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Introduction:
Genogram:
The genogram has been established as a practical framework for understanding family patterns.
The standardized genogram format is becoming a common language for tracking family history
and relationships. Genograms record information about family members and their relationships
over at least three generations. They display family information graphically in a way that
provides a quick gestalt of complex family patterns; as such they are rich source of hypotheses
about how clinical problems evolve in the context of the family over time. Genograms involves
symbols and conventions that make them the best shorthand language for summarizing family
information and describing family patterns.
3. The children are placed below the family line from the oldest to the youngest, left to
right.
4. The male parent is always at the left of the family and the female parent is always at the
right of the family.
McGoldrick et al., (1999) posed that the multigenerational genogram was a practical and useful
framework for understanding complex patterns of interrelationships in a coherent and systematic
manner. As a subjective, interpretive tool the genogram was mostly used within practice by
health care professionals and psychologists. Mapping the three generations of one’s own family
systems historically and assessing the life cycle transitions for different members of the family,
provides a context for different topics and evolutionary patterns and processes of human
development. It also provided a framework for case study research and for generating tentative
hypotheses, thus becoming a valuable strategy for facilitating more coherent co-construction of
knowledge in developmental psychology. Genogram helps in understanding traditional
perspectives on lifespan development and the vertical and horizontal challenges the individual
faced during his or her progression through life.
Genogram describes the emotional connection between family members. One of the advantages
of a genogram compared to an ordinary family tree is the description of the emotional
relationship between each family member. A genogram uses symbols and different line designs
to depict emotional connections. For instance, a dotted line connecting one member to another
may describe indifference, while a solid line describes a normal relationship. A jagged line, on
the other hand, symbolizes a variety of hostility, abuse, or violence between the members.
Therapists and psychiatrists often use a genogram to aid them in their treatment sessions.
Usually, they’ll ask patients to construct a genogram as an outlet where they can let out feelings
that they’re not open to discussing. They say that acceptance is the key to move forward in life.
Creating a genogram helps patients see the reality of the whole family relationship. From here,
therapists can devise ways to resolve issues and improve the emotional connection of their
patient to other family members.
It presents a better way for understanding family dynamics. Oftentimes, families repeat – or
worse, multiplies – their problems throughout their evolution. Issues, actions, and culture are
passed on from one generation to another, with members failing to identify, much less question,
the root of the complications they’re encountering. Preventing this unhealthy cycle from
continuing further down the line is one of the benefits of creating a genogram. Resolution starts
when an individual succeeds in writing about the taboos, prohibitions, vulnerabilities, and issues
that the family often underrates or disregards. The act of writing itself translates an intangible
thought into something concrete and definite, and this could be the start of accepting the reality
of the situation and opening the path toward reconciliation. Seeing things from a different
perspective encourages a better understanding of one’s actions. Since a genogram depicts both
past and present relationships between family members, it becomes easier to make sense of
certain events and behaviours affecting an individual’s life. When creating a genogram,
individuals get the chance to recall past events and reinforce their observations with interviews
and accounts from other family members. This can help uncover the source of family dramas and
dysfunctional relationships which were overlooked before.
Functions of family
The family in its most common form—an enduring commitment between a man and a woman
who feed, shelter, and nurture their children until they reach maturity—arose tens of thousands
of years ago among our hunting-and-gathering ancestors. From an evolutionary perspective, the
human family enhanced survival by ensuring a relatively even balance of male hunters and
female gatherers within a social group, thereby providing protection against starvation at times
when game was scarce (Lancaster & Whitten, 1980). An extended relationship between a man
and a woman also increased male certainty that a new-born baby was actually his offspring,
motivating him to care and provide for mother and child and to invest in child rearing in order to
increase the odds of child survival (Bjorklund, Yunger, & Pellegrini, 2002; Geary, 2000). Larger
kin networks that included grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins formed, increasing the
chances of successful competition with other humans for vital resources and providing assistance
with child rearing. Besides promoting survival of its members, the family unit of our
evolutionary ancestors performed the following vital services for society:
As societies became more complex, the demands placed on the family became too much for it to
sustain alone. Other institutions developed to assist with some of these functions, and families
became linked to larger social structures (Parke & Kellam, 1994). For example, political and
legal institutions assumed responsibility for ensuring societal order, and schools and religious
institutions extended the family’s socialization function. . Despite sharing some functions with
other institutions, the family continues to assume primary responsibility for three important ones
especially concerned with children: reproduction, socialization, and emotional support.
