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ASSIGNMENT

Pakistan Studies

Muhammad Usman
Roll # 15078

BSc Electrical Engineering


Technology

8th Semester

To:

Sir Hamid Iqbal


Question#1
Highlight services of Muhammad Ali Jinnah for the Muslims of Sub continent.

Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder
of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some
42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his
achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had
played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries.

Early Life:

Born on December 25, 1876, in a prominent mercantile family in Jherak Sindh (130 Kilometers
North East of Karachi). After fist few years of education at the Government School in Jherak his
family came to Karachi and he was admitted into the Sindh Madrassat-ul-Islam where he studied
till 8th class and was later on admitted into the Christian Mission School in Karachi.

Jinnah joined the Lincoln's Inn in 1893 to become the youngest Indian to be called to the Bar, three
years later. Starting out in the legal profession with nothing to fall back upon except his native
ability and determination, young Jinnah rose to prominence and became Bombay's most successful
lawyer, as few did, within a few years. Once he was firmly established in the legal profession,
Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian National Congress. He
went to England in that year alongwith Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a
Congress delegation to plead the cause of Indian self-government during the British elections.

Political Career:
Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial
Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he
was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah,
who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a
leader of a group inside the legislature. Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at
the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah "perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed
to the teeth with dialectics..."Jinnah, he felt, "is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage
that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country.

Constitutional Struggle:

In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since
Jinnah stood for "ordered progress", moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that
political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and
destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi's novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of
government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British textiles.
Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi, having been elected President of the Home Rule League,
sought to change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home
Rule League, saying: "Your extreme program has for the moment struck the imagination mostly
of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganization and
chaos". Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.

Muslim League Reorganized:


Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant:
primary branches it had none; even its provincial organizations were, for the most part, ineffective
and only nominally under the control of the central organization. Nor did the central body have
any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organized. To make
matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal,
Sindh, the North West Frontier, Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders
had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the
situation was, the only consolation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal(1877-1938),
the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics
from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation, Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to
organizing the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with
provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He
exhorted the Muslim masses to organize themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and
direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He advocated that the
Federal Scheme should be scrapped as it was subversive of India's cherished goal of complete
responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for
the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features.
He also formulated a viable League manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was,
it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

The New Awakening:


As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker
calls(their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades),
and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time.
Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal
author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a
desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To
their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism".
In addition, not only had they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them
with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly
discovered nation. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with
the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu
nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to
their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim nationhood and of
a separate Muslim state.
Demand for Pakistan:

"We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- "We are a nation
with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture,
names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and
calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive
outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation". The formulation of
the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of
Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered forever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact,
Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and
creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was
quick, bitter, and malicious.

Leader of a Free Nation:


In recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the
Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's
first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. Indeed, few nations in
the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new
nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force.
Its social and administrative resources were poor; there was little equipment and still less statistics. The
Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, alongwith the en
masse migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The Quaid's last Message:

It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah
told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: "The foundations of your State have been
laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing
the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself
to death, but he had, to quote Richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's
survival". He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former
Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died
by his devotion to Pakistan.

A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and
who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan,
was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be
largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recipient of
some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who
held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.
Question#2 Throw light upon the features and importance of fourteen points of
Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Introduction:
In 1928, All Parties Conference was convened to solve the constitutional problems of India. A
committee was set up under Pandit Lal Nehru. That committee prepared a report which is known
as "Nehru Report". This report demanded "Dominion Status" for India.Separate electorates were
refused and the reservation of seats for the Muslims of Bengal and Punjab was rejected.In this
report,not a single demand of the Muslims was upheld. Since Nehru Report was the last word from
Hindus, therefore, Mr.Jinnah was authorized to draft in the concise term the basis of any future
constitution that was to be devised for India.Originally these demands were Fourteen in number
and so they popularly came to be known as "Jinnah's Fourteen Points". In March 1929, at the
annual session of All India Muslim League, he declared his famous fourteen points.

The Fourteen Points:

1. Federal System

The form of the future constitution should be federal with the residuary powers rested in
the provinces.

2. Provincial Autonomy

A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces.

3. Representation of Minorities

All legislative in the country and other elected bodies shall be constituted on the definite
principles of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every province without
reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality.

4. Number of Muslim Representative

In the central legislative, Muslims representative shall be not less than one-third.

5. Separate Electorates

A representative of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate electorates


as at present provided it shall be open to any community, at any time to abandon its separate
electorate in favor of joint electorate.

6. Muslim Majority Provinces

Any territorial re-distribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in any way,
affect the Muslim majority in Punjab, Bengal, and N.W.F.P.
7. Religious Liberty

Full religious Liberty, liberty of belief, worship and observance, association and education
shall be guaranteed to all the communication.

8. Three-Fourth Representation

No bill or resolution shall be passed in any legislative or any other elected body if three-
fourths of the members of any community in that particular body oppose such a bill.

9. Separation of Sindh

Sindh should be separated from the Bombay Presidency.

10. Introduction of Reforms in N.W.F.P and Baluchistan

Reforms should be introduced in the North-West Frontier Province and Balochistan on the
same footing as in other provinces.

11. Government Services

Muslims should be given adequate share along with other Indians in the services of State.

12. Protection of Muslim's culture and Language

The Constitution should embody adequate safeguards for the protection of Muslim culture
and for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion and personal
laws and Muslim charitable institutions and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given
by the State and by local self-governing bodies.

13. One-Third Muslim Ministers

No cabinet, either central or provincial be formed without being a proportion of at least


one-third Muslim Ministers.

14. Constitution

No change shall be made in the constitution of the state except with the concurrence of
State constituting the Indian Federation.
Importance of Jinnah’s Fourteen Points:

 A comparison of the Nehru Report with the Quaid-e-Azam's Fourteen Points shows that the
political gap between the Muslims and the Hindus had really widened.
 The importance of these points can be judged by the fact that these points were presented in the
Round Table Conference of 1930. Importance of the 14-Points of Jinnah
 Those points made it clear to Hindus and British Government that Muslims wanted their own
identity without influence by Hindus.
 Fourteen points of Quaid-e-Azam became principles for Muslims of India.
 These points made it clear to Hindus and British Government that Muslims of India will not bear
any influence from Hindus or British Government.
 Fourteen Points not only revived Muslim League but also directed them on a new way.
 These points prepared the Muslims of India for a bold step to struggle for freedom.
 These points became the demands of the Muslims and greatly influenced the Muslims thinking for
the next two decades till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.
Question#3 Write down the Muslims and Hindu response on Partition of Bengal.

Muslim reaction to partition of Bengal:

When the proposal for partition was first published in 1903 there was expression of Muslim
opposition to the scheme. The moslem Chronicle, the central national muhamedan association,
chowdhury kazemuddin ahmad siddiky and Dilawar Hossain Abmed condemned the proposed
measure. Even Nawab salimullah termed the suggestion as ‘beastly’ at the initial stage. In the
beginning the main criticism from the Muslim side was against any part of an enlightened and
advanced province of Bengal passing under the rule of a chief commissioner. They felt that
thereby, their educational, social and other interests would suffer, and there is no doubt that
the Muslims also felt that the proposed measure would threaten Bengali solidarity. The Muslim
intelligentsia, however, criticized the ideas of extremist militant nationalism as being against
the spirit of Islam. The Muslim press urged its educated co-religionists to remain faithful to
the government. On the whole the Swadeshi preachers were not able to influence and arouse
the predominantly Muslim masses in east Bengal. The anti- partition trend in the thought
process of the Muslims did not continue for long. When the wider scheme of a self-contained
separate province was known to the educated section of the Muslims they soon changed their
views. They realized that the partition would be a boon to them and that their special
difficulties would receive greater attention from the new administration.
On the other hand, Muslims welcomed the partition. On October 22, 1905, Muslims held a
meeting at Dhaka to express their approval of the partition The Muslims accorded a warm
welcome to the new Lieutenant-Governor Bampfylde Fuller. Even the Moslem Chronicle soon
changed its attitude in favour of partition. Some Muslims in Calcutta also welcomed the
creation of the new province. The Mohammedan literary society brought out a manifesto in
1905 signed by seven leading Muslim personalities. The manifesto was circulated to the
different Muslim societies of both west and east Bengal and urged the Muslims to give their
unqualified support to the partition measure. The creation of the new province provided an
incentive to the, Muslims to unite into a compact body and form an association to voice their
own views and aspiration relating to social and political matters. Oh 16 October 1905 the
Mohammedan Provincial Union was founded. All the existing organizations and societies were
invited, to affiliate themselves with it and Salimullah was unanimously chosen as its patron.
Hindu reaction to partition of Bengal:

