Type Sword
Production history
Produced 8th to 11th centuries
Specifications
Mass ca. 1.0 to 1.5 kg[2]
Terminology
History
Culture
Swords were very costly to make, and a
sign of high status. Owning a sword was
a matter of high honour. Persons of
status might own ornately decorated
swords with silver accents and inlays.
Most Viking warriors would own a sword
as one raid was usually enough to afford
a good blade. Most freemen would own a
sword with goðar, jarls and sometimes
richer freemen owning much more
ornately decorated swords. The poor
farmers would use an axe or spear
instead but after a couple of raids they
would then have enough to buy a sword.
One sword mentioned in the Laxdæla
saga was valued at half a crown, which
would correspond to the value of 16 milk-
cows. Constructing such weapons was a
highly specialized endeavour and many
sword-blades were imported from
foreign lands, such as the Rhineland.
Swords could take up to a month to forge
and were of such high value that they
were passed on from generation to
generation. Often, the older the sword,
the more valuable it became.[10] Local
craftsmen often added their own
elaborately decorated hilts, and many
swords were given names, such as Leg-
biter and Gold-hilt.[11]
Handle
The Frankish swords often had pommels
shaped in a series of three or five
rounded lobes. This was a native
Frankish development which did not exist
prior to the 8th century, and the design is
frequently represented in the pictorial art
of the period, e.g. in the Stuttgart Psalter,
Utrecht Psalter, Lothar Gospels and Bern
Psychomachia manuscripts, as well as in
the wall frescoes in the church in Mals,
South Tyrol. Likewise, the custom of
inlaid inscriptions in the blades is
Frankish innovation dating to the reign of
Charlemagne, notably in the Ulfberht
group of blades, but continued into the
high medieval period and peaking in
popularity in the 12th century. While
blade inscriptions become more
common over the Viking Age, the custom
of hilt decorations in precious metals,
inherited from the Merovingian sword
and widespread during the 8th and 9th
centuries, is in decline over the course of
the 10th century. Most swords made in
the later 10th century in what was now
the Holy Roman Empire, while still
conforming to the "Viking sword" type
morphologically, have plain steel hilts.[16]
Trade
The distribution of Frankish blades
throughout Scandinavia and as far east
as Volga Bulgaria attest to the
considerable importance of Frankish
arms exports, even though Carolingian
kings attempted to prevent the export of
weapons to potential enemies; in 864,
Charles the Bald set the death penalty on
selling weapons to the Vikings.[17] Ibn
Fadlan in the 10th century notes explicitly
that the Volga Vikings carried Frankish
swords.[18] The Saracens raiding
Camargue in 869 demanded 150 swords
as ransom for archbishop Rotland of
Arles.
Viking swords
Foreign-made, specifically Frankish,
weapons and armour played a special
role in Norse society. Norsemen attained
them either through trade (an extension
of gift-giving in Norse society) or as
plunder. Therefore, their possession and
display by any individual would signify
their station in the social hierarchy and
any political allegiances they had.[19][20]
One example of an exchange of weapons
between the Franks and the Anglo-
Saxons occurred in 795 when
Charlemagne exchanged weapons with
the Anglo-Saxon king Offa of Mercia. [21]
Scabbards
Carolingian scabbards were made of
wood and leather. Scabbard decorations
are depicted in several manuscripts
(Stuttgart Psalter, Utrecht Psalter, Vivian
Bible). A number of miniatures also show
the system of suspension of the sword
by means of the sword-belt. While the
scabbards and belts themselves are
almost never preserved, their metal
mounts have been found in Scandinavian
silver hoards and in Croatian graves.[31] A
complete set seems to have included
two to three oval or half-oval mounts, one
large strap-end, a belt buckle and a trefoil
mount. Their arrangement on the sword-
belt has been reconstructed by Menghin
(1973).[32]
Morphology
Type B sword hilt with gold "wheel" ornaments,
dated c. 750–850, found in the river Meuse near
Den Bosch, the Netherlands (Rijksmuseum van
Oudheden, Leiden)
Metallurgy
An important aspect in the development
of the European sword between the early
and high medieval periods is the
availability of high-quality steel. Migration
period as well as early medieval sword
blades were primarily produced by the
technique of pattern welding,[44] also
known as "false Damascus" steel.
Blooms of high-quality steel large enough
to produce an entire sword blade were
only rarely available in Europe at the time,
mostly via import from Central Asia,
where a crucible steel industry began to
establish itself from c. the 8th century.
Higher quality swords made after AD
1000 are increasingly likely to have
crucible steel blades. The group of
Ulfberht swords includes a wide
spectrum of steel and production
method. One example from a 10th-
century grave in Nemilany, Moravia, has a
pattern-welded core with welded-on
hardened cutting edges. Another
example appears to have been made
from high-quality hypoeutectoid steel
possibly imported from Central
Asia.[45][46]
Notable examples
See also
References
1. M. Müller-Wille, "Zwei
wikingerzeitliche Prachtschwerter
aus der Umgebung von Haithabu",
Offa 29 (1972) 50–112 (cited after
Schulze-Dörrlamm (2012:625).
