Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1-42
also attested in an anti-Murji'ite text: STrat Salim, p. 160, para. 1, line 3, and the context,
in: Cook, Michael, Early Muslim Dogma—a source-critical study, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1981, 160-3.
5
The beginnings are placed immediately after the murder of 'Uthman (Ibn 'Asakir,
504), in the wake of Siffin (Nashi', 19), and after the murder of 'All (NawbakhtT, 27).
' Those who ascribe the beginnings of the sect to al-Hasan b. Muhammad Ibn
al-Hanafiyya place it, in effect, after the second civil war (Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat al-kubra,
Beirut, Dar Beirut—Dar Sldir, 1957, V328; ShahrastanT, 1:228; see below).
7
Of the modern scholars, Ahmad AmTn and Ignaz Goldziher, among others, are
inclined to the first period; Wilferd Madelung places the movement after the second
civil war (Amln, Ahmad, Fa/r al-lslam, Beirut, Dar al-Kitab al-'Arabl, 11th ed., 1975,
279-80; Goldziher, Ignaz, Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law, tr. Andras and
Ruth Hamori, Princeton, NJ, 1981, 74-5; Madelung, Wilferd, 'The Early Murii'a in
Khurasan and Transoxania and the Spread of Hanafism', Der Islam, 59 (1982), 32-9,
see p. 32).
* Wensinck, A.J., The Muslim Creed, its genesis and historical development,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1932, 106.
' e.g. the so-called 'Saba'iyya', also the 'Tawwabun', the 'Kaysaniyya' varieties, and
the little-understood independent 'Hashimiyya' (cf. Agha, Saleh Said, 'The Agents and
Forces that Toppled the Umayyad Caliphate', Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1993).
A VIEWPOINT OF THE MURJI A IN THE UMAYYAD PERIOD 3
Ibn al-Ash'ath. This would date the verses to c. AH 82 or 83. Goldziher also links them
to the time of Ibn al-Ash'ath's revolt, but to its commencement, i.e. to c. AH 81 (cf.
Goldziher, Ignaz, Muslim Studies, ed. S.M. Stern, London, 1967, 91).
(d) Thabit Qutnah's poem, AghanT, XIV: 254 f. This poem must have been composed
before (the poet's death in) AH 110, probably during his involvement in Abu al-Sayda"s
movement, earlier in the same year, or, even earlier, during his association with the
Murji'ites of Khurasan (ibid. XIV: 253; and below). Nallino's contention, that the poem
belongs to the second half of the first century, is unlikely (cf. Nallino, C , Tartkh al-adab
al-'Arabiyya, ed. Nallino, M., Cairo, 1970, 254). Athamina (126 n. 87) dates the poem
to the years before Ibn al-Ash'ath's revolt; this is even more unlikely. The gloom of the
opening of the poem suggests it was much closer to the poet's last years, i.e. before
AH 110.
(e) Relevant selected verses from Muharib b. Dithar's poem, cited in: WakT*,
Muhammad b. Khalaf, Akhbar al-qudat, Beirut, 'Alam al-Kutub, n.d., Ill: 29f.; Aghatu,
VII: 242. Muharib died in AH 116 and was associated with al-Murji'a al-Vla (Ibn Sa'd,
VI: 307). The verses naturally belong to the period before AH 116, probably between
AH 82 and 95 (below).
(f) Nasr b. Sayyar's poem criticizing the Murji'a associated with al-Harith b. Surayj
in AH 117, cited in: al-Tabari, Muhammad b. JarTr Abu Ja'far, Tartkh al-rusul wa-l-
muluk, ed. M.J. de Goeje et al., Leiden, 1879-1901, II: 1575 f. For my translation of
the poetry texts listed here (c,d,e,and f), see Appendix I below.
11
For the names of individuals associated with irja', see Appendix II below.
u
The Murji'a were reportedly involved in the following revolts: Ibn al-Ash'ath's (c.
AH 81-3), Ibn al-Muhallab's (c. AH 101-2), and al-Harith b. Surayj's (c. AH 116-28).
They were also associated with the movement, c. AH 110, of Abu al-Sayda' in favour
of the mawdtt (below).
u
See Appendix III below.
A VIEWPOINT OF THE MURJI A IN THE UMAYYAD PERIOD 5
This stage coincided with and responded to the events of the period
from the murder of 'Uthman (AH 35/AD 655) to the end of the second
civil war (AH 73/AD 693).
The theatre here was Khurasan and Transoxania after the conquests of
Qutayba and the reign of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz. The period was
marked by changing fiscal policies towards the Soghdian converts. It
ended with the insurgency of al-Harith b. Surayj (c. AH 116/AD 735).
was precisely that. He explained the term, defined the necessary and
sufficient conditions for its application, argued for it, sought scriptural
support for his argument, and interpreted the Qur'anic verses he thus
quoted. Furthermore, he tried to put the term in the context of the all-
encompassing Islam by parading the history of the faith until he got to
the term's enduring religious value and its current political relevance.