The leadership of the Indian National Congress viewed the partition as attempt to ‘divide and rule’
and as a proof of the government’s vindictive antipathy towards the outspoken Bhadralok
intellectuals. Mother-goddess worshipping Bengali Hindus believed that the partition was
tantamount to the vivisection, of their ‘Mother province’. ‘Bande-Mataram’ (Hail Motherland)
almost became the national anthem of the Indian National Congress. Defeat of the partition became
the immediate target of Bengalee nationalism. Agitation against the partition manifested itself in
the form of mass meetings, rural unrest and a swadeshi movement to boycott the import of British
manufactured goods. Swadeshi and Boycott were the twin weapons of this nationalism and Swaraj
(self-government) its main objective. Swaraj was first mentioned in the presidential address of
Dadabhai Naoroji as the Congress goal at its Calcutta session in 1906.
Leaders like surendranath Banerjee along with journalists like Krishna Kumar Mitra, editor of the
Sanjivani (13 July 1905) urged the people to boycott British goods, observe mourning and sever
all contact with official bodies. In a meeting held at Calcutta on 7 August 1905 (hailed as the
birthday of Indian nationalism) a resolution to abstain from purchases of British products so long
as ‘Partition resolution is not withdrawn’ was accepted with acclaim. This national spirit was
popularized by the patriotic songs of Dwijendralal Roy, rajanikanta sen and Rabindranath Tagore.
As with other political movements of the day this also took on religious overtones. Pujas were
offered to emphasize the solemn nature of the occasion.
The Hindu religious fervor reached its peak on 28 September 1905, the day of the Mahalaya, the
new-moon day before the puja, and thousands of Hindus gathered at the Kati temple in Calcutta.
In Bengal the worship of Kali, wife of Shiva, had always been very’ popular. She possessed a
‘two-dimensional character with mingled attributes both generative and destructive.
Simultaneously she took great pleasure in bloody sacrifices but she was also venerated as the great.
Mother associated with the conception of Bengal as the Motherland’s this conception offered a
solid basis for the support of political objectives stimulated by religious excitement. Kali was
accepted as a symbol of the Motherland, and the priest administered the Swadeshi vow. Such a
religious favour could and did give the movement a widespread appeal among the Hindu masses,
but by the same token that favour aroused hostility in average Muslim minds. Huge protest rallies
before and after Bengal’s division on 16 October 1905. Attracted millions, of people heretofore
not involved in politics.
Question#4 Determine the characteristics of political culture of Pakistan.

Characteristics of Political Culture of Pakistan


The main features of political culture in Pakistan can be listed as follow:

Passive Role of People:

In the first place though Pakistan opted for democratic system in which all the citizens were
expected to play some role in the political process but the people have remained relatively passive.
The real power in Pakistan is wielded by the feudal lords, big industrialists and some active leaders
who exercise great power and receive the benefits of the system. These leaders have been able to
successfully give a projection that since they played a major role in the attainment of
independence; they alone possess the capacity to provide fruits of freedom to the people. The lack
of education and political experience among the common people has also promoted this feeling.
The presence of poverty, disease and lack of education has also greatly handicapped large section
of society from taking active part in the political process.

Weak Opposition:

Lack of effective opposition has also greatly influenced the political culture of Pakistan. Generally
the ruling parties in Pakistan have tried to project the opposition parties as a threat to the national
security. Even when the opposition parties were permitted to operate in the country they were not
able to post any serious competition. Opposition parties have not played an active role in the
legislative assemblies, but waited for their turn in power. No government can truly tread on the
right path unless a united opposition played an active role. In Pakistan, weak opposition parties
have failed to keep an effective check on the despotic powers of the government.

Role of Military Leaders:

The prominent role played by the military leaders in Pakistan has also influenced the political
culture of our country. The military staged four successful coups and overthrew civilian
government within few years. This became possible because the civilian leaders failed to come up
to the expectations of the people in bringing about meaningful social, economic and political
reforms. This encouraged the military leaders to assume power on the plea of saving the country
from the internal disaster and disintegration. At the time of assuming power the military leaders
held out promises of providing stability, prosperity and welfare of the people and promised to
return to democratic rule at the earliest. However, actually once they were entrenched in power
they tried to perpetuate military rule. Even when not in direct power, military in Pakistan hold
considerable sway in the formulation of foreign and defense policies. This naturally had an adverse
effect on the political culture of Pakistan.
Violence:

The growing violence in Pakistan has adversely affected its political culture. As the democratic
norms could not take proper rules, people try to bring about the necessary changes through violent
methods. The first Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaqat Ali Khan was assassinated. Similarly Benazir
Bhutto also suffered the same fate. This trend is certainly not in keeping with the true democratic
culture.

