
them to find affordable housing solutions rather than being pushed to settle in slums.
It is comparatively more effective and easier to implement than conventional
measures. Unfortunately, Indian planning practices have missed such proactive
approach
Curative actions:
Adaptive or curative approach involves upgrading the level of physical, social
and economic urban services and tenure security in slums.These services have a
positive impact on health and environment. It was during 1970‟s that slums came to
be viewed as “housing solutions”. Legislation and policies have been developed to
provide civic amenities in slums. It began to be recognized that when slums were to
be demolished, some form of resettlemen twas needed. This demarcated a clear shift
from clearance to more supportive policies for slums.Redeveloping the present slum
environment is the combined impact of all the factors that affect the well being of
slum dwellers.
General understanding of these factors affecting the environment includes
housing, sanitation services, watersupply etc. As supported by Shelter Associates on a
study conducted by Pune based NGO’s, ”improving the sanitation facilities and
services in slums will not only improve health conditions but will also be an entry
point for other interventions that will lead to the overall enhancement in quality of
life.” Except for the fact that it provides a healthier environment, the chaotic slum
environment remains unchanged by improving the services alone. As the expected
output is the overall well being of slum dwellers, improving the environment they
live in isnecessary.
Contrasting the previous statement, it is given that, “If Indian urban poverty in
all its dimensions were capable of being addressed by simple interventions, then there
would be no urban poverty in the world.” The researchconceptualizes environmental
planning with social inclusion of people in slums. A socially inclusive society is
defined as one where all people feel valued, theirdifferences are respected and their
basic needs are met so that they can live indignity. It ensures that the marginalized
and those living in poverty have greater participation in decision making which
affects their lives, allowing them to improve their living standards and overall well
being.
The main reason why slums remain isolated from urban society is due to
poverty. It contributes to social exclusion. Baum’s study proves that the level of
participation in social and civic activities were significantly influenced by socio-
economic status with lack of involvement of people with low income and education
levels. Providing better physical environment alone makes no difference. Social
services like community interaction, activities, education and hospitality also plays
major role in upbringing these groups.
For example, Naples and Scampia had been termed as the ‘recent public city’
housing 1,00,000 people, completed after the 1980 earthquake. Both the areas were
transformed into normal city neighbourhoods. The decision to relocate large number
of residents already suffering from degrees of poverty, in a single area deprived of the
social capital near which they had resided earlier led to marginalization and
exploitation. Organized crime thrives in both quarters and opposes socio-economic
development as a threat to its power over the population.
 The ‘Sails’ or the huge twenty storied housing blocks, were soonconsidered
uninhabitable and two have already been demolished; the shared spaces are
abandoned. The two quarters, especially Scampia, are poorly linked to the rest of the
city, and the distance from the center presents a major problem for access to work,
particularly for women. (Naples case study, 2002).
This is a clear example of how housing and living conditions in public housing
projects have further worsened the lives of people through lack of appropriate
dweller control or involvement in the day-to-day management and maintenance of
either individual dwelling units or the housing estates as a whole, including their
public infrastructure. Often, this has also been accompanied by the omission or
breakdown of common amenities and facilities due to the shortages of resources to
address the extent of need.
In contrast to the case of Naples and Scampia, there are cases as in the favelas of
Rio de Janeiro were the slums were physically and socially integrated to the city. The
favelas were located on hilly sites in the sub urbs where public utilities were rarely
available and environmental conditions were worse. Access to the bus routes were
reasonable but the people were far from employment opportunities.
The favela movements of 1980’s helped to consolidate the settlements on the
hilly areas as they were existing and shift the policy to settlement removal to
upgrading streets and public spaces to safe and convenient environment for the
residents. Thus, a socially inclusive or an approach to consider both the individual
and his physical setting as a holisticentity in any context is necessary

