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Auguste Comte was a French philosopher who developed the philosophy of positivism. He believed that science and history culminate in the new science of sociology. Comte had a breakdown in 1826 after only three lectures on his philosophy but was able to discipline himself and produce his major work, Course of Positive Philosophy, from 1830 to 1842. Comte viewed history as progressing through theological, metaphysical, and positive stages and sought to apply scientific methodology to understand society. Though his later attempts to establish a new religion were unsuccessful, Comte had a significant influence on the development of sociology and political philosophy.
Auguste Comte was a French philosopher who developed the philosophy of positivism. He believed that science and history culminate in the new science of sociology. Comte had a breakdown in 1826 after only three lectures on his philosophy but was able to discipline himself and produce his major work, Course of Positive Philosophy, from 1830 to 1842. Comte viewed history as progressing through theological, metaphysical, and positive stages and sought to apply scientific methodology to understand society. Though his later attempts to establish a new religion were unsuccessful, Comte had a significant influence on the development of sociology and political philosophy.
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Auguste Comte was a French philosopher who developed the philosophy of positivism. He believed that science and history culminate in the new science of sociology. Comte had a breakdown in 1826 after only three lectures on his philosophy but was able to discipline himself and produce his major work, Course of Positive Philosophy, from 1830 to 1842. Comte viewed history as progressing through theological, metaphysical, and positive stages and sought to apply scientific methodology to understand society. Though his later attempts to establish a new religion were unsuccessful, Comte had a significant influence on the development of sociology and political philosophy.
Copyright:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
Verfügbare Formate
Als PDF, TXT herunterladen oder online auf Scribd lesen
Auguste Comte (1798‐1857) following 15 years, Comte was able to
discipline himself to produce his major work,
The French philosopher Auguste Comte the six‐volume Course of Positive Philosophy (1798‐1857) developed a system of positive (1830‐1842). philosophy. He held that science and history culminate in a new science of humanity, to Positivism as a term is usually understood as a which he gave the name ʺsociology.ʺ Born in particular way of thinking. For Comte, Montpellier, Auguste Comte abandoned the additionally, the methodology is a product of a devout Catholicism and royalism of his family systematic reclassification of the sciences and a while in his teens. He entered the École general conception of the development of man Polytechnique in 1814 and proved himself a in history: the law of the three stages. Comte, brilliant mathematician and scientist. Comte like the Marquis de Condorcet whom he was expelled in 1816 for participating in a acknowledged as a predecessor and G. W. F. student rebellion. Remaining in Paris, he Hegel whom he met in Paris, was convinced managed to do immense research in that no data can be adequately understood mathematics, science, economics, history, and except in the historical context. Phenomena are philosophy. intelligible only in terms of their origin, function, and significance in the relative course At 19 Comte met Henri de Rouvroy, Comte de of human history. Saint‐Simon, and as a ʺspiritually adopted son,ʺ he became secretary and collaborator to But unlike Hegel, Comte held that there is no the older man until 1824. The relationship Geist, or spirit, above and beyond history between Saint‐Simon and Comte grew which objectifies itself through the vagaries of increasingly strained for both theoretical and time. Comte represents a radical relativism: personal reasons and finally degenerated into ʺEverything is relative; there is the only an acrimonious break over disputed absolute thing.ʺ Positivism absolutizes authorship. Saint‐Simon was an intuitive relativity as a principle which makes all thinker interested in immediate, albeit utopian, previous ideas and systems a result of social reform. Comte was a scientific thinker, in historical conditions. The only unity that the the sense of systematically reviewing all system of positivism affords in its pronounced available data, with a conviction that only after anti‐metaphysical bias is the inherent order of science was reorganized in its totality could human thought. Thus the law of the three men hope to resolve their social problems. stages, which he discovered as early as 1820, attempts to show that the history of the human In 1824 Comte began a common‐law marriage mind and the development of the sciences with Caroline Massin when she was threatened follow a determinant pattern which parallels with arrest because of prostitution, and he later the growth of social and political institutions. referred to this disastrous 18‐year union as ʺthe According to Comte, the system of positivism only error of my life.ʺ During this period is grounded on the natural and historical law Comte supported himself as a tutor. In 1826 he that ʺby the very nature of the human mind, proposed to offer a series of 72 lectures on his every branch of our knowledge is necessarily philosophy to a subscription list of obliged to pass successively in its course distinguished intellectuals. After the third through three different theoretical states: the lecture Comte suffered a complete breakdown, theological or fictitious state; the metaphysical replete with psychotic episodes. At his or abstract state; finally, the scientific or motherʹs insistence he was remarried in a positive state.ʺ religious ceremony and signed the contract ʺBrutus Napoleon Comte.ʺ Despite periodic These stages represent different and opposed hospitalization for mental illness during the types of human conception. The most primitive type is theological thinking, which rests on the the object of this discipline. One can consider ʺempathetic fallacyʺ of reading subjective social groups from the standpoint of ʺsocial experience into the operations of nature. The statics,ʺ which comprises the elements of theological perspective develops dialectically cohesion and order such as family and through fetishism, polytheism, and institutions, or from the perspective of ʺsocial monotheism as events are understood as dynamics,ʺ which analyzes the stage of animated by their own will, that of several continuous development that a given society deities, or the decree of one supreme being. has achieved. Politically the theological state provides stability under kings imbued with divine rights Later Years and supported by military power. As civilization progresses, the metaphysical stage By 1842 Comteʹs marriage had dissolved, and begins as a criticism of these conceptions in the he was supported by contributions from name of a new order. Supernatural entities are various intellectuals, including the English gradually transformed into abstract forces just philosopher J.S. Mill. In 1844 he met Clothilde as political rights are codified into systems of de Vaux, and they fell deeply in love. Although law. In the final stage of positive science the the affair was never consummated because search for absolute knowledge is abandoned in Madame de Vaux died in the next year, this favor of a modest but precise inquiry into the intense love influenced Comte in his later work relative laws of nature. The absolutist and toward a new religion of humanity. He feudal social orders are replaced gradually by proposed replacing priests with a new class of increasing social progress achieved through scientists and industrialists and offered a the application of scientific knowledge. catechism based on the cult of reason and humanity, and a new calendar replete with From this survey of the development of positivist saints. While this line of thought was humanity Comte was able to generalize a implicit in the aim of sociology to synthesize specific positive methodology. Like René order and progress in the service of humanity, Descartes, Comte acknowledged a unity of the the farcical elements of Comteʹs mysticism has sciences. It was, however, not that of a univocal damaged his philosophical reputation. He died method of thinking but the successive in obscurity in 1857. development of manʹs ability to deal with the complexities of experience. Each science possesses a specific mode of inquiry. [from ʺAuguste Comte.