Compared to the rudiments of irja' as outlined from Ibn 'Asakir's
passage, al-Hasan's epistle rests on the first, second, and fourth elements
and transforms them to become the corner-stones of the early Murji'ite
doctrine.34 Al-Hasan, not surprisingly, avoided the third element, the
express negative neutrality between 'Uthman and his own grandfather,
was the age of al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf par excellence. His thick shadow
continued to set the pace of major events even after his death (AH
95/AD 714). Between his death and the accession of 'Umar b. 'Abd
al-cAziz (AH 99/AD 717-18), the interval may best be defined by the
absence of al-Hajjaj and the subsequent reversion of his policies. Within
this period (AH 73—99), four intervals may be discerned: (1) the pre-
Ibn al-Ash'ath insurgency interval; (2) the short victory which Ibn
al-Ashlath enjoyed (c. AH 81-3/AD 700-2), and which expired at the
battle of Dayr al-Jamajim; (3) the post-Jamajim interval; and (4) the
post-Hajjaj pre-'Umar II interval.
The pre-Ibn al-Ash'ath interval belongs to the second stage of
and criticizes the contradiction.37 It may also be inferred from the verses
that the question of Tntan and its relation to the rulers' conduct was
only superficially discussed at this stage, for the single purpose of
disengaging the two issues in the interest of the rulers. The Murji'ites,
according to 'Awn, reversed some coins during the revolution; for, while
still maintaining the mu'min status of the rulers, they reversed two of
their own tenets by pronouncing a judgement on them, and licensing
the blood-letting of these same mu'minln.
A less consequential, and probably marginal tenet of irjd' may also
have found its way to the circles of Murji'ite scholars during this
interval of benign rumination. Muharib b. Dithar (d. AH 116/AD 734)
37
The tenets are expressed in the second hemistiches of verses 2 and 3, and they
belong to the time before Ibn al-Ash'ath; the conduct is expressed in the first hemistiches
of the same verses 2 and 3, and it belongs to the revolutionary euphoria of Ibn
al-Ash'ath's time. The verses should be read: they did x whereas their doctrine had
mandated y. 'Awn did not renounce irja' as such: he only dissociated himself from the
contradiction. Goldziher confused the whole episode of 'Awn. He understood his defec-
tion to be from the ranks of the 'loyal Murji'ites' (Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 91),
while, in fact, 'Awn allegedly convened to ShTism (al-Jahiz, 1:328), or to a moderate
brand of irja' as his relation with the Umayyad prince Marwan b. Muhammad and his
position at 'Uraar H's court would suggest (cf. al-Jahiz, 1:328; Ibn Qutayba, 251). He is
even reported to have debated with 'Umar D, advocating irja', when the latter became
Caliph (Ibn Sa'd, VI: 313).
M
For our rendering of Dithar's verses, see Appendix I below.
" Ibn Sa'd, VI: 275.
40
Athamina dedicated an unduly substantial part of his research to proving the
hostility of the Murji'a towards the Shrites. Actually his evidence overwhelmingly points
to a Shrite hostility towards the Murji'a (Athamina, 116, 119-21), which was probably
not as intensely reciprocated. It is noteworthy here that, if NawbakhtTs representation
is any reflection of how the ShTitcs viewed the Muslim sectarian map, it shows that
they tended to brand as Murji'ites all those who were neither of their own number nor
Kharijites (NawbakhtT, 27 ff.).
14 SALEH SAID AGHA
principles that have been used, and that will continue to be used, by
the Murji'ites, or by groups utilizing the expediency, to legitimize and
rationalize either rebellion or caving in, as the circumstances might
require.
A principle inversely implied in the second element of irja\ which
assumes absence from an event to be a precondition for the postpone-
ment of judgement, is now expressly stated in STrat Salim. The Murji'ites
are reported to say: 'we are prepared to testify with regard to what we
have seen and been present at of the most recent schism.'52 The activa-
tion of this principle, already latent in the doctrine, is only a natural
prelude to, or justification of, the renouncement of negative neutrality
n
STrat Salim, para. VIII, in Cook's translation, Dogma, 23; also Appendix III, step 11.
53 M
TabarT, II: 1122 f. Cf. Madelung, 'Early MurjiV, 33.
55
Cf. Agha, Saleh Said, 'The Agents and Forces', passim.
l8 SALEH SAID AGHA
Heritage Foundation, 1988, 13-25). It is his possible relation to the movement before
AH 100 that is being speculated about. Did this shrewd, secretive, business-like, independ-
ent-minded, man-of-the-world put his excellent qualities and capabilities right from the
beginning, as he did his clout and theological sophistication later, at the service of the
cause of the mawdtt, and the new converts who, like himself, were non-Arabs, but,
unlike him, were mere novices in the conquering religion?
