Implications of Marital Separation For Younger Children PDF

AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE OF FAMILY STUDIES
W 0 R KIN G PAP ERN 011
IMPLICATIONS OF
MARITAL SEPARATION
FOR
YOUNG CHILDREN
Compiled by the Australian Institute ofFamily Studies

from a report ofa survey conducted in 1982-83 by
G. W. Smiley, E. R. Chamberlain and L. I. Dalgleish
AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE OF FAMILY STUDIES
W 0 R KIN G PAP ERN 011
IMPLICATIONS OF
MARITAL SEPARATION
FOR
YOUNG CHILDREN
Compiled by the Australian Institute ofFamily Studies
from a report ofa sUIVey conducted in 1982-83 by
G. W. Smiley, E. R. Chamberlain and L. I. Dalgleish
This survey was commissioned by the Institute as part

of its Australian Family Re-formation Project.
The publication of this WORKING PAPER was made po~c:;ible

by a grant from the Victoria Law Foundation.
© Australian Institute of Family Studies - Commonwealth of Australia 1987
Australian Institute of Family Studies
300 Queen Street
Melbourne 3000 Australia
Telephone (03) 6086888
February 1987
National Library of Australia

Cataloguing-in-Publication data
Implications of marital separation for young children.
Bibliography
ISBN 0 642 \09672.
1. Children of divorced parents. 2. Broken homes.

3. Divorced parents. I. Smiley, G.W. I I. Chamberlain.
E.R. (Edna R.). 111. Dalgleish, L.l.
IV. Australian Institute of Family Studies. (Series:
Working paper (Australian Institute of Family Studies); no. 11).
306.8'9
Typeset by Abb-rypesetting, Melbourne