ʺ Encyclopedia of World Mathematics and astronomy were sciences that Biography, 2nd ed. 17 Vols. Gale Research, men developed early because of their 1998.] simplicity, generality, and abstractness. But observation and the framing of hypotheses had to be expanded through the method of [The following text constitutes the Introduction experimentation in order to deal with the to Auguste Comte, Early Political Writings, ed. physical sciences of physics, chemistry, and H. S. Jones, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998] biology. A comparative method is required also to study the natural sciences, man, and By a happy coincidence, the publication of this social institutions. Thus even the history of edition of Comteʹs early social and political science and methodology supports the law of writings coincides with his bicentenary. But, the three stages by revealing a hierarchy of two centuries after his birth, Comte is rarely sciences and methodological direction from encountered at first hand by todayʹs readers. general to particular, and simple to complex. He still enjoys an important place in the history Sociology studies particular societies in a of ideas—as Saint‐Simonʹs ablest disciple, as a complex way since man is both the subject and formative influence on John Stuart Millʹs mental essayʹ he wrote, initially under System of Logic, and as the author of the Saint‐Simonʹs direction, in 1822‐4. The Plan of doctrine of positivism which, a generation after the Scientific Work Necessary for the Reorganiz‐ his death, shaped the work of the founding ation of Society has a number of advantages for fathers of the Third Republic in France. Above the modern editor, but the main one is that it all, he coined the word sociologyʹ, and is still combines brevity with encyclopaedic ambition. commemorated as one of the makers of that It does not, to be sure, aim to present the whole discipline. He inaugurated an important of Comteʹs doctrine: it was conceived as the sociological tradition—best represented by first part of a much longer work which he did Durkheim—which took consensus, rather than not complete. But it was Comteʹs first attempt class conflict, as the disciplineʹs central focus. to expound a systematic doctrine. And he But few read Comte today, and those that do continued to regard it as a fundamental work, tend to encounter him in such a ludicrous an essay which set the agenda for his whole form—the founder of a secular religion of intellectual career. It was the work that humanity, with himself at its head‐ as the established him as a major intellectual force, self‐appointed high priest ‐w that the for though a young manʹs essay, it circulated experience brings them no closer to an widely among the intellectual elite of the time. understanding of the potent influence his ideas It was distributed to prominent liberals of the exerted in the nineteenth century. stature of Constant and Guizot, Sismondi, Dunoyer and Say; and while Constant was Comte had a host of disciples in his own critical of Comteʹs illiberalism, Guizot and century, especially after his death; not only or others were deeply impressed. Furthermore, even mainly in France, but dispersed as far Comteʹs first disciple, Gustave dʹEichthal, took apart as Newcastle and Rio de Janeiro. His it upon himself to distribute the essay followers were to be instrumental in the internationally, and brought it to the attention establishment of republics not only in France of both Hegel and Mill. Both read the essay and but also in Brazil, Portugal and found much to commend in it. The essay was Czechoslovakia. The first objective for a written at a time when Comteʹs concerns were modern edition of his writings must be to at the heart of.European political theory. This impress upon readers some sense of the was not always the case. Later in life, towards qualities that enabled Comte to speak so the end of the composition of the Positive powerfully to his own age. The absurdity of Philosophy, Comte subjected himself to a regime many of the liturgical and doctrinal of ʹcerebral hygieneʹ: he vowed to preserve the prescriptions of his later works is so blatant as purity of his intellectual vision by insulating to obscure the force of his more fundamental himself from the ideas of contemporary ideas. But one obstacle that prevents the thinkers. This regime necessarily had the effect modern mind ʹaccessingʹ Comte is the sheer of cutting him off from the European scale of his major works: the six volumes of the mainstream. But in the 182os he was Positive Philosophy and the four volumes of the addressing questions that were central to Positive Politics seem destined to gather dust in European political theory, which was any modern library. Yet it was precisely the preoccupied, above all, with this question: how encyclopaedic character of his mind that spoke can any kind of political community, be forged most eloquently to the nineteenth century—an in a society peopled by individuals shorn of age that thirsted for new certainties and traditional social bonds? In France, more systematic doctrine. specifically, the most urgent question of all was how to ʹclose the revolutionʹ—how to This is the main reason for turning to Comteʹs construct; a new form of legitimacy that would youthful writings, and for constructing a transcend the conflicts that had plagued France presentation of his work around the ʹfunda‐ since 1789—and Comte constructed one of the most arresting and distinctive answers to that appendix to the final volume of his Positive question. Politics in 1854, and which at one time he had hoped to append to his earlier Positive This is the pre‐eminent reason why the time is Philosophy. This collection therefore possesses a right for a new appreciation of Comteʹs place in sort of retrospective authorial approbation. At the intellectual history of early the same time it is worth commenting on why nineteenth‐century France. For the tradition of Comte chose to reprint these texts. His aim was enquiry concerned with closing the revolution to rebut the allegation that the Positive Politics, .has been brilliantly excavated in recent years with its fondness for the elevation of by Francois Furet and his collaborators, who positivism into a secular religion, constituted a have set out to build a decisively new betrayal of the `scientificʹ character of Comteʹs alternative to the ʹMarxistʹ paradigm of French first system, as he expounded it in the Positive revolutionary studies upon a recovery of Philosophy. The appendix was intended, Comte Franceʹs lost liberal tradition. Precisely because informed his readers, `to demonstrate the Furetʹs ideological commitment was to the perfect harmony of the efforts that rediscovery of such liberal writers as Constant, characterized my youth with the works Stael, Guizot and Tocqueville, he has given accomplished by my maturityʹ (Ecrits de jeu‐ only fleeting attention to Comte. But if nesse, p. 197). What Comte meant by this historians need a comprehensive ʹmappingʹ of remark—here anticipating subsequent lines of the exceptionally rich debates in France in the criticism developed most notably by Emile 182os, we must give due space to the terrain Littre and J. S. Mill—was that these early occupied by Saint‐Simon and Comte. For their essays, considered together, displayed `the approach rested on an original synthesis of the necessary relation between the philosophical conservativesʹ sense of the systemic nature of base and the religious constructionʹ in his the social order with the liberalsʹ thought (Ecrits dejeunesse, p. 197). The latter understanding of the revolution as the product was not a late accretion, but held a central place of long‐term and hence irreversible social in Comteʹs thought from the outset, as was change. Their sense of fundamental historical demonstrated above all by the essays dealing change, which they shared with the liberals, with the `spiritual powerʹ and its necessity in precluded an acceptance of the coun‐ modern society. ter‐revolutionary project. But because, like the conservatives, they saw that society was an Before we proceed to a detailed examination of organic whole, they were suspicious of the the early essays and their significance, we need liberalsʹ fondness for constitutional fixes: to begin with a brief survey of