2. Universitetets Oldsaksamling, Oslo
C777 length: 102.4cm, blade length:
86 cm, weight 1.9 kg. Peirce
(2002:36): "it is extremely rare to find
a Viking Age sword with an overall
length of more than 1 metre. Even
considering the huge pommel, this
weapon has a very poor balance and
consequently does not handle easily.
[...] Petersen determined the weight
of C777 as a massive 1.896 kg (4.17
lb)."
3. Ingelrii sword found in the Thames:
length 84.2 cm (blade 69.7 cm):
Peirce (2002:80). There are shorter
swords found in boys' graves,
presumably shortened from full
sized sword (Peirce 2002:86) and in
some cases diminutive swords
made for boys (Peirce 2002:95).
4. L. A. Jones in Peirce (2002:23),
citing Geibig (1991): "Dimensions of
Viking Age Sword Blades in Geibig's
Classification" type 1: 70–80 cm,
type 2: 74–83 cm, type 3: 74–85 cm,
type 4: 63–76 cm, type 5: 84–91 cm.
5. Oakeshott, R.E. (1996). The
Archaeology of Weapons, Arms and
Armour from Prehistory to the Age of
Chivalry. New York: Dover
Publications Inc. ISBN 978-0-486-
29288-5.
6. V. D. Hampton,"Viking Age Arms and
Armor Originating in the Frankish
Kingdom" , The Hilltop Review 4.2
(2011), 36–44.
7. Goran Bilogrivić, Carolingian Swords
from Croatia – New Thoughts on an
Old Topic, Studia Universitatis
Cibiniensis X (2013). Madeleine
Durand-Charre, "Merovingian and
Carolingian swords", Microstructure
of Steels and Cast Irons, Engineering
Materials and Processes, Springer
Science & Business Media (2013),
16ff.
8. W. Horn and E. Born, The Plan of St.
Gall, 3 vols. (Berkeley 1979) 2.190.
9. Simon Coupland, "Carolingian Arms
and Armor in the Ninth Century" ,
Viator: Medieval and Renaissance
Studies 21 (1990).
10. Stephen V. Grancsav, “A Viking
Chieftain’s Sword,” The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Bulletin, XVII (March
1959), 181.
11. "Viking Weapons and Warfare" .
BBC. 15 October 2010. Retrieved
15 November 2010.
12. "Holman 2003"
13. name="Hall 2007"
14. Oxenstierna, Eric (1916). The
Norsemen. Connecticut: New York
Graphic Society Publishers, Ltd.
15. Oakeshott, R.E. (1996). The
Archaeology of Weapons, Arms and
Armour from Prehistory to[ the Age
of Chivalry. New York: Dover
Publications Inc. ISBN 978-0-486-
29288-5.
16. Schulze-Dörrlamm (2012:623): "In
den Waffenschmieden des Reiches
sind während des 10. Jahrhunderts
offenbar nur sehr schlichte,
unverzierte Eisenschwerter (Typ X)
84 mit einteiligem,
halbkreisförmigem Knauf und
gerader Parierstange, wenngleich
mit gut geschmiedeter, damaszierter
Klinge hergestellt worden, wie z. B.
das Schwert aus dem Lek bei
Dorestad (prov. Utrecht / NL).
Deshalb mögen den Kaisern der
damaligen Zeit typische
»Wikingerschwerter« mit ihren
prächtig ausgestalteten, wuchtigen
Griffen für Repräsentationszwecke
besser geeignet erschienen sein."
17. Capitulare missorum in Theodonis
villa datum secundum, generale c. 7;
Capitulare Bononiense 10, 167; both
decrees were included by Ansegisus
in his collection of laws, as articles
3.6 and 3.75 respectively; Edictum
Pistense c. 25.
18. cited after J. Brondsted, The Vikings,
ed. 2 (Harmondsworth 1965) 265.
19. Callmer, Johan (2008). "Scandinavia
and the Continent in the Vikings
Age". The Viking World: ch 33.
20. Hedeager, Lotte (2008). "Scandinavia
before the Viking Age". The Viking
World: ch 1.
21. Hampton, Valerie Dawn (2011).
"Viking Age Arms and Armor
Originating in the Frankish Kingdom".
The Hilltop Review. 4 (2): 36–44
22. Pederson, Anne (2008). "Viking
Weaponry". The Viking World: ch 15.
23. Ljungkvist, John (2008).
"Handicrafts". The Viking World.
24. Pederson, Anne (2008). "Viking
Weaponry". The Viking World: ch
15.>
25. Callmer, Johan (2008). "Scandinavia
and the Continent in the Viking Age".
The Viking World.
26. Ibn Fadlan (2005). Journey to
Russia. New Jersey: Markus Wiener
Publishers. p. 63.
27. Hampton, Valerie Dawn (2011).
"Viking Age Arms and Armor
Originating in the Frankish Kingdom".
The Hilltop Review. 4 (2): 36–44
28. "Capitulare Bononiense" .
Translations and Reprints. VI.