Printed by Globe Press, Melbourne
Contents
List of Tables iv
List of Figures iv
Foreword vii
1 Conceptual Issues and Relevant Research 1
2 Method 3
Design 3
Respondents 3
Data collection 5
Sample characteristics 5·
3 Results of Parent Interview 7
Access and maintenance 7
Effects of separation on the parent 7
Housing 8
Finances 10
Health 12
Child care 12
Extended family 14
Friendships 16
Leisure 18
The child's behaviour 18
4 Results of Teacher Interview 21
5 Results of Child Interview 22
Friendships 22
Other relationships 22
Attitude to family 22
Changes in family 23
Attitude to self 23
Three wishes 24
Self-esteem 25
Reading test 25
Discussion of children's interview results 25
6 General Discussion 27
Practice implications 28
Limitations of the study· 30
7 Conclusion 32
List of References 33
AIFS Original Data Collection 38
Australian Family Re-formation Project 39
List of Tables
1 Sample characteristics
2 Housing characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
3 Financial characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
4 Use of child care by parents in one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
5 Contact with extended family in one year separated, two-three years separated,
and intact families
6 Friendships and leisure activity in one year separated, two-three years separated,
and intact families
7 Reports of children's behaviour in one year separated, two-three years separated,
and intact families
8 Children's three wishes exploration, self-esteem, and reading ability in one year
separated, two-three years separated, and intact families
List of Figures
1 Time periods used for obtaining measures for each group of respondents
The Researchers
Mr G.W. Smiley was Director of Court Counselling at the FamUy Court Coun~
selling Section in Brisbane, but went into private practice soon after commencing this
research.
Emeritus Professor E.R. Chamberlain was Head of the Department of Social Work
at the University of Queensland during the research.
Dr L.I. Dalgleish, who joined the research team at the planning stage for data
collection, is a lecturer in the Department of Social Work at the University of
Queensland.
The research was monitored in the early stages by a Research Consultative Com~
mittee consisting of Dr P.}. Graham and Mr E.L. Reilly of the Department of Social
Work, University of Queensland, and Dr A. Silcock from the Department of Edu~
cation, University of Queensland.
Acknowledgements
The researchers wish to acknowledge the assistance of the Queensland Education
Department and of teachers in the school system in obtaining respondents and in
providing another view of children in the study. They also thank the Family Court
for its cooperation in the search for families to participate in the study. Considerable
help was provided by the research assistants, Anne Andrews, Robyn Lincoln, Dawn
Wilson, Joan Davey and Sandra Siddle, and this is gratefully acknowledged.
Special thanks go to the families who agreed to participate in the study for their
cooperation in answering questions and for their willingness to share their experi-
ences.
Foreword
There is a severe problem in trying to do research on how divorce affects
children.
Modern society has become so imbued with the psychology of stability, adjustment,
bonding and 'normal' development that any child whose pathway is disrupted is
assumed to be in trouble. We forget that change is as endemic to social life as con-
tinuity. We forget that in the past children lost their mothers in child birth, their
fathers in war and pestilence, had fewer grandparents because oflower life expectancy
and were forced to 'grow up' independently and assume adult responsibilities at a very
early age. In Australia in 1891 there were more one-parent families with children
under age 15 (14 per cent of all households) than there were in 1982 (only 5 per cent of
all households). Not all were bereaved either, since 'desertion' was widespread, so
parental loss through marriage breakdown has been a fact of life for many Australian
children for a long period of time.
The issue of 'deviation from the norm' cannot, however, be easily dismissed. The
1950s-60s were characterised uniquely by almost universal marriage, high stability
and strong social pressures to conform to the 'nuclear family' model. Thus children
whose parents separated did suffer social stigma and perhaps more conflict and stress
as a result. Moreover, given the greater economic dependency of women whose
education and training made a male 'provider' essential for most, it was men who
deserted rather than women.
Times have changed and we might expect the impact of divorce on children to have
shifted too. Women now are better equipped to survive alone and government bene-
fits to supporting parents facilitate their active move out of unsatisfactory marriages.
Social values make it more acceptable to divorce and children see around them peers
who have been through the same experience.
It is perhaps not surprising therefore to find the research on children and divorce has
also shifted ground. The very assumptions underlying such research are more critic-
ally examined and the research methods are now much more sophisticated. Where
once, samples of 'problem children' from 'broken homes' were studied, or samples
were drawn from clinical groups self-selected in search of counselling, studies such as
the one being reported here draw randomly from the whole population of children
and have matching control groups of children from intact families. They are thus far
better designed studies than much of what has gone before.
The Institute set out deliberately to focus on what was happening to children in
families, to avoid the usual 'adult myopia' of much family research and to examine the
child as an active participant in and influence on family life. Our study of Marriage
Breakdown, 1982-83, involved divorced people from three States and asked parents
questions about how children had been affected. But in tandem with that study we
commissioned two contract studies about divorce impacts on children. One is
reported here and is based on young children aged 6 to 8 at the time of divorce. The
other was conducted for us by Rosemary Dunlop and Ailsa Burns, on adolescents,