Comteʹs system, Comte in particular maintained that the as it developed in his two great multi‐volume practical and political work of reconstruction treatises. In these works, Comte addressed the must build upon a prior theoretical work of political crisis of the age of revolution, and he reconstruction, which would depend crucially analysed that crisis as, at root, an intellectual upon the formation of new kinds of intellectual and spiritual one. He explained the political and spiritual authority. That, in short, is why disorder of the age in terms of the spiritual the positivist intellectual system should be void that had afflicted Europe ever since the seen as the realization of what was, from the fragmentation of western Christendom at the outset, a political project. Reformation. This was, no doubt, an egregious instance of over‐determination—cause and This edition presents the Plan as part of a effect were separated by two centuries; and in collection of Comteʹs early writings, spanning practice Comte plugged the holes in his the period 1819‐28. This corpus of texts is argument by invoking the corrosive influence pre‐selected, in the sense that these were the of Enlightenment philosophy, which texts that Comte himself chose to reprint as an completed the work of the Reformation. If political unity were to be recaptured, it had to be preceded by the establishment of a new The biographical significance of these early spiritual unity; and Comteʹs central contention texts lies above all in the fact that they was that the only possible foundation for that coincided with Comteʹs break with his mentor, spiritual unity was the authority of the positive Saint‐Simon; indeed, it was the `fundamental method. essayʹ and its publication that played a critical It has frequently been asserted, most famously role in the rupture of the relationship of master by John Stuart Mill, that a wide gulf separated and disciple, since Comte felt, with some cause, the Comte of the Positive Philosophy from the that Saint‐Simon was unwilling to give him later Comte of the Positive Politics. The later sufficient credit for the authorship of the text. Comte—so the argument goes—betrayed the rationalist objectives of his earlier work, and It was in 1817 that Comte met Saint‐Simon, one elevated imagination, emotion and the `social of the intellectual geniuses of the age of sentimentʹ above reason. Positivism ceased to revolution and reconstruction. The moment be a philosophy and was transformed into a was opportune for both men. Saint‐Simon had secular religion, in which the worship of just lost the services of his valued secretary and humanity supplanted that of the Christian collaborator, Augustin Thierry, who was soon God. Comte even prescribed in notorious to make a name for himself as one of the detail thetrappings of his religion of humanity: luminaries in Franceʹs emergent school of a hierarchy of priests, with Comte at the liberal historiography. Saint‐Simon was head;‐a calendar of positivist saints; social notoriously difficult as an employer, and it was sacraments; and quasi‐religious festivals his authoritarianism that finally overcame celebrating social relations. Thierryʹs patience. The loss was a grievous one, for Saint‐Simon, possessed as he was of one of There is no doubt that Comteʹs emphasis did the most brilliant and fertile intellectual shift in his later work. The priority he now imaginations of the age, was almost wholly attached to sentiment rather than to reason was lacking in any sort of talent for organization or quite new, and overturned explicit assertions system. He needed able collaborators who in his earlier work. But Millʹs interpretation as understood the train of his thought and could a whole is difficult to sustain. Comte always weld his sparkling insights into some kind of insisted on the necessary interdependence of order. This was Thierryʹs gift; still more so was Positive Philosophy and Positive Politics; and by it Comteʹs. The young Comte, meanwhile, had his lights it is easy to see why. The former been searching for a direction to his career ever alone could not serve as a principle of unity, since his dismissal from the Ecole for as we shall see Comte denied the objective Polytechnique, along with the entire student unity of knowledge. It was only in the body, in April 1816. The opportunity to work subjective synthesis of positive knowledge in for Saint‐Simon put an end to sixteen months its application for the good of humanity—that of uncertainty in his life. is, in the polity, and in the formation of the new spiritual power—that positivism acquired a The intellectual legacy Saint‐Simon was to unifying power. And it is Comteʹs early essays bequeath to Comte was a composite one, ʹa that demonstrate that his objectives were from bricolage of the organic social theory of the the outset spiritual and political rather than theocrats with the scientism of the narrowly philosophical. From the start, the Enlightenment, in the guise of a systematic exposition of the positivist philosophical general doctrine that would finally bring the system and the formation of positive sociology moral and political crisis of the revolutionary were conceived as means to the development period to a closeʹ (Baker, ʹClosing the French of a positive spiritual power which would Revolutionʹ, p. 329). Saint‐Simon had been serve as the centrepiece of a positive polity. deeply impressed by his encounter with the Ideologues, those liberal heirs of the favourably reviewed in the liberal press, and Enlightenment who were the dominant under the influence of the liberals he became intellectual voice in France between the fall of increasingly interested in political economy. It the Jacobins and the advent of Napoleon. They was through the influence of Jean‐Baptiste Say, taught that the key to rational social the pre‐eminent French economist of the time, reorganization lay in science, and specifically that the word industriel entered Saint‐Simonʹs in knowledge of the physiological generation vocabulary. The new direction to Saint‐Simonʹs of ideas, which would become the foundation thought was marked by his foundation of the of a science of morality and politics. Under periodical LʹIndustrie in 1816. Its subscribers their influence, Saint‐Simon conceived the included eminent scientists, businessmen, project of deploying the physical sciences as a bankers, peers and deputies, as well as Say basis for the reconstruction of society. himself. The nineteenth century, Saint‐Simon Meanwhile, a celebrated encounter with Mme declared, was destined to be ʹthe industrial de Stael, herself close to the Ideologues, both centuryʹ. reinforced the notion that the route to certainty in politics lay in the application of ʹthe Most of the central themes in Comteʹs philosophy of the positive sciencesʹ to the philosophy can be found in Saint‐Simonʹs moral and political sciences, and introduced a work. Already in Saint‐Simon we find the number of new and fertile ideas into argument that social reconstruction depended Saint‐Simonʹs thinking. These included a upon intellectual reconstruction, and that the concern with the essential role for an foundation of this intellectual reconstruction intellectual elite in the scientific reconstruction must be found in the application of scientific of society: for Stael, men of letters must method. Further, we can find the seeds of constitute a sort of ʹlay ministryʹ to guide the Comteʹs doctrine of the spiritual power in the people and to defend them against tyranny. Saint‐Simonian notion that in a rationally She also awakened in Saint‐Simon an ordered modern society public opinion must awareness of the religious basis of social order. be directed by an intellectual elite of scientists. This made him receptive to the influence of the Many commentators have inferred that conservative social theorists Joseph de Maistre Comteʹs significance lay not in his intellectual and Louis de Bonald. Maistreʹs emphasis on originality but in his skill as an expositor. This the need for systematic doctrine as the foun‐ was the position taken by the Saint‐Simonians dation for a stable social order, together with after Comte had broken with them: for them, Bonaldʹs notion of society as an organic whole, Comteʹs early work was only a commentary on together constituted the second great formative Saint‐Simonʹs Lettres dʹun habitant de Geneve. influence on the development of Saint‐Simonʹs But this inference would be misleading for a thinking. number of reasons.