57 n
Madelung, 'Early Murji'a', 33. Tabari, D: 1400.
19
Agharit, XIV: 262. " Tabari, II: 1353 f.
" Ibid. 1507-10. For the comrades of Abu 1-Sayda', see Appendix II, and Madelung,
'Early Murji'a', 33. For the fluctuating Umayyad fiscal policies and their relevant impact,
cf. Agha, Saleh Said, 'The Agents and Forces', Part Two, Chapter 1, csp. 280-3.
ZO SALEH SAID AGHA
a
Shahrastanl (I: 222-34) accounts for five subdivisions of what he calls the pure
Murji'a; al-Baghdadl accounts also for five subdivisions, four of which overlap with
four of Shahrastanfs (al-Baghdadl, 'Abd al-Q3hir b. Tahir, al-Farq bayna al-firaq
wa-bayan al-firqa al-najiya mmbum, Beirut, Dar aJ-Afaq al-JadTda, 1973, 190-5);
al-Ash'arT classified them in accordance with their views on twenty issues: on the
definition of Tman they branch into twelve different subdivisions, on the definition of
kufr into seven different subdivisions (al-Ash'arT, 'All b. Isma'Tl Abu 1-Hasan, Maqdlat
al-hlamiyym wa-ikhtilaf al-musalttn, ed. 'Abd al-Hamid, Muhammad MuhyT 1-DTn,
Cairo, Maktabat al-Nahda al-Misriyya, 1950, I: 197-215); Ibn Hazm simplifies the maze
and classifies them into three subdivisions (Ibn Hazm, 'All b. Ahmad b. Sa'Id Abu
Muhammad, al-Fisal ft l-milal wa-l-ahwa' wa-l-nihal, Cairo, Maktabat wa-Matba'at
Muhammad 'All Subayh, 1964, II: 106-7, III: 137-8). The major criteria of distinction
are minute differences in their definition of Tman and kufr, but they all agree, according
to all the heresiographers, on the exclusion of works from the definition of Tman. Most
of this hairsplitting belongs to a period outside the time frame of our discussion and
bears little relevance to the politically motivated evolution of the doctrine.
a
" Madelung, 'Early Murji'a', 33. Ibid. *• Ibid.
" Relevant selections from the poem have been rendered into English in Appendix I.
70
Tabari, n : 1575-6.
A VIEWPOINT OF THE MURJi'A IN THE UMAYYAD PERIOD 23
APPENDIX I
13
Agharu, XTV: 254 f.
A VIEWPOINT OF THE MURJi'A IN THE UMAYYAD PERIOD 27
11. Kill those in our ranks who support them and who adhere to
them, deem them infidels and condemn them
12. Those who criticize our religion while they,
when thoroughly tested, [prove] to be adherents of the worst
religion
13. They say: God's cause is our objective.
How far is what they practise from what they say!
14. Kill them for the protection of God['s cause], seeking assistance
from Him, taking revenge on them, and leave the sceptic deluded
APPENDIX II
A LIST OF MURJI'ITE PERSONAGES IN THE UMAYYAD ERA
THE LIST
i. Pre-lbn al-Ash'ath
Sr. Nimc Died Abode Occupation Ethnic Other
No Origin Involvement
and
Remark*
al-Hasan b. 100/718-19 Madina •AUd,
" Above.
100
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 293; Ibn Qutayba, 625; ShahrastlnT, I: 233; RazI, ID: 453-4; Watt,
ch.5, pp. 342-3 n.21.
101
Ibn Qutayba, 625; RazI, II: 145; Ibn Sa"d, VI: 2&S; Watt, op.cit.
1<n
ShahrastanT, 1:233; Ibn Sa'd, VI: 256-67; Ibn Qutayba, 445-6; RazT, IV: 9-10;
Watt, op.cit.
103
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 227; Ibn Qutayba, 468, 625; ShahrastanT, I: 233; RazT, IV: 490-1;
Watt, op.cit.
104
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 313; Ibn Qutayba, 250-1; Jahiz, I: 328-9; RazT, VI: 384-5; above.
103
Ibn Qutayba, 625; Ibn Sa'd, VI: 358-9; RazT, VII: 270-1.
A V I E W P O I N T OF T H E M U R J I A IN T H E U M A Y Y A D P E R I O D 31
iii. The 'Murji'ite' (?) delegation to 'Umar H's court (c. AH 100/AD
718-19)
Sr. Name Died Abode Occupation Ethnic Other
No Origin Involvement
and
Remarks
107 10
"* Above. TabarT, II: 1353. * Above.
109 110
TabaxI, II: 1400. Ibid. II: 1508, 1566, 1568, 1583, 1890, 1932, 1934.