Researchers interested in finding out how families fulfil these functions take a social systems
perspective, viewing the family as a complex set of interacting relationships influenced by the
larger social context.
The social systems perspective on family functioning grew out of researchers’ efforts to describe
and explain the complex patterns of interaction between family members. It has much in
common with Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Family systems theorists recognize
that parents do not mechanically shape their children. Rather, bidirectional influences exist,
whereby family members mutually influence one another. The very term family system implies a
network of interdependent relationships (Bornstein & Sawyer, 2006; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006; Parke & Buriel, 2006). These system influences operate both directly and indirectly.
1. Direct Influence- Studies of families of diverse ethnicities show that when parents are
firm but warm, children tend to comply with their requests. And when children cooperate,
their parents are likely to be warm and gentle in the future. In contrast, parents who
discipline with harshness and impatience tend to have children who resist and rebel.
Because children’s misbehavior is stressful for parents, they may increase their use of
punishment, leading to more unruliness by the child (Stormshak et al., 2000; Whiteside-
Mansell et al., 2003). In each case, the behavior of one family member helps sustain a
form of interaction in another that either promotes or undermines children’s well-being.
2. Indirect Influence- Third parties can serve as supports for development, or they can
undermine it. For example, when parents’ marital relationship is warm and considerate,
Mothers and fathers are more likely to engage in effective Co-Parenting; mutually
supporting each other’s parenting behaviors. Such parents have more secure attachment
relationships with their babies, and they praise and stimulate their children more and nag
and scold them less. Effective co-parenting, in turn, fosters a positive marital relationship
(Morrill et al., 2010). . Children who are chronically exposed to angry, unresolved
parental conflict have myriad problems related to disrupted emotional security and
emotional Self-regulation (Cummings & Merrilees, 2010; Schacht, Cummings, & Davies,
2009). These include both internalizing difficulties (especially among girls), such as
blaming themselves, feeling worried and fearful, and trying to repair their parents’
relationship; and externalizing difficulties (especially among boys), including anger and
aggression (Cummings, Goeke-Morey, & Papp, 2004; Davies & Lindsay, 2004).
Among the family’s functions, socialization centres on children’s development. Parents start to
socialize their children in earnest during the second year, when toddlers are first able to comply
with their directives. As children get older, parents gradually step up socialization pressures, but
they vary greatly in how they go about the task. During socialization one becomes a cultural and
social being who acts according to recognized rules directed their behaviour towards socially
accepted value and meet individually modified roles and expectations. Family provides initial
human behaviour patterns in an orientation and initial interpersonal relationships.
The social learning perspective does not regard morality as a special human activity with
a unique course of development. Rather, moral behavior is acquired just like any other set
of responses: through reinforcement and modeling.
Importance of Modeling Operant conditioning—reinforcement for good behavior with approval,
affection, and other rewards—is not enough for children to acquire moral responses. For a
behavior to be reinforced, it must first occur spontaneously. Yet many pro-social acts, such as
sharing, helping, or comforting an unhappy playmate, occur so rarely at first that reinforcement
cannot explain their rapid development in early childhood. Rather, social learning theorists
believe that children learn to behave morally largely through modeling —observing and
imitating adults who demonstrate appropriate behavior (Bandura, 1977; Grusec, 1988). Once
children acquire a moral response, such as sharing or telling the truth, reinforcement in the form
of praising the act (“That was a very nice thing to do”) or the child’s character (“You’re a very
kind and considerate boy”) increases its frequency (Mills & Grusec, 1989). Many studies show
that having helpful or generous models increases young children’s pro-social responses.