These lines of thought were developed by The first is that, though Comte was not twenty Saint‐Simon in a series of brilliant works which years old when he entered Saint‐Simonʹs were, however, wildly disorganized and employment, his mind was far from being largely unread before the advent of Thierry, tabula rasa at that time. Already he was who served as his secretary from 1814 to 1817. dividing his reading between two fields of Under his influence, Saint‐Simon wrote much study, the physical sciences on the one hand more lucidly and with greater literary success, and the moral and political sciences on the for instance in his De la reorganisation de la other. In the former he was reading such societe europeenne, published in October 1814. authors as Mange and Lagrange, while in the He also moved much closer to the liberals, latter he was considering the works of whom he had formerly looked upon with a Montesquieu and Condorcet, Adam Ferguson measure of contempt. His works were and Adam Smith (Correspondance genérale 1, 19). In other words, he was already equipping searcher after novelty but a searcher after himself with the intellectual artillery with system: he was a hedgehog and not a fox, he which, five years later, he would tackle his knew `one big thingʹ and not `many little `fundamental essayʹ; in Levy‐Bruhlʹs words, thingsʹ, and Sir Isaiah Berlinʹs categories might Comte `already possessed a large portion of have been invented to describe the contrasting the materials for his future systemʹ intellectual gifts of Comte and his mentor. And (Levy‐Bruhl, The Philosophy of Auguste Comte, p. it was the systematic credentials of positivism 6). Indeed, though we do not know the precise that largely contributed to its sustained appeal circumstances that brought Comte and in the nineteenth century. It is in that sense that Saint‐Simon together, there is a suggestion that it is indisputably true to say that without it was the convergence of their ideas that was Comte there would have been no positivism. responsible for their encounter, rather than vice versa (Pickering, Auguste Comte, p. 10; What clearly was central to Comteʹs project, in Gouhier, La Jeunesse dʹAuguste Comte vol. 3, his early writings and throughout his career, 168‐70). The second point is that many of the was the idea of subjecting moral and political ideas for which Comte was indebted to phenomena to scientific investigation. But this Saint‐Simon can themselves be traced back to idea in itself was by no means new. It had been Mme de Stael, to Condorcet or to Turgot. a central ambition of the thinkers of the Thirdly, the works produced under Enlightenment, especially in France and Saint‐Simonʹs name during the period of his Scotland. In France, thinkers in the Physiocratic collaboration with Comte were to a large extent tradition, such as Turgot, deployed the idea of Comteʹs: he was employed to synthesize his the rational cognition of the natural order of masterʹs ideas, but his role went far beyond society as a corrective to the disorder and that. It was he who undertook the hard work of injustice produced by the arbitrary assertion of literary and intellectual craftsmanship, and it political will. In the era of the French was he, too, who contributed greatly to Revolution, Sieyes coined the term `science shaping Saint‐Simonʹs intellectual agenda. socialeʹ; and the idea of a rational social science Indeed, it may be no coincidence that, just as that would serve as the basis for reconstruction the advent of Thierry coincided with a was a familiar theme to the members of the redirection of Saint‐Simonʹs work, so the same Societe de 1789 and to readers of the Journal was true of the arrival of Comte: the new dʹinstruction sociale—in both of which Sieyes working relationship coincided with and Condorcet were prime movers. After Saint‐Simonʹs abandonment of his growing Thermidor, Condorcetʹs disciples the preoccupation with the politics of production Ideologues used the newly founded Class of as he reverted to his earlier concern with the Moral and Political Sciences at the Institut de spiritual power. France as a forum in which to develop their ideas for a rational reconstruction of society on We are dealing, then, with a case of mutual the basis of a scientific study of the origins of influence rather than a one‐way relationship. ideas. Comte was open to Saint‐Simonʹs influencebecause Saint‐Simon provided what Saint‐Simon and Comte owed much to he was looking for: chiefly, he suggested the Condorcet and his understanding of what a possibility of synthesizing his twin interests of science of society had to look like. They agreed, the natural sciences and the moral and political above all, that it must be progressive, and sciences into a single project entailing the founded on a history of civilization. But they creation of a social science and a scientific also wanted to move beyond Condorcet: polity. But Comte provided the methodical indeed, Comteʹs opuscule fondamental was rigour and concern for system which originally conceived as an attempt to rewrite Saint‐Simon lacked. Comte was not by nature a Condorcetʹs celebrated Esquisse along truly positive lines (Baker, ʹClosing the French social order must possess. For all the Revolutionʹ). If we are to appreciate how complexity of their thought, Maistre and Saint‐Simon and Comte moved beyond the Bonald believed that only one kind of social conception of social science inherited from the order was possible, namely one based on Enlightenment, we have to understand that church, king and landed aristocracy. The they saw themselves as synthesizing the ideas of French Revolution, then, did not entail the Condorcet and the Ideologues on the one hand formation of a new kind of society, but was with those of the conservatives Maistre and simply the dissolution of society, It is clear Bonald on the other. This synthesis generated a from Essay 2 in this collection that Comte did wholly new conception of how a progressive not accept this interpretation of the place of the social science could serve as the basis for a Revolution in French history. That essay process of social reconstruction which would constitutes a pioneering contribution to the effectively ʹcloseʹ the revolution. kind of liberal historiography that was to Saint‐Simon and Comte had come to see become fashionable in the 1820s in the hands of Enlightenment philosophy itself as radically such men as Guizot, Thierry and Sismondi. corrosive of social order. In its negative aspects Their basic strategy, which took its point of it had been invaluable in sweeping away the departure from Madame de Staelʹs relics of the old order; but it possessed no posthumous Considerations sur la Revolution positive, constructive capacity of its own, as française was to distinguish 1789 (good) from the entire experience of the revolutionary era 1793 (bad) by setting the Revolution in the demonstrated. Its defects were most apparent context of the more general movement of in Condorcetʹs sweeping denunciations of the national and indeed European history. The Middle Ages from the absolute standpoint of central thread of that movement of history was the inexorable progress of the human mind. the rise of the middle class, and specifically, for Through reading the authors of the both Thierry and Comte, the ʹemancipation of counter‐revolutionary school, Saint‐Simon and the communesʹ. This was the first ʹsocial Comte came to see medieval Europe in a new, interpretationʹ of the French Revolution; and its more positive light, and came to see that polemical point was to demonstrate that, even institutions that were good in one era could be though consensus about political institutions bad in another, and beliefs that had once been had remained elusive ever since 1789, true could become the errors of a succeeding nevertheless the basic principles of the social age. This historical relativism, amounting to order inaugurated in 1789 were irreversible. the doctrine that all knowledge is relative to a They were the product, not of one generationʹs particular stage in the development of whim, but of a centuries‐old process. If the civilization, contrasted starkly with `Restorationʹ meant an attempt to restore a Condorcetʹs unilinear vision of history as the pre‐revolutionary social order founded on progressive victory of truth over error. It was privilege, it was doomed to failure. this organic conception of the stages of history that constituted the chief novelty of the Comte had a good deal in common with the positive conception of social science. liberals. Like them, he deployed history as a weapon against the counter‐revolutionaries, Comte shared Maistreʹs and Bonaldʹs who failed to see that the revolution could not understanding of the structural features that be overturned because it was the product of any stable social order had to possess: above long‐term social evolution. But he departed all, there had to 8e an authoritative moral and from the liberals over their belief that the new intellectual order which would serve as the society had essentially come into being, and indispensable foundation for social order. But that the only task remaining was to devise he disagreed with them on the substantive appropriate political institutions. Most liberals question of what distinctive features a modern of Comteʹs generation followed Constant in thinking it anachronistic to believe that an golf club or a trade union. This belief that ordered society had to have a determinate `society exists only where a general and common purpose. But for Comte this notion combined action is exertedʹ (below, p. 66) was absolutely fundamental, and it lay at the underpinned Comteʹs conception of social heart of his project in the next of his early reconstruction. The basic assumption of his essays, the so‐called opuscule fondamental. Plan was that social reconstruction would be in vain if it was not to be grounded in the It should be clear from this account that this theoretical work of rethinking the goal of essay should be understood as an answer to human activity in society. This the deepest quandary that confronted French assumption—`that government and the social political theorists of the early nineteenth union exist for the purpose of concentrating century: how to `closeʹ the revolution. This is and directing all the forces of society to some the significance, for example, of the important one endʹ—alarmed John Stuart Mill right at the passage that Comte added at the end of the outset of hiss encounter with Comteʹs writings. introduction in 1824 (pp. 59‐62 below). Liberals (Mill to Gustave dʹEichthal, 8 October 1829, in such as Madame de Stael and Guizot were also Collected Works of John Stuart Mill vol. XII, p. 36). centrally concerned with how to break the cycle of anarchy and despotism by making at The main reason why Comte always identified least some of the achievements of the the Plan as a fundamental work was that this Revolution serve as principles of was where, for the first time, he expounded his reorganization. Comte sets out the errors made famous law of the three states, in which he by both Restoration government and popular asserted that all branches of knowledge pass opposition, and sees the need for a constructive successively from the theological state through doctrine to steer a middle course. This echoes the metaphysical to the positive. The the liberal project, which he regarded as less originality of this law has been much harmful than either the revolutionary or the discussed. Its authorship is sometimes attri‐ reactionary project. But whereas liberals buted to Turgot, sometimes to Condorcet, and tended to see reconstruction as largely a work sometimes to Saint‐Simon, who in his Memoire of statesmanship, Comteʹs originality lay in his sur la science de lʹhomme (1813) reported some insistence upon its theoretical dimensions, remarks made along; similar lines by the which he had identified as early as 1819, when physiologist Jean Burdin some fifteen years in Essay i of this collection he first stressed the previously. Certainly Comte was drawing on importance of separating theory from practice some dichotomies that had long pedigrees in in politics. The fundamental features of the the history of ideas: that between imagination new social order had to be grasped before the and observation, for example, and that practical work of reconstruction could begin. between cause and law. The idea of the The claim that `spiritualʹ reconstruction had to progress of the mind was certainly precede temporal reforms was basic to Comteʹs Condorcetʹs. One, obvious innovation made by break with liberalism, and it marks out some Comte in his 1822 work was to introduce the distinctive territory for him in the history of second state, the metaphysical, which had not political thought. Guizot and his fellow liberals been present in Burdin or Saint‐Simon; and prized moral and institutional pluralism as the even after reading Comteʹs text Saint‐Simon mainspring of progress. Comte, by contrast, continued to draw the simple contrast between was the quintessential anti‐pluralist, the `the new systemʹ and `the oldʹ. But this was archetypal exponent of the conception of hardly sufficient to establish Comteʹs society as what Michael Oakeshott, who fundamental originality, since he was not thought it a fallacy, termed an `enterprise inclined to dwell at much length on the associationʹ. That is, it was an association metaphysical state, which he always regarded bound together by a common purpose, like a as merely transitional. A much more important point is that in Comteʹs work the law of the a substantive law of sociology but as the law three states was inextricably linked to his that shows the necessity of sociology. Here, it is differential theory of science, according to the law of the three states that comes first, and which the different sciences have distinct the differential theory of science is a further subject‐matters and must therefore employ specification of the law. The law of the three distinct methods (Heilbron, The Rise of Social states showed that all branches of knowledge Theory, pp. 225‐6). This differential theory passed from the theological through the makes it quite clear that Comteʹs positivism did metaphysical to the positive state. But the point not entail a doctrine nowadays regarded as of the differential theory was that it showed constitutive of positivism—namely, the belief that the fact that the study of society had not that the human and social sciences must be yet reached the positive state did not prove modeled on the methods of the natural that it was incapable of doing so. On the sciences. For Comte, if the scientific claims of contrary, the differential theory explained why sociology were to be demonstrated, it had to the study of society had to be the last science to mark out both a distinctive subject‐matter and become positive, since its subject‐matter was a