Money:

In Pakistan money plays an important role in the political culture and process. The wealthy sections
of the society are able to influence the political parties as well as the comment and managed to get
those in power who are willing to promote their interests. This often leads to the neglect of the
interests of the common people, which is not a healthy trend.

Centralization of Power:
Pakistan has adopted centralized process of decision-making. Which naturally results in the neglect
of the people at the lower levels and gives rise to frustration. Instead of associating the people with
the decision-making process at various levels, the political leaders have opposed decentralization
on the plea that grant of greater powers to the lower units would pose a threat to the unity and
integrity of the country. Ironically. The local government institutions were bolstered during the
military rules while the democratic governments refused to transfer to the local governments.
Question#5 Write down establishment, organization and structure of AIML.

Establishment:

On December 30 1906, the annual meeting of Muhammadan Educational Conference was held at
Dhaka under the chairmanship of Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk. Almost 3,000 delegates attended the
session making it the largest-ever representative gathering of Muslim India. For the first time the
conference lifted its ban on political discussion, when Nawab Salim Ullah Khan presented a
proposal for establish a political party to safeguard the interests of the Muslims; the All India
Muslim League.

Three factors had kept Muslims away from the Congress, Sir Syed’s advice to the Muslims to give
it a wide berth, Hindu agitation against the partition of Bengal and the Hindu religious revivalism’s
hostility towards the Muslims. The Muslims remained loyal to Sir Syed’s advice but events were
quickly changing the Indian scene and politics were being thrust on all sections of the population.

But the main motivating factor was that the Muslims’ intellectual class wanted representation; the
masses needed a platform on which to unite. It was the dissemination of western thought by John
Locke, Milton and Thomas Paine, etc. at the M. A. O. College that initiated the emergence of
Muslim nationalism.

The headquarters of the All India Muslim League was established in Lucknow, and Sir Aga Khan
was elected as its first president. Also elected were six vice-presidents, a secretary and two joint
secretaries for a term of three years. The initial membership was 400, with members hailing
proportionately from all provinces. Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar wrote the constitution of the
League, known as the “Green Book”. Branches were also setup in other provinces. Syed Ameer
Ali established a branch of the League in London in 1908, supporting the same objectives.

Organization:

Muslim League, original name All India Muslim League, political group that led the movement
calling for a separate Muslim nation to be created at the time of the partition of British India (1947).
The Muslim League was founded in 1906 to safeguard the rights of Indian Muslims. At first the
league was encouraged by the British and was generally favourable to their rule, but the
organization adopted self-government for India as its goal in 1913. For several decades the league
and its leaders, notably Mohammed Ali Jinnah, called for Hindu-Muslim unity in a united and
independent India. It was not until 1940 that the league called for the formation of a Muslim state
that would be separate from the projected independent country of India. The league wanted a
separate nation for India’s Muslims because it feared that an independent India would be
dominated by Hindus.
Jinnah and the Muslim League led the struggle for the partition of British India into separate Hindu
and Muslim states, and after the formation of Pakistan in 1947 the league became Pakistan’s
dominant political party. In that year it was renamed the All Pakistan Muslim League. But the
league functioned less effectively as a modern political party in Pakistan than it had as a mass-
based pressure group in British India, and hence it gradually declined in popularity and cohesion.
In the elections of 1954 the Muslim League lost power in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), and
the party lost power in West Pakistan (now Pakistan) soon afterward. By the late 1960s the party
had split into various factions, and by the 1970s it had disappeared altogether.

Structure:

 British Plan- Dividing Indian on communal lines and adhered separatist attitude in Indian politics.
For example- Separate electorate, Played caste politics between non- Brahmins and Brahmins.

 Lacks of Education- Muslims were isolated from western and technical education.

 Loss Sovereignty by Muslims- 1857 revolt makes British to think that Muslims are dangerous for
their colonial policy. As they were established their rule after dethroning the Mughal rule.

 Expression of Religious Color-Most of the historians and radical nationalists glorified India’s
one side of our composite culture. They praises were biased because Shivaji, Rana Pratap etc. were
praises but they remained silent on Akbar, Sher Shah Suri, Allauddin Khalji, Tipu Sultan etc.

 Economic backwardness of India- Lack of Industrialization causes acute unemployment and


British attitude towards cottage industry was pathetic.

 Objectives of the formation of league

 To promote loyalty of Indian Muslims towards the British government.


 To protect the political and other rights of the Indian Muslims and to place their needs and
aspirations before the Government.
 To overcome on the feeling of hostility among Muslims towards other communities.