and is reported elsewhere. Both were required to examine children's perceptions, to
obtain standardised measures of adjustment and other behavioural outcomes and
(most importantly) to include control groups of children from intact families. At
about the same time we conducted our own study of children from all family types to
examine family effects on the development of competence.
Findings from these three Institute studies of children have been surprisingly con-
sistent and have challenged some standard assertions about how family instability
affects children.
Perhaps most important is the repeated finding that it is family conflict per se that
damages children, rather than their presence in a particular family type. Such conflfct
is more evident before the separation/divorce than after it and many children in one-
parent families are doing very well in terms of emotional adjustment, self-esteem,
coping independently and at school. What marks off such children is their compa-
rative poverty and resources for achieving higher levels of education. When we put
this together with the Institute's findings about matrimonial property division and
the failure to collect child maintenance support payments, two minimal conclusions
can be drawn.
First, interventions such as counselling support are just as important prior to family
separation as after divorce. Second, firmer efforts are required in both the family law
system and the system of social security to ensure that no family with children has to
survive at or below the poverty line.
This study of young children and divorce challenges several popular notions about
'children from broken homes'. For example, over 70 per cent of the non-custodial
parents do have regular contact with their children; relatives of the ex-spouse do act as
strong family supports in many cases, despite an overall reduction in contact; friends
become the most important source of support, both for the divorced parent and their
children; though children whose parents divorce display more behavioural problems
prior to and in the first year after divorce, they quickly adjust and there are no sig-
nificant differences in school performance, emotional health or social relationships.
Teachers do not tend to 'label' children from separated families and in fact rate them
as functioning better with peers than those from intact homes. No differences emerge
on measures of self-esteem.
On the other hand, these young children do reveal different attitudes to the family
which reflect the separation experience. Family life to them revolves around joint
family activities whereas for children from intact families its importance lies in caring
and helping. While the 'intact' seek to improve their skills, the 'separated' wish to
better their behaviour and show more concern for family disruption and restructur-
ing. A third of them wish to see their parents reconciled whereas the 'intact' express
more concern about their relationships with siblings and parents. On a 'three-wishes'
test, the 'separated' children mentioned more family-related desires than the others
who wanted possessions or personal improvements. Overall, the separated parents in
this sample view the ending of their marriages in a positive light despite some eco-
nomic and personal difficulties. Their children, on the other hand, express negative
feelings about the separation, though their adjustment to change seems satisfactory
and improves over time.
So where does that leave us in relation to our starting point about the problem of
doing research on children and divorce? I think it leaves us with a better balanced
understanding of what happens, but also with a new doubt. Whereas earlier research
was weak because it drew on clinical samples of children from 'broken homes', not
matched against those from intact families, the newer research has a different 'bias'.
For it relies on the willingness of volunteers, randomly selected, to be interviewed
about what is a potentially upsetting topic. Cooperation in such research may reflect
less initial difficulty in the separation process, less trauma on the part of the children,
less fear that an interview will simply raise old spectres that are harmful to the child's
well-being. So the selection bias in itself will result in scores closer to the intact groups
and we are in danger of going too far in the direction of saying 'divorce is not harmful
to kids'.
Of course what is being said about the research is not that but rather 'divorce is
harmful in certain circumstances but not others'. If there is high conflict, serious
disruption of home, school, friendships, standard of living and so on, then certain bad
effects follow. Given caution therefore, these findings are a very significant advance
on what was known before. They give Australian evidence on an issue much
researc}led overseas, where life circumstances and cultural values differ. Instead of
judges, guidance officers and court counsellors having to rely on Wallerstein and
Kelly or Hetherington or Ferri, they can check the Australian evidence against the
overseas for similarities and differences.
From there, further questions can be asked and specific forms of intervention can be
tried and evaluated. The best research will be longitudinal and involve repeated
measures of likely divorce effects on children over time. For if history teaches us
anything it is that children are amazingly adaptable and enormously resilient. The
only way in which the worst effects of family conflict and marital separation can be
alleviated is to identify the conditions under which children go under, survive or
flourish. Then parents, teachers and other sources of social support will be better
equipped to help.
My thanks go to the team of researchers at the University of Queensland who carried
this difficult piece of research to successful completion, to Gay Ochiltree of the
Institute's research staff who acted as coordinator for all these related 'children in
divorce' projects and to the Victoria Law Foundation whose grant enabled us to
publish this final report. A longer and more detailed version of this Working Paper is
available for inspection at the Institute.
Don Edgar
Director
Australian Institute of Family Studies
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 1
1 Conceptual Issues and Relevant Research