PAST AND PRESENT APPROACHES TO SLUMS AT THE

NATIONAL AND LOCAL LEVELS:
Many policy approaches to slums have been attempted during the course of
the last decades. They range from passively ignoring or actively harassing men and
women who live in slums, to interventions aimed at protecting the rights of slum
dwellers and helping them to improve their incomes and living environments.
Comparative analysis of policy approaches to slums shows that, currently, cities are
still practising many of those approaches that were in use decades ago. Approaches
to slums that were employed even over 100 years ago may still be seen today.
For instance, the use of summary eviction and slum clearance in 19th-century
European cities can still be witnessed today somewhere in the world.
Frequently, policy approaches derive from the lessons learned and critical
analysis of the previous endeavours and attempts. However, clear changes in the
accepted wisdom of how best to deal with slums, and resulting changes in the
approaches used, would be difficult to see as a straightforward process of policy
evolution over time. While new policy approaches have been developed in response
to the new requirements and to overcome the deficiencies of the past, many ‘old’
approaches, or at least some of their components, continue to be used today.
 For example, educational and cultural issues were a key concern of
programmes and policies premised on the post-war ‘culture of poverty’ perspective.
Today, while this perspective is largely discredited, a focus on ‘education’ for slum
dwellers is again evident, aiming at instilling appropriate values and behaviour
modification, particularly in the context of current efforts to improve hygiene under
unsanitary conditions.30 Cultural factors are important in

Negligence
This approach predominated in most developing countries until the early
1970s. It is based on two basic assumptions: slums are illegal, and slums are an
unavoidable but temporary phenomenon (mostly linked with accelerated rural–
urban migration) that can be overcome by economic development in both urban
and rural areas.
Negation of the reality of slums in cities – and, hence, of the rights of slums
dwellers – was seen in the planning documents produced by urban central and
local government planning institutions. More often than not, slums or informal
urban settlements were not even placed on landuse maps, but were shown as blank
spots denoting undeveloped land.
Such attitudes might be deeply influenced by the post-World War II
reconstruction policy models that were heavily employed by the industrialized
countries, especially in Europe, as shown earlier. These models where based on
heavily subsidized low-cost housing programmes that, in the context of high and
steady economic growth, brought improvement of housing conditions and resulted
in elimination of urban slums. In an effort to achieve similar results, most
developing countries responded to the housing needs of the poor through the
formal provision of low-cost housing, rather than through policies of slum
upgrading or integration.
Making use of public land reserves and public subsidies, governments
embarked on massive public housing schemes targeted, in principle, on low- and
low middleincome groups, but actually allocated to the middle classes,
government employees and political clienteles. The high cost of this approach was
the main reason why the housing needs of the poor have not been met. In many
countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, the situation was aggravated by post
independence economic constraints and resulted in increased social inequalities
and spatial segregation in cities.

Eviction
This was a common response to the development of slums during the 1970s and
1980s, particularly in political environments predominated by centralized decision-
making, weak local governance and administration, non-democratic urban
management, non-recognition of civil society movements and lack of legal protection
against forced evictions.
 When it became clear to the public authorities that economic development was
not going to integrate the slum populations, some governments opted for a repressive
option with a combination of various forms of harassment and pressure on slum
communities, leading to selective or mass eviction of slum dwellers.
Negotiations with slum dwellers (who were considered to be illegal squatters)
were rare. Communities living in informal settlements were rarely offered viable
alternative solutions, such as resettlement, and, more often than not, no compensation
whatsoever was paid to evicted households. Evictions were usually justified by the
implementation of urban renewal projects (especially during the redevelopment of city
centres) and by the construction of urban infrastructures or for health, sanitary and
security reasons. The highest pressure was therefore exerted on inner-city slum
dwellers who occupied prime locations for development with better access to
infrastructure.
This approach did not solve the problems of slums; instead, it shifted them to the
periphery of the cities – to the rural urban fringes – where access to land was easier
and planning control non-existent. The continuing spatial growth of cities brought
about an endless cycle of new evictions and the creation of new slums at the periphery
of cities, outside of the municipal boundaries, or it accelerated the overcrowding of
dilapidated buildings within cities. Demand for land and housing from the urban poor
during the 1970s and 1980s gave rise to the rapid development of informal markets
and to the commodification of all informal housing delivery systems, including those
in squatter settlements.