Retrieved 2014-11-21. "Ch. 10. It has
been enacted that no bishop or
abbot or abbess, or any rector or
guardian of a church, shall presume
without our permission to give or sell
a byrnie or sword to any man
outside, except only to his own
vassals."
29. Hampton, Valerie Dawn (2011).
"Viking Age Arms and Armor
Originating in the Frankish Kingdom".
The Hilltop Review. 4 (2): 36–44
30. Hampton, Valerie Dawn (2011).
"Viking Age Arms and Armor
Originating in the Frankish Kingdom".
The Hilltop Review. 4 (2): 36–44
31. E. Wamers, "Ein karolingischer
Prunkbeschlag aus dem
Römisch‑Germanischen Museum,
Kö1n," Zeitschrift fur Archäologie des
Mittelalters 9 (1981) 91–128.
32. W. Menghin, "Aufhängevorrichtung
and Trageweise zweischneidiger
Langschwerter aus germanischen
Gräbern des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts,"
Anzeiger des Germanischen
Nationalmuseums (1973).
33. Notes sur la collection d'armes
anciennes du Major Henry Galopin,
Geneva (1913), plate 8, no. 1: Epée
carolingienne du Xe siècle, pommeau
à 3 lobes avec inscription en
caractères runiques, fusée manque,
provenance: Trèves.
34. Pedersen 2008:p. 205
35. Petersen, Jan (1919) De Norske
Vikingesverd. [The Viking Sword].
36. Wheeler, R.E.M. (1927) London and
the Vikings. London Museum
Catalogues: No 1
37. Oakeshott 1960:p. 137
38. Oakeshott, Ewart (1960) The
Archaeology of Weapons.
Lutterworth Press. 1960.
39. Ian Peirce's 'Swords of the Viking
Age'. Jones 2002
40. Oakshott, Ewart (1991) Records of
the Medieval Sword. Boydell.
41. Peirce's 'Swords from the Viking
Age'. Jones 2002:p. 16
42. Oakeshott 2002
43. Jones 2002
44. Maryon, Herbert (1948). "A Sword of
the Nydam Type from Ely Fields
Farm, near Ely". Proceedings of the
Cambridge Antiquarian Society. XLI:
73–76. doi:10.5284/1034398 .
45. David Edge, Alan Williams: Some
early medieval swords in the Wallace
Collection and elsewhere , Gladius
XXIII, 2003, 191–210 (p. 203).
46. See:
Williams, Alan (2009) "A
metallurgical study of some
Viking swords," Gladius, 29 :
124–89.
National Physical Laboratory
(U.K.) uncovers Viking trade
routes (2009 January 12)
47. Schulze-Dörrlamm (2012:630)
48. British Museum 1848, 1021.1
Antiquities from the River Witham,
Archaeology Series No. 13,
Lincolnshire Museums Information
Sheet (1979)
49. Peirce, Ian (1990), "The Development
of the Medieval Sword c. 850–1300",
in Christopher Harper-Bill, Ruth
Harvey (eds.), The Ideals and
Practice of Medieval Knighthood III:
Papers from the Fourth Strawberry
Hill Conference, 1988, Boydell &
Brewer Ltd, pp. 139–58 (p. 144).
50. British Museum 1848, 1021.1 .
Kendrick, T. D. (1934): 'Some types of
ornamentation on Late Saxon and
Viking Period Weapons in England',
Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua, ix,
396 and fig. 2; Maryon, Herbert.
(1950): 'A Sword of the Viking Period
from the River Witham', The
Antiquaries Journal, xxx, 175–79; '
51. "the runes inscribed upon the bronze
collars which once held the grip at
top and bottom [...] rather roughly
incised in a rather 'home-made' style,
have been positively dated as being
no later than 1150 and unlikely to be
much earlier than 1100. These
datings have been made by two
extremely eminent Runologists, Eric
Moltke and O. Rygh, each
independently corrobating the
other's finding. On stylistic grounds
and on the circumstances of its
burial, Jan Petersen dated the sword
to c. 1050" Oakeshott (1991:76)
52. "Åttaåring Fann Järnålderssvärd."
Jönköping Läns Museum. October 2,
2018. Accessed December 12, 2018.
https://jonkopingslansmuseum.se/n
yheter/kategori/arkeologi/attaaring-
fann-jarnalderssvard/ .
Alfred Geibig, Beiträge zur
morphologischen Entwicklung des
Schwertes im Mittelalter (1991).
P. Paulsen, Schwertortbänder der
Wikingerzeit (1953).
Ian G. Peirce, Swords of the Viking Age,
2002.
Jan Petersen, De Norske Vikingsverd,
1919 (archive.org ).
Mechthild Schulze-Dörrlamm,
"Schwerter des 10. Jahrhunderts als
Herrschaftszeichen der Ottonen" ,
Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums 59 (2012) 609–51
External links
Swords (vikingage.org)
Wiglaf's Weapon Widget Database of
Viking swords.
The Norwegian Viking Swords by Jan
Petersen, translated by Kristin Noer
An online English translation of Jan
Petersen's typology of Viking swords.
Petersen typology
(vikingsword.com)
Christopher L. Miller, The Sword
Typology of Alfred Geibig
(myarmoury.com)
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