111 m
Ibid. II: 1508, 1568, 1583, 1585. Ibid. II: 1509; RazI, III: 363.
1U 114
Tabari, II: 1509. Ibid.
SALEH SAID AGHA
1U 1U 117
Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. II: 1508, 1584-5, 1868, 1923, 1932.
i a
" ' Ibid. II: 1507-8, 1932. Above. " " Taban, II: 1569, 1589-90, 1970.
m m
Ibid. II: 1569, 1584, 1589-90. Ibid. II: 1569, 1572; cf. 1442, 1550.
123
Ibid. II: 1569-70, 1917-18, 1922. Ibid. II: 1572, 1582, 1928.
125
Ibid. U: 1570,1581. "* Ibid. U: 1569-70,1608, 1695, 1862, 1925, 1928,1971,1985.
A V I E W P O I N T OF T H E M U R J I A IN T H E U M A Y Y A D P E R I O D 33
b. In AH 118/AD 736-7
127 m
Ibid. II: 1589-90. Ibid. II: 1867. Ibid.
132
"° Ibid. H: 1868. Ibid. Ibid. II: 1918.
133
Ibid. 0: 1918; cf. 1847, 1860-1
04
Above.
34 SALEH SAID AGHA
05
Ibn Sa'd, VII: 370; Ibn AbT al-Wafa, I: 49-50; Razi, II: 134-5; Tabari, II: 1919;
Madelung, 'Early MurjiV, 35; cf. Agha, Salch Said, 'The Agents and Forces', 306-8.
"* Ibn Sa'd, VII: 3*8; Razi, IX: 270; Jabari, II: 1860, 1861, 1928; cf. 1353; Madelung,
'Early MurjiV, 35; cf. Agha, Saleh Said, 'The Agents and Forces', 306-8.
137
Ibn Hazm, II: 107; Ibn Sa'd, VII:373; ShahrastanI, I: 228; Razi, VIII: 354-5; Tabari,
II: 1918, 1931, 1933; Madelung, 'The Murji'a and Sunnite Traditionalism', 20.
"* Madelung, op.cit.: TabarT, see index; Ibn Sa'd, VII: 374: Razi, VIII: 353-4.
131 I<0
Madelung, op.cit. Madelung, op.cit.
141
Above; also: Ibn Sa'd, VI: 307; Ibn Qutayba, 490; ShahrastanI, I: 233; Razi, VIII:
416-17; Watt, ch. V, pp. 342-3 n. 21.
la
Ibn Qutayba, 625; ShahrastanI, I: 233; Razi, I: 148, VI: 257-8; Ibn Sa'd, VI: 315;
Watt, op.cit.
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 339; Ibn Qutayba, 625; Watt, op.cit.
A V I E W P O I N T OF T H E M U R J i ' A IN T H E U M A Y Y A D P E R I O D 35
APPENDIX III
144
Above; Ibn Sa'd, VI: 332-3; Ibn Qutayba, 474, 625; ShahrastanT, I: 233-4; RazI,
I: 147, III: 148-9; Watt, op.cit.
145
Ibn Qutayba, 625, 468; Ibn Sa'd, VII: 371; RazI, III: 375-6; Watt, op.cit.
146
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 339; Watt, op.cit.
147
Nashi', 62; ShahrastanT, I: 227-8, 230.
14>
Above; Nashi\ 62; Ibn Qutayba, 625.
149
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 364-5; Ibn Qutayba, 625; Ibn AbT 1-Wafa, II: 167; RazT, I: 154,
VIII: 368-9.
150
Ibn Sa'd, VI: 362; ShahrastanT, I: 233-4; RazT, VI: 107; Ibn Qutayba, 500.
U1
Ibn Sa'd, V: 493; Ibn Qutayba, 625.
36 SALEH SAID AGHA
COLUMNS 1 AND 2
The historical phases and stages depicted in these two columns are the
ones discussed on page 5 of the article.
COLUMN 3
COLUMNS 4 - 12
B. SECONDARY SOURCES
Agha, Saleh Said, 'The Agents and Forces that Toppled the Umayyad
Caliphate', Ph. D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1993.
AmTn, Ahmad, Fajr al-lslam, Beirut, Dar al-Kitab al-'ArabT, 11th ed.,
1975.
A V I E W P O I N T OF T H E M U R J I A IN T H E U M A Y Y A D P E R I O D 41
Cook, Michael, 'Activism and Quietism in Islam: The case of the early
Murji'a', in: Islam and Power, ed. A.S. Cudsi and E.H. Dessouki,
London, Croom Helm, 1981 (reprint 1982), 15-23.
Van Ess, Arabica = Van Ess, Josef, 'Das Kitab al-Irga' des Hasan b.
Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya', Arabica, 21:1 (1974), 20-52.