distinctive method for itself. But it is crucial the least abstract and the most complex. So the to see that the logical relationship between the significance of the law of the three states for law of the three states and the differential Comte was that it on the one hand theory of science was ambiguous, and that this demonstrated that a positive social science was ambiguity explains why that law itself contains possible and necessary, and on the other hand an important equivocation. Comte had two demonstrated that it already existed. It was on different accounts of this relationship. In the the one hand a law proving sociology to be first, the differential theory of science comes necessary; on the other hand, it was the first, and the law of the three states is an essential law of sociology. inference from it. Comteʹs work in the philosophy of mathematics had taught him Comteʹs Plan has long been acknowledged to that the sciences differed in their subject‐matter be an important work. Less well known are his and in their methods; from which he inferred essays dealing with the question of the that the social sciences too must have a spiritual power—Essays 4 and 5 in this distinctive method based on the distinctive collection—and yet they are in their way just as features of their subject‐matter. revealing of the cast of his mind. For it was here that he engaged most closely with the
works of the political economists and with How does the human world differ from the those of the ʹcounter‐revolutionariesʹ Maistre plant and animal kingdom? The answer, for and Lamennais. Here he was much more Comte, was that human beings possess the appreciative than he had been previously of ability to learn from the experience of previous the value of the Catholic/feudal system. generations, so that each generation is not Comteʹs main theme was the need for the doomed to repeat the experience of its prede‐ institution in modern Europe of the separation cessors. This was the chief reason why ʹsocietyʹ of the temporal and spiritual powers, a was not a constant in the same way as nature. principle that had first been developed in The subject‐matter of social science was medieval Christendom, but which had been distinctive in being progressive, and lost since the dissolution of that system set in methodologically it should be based upon a with the Reformation. This principle had both historical law. authoritarian and liberal aspects. On the one On this account, the law of the three states is hand, it was in formulating his understanding this historical law: it is, in other words, the of the place of the spiritual power in modern principal substantive finding of sociology. But society that Comte first expounded in detail his Comteʹs other account depicted this law not as conception of a positivist priesthood—to be composed, not of scientific specialists, but of co‐operation of individuals in public order can moral and social philosophers who would be no longer be achieved by the voluntary and grounded in the sciences without being moral assent accorded by each to a common specialist practitioners of any one science. social doctrine, there remains no other Benjamin Constant noted that this conception expedient for maintaining any kind of left little room for freedom of conscience. harmony than the sad choice between force Comte commended faith as a `fundamental and corruptionʹ (below, p. zoo). In modern virtueʹ, defined as ʹthe disposition to believe society, then, the reconstitution of spiritual spontaneously, without prior proof, in the power was a means of averting administrative dogmas proclaimed by competent authority; despotism. which is indeed the indispensable general condition allowing the establishment and the These two essays also have a crucial maintenance of true intellectual and moral biographical significance for the student of the communionʹ. development of Comteʹs intellectual projects following his break with Saint‐Simon. The Plan Constant denounced Comte, and other of 1824 was described as the first part of the contributors to the Saint‐Simonian journal Le first volume of a projected Système de politique Producteur, for advocating a new kind of theoc‐ positive. The first volume, when complete, racy. And it is quite true that Comte had no would deal comprehensively with the scientific sympathy for intellectual liberalism: the work necessary for social reconstruction; that principle of freedom of conscience, which was is, principally with `social physicsʹ or what so dear to Constant, was a heresy to Comte. Comte would later call sociology. Its But it would be wrong to infer that the political fundamental idea was `the application of the implications of the essay were illiberal. The positive method to social scienceʹ most obvious implication of the principle of the (Correspondance genérale i, 84). The second and separation of powers was to contest the third volumes would, presumably, deal with absorption of the spiritual power by the the other two `series of worksʹ, namely the temporal. Comte wanted to assert the educational and the political, while the second importance in the modern world of a distinct part of the first volume would present a first and autonomous spiritual power which could outline of a social science by `presenting a first serve as a force for intellectual and moral scientific overview of the laws which have governance. He maintained that the separation guided the general course of civilization, and of spiritual and temporal powers conferred in turn a first glimpse of the social system two significant benefits. On the one hand, it which the natural development of the human permitted the reconciliation of two desirable race must bring to dominance todayʹ (below, goals which would otherwise have been pp. 47‐8). The last two volumes seem to have incompatible: the increase in the scale of been a longer‐term project, but in May 1824 human society and the maintenance of strong Comte saw the completion of the first volume government. At the same time, the recon‐ as an immediate priority, which would take stitution of a moral and intellectual authority him two months at the most (Correspondance independent of the temporal power facilitated genérale 1, 83). This ambition, needless to say, the maintenance of order without recourse to was one that Comte never fulfilled, but the the kind of centralization of political power reasons are not wholly clear. In 1824‐5 Comte that would stifle progress. What Comte was repeatedly told friends that the ideas for the saying here was that there were two sources of second part were clear in his mind and that he social cohesion, namely moral force and just needed a good stretch of time to put pen to material force; and in the absence of the former paper. But the curious thing about his the latter must expand to fill the gap. `In a correspondence at this time is that, though he population where the indispensable frequently raised the subject of his planned second part, he never discussed in any detail Positive Politics. That course was to be Comteʹs the ideas it would expound. There is inevitably chief work of the 1830s and early 1840s a suspicion that the work was not as fully (Pickering, Auguste Comte, esp. p. 368). developed in Comteʹs mind as he suggested. But he also suffered from financial difficulties, This account cuts at the roots of the thesis of as he repeatedly complained, and these led the `two Comtesʹ. That thesis rests upon a him to divert into income‐earning