And certain characteristics of the model affect children’s willingness to imitate:
● Warmth and responsiveness- Preschoolers are more likely to copy the pro-social actions of an
adult who is warm and responsive than those of a cold, distant adult (Yarrow, Scott, & Waxler,
1973). Warmth seems to make children more attentive and receptive to the model and is itself an
example of a pro-social response.
● Competence and power- Children admire and therefore tend to imitate competent, powerful
models—especially older peers and adults (Bandura, 1977).
● Consistency between assertions and behavior- When models say one thing and do
Another-for example, announce that “it’s important to help others” but rarely engage in helpful
acts-children generally choose the most lenient standard of behavior that adults demonstrate
(Mischel & Liebert, 1966). Models are most influential in the early years. In one study, toddlers’
eager, willing imitation of their mothers’ behavior predicted moral conduct (not cheating in a
game) and guilt following transgressions at age 3(Forman, Aksan & Kochanska, 2004). At the
end of early childhood, children who have had consistent exposure to caring adults tend to
behave pro socially whether or not a model is present: They have internalized pro-social rules
from repeated observations and encouragement by others (Mussen & Eisenberg‐Berg, 1977).
Child-rearing styles are combinations of parenting behaviours that occur over a wide range of
situations, creating an enduring child-rearing climate. In a landmark series of studies, Diana
Baumrind gathered information on child rearing by watching parents interact with their pre-
schoolers (Baumrind, 1971; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Her findings, and those of others who
have extended her work, reveal three features that consistently differentiate an effective style
from less effective ones: (1) acceptance of the child and involvement in the child’s life, which
establishes an emotional connection with the child; (2) behavioural control of the child through
expectations, rules, and supervision, which promotes more mature behaviour; and (3) autonomy
granting, which encourages self-reliance (Barber & Olsen, 1997; Gray & Steinberg, 1999; Hart,
Newell, & Olsen, 2003; Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Table 2 shows different child rearing styles.
Objectives
Methodology
Procedure:
A three-generational genogram was studied for the individual (index person), his/her parents and
grand-parents. Genograms were constructed based on a semi-structured interview performed
according to the codifications and grouping criteria’s put forward by mc Goldbrick, Gerson &
Petry. In this study, first the informed consent was taken from the participants after describing
them the objectives of the study. In case of minors (if any), a copy of informed consent was
retrieved from the caregivers.
After obtaining this information, the data was codified and analyzed on the following
dimensions:
Patterns of family structures- Demographic data.
Patterns of 4 constellations- sibling position, distant close relationships, types of
relationships.
Interactional patterns of family- positive and negative, emotional relationships, affective
bonds, abuse/ neglect etc.
Physical/ psychological Illness and recovery.
Substance use and abuse.
Results
The following table3 shows the various patterns and types of interactions and relationships of the
family members with the index person and with each other.
Mother Miscarriage
IP-maternal
family Distant
(mama-mami
and cousins)
IP-mother
IP-father
IP-real brother Close
IP- massi and
their children
Dadi- daughter
in-laws’ Hostile
Bade-mama--
chhote mama Cutoff- repair
With my father also, I share a close bond, we can share anything with each other. Now I
am a grown up girl and unka ‘sabse bada bachha’. He does not speak a lot, but still
whatever he say, those words have a great value for me. He trusts me for my decisions in
life and has always given me the space to decide right and wrong for myself.
After the death of my nani, I do not used to go to my nani house. My massi house became
my nani house for summer vacations. With passage of time, my bond with my massi and
my cousins became strong.
My both mama’s have a cut-off repair relationship. The reason is confidential which I
would not like to disclose.
I used to live in a joint family with a lot of members and because of generation gap,
sometimes issues arise in families. My Dadi and their daughter in-laws used to have some
kind of hostility. The thinking patterns do not match somewhere which creates issues.
With different family members the bonds are different, the relations are different. Still at
one level we all are connected. No one hates the other, there are just differences in
opinion, because of which some members are close and some are distant.
Mc Goldrick, M., Gerson, R., Petry, S. (2008), Genograms: assessment and intervention (3rd
edition), New -York: W.W. Norton& co.