Marriage breakdown has become a matter of increasing concern to policy makers and
helping professionals. In 1983, there were 43525 divorces and 114758 marriages in
Australia, or_ about one divorce for every 2-3 first marriages (Australian Bureau of
Statistics, 1983a, 1983b). McDonald (1986) predicts a divorce rate for presently marry-
ing couples in Australia of about one third - a figure that must cause questioning of
the viability of marriage in its present form. During 1983, there were 52 059 children
whose parents divorced (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1983a, 1983b).
Considerable confusion exists about the effects of parental separation on children.
The assumption remains in much professional thinking that divorce has extreme and
long-term negative consequences for all children (Levitin, 1979). However, evidence
exists that in some families parental separation is a positive alternative to ongoing
conflict (Rutter, 1971). Furthermore, many studies conducted overseas (Fine, 1980;
Fulton, 1979) and in Australia (Amato and Ochiltree, in press; Dunlop and Burns,
1983; Ochiltree and Amato, 1984), have found that the majority of children proceed
through family breakdown with few apparent negative effects. Consequently, Long-
fellow (1979) and Rosen (1980) argue that research findings to date do not permit the
assertion that divorce has any single broad-reaching impact on children.
Reiss (1981) observes that ideologies are important in research and that social
scientists themselves have emotional commitments to their ideological positions.
Raschke and Raschke (1979) are critical of the ways in which present findings con~
cerning the effects of separation on children are interpreted. They argue that inter-
pretations are often in terms of negative consequences when the research findings, in
an objective sense, do not support these conclusions. We share the view of Raschke
and Raschke (1979) that divorce can be thought of as an adaptive strategy for families
in a rapidly changing society rather than as an indicator of family disintegration.
Whatever view is taken, however, it is necessary to be open to an understanding of
divorce in terms of both negative and positive consequences.
It has long been observed that marriage breakdown is a crisis event that begins a
period of transition for the family to some new equilibrium (Luepnitz, 1979; Smiley
and Morrison, 1980; Wallerstein, 1980; Wiseman, 1975). Given this context, a state-
ment of the effects of divorce on children requires a knowledge of the major changes
and stress points that accompany this transition (Longfellow, 1979). The research
2 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
findings of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) provide a useful framework. These
authors found three major areas of stress for families after separation: emotional dis-
tress; practical problems of living, such as financial problems and housing; and social
life and interpersonal relationships. Each of these areas is important in understanding
how families adjust to the crisis of divorce.
One of the major limitations in research and the literature on family breakdown has
been an almost exclusive focus on emotional distress; matters such as the economic
consequences of separation and changes in social networks have received scant atten-
tion (Everly, 1977; Levitin, 1979). (One exception, the recent Australian study on the
economic consequences of divorce by the Australian Institute of Family Studies
(McDonald, 1986), has documented the severe financial losses of most custodial
mothers.) When social and economic factors are acknowledged, they are usually
interpreted in terms of psychological effects through the stress they add to the family
(Hetherington, Cox and Cox, 1978; Longfellow, 1979; Wallerstein and Kelly, 1979.
Although psychological stress is an important consideration ina family's ability to
cope, poor financial circumstances and constricted social networks also result in
material hardship and decreased social opportunities for children and other family
members (Bane, 1976; Everly, 1977; Espenshade, 1979). .
Much of our knowledge concerning the effects of marital separation and divorce on
children comes from the research efforts of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) and
Wallerstein and Kelly (1980). While these studies are benchmarks in the field, they
have some design limitations and do not describe the Australian situation (Eisen,
1979). The design limitations of the Wallerstein and Kelly study include a reliance on
subjects from a clinical population (families had sought help from a counselling ser-
vice and were asked to participate in the research). Other limitations include the lack
of a comparison group of non-separated families and the fact that the sample was
predominantly made up of middle class families. This latter criticism can also be made
of the study by Hetherington and her colleagues.
The purpose of the present study was to investigate changes in family circumstances
and the difficulties for children that follow marriage breakdown. In this research,
some of the limitations of earlier studies have been addressed. For one thing, the
study was conducted in Brisbane, making it relevant to the Australian experience. As
well as including an examination of economic and social factors, a non-clinical sample
of families that spanned the full range of socio-economic groups was used. Finally, the
design allowed for comparisons of separated and intact families.
2 Method
Interviews were conducted throughout 1982-83. The following is an outline of the
study design, the data collection procedures, and sample characteristics.
Design
The research involved three groups of children. Group one consisted of 20 children
whose parents had been separated for between 10 and 14 months (the 1 year separated
group), group two consisted of 22 children whose parents had been separated for
between 24 to 36 months (the 2- 3 years separated group), and group three consisted of
28 children from non-separated families (the intact group). The two time periods
allowed for comparisons of groups to explore the extent to which effects of parental
separation change over time.
Children in the three groups were selected to yield similar distributions of family
socio-economic status (SES) and sex of child. The SES of the familywas based on the
employment classification of the major breadwinner prior to the separation, or for the
intact families, two years prior to the time of the interview.
Information was obtained for respondents' circumstances at the time of interview,
and retrospectively for the period prior to separation for each of the separated groups.
For the intact group, information was obtained for two time periods corresponding to
the times of separation for the other two groups (see Figure 1). During the interviews,
however, it became clear that parents in the intact group had difficulty in making
distinctions between their family circumstances 12 months and two years ago. It was
decided, therefore, only to use the information given by parents in intact families for
the time period two years prior to the interview.
Respondents
Children in the separated groups were six to eight years of age at the time of parental
separation. Because of the different periods since separation, children were aged
between seven and eleven years at the time of the interview. This age group repre-
sents the 'early latency' period of development (Kelly and Wallerstein, 1976).
Figure 1 Time periods used for obtaining measures for each group of respondents
Separation Time of 1 Year