projects perception that there was a fundamental shift (whether teaching or writing) energies that in Comteʹs interests between the i83os, when might have been channeled towards the he was concerned with the classification of the completion of his major project. The works that sciences and the logical foundations of appear here as Essays 4 and 5 originated as two sociology, and the 1850s, when his attention series of articles Comte wrote for the shifted to the religious foundations of the social Saint‐Simonian journal Le Producteur; and at order. Mill, Littre and others could enthuse the time he made no secret of the fact that he about the former while deploring the latter. But regarded them as a diversion from his main the error here lies in a confusion between task. They did not develop new ideas, but just Comteʹs subject and his purpose. In the Positive served to propagate principles he had Philosophy Comte was not writing about the expounded in his Plan (Correspondance generale classification of the sciences out of a purely I, 172‐3). theoretical interest in epistemology. Rather, it was vital to him to be able to establish positive Comteʹs project in the early/mid‐1820s was the philosophy because it was a prerequisite for establishment of positive politics, or `social the formation of a new spiritual power, which physicsʹ. His assumption at this stage was that he had now come to see not as an ultimate goal the establishment of `positive philosophyʹ but as an urgent necessity. If he was not, at this would not be for his but for the next stage, writing about the spiritual power, he was generation, since it could not be accomplished most certainly writing for it. From the abstract until all the positive sciences, including social or theoretical point of view, the urgent need physics, had been established. But on was to create ʹsocial physicsʹ. This would in completion of the third part of `Considerations turn make positive philosophy possible. From on the Spiritual Powerʹ in February 1826, he the concrete or practical point of view, experienced some kind of nervous crisis which however, the urgent need was to create and led him in a new direction. On his own educate a new spiritual power, and that subsequent account, he now dedicated his life demanded the prior establishment of a positive to the foundation of the new spiritual power; philosophy. Comteʹs ʹtheoreticalʹ turn and he came to see the need to combine the originated, paradoxically enough, in his abstract and the concrete points of view, which growing disenchantment with the quietism of were developed respectively in Essays 4 and 5. the first approach. He now sought to Finally, he came to see that, whereas from the synthesize the two points of view. theoretical point of view it was indeed true that social physics must precede positive Comte identified three ʹseries of worksʹ philosophy, from the practical and educational necessary for the reorganization of society: the points of view positive philosophy had to be theoretical, the educational and the political. developed now since it was central to the But in the Plan he dealt only with the first education of the new spiritual power. The series, which is why in 1824 he described the result was that Comte now attributed a more essay as simply the first part of the first volume fundamental importance to the course on of a projected Systime de politique positive, and positive philosophy which he had originally why its principal title identified it as a plan of planned simply as a means of earning his the scientific work necessary for social living and thus being able to complete the reorganization. In 1826, at the end of his ʹConsiderations on the Spiritual Powerʹ, he sciences which dealt with `deadʹ matter. envisaged proceeding to a discussion of the Others, such as the Ideologues, leaned further more specifically political aspects of in the direction of sensationalism, but were still reconstruction. But in the event he did not more vehement advocates of a unitary science proceed in this way. Soon afterwards he of man that joined the moral and the physical. experienced what he described as ʹa veritable By the time Comte was writing, however, a nervous crisisʹ, which led him, as he explained philosophical reaction had set in against the to Blainville, to undertake ʹa total and, to my sensationalism of the Ideologues, whose ideas mind, truly systematic recasting of my work on were now thought to be tainted with positive politics, of which you have the first materialism. Cabanisʹs friend Maine de Biran partʹ (Correspondance generale 1, r86). This now repudiated the reduction of the moral to recasting was what Comte went on to the physical. Others emphasized the active role undertake in his Cours de philosophie positive. of the mind, which did not just passively The story of how he set about it lies beyond the receive sensations. The most influential philos‐ scope of this introduction. opher of this anti‐materialist reaction was Victor Cousin, who denounced the There remains one essay, the final one, which sensationalist principle that all knowledge is has not yet been discussed and which might derived from the senses and therefore seem rather out of place in this collection. dependent upon the bodyʹs sensory Comte recognized that the essay marked apparatuses. Cousinʹs psychology stressed the something of a turning‐point in his innate sense of unity and continuity career—ʹthe passage from my social debut to constituting the self. Sense experience was my intellectual careerʹ (Écrits de jeunesse, p. meaningless without consciousness. For 200). We know that he hesitated before Cousin, one part of psychology—that including his essay on Broussais in the concerned with the sensory operations of the appendix to the Positive Politics. Nevertheless, body—properly belonged to medicine and he did decide to include it, and we should take physiology; the other—the study of con‐ his reasons for doing so seriously. If read in sciousness—belonged to philosophy, and must conjunction with the section at the end of the deploy a sort of rational intuition as its Plan where Comte discusses Cabanis and the distinctive method. attempt to found social physics directly on physiology, this text helps us situate Comte in Cousinʹs liberalism was politically suspect to relation to the idea of the ʹscience of manʹ the Restoration governments of the 182os, which, from the Enlightenment to the which first dismissed him from his academic Restoration, had furnished so fruitful an idiom post and then imprisoned him. But his was the in the quest for a rational foundation for emergent philosophical orthodoxy of the time, politics. This is a complex and technical subject and it was against Cousinʹs school of `eclecticsʹ which can be treated only briefly here; but it is or `spiritualistsʹ that Comteʹs essay on nevertheless important for an understanding of Broussais was directed. For F. J. V. Broussais both Comteʹs intellectual development and his was the best‐known exponent of materialism originality. among the medical theorists of the Restoration, at a time when that doctrine was regarded as There were many different strands within the decidedly heterodox. He made his name in discourse of the science of man. Some of its 1816 with his Examen des doctrines medicales; but exponents—notably the Montpellier his 1828 text, De lʹirritation et de la folie, was his school—tended towards vitalism, and most provocative work. Here he expounded a