Enabling policies
The progression of slum upgrading, dealing with the issues of secure titles
and economic development in slums, brought an awareness of the need to involve
slum dwellers not only in the construction processes of slum improvement, but also
in the decision-making and design processes that establish priorities for action and
support for implementation. Thus, from the mid 1980s to a culmination in The
Habitat Agenda of 1996, the ‘enabling approach’ was developed to coordinate
community mobilization and organization, and to make the argument for state
withdrawal from the delivery of housing goods and services in favour of providing
support for local determination and action. Enabling policies are based on the
principles of subsidiarity and they recognize that, to be efficient, decisions
concerning the investment of resources in domestic economic, social and physical
development have to be taken at the lowest effective level.
For the majority of activities in connection with the improvement of slums,
the lowest effective level is that of the community and the neighbourhood. However,
it is recognized that for decisions to be rationally and responsibly made at this level,
many communities need support in the form of training, organizational assistance,
financial help and managerial advice.
 The governance role, whether through local government or agencies of the
central administration, is to ensure that such supports are provided. In cases such as
the Sri Lanka Million Houses Programme during the 1980s, the government itself
provided these supports. In many other situations, they fall to civil society
organizations and NGOs.
The politics of devolution, decentralization and deregulation that is
associated with such approaches is complex. The mechanisms for implementing such
politics undermine many of the principles and practices upon which local
bureaucracies are built. Furthermore, as will be discussed in the next chapter,
communities are complex and rarely united. Thus, while there are many examples of
effective and successful enabling strategies, the process is not easy.

Resettlement
Resettlement has been associated with virtually all types of approaches to
slums. It embraces a wide range of strategies, though all are based on perceptions of
enhancing the use of the land and property upon which slums are located or housed.
At best, relocation is undertaken with the agreement and cooperation of the slum
households involved, such as the resettlement of squatters on railway land in
Mumbai, India, in conjunction with an NGO (Society for the Protection of Area
Resource Centres, SPARC), the Railway Slum Dwellers Federation, Indian Railways
and the World Bank, or the resettlement of squatters from Brasilia in Samambaia,
Brazil, described in Box 7.6. At worst, resettlement is little better than forced
eviction with no attempt at consultation or consideration of the social and economic
consequences of moving people to distant, often peripheral, sites with no access to
urban infrastructure, services or transport.
Despite and, in some cases, because of these approaches, except in those
countries that have benefited from a high rate of economic development (mainly in
Southeast Asia), the housing conditions of the poor have not improved significantly.
In most cities, the numbers of urban dwellers living in slums remains stable or is
increasing, except in countries that combine large-scale slum upgrading and tenure
regularization programmes with the production of serviced sites and low-cost
housing programmes.
However, this full range of approaches to slums continues to be used in
different contexts today, including less enlightened approaches, such as neglect or
summary eviction. It can, nonetheless, be argued that there has been an evolution of
policy approaches to slums. Broadly, there has been a recognition that effective
approaches must go beyond addressing the specific problems of slums – whether
they are inadequate housing, infrastructure or services – and must deal with the
underlying causes of urban poverty. Some of the recent developments in policy
approaches to slums, and the context in which these new approaches operate, will be
examined in the following sections.
UNRECOGNISED SLUMS- an overview:
Despite hundreds of slums cropping up in the city, not a single slum has been
officially recognised since 1985 by the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board, said a
report released by Information and Resource Centre for the Deprived Urban
Communities (IRCDUC).
After the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Act of 1971 was passed, around 1,202
slums in Chennai were recognised, and 17 more were added to the list in 1985.
Most of the slums were improved in situ, either by building tenements or by
providing basic services, as mandated in the Act.
However, not a single new slum has been officially recognised in the city
since then. Experts claim that instead of providing decent housing, slum dwellers
are being relocated to Perumbakkam, Ezhil Nagar and faraway places, where they
end up losing their livelihood.
Based on an analysis of the information available in the Slum Free Plan of
Action of various districts in Tamil Nadu, the report revealed that many still
remain non-notified across the State. No slum is notified under the Rajiv Awas
Yojana in the Salem district. Out of the 100 slums surveyed in Thoothukudi, 87
remain non-notified.
An all-India survey conducted in 2012 by the National Sample Survey
Office, stated that there were 2,364 slums with 5,88,611 households in urban
areas of the State, out of which notified slums were 1,156 comprising of
2,45,089 households, constituting 49 per cent of the total slums.
About 51 per cent of slum dwellers in the city, according to the report,
belonged to Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The State doesnot provide them a
house near their place of livelihood and who is the beneficiary of the land, once
they are evicted.Most of these people are underprivileged and marginalised; they
must be helped, not thrown out.
The effects of poverty related to the growth of slums span everything from
poor health to education.
As informal (and often illegal) housing, slums are often defined by:

• Unsafe and/or unhealthy homes (e.g. lack of windows, dirt floor, leaky walls
and roofs)
• Overcrowded homes
• Limited or no access to basic services: water, toilets, electricity,
transportation
• Unstable homes: weak structures are often blown away or destroyed during
storms and earthquakes
• No secure land tenure (i.e. the land rights to live there).

As such families living in slums lack the crucial conditions they need to live
decently and thrive as human beings..
ANALYSIS FOR BETTER SLUM POLICIES
India’s rapid urbanisation has been proceeding apace for decades, but policy
solutions have been shots in the dark. For the thousands who come to the cities
every day, cheap housing in slums is often the springboard to better lives.
However, studies show that these migrants often get stuck in a vicious cycle of
debt and socio-economic stagnation.
First, India must get its numbers right as there are no concrete figures on
these temporary and semi-permanent settlements. Slums have a fluid definition
and legal pedanticism leads to exclusion of people. The 2011 Census estimated 65
million people in slums, a marked shortfall from the UN-HABITAT’s 2014
estimation of 104 million.
Current slum policies primarily focus on housing, relocation or in-situ
development of multi-storey complexes, which free up swathes of prime real
estate. But in doing so, they miss out on the brewing socio-economic distress in
slums. This was revealed in two projects conducted in Bengaluru and which could
apply to other Indian cities too.
A long-term, multi-institutional survey by researchers from the Netherlands,
the U.S. and a local NGO, Fields of View, reveals that over 70% of families in
slums live in debt. The difference between their monthly earnings and expenses is
less than ₹1,000 leaving them vulnerable in case of educational, vocational, social
or health emergencies. Moreover, with no access to formal financial systems, any
borrowing comes from private money lenders at high interest rates. For many,
even water and electricity are disproportionately more expensive as they are
forced to rely on the grey market rather than on formal, subsidised channels.
The cumulative effect is that residents end up staying in the same slums for
an average of 21 years, according to a seven-year exploratory study helmed by
Duke University, U.S. Seven out of 10 households have stayed in slums for at
least four generations. These families earned only marginally more than “newer”
migrants. When families did move out of their slums, it was towards “cheaper,”
worse-off slums. This is in contrast to the rapid upward mobility among other
urban sections. Disturbingly, both studies show that there is little upliftment
despite better education levels. This is perhaps due to the rapidly changing profile
of entry level jobs. Undergraduate or technical certificates can only provide low-
paying jobs. Much like their parents, the youth earn less than their more-educated
peers who don’t live in slums.
A case can be made for a nuanced slum policy, rather than a one-size-fits-
all approach. In many established slums, political patronage has produced
concrete houses, title deeds, piped water and regularised electricity. Here,
economic opportunities and employment are key. On the other end, slums
resembling tented refugee camps need housing and basic amenities. Until these
nuances are considered, ambitious but slow-to-implement housing schemes will
do little for the welfare of slum dwellers.
COMPARITIVE ANALYSIS OF LINING CONDITIONS OF SLUM
DWELLERS AFTER THE POLICY INTERVENTIONS:
MYTH
 The poor are better off in rural
areas than in slums, so their
migration to urban areas can and
should be stopped.
 Slums should be demolished to
stop their formation.
 Relocating slum residents to
housing projects on the outskirts
of the city solves the slum
“problem.”
 Apartment buildings provide a
better urban solution. Apartments
house more families on less land
so they are also cheaper.
 Valuable land in the city centre
should not be for existing slum
dwellers - it should be developed
for high-value, high-density
housing and businesses.
REALITY
 Rural to urban migration is a natural,
inevitable and irreversible process.
Many governments have tried to
slow it down, divert it or stop it – all
have failed. The rural poor move to
urban areas primarily to improve
their economic and social
opportunities. With good policies,
urban growth is essential to reducing
rural poverty.
 Slum demolitions fail. Governments
that use mass, forced evictions and
demolition only made matters worse
and, in every case, do not stop new
slums from forming.
 Resettling slum residents far from
their original homes, even if they are
to apartment blocks, is not usually
viable. The economic and social
disruption costs are too high.
 Studies demonstrate that the
residential densities of high- and mid
-rise apartments are equal to, or not
much greater than that of typical low
-income settlements.
 Slumdwellers in city centres are
typically long-time residents and,
with good policies and good
planning, can often be successfully
integrated.
 MYTH
 The poor cannot and will not
pay for housing and services.
 The poor cause slums.
 Upgrading slums will attract
more migrants and squatters;
giving slum residents secure
tenure will encourage even
more to move to cities.
REALITY
 The opposite is true. The poor
are able to, and will pay what
they can afford, if it is what
they need and if it is reliable. In
reality, when they are not
serviced by their local
government, most poor people
are exploited and are forced to
pay more and buy urban
services informally or illegally.
 Government neglect or
indifference is one of the main
reason slums are the only
options for the poor. Moreover,
policies that fix unrealistically
high development standards and
inappropriately costly building
codes also create slums.
 The poor do not move to cities
because there are programmes
to improve slums - migrants go
to cities even if they have to live
in deplorable, insecure
conditions. Moreover, natural
population growth (about 60%
on average) is the main reason
urban areas are growing,
making efforts to stem
migration irrelevant.
BETTER STRATEGIES TO ERADICATE SLUMS:
While the government has been busy building affordable housing and
promoting the concept, one cannot afford to overlook the ginormous
problem that lies ahead in form of slums. What can be done to clean up
cities while new and better homes are being built?
• It is important to change the thought process of the people
first. The urban population avoids staying in the same
compound with the under-privileged, it has been seen. Also,
slum-rehabilitation projects which have reservations for the
economic weaker section has minimal amenities and facilities
for them as compared to those offered to regular buyers. One
of the recent examples of such mindset is when the Delhi
Development Authority announced to offer vacant homes at
Rohini to slum dwellers under a rehabilitation scheme, other
residents threatened to move to the court.