12 months Interview Separated
Group
Separation Time of 2-3 Years

2-3 Years Interview Separated
Group
2 years 12 months Time of Intact Group

Interview
Considerable difficulty was experienced in locating suitable respondents who met the
constraints imposed by time since separation, age and sex of child, and socio-econ-
omic status of the family. This led to the use of a variety of sources for locating
respondents. A fortuitous side effect was the lessening of systematic bias because the
sample was not associated with a single source.
In the first instance, respondents were located by obtaining permission from the
Queensland Education Department to approach families through the State school
system. Three large schools were chosen that represented the full range of socio-
economic statuses. Letters were forwarded through the schools to 1500 families ask-
ing for those who met the criteria and were willing to participate to identify them-
selves. Only 12 sllitable children from separated families were obtained through this
method, even after a repeat request to the 1500 families.
Next, efforts were made to obtain suitable separated families through appeals in the
media. Radio and newspapers were used and these yielded a further 12 children.
Finally, per:mission was obtained from the Family Court Principal Registrar to use
Family Court records. Staff from the Family Court in Brisbane examined all court
\ records to identify families who fitted broadly within the study criteria. The Family
Court then sent letters to custodial parents in these families asking for their
. cooperation. This produced a further 18 families, which represented a response rate
of approximately 30 per cent. With the benefit of hindsight, it now seems obvious
that an effective method of obtaining respondents would have involved the exclusive
use of Family Court records. Of course, this approach does not sample the population
of separated families not using the Family Court system.
Data collection
Three interview schedules and two quantitative measures were used to collect data
from the three groups.
First, an interview was conducted with the parent providing care in the separated
families and to either parent (usually the mother) in intact families. Parents were
interviewed alone in their homes. The interview covered a number of areas, including
finances, housing, use of child care, and family and friendship supports. Parents in the
two separated groups were asked additional questions dealing with their own and
their children's adjustment to separation.
Second, an interview dealing with the child's functioning in the school environment
was held with his or her teacher. All teachers were interviewed at school. This
information was seen to be important because of the significance of school to children
in the age group studied. Moreover, teachers are a readily available external source of
information about children.
Third, an interview was held with every child, privately, in the child's home. This
interview focused on the child's interests and attitudes to the family. Children in
separated families were not asked questions about the separation because the inter-
view was too restricted to allow for a 'working through' of any feelings aroused. This
feature was recognised by the Education Department in permitting access to schools;
it also gave reassurance to parents in obtaining their cooperation. A reading test (St.
Lucia reading test - Andrews, 1973) and the Coopersmith self-esteem inventory
(Coopersmith, 1967) were also administered at the time of the interview.
Interviews were conducted by the principal researcher and five interviewers trained
by him. All had previous research experience and professional qualifications in the
behavioural sciences. The parent interview was of approximately one hour's dura-
tion, the child's interview 40 minutes, and the teacher interview 15 to 20
minutes.
Sample characteristics
Socio-economic status
Table 1 details the sodo-economic statuses of families in the sample, based on the
classifications of Broom, Duncan-Jones, Jones and McDonnell (1977). For this pur-
pose, the occupation of the major breadwinner was used. For separated families, the
occupation of the major breadwinner before separation was used.
There was a spread over the full range of statuses in the three groups of families.
Comparisons of the sample with figures for the Australian population revealed that
the sample over-represented high SES families and under-represented low SES
families. However, a Smirnov test (Conover, 1971) revealed no significant differences
between the SES distributions of the three groups.
Table 1 Sample characteristics
1 Year 2-3 Years