emphasized on the one hand the unity of the `physiological medicineʹ which held that all phenomena of life and on the other the radical disease results from a general state of gulf that separated the life sciences from those `irritationʹ. Broussaisʹs work was read as a rehabilitation of the sensationalism of the Ideo‐ mentor to Comte—which says a good deal logues; and his heroes were indeed such about Comteʹs complex position on the French thinkers as Locke, Condillac, Destutt de Tracy cultural map of the time. It was Blainville and Cabanis. For Broussais, the true `physical who introduced Comte to Lamarckʹs term and moral science of manʹ was dependent `biologyʹ as the new designation for this upon the insights of medicine. He denounced science. eclecticism as unscientific; and his book was itself attacked by the Cousinian journal Le Comte, however, was no mere disciple of Globe. either Broussais or Blainville. He points out that Broussais devotes no attention to the For Comte to write about Broussais, and to take demarcation to be drawn between the sphere a stance in favour of Broussais against his of physiology and the sphere of social science; critics, was thus a deeply partisan act. He he does nothing to eradicate Cabanisʹs con‐ admired Broussais partly because, by replacing fusion between ʹthe study of the individual the `vital forceʹ by `irritabilityʹ, Broussais had man and that of the human race considered in clarified the distinction between organic and its collective developmentʹ (below, p. 235). This inorganic phenomena. Broussais showed that distinction was the crucial one for Comte, and physiology was not reducible to the inorganic it shows him breaking decisively with the sciences, and he thus struck a blow against the hegemony of the discourse of the science of `mechanistsʹ. At the same time, in insisting that man; and thus breaking decisively with interior sensations were caused solely by Saint‐Simon too, for Comteʹs old employer physiological phenomena and therefore could himself remained in important respects not constitute revelations of moral truths, wedded to that discourse. Indeed, one reason Broussais launched a frontal assault of the why Comte thought it so important to be able `psychologicalʹ method of Cousin, Jouffroy and to establish the autonomy of biology in relation their allies. to chemistry—and why he was prepared to draw promiscuously on Broussais and Broussais was important to Comte because he Blainville in order to do so—was that it was a helped him identify the distinctive place of key stage in the elucidation of his classification physiology within the hierarchy of the of the sciences, the coup de grace of which was sciences. On the one hand he had to establish the legitimation of social science as a positive that physiology rested on the inorganic sciences, science in its own right. Others had asserted because it was an integral feature of Comteʹs the autonomy of biology vis‐d‐vis the inorganic classification of the sciences that each science sciences in order to affirm the homogeneity of rested on the preceding one in the the science of man. Comte was critical of this hierarchy—and in that sense it made sense to view. He agreed that ultimately the history of speak of the unity of knowledge. This was civilization (and hence social physics) was the something that the vitalists overlooked. But on consequence of human organization, or of `the the other hand it was still more important to be natural history of manʹ. But `it would be a able to show that it was a distinct science, with misunderstanding to conclude. . . that we its own distinct method and should not establish a clear division between subject‐matter—which was something that the social physics and physiology properly so mechanists of the Paris medical school tended calledʹ. Direct observation of social phenomena to overlook. Broussais, who was suspected of was necessary because of the progressive materialism, helped Comte establish the character of the history of civilization: in the existence of physiology as a distinct positive analysis of that history, `it would be quite science in its own right; but so too did the beyond the powers of the mind to connect any Catholic nobleman Henri de Blainville, term in the series to the primitive point of whobecame something of an intellectual departure, if we suppressed all the intermediate linksʹ (below, p. 133). volumes of his main work into The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte (3 vols., 1896). Why, we might ask, was it so important to Secondary studies of Comte include J. S. Comte to establish social science—sociology, Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism (2d ed. he was soon to name it—as a distinct positive rev. 1866; 5th ed. 1907); L. Lévy‐Bruhl, The science, rather than as an application of Philosophy of Auguste Comte (trans. 1903); physiology? Why could his purposes not be and a chapter in Frank E. Manuel, The served by the older discourse of the science of Prophets of Paris (1962). For Comteʹs man, which itself aimed to supply a sort of relationship with Saint‐Simon see Manuelʹs rational foundation for politics? The ultimate The New World of Henri Saint‐Simon (1956); answer to this question must remain a matter and for his relation to the history of for speculation, but it is surely bound up with positivism see Leszek Kolakowski, The the polemical stance he was adopting in the Alienation of Reason (trans. 1968). Also political debates of the 182os. He wanted to useful are the two works of Richmond establish the positive credentials of social Laurin Hawkins, Auguste Comte and the science because he wanted to delegitimize United States, 1816‐1853 (1936) and those other discourses about politics—he Positivism in the United States, 1853‐1861 labelled them `theologicalʹ and `metaphysicalʹ ‐ (1938), and F. S. Marvin, Comte: The Founder which in his analysis perpetuated the of Sociology (1936). intellectual and political disorder of the age. In • Gould, F. J. (Floyd Jerome), The life story of addition, as we have seen, the distinctive Auguste Comte: with a digest review of ancient, subject‐matter which Comte mapped out for religious, and ʺmodernʺ philosophy, Austin, social science—the direct observation of the TX: American Atheist Press, 1984. history of civilizations—had the real advantage • Pickering, Mary, Auguste Comte: an of itself furnishing proof of the historical intellectual biography, Cambridge; New inevitability of social science, and of the York: Cambridge University Press, 1993. political and social order that must result once • Standley, Arline Reilein, Auguste Comte, the intellectual reign of the positive method Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1981. had been completed by its application to the • Jones, H. S. Comte: Early Political Writings. study of society. For Comte, then, the project of Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998. creating a social science was no open‐ended intellectual quest; he was interested in intellectual order rather than in a restless and endless pursuit of truth for its own sake. There would be no fourth state, for positive philosophy was to be `the definitive state of manʹ (below, p. 154). Its formation was from the outset a political project with a determinate social end in view.
FURTHER READINGS
• Comteʹs various writings have never been gathered into a critical edition. But Comte personally approved of Harriet Martineauʹs English redaction of the six