• The government should consider providing a legitimate

solution to the poor. Most of the times, it is seen that the
rehabilitation takes place at a location which is far away from
the core areas and employability is zero.

• Instead of forced evictions, authorities should plan an in-situ

upgrading approach.

• Not everyone wants to live in homes which are insufficient

for family needs and just have a concrete roof over their head.

• To rehabilitate the downtrodden, the government should offer

them areas where they can stay within the community and not
in isolated projects and societies.

• Offering safe and secure land title should also be on the

consideration list of the government to ensure that the
settlement isn't disturbed in the future.
• If the existing homes are being upgraded, municipal authorities should upgrade
the provisions from time to time.

• Easy financing and loaning options at affordable interest rates for upgrading,
building and extension of the existing shelter should be made available.

INSIGHTS: CONCEPTS TAKING FROM INFORMAL

SETTLEMENTS AND MODERNIST HOUSING TO CREATE
AN ALTERNATIVE SOLUTION
INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS:
- crowded
- no light
- no ventilation
- no available space
- dynamism
- walkability
- human scale
- provide job
- cheap cost of living
- good location
- link to the street
- lack of toilet sanitation
- open sewage
- privacy issue
- flexibility

MODERNIST HOUSING DEVELOPEMENT/ HIGH

RISE BUILDINGS:
- Uniformity
- no human scale
- distance from the street
- expensive rent
- density
- open spaces
- green spaces
- technology
- space
- comfort
- link to the street
- correspond to modern criteria
- fit to government expectations
- no flexibility
- no job provided
- individualization
CONCLUTION: This report conclude that a secure place to live, access to
basic amenities such a s water , sanitation, health care, electricity and the right to
undertake livelihood are the crucial safety networks for the urban poor. Often the
government policies fail to address the actual needs of the slum dwellers. All the
policies focus only on infrastructural part of the development whereas the actual
policy should reflect a scheme which can pave way to empower the slum dwellers
an inclusive manner. The focus should be on improving the living conditions.
Providing infrastructural support alone does not make things any better.