Separated Separated Intact
(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
SES Rank
1 High 5 (25%) 3 (14%) 5 (18%)
2 3 (15%) 8 (36%) 8 (29%)
3 1 (5%) 1 (4%) 1 (4%)
4 6 (30%) 7 (32%) 7 (25%)
5 3 (15%) 1 (4%) 3 (11%)
6 Low 2 (10%) 2 (9%) 4 (14%)
Sex
Male 11 (55%) 10 (45%) 13 (46%)
Female 9 (45%) 12 (54%) 15 (54%)
Age
Mean 8.9 10.0 9.7
SD 1.1 1.3 1.5
Family Composition
Mother and child(ren) 13 (65%) 14 (64%)
Father and child(ren) 1 (5%) 1 (5%)
Parent, new partner and child(ren) 2 (10%) 4 (18%)
Parent, other adult(s) and child(ren) 4 (20%) 3 (14%)
Sex and age

The number of boys and girls in each group is also shown in Table 1. Because of the
selection procedure, each group had approximately equal numbers· of boys and
girls.
The requirement that children be aged 6-8 years at the time of their parents' sepa-
ration meant that children's ages at the time the interviews were conducted could not
be equivalent across groups. At the time of interviewing, children from the one year
separated group were in the age range 7-9 years while those in the two-three years
separated group were in the age range 8-11 years. Some effort was made to sample in
the middle of the range, and this is reflected in the mean ages of children in
Table 1.
Family composition
The majority of children in the separated groups were living with single mothers,
although two were living with single fathers. Ten per cent of parents in the one year
group and 18 per cent of parents in the 2-3 year group had repartnered.
3 Results of Parent Interview

Access and maintenance
All of the custodial parents knew where their ex-partners were living, and a large
percentage of non-custodial parents were in relatively close proximity to their
children: 71 per cent lived in the same city and a further 17 per cent lived within 100
kilometres. Only 12 per cent of non-custodial parents lived interstate. The great
majority of non-custodial parents (71 per cent) had regular contact with their
children, 21 per cent had irregular contact, and only three parents (7 per cent) had no
contact at all. Parents in the two-three years separated group were somewhat more
likely than parents in the one year separated group to report that access patterns were
regular and flexible. For example, 30 per cent of parents in the one year separated
group reported irregular contact between the child and the non-custodial parent,
compared with 14 per cent of parents in the two-three years separated group.
According to custodial parents, maintenance was paid regularly by the absent spouse
in 60 per cent of families and irregularly in a further 17 per cent. Twenty-four per cent
of spouses paid no maintenance at all.
Effects of separation on the parent

Several authors have suggested that the child's adjustment to separation and divorce
is influenced by the parents' adjustment and attitudes toward the family breakdown
(Burns, 1980; Hetherington, 1979; Parish and Dostal, 1980; Pett, 1982a). For this
reason, parents were asked to describe the major effect of the separation on them-
selves using the categories positive, negative, and uncertain. Few differences emerged
between the two separated groups in the responses of parents, with a large proportion
(74 per cent) of parents, overall, reporting a positive effect. Nine per cent of parents
reported a negative effect and 17 per cent were uncertain.
Parents were also asked to elaborate on how the separation had affected them. These
comments revealed a variety of outlooks. Some parents' comments were entirely
positive: 'Happier since the separation - conflict no longer present'; and '1 like being
independent and in control of my life, even with its ups and downs'. Some parents
regarded the separation as being generally positive but experienced problems initially:
'Like being in hell at the time, but now 1 feel it has all been worth it'; 'Traumatic at the
time, getting the courage to go, and pretty bad for a few weeks - but done the right
thing'; and 'First year probably the worst'. Other parents were entirely negative in
outlook: 'Lonely, don't like the situation'; and 'Missing partner, money problems and
no friends'.
Most of the separated parents viewed the effects of marital separation on themselves
positively, but with some variation in how well they coped. The one year separated
group tended to refer to the relief of the separation and the benefits that resulted from
it. The responses of the two-three years separated group were often qualified,
acknowledging negative as well as positive aspects. This suggests a greater willingness
over time to acknowledge the negative aspects of the experience.
Housing
Table 2 shows that almost all families lived in houses at the time of the interview.
Although not shown in the table, the corresponding percentages for the pre-sepa-
ration period were also high for all groups. It is worthy of comment here that in
Brisbane, accommodation tends to be provided in houses, with few high rise units
available.
In relation to housing status, there were no significant differences between groups in

the proportions who owned, were purchasing, or were renting their accommodation
at the time of the interview (see Table 2). Changes in housing status from the pre-
separation period to the present were also examined. For this purpose, families were
classified into better off, same, and worse off groups, based on the notion that pur-
chasing is a more desirable situation than renting, and owning is a more desirable
situation than purchasing. This revealed a significant difference between groups, with
the one year separated group being the most likely to experience negative changes and
the intact group being the least likely.
In contrast to the one year separated group - with a high percentage who had made a
downward move and none who had made an upward move - the two-three years
separated group reported some upward movement and less downward mobility. It
may be that the two-three years separated group were more likely than the one year
separated group to have finalised their property settlements.
Parents were also asked about the number of changes in accommodation oyer the
period since separation (or over the previous two years for the intact group). Table 2
shows that separated families had a significantly greater mobility rate than did intact
families.
Parental assessments of the effects on the family of changes in housing arrangements
since separation were coded into positive, neutral, or negative categories. This
revealed that most parents reported neutral effects, usually because of no change (see
Table 2). However, a significant difference between the groups was observed, with
parents in the intact group being the most likely to report positive effects of change,
and parents in the one year separated group being the most likely to report negative
effects. Parents who made negative comments tended to mention either increased
financial burdens or a general deterioration in material circumstances since the
separation.
Table 2 Housing characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Type of Housing
% in houses 90 95 100
% in flats 10 5 0
Housing Status
% Owning 5 14 18
% Purchasing SS 64 46
% Renting 40 18 36
a
Change in Housing Status
% Better 0 14 4
% Same 60 71 89
% Worse 40 14 7
b
Number of Moves
% No change 40 54 82
% 1 move .35 23 11
% 2 or more 25 23 7
Effect of Housing Changes on Familyc
% Positive 10 14 36
% Neutral SS 73 61
% Negative 35 14 4
Effect of Housing Changes on Child
% Positive SO 27 32
% Neutral 40 45 64
% Negative 10 27 4
a Xl (4) = 12.4, p <.025
bXl (4) = 9.6, p <.05
c Xl (4) = 12.5, p <.02
Parents also assessed the effects of family housing on the child, and their comments
were coded into negative, neutral, and positive categories. These are presented in
Table 2. Interestingly, parents in the one year separated group were most likely to
report positive effects on their children, although the differences between groups did
not attain significance.
The final question on housing was open-ended, 'In summary, what has been the
major effect on the child in terms of housing?' Parents from the two separated groups
reported some negative effects for their children, but the majority of responses from
all parents were either neutral or positive. Negative responses included: 'Loss of
friends after school'; 'Child likes it here but does say, "I wish I could have my own
bedroom'''; and 'Positive, although the moves have created some problems'. A sub-
stantial number of parents in each of the three groups referred to the benefits of not
moving house: 'Reinforced stability in the child's environment'; and 'Children have
benefited from being able to remain close to friends, school, and church'.
Overall, the major findings in relation to housing are the increased mobility of the
separated groups and the downward movement in housing status for the one year
separated group. However, no differences emerged between separated and intact
groups in housing status at the time of the interview or parents' reports of negative
effects of housing on children. These findings are not entirely consistent with those
of Bane (1976) and Espenshade (1979) who noted general disadvantages in housing
following separation. Weiss (1984) found that separated families continued to expend
a similar amount on housing, even though this represented a higher proportion of
their income at the time of the interview than it had during the pre-separation period.
This may explain the present finding of no differences between groups in housing
status.
Finances
Table 3 details the source of income for families in the three groups. There was a
significant difference between the groups, with the separated groups having greater
reliance on social security payments than did the intact group. The intact group also
had a much higher proportion of dual incomes than did the separated groups.
Parents were asked whether or not they had concerns or worries about finances in the
two time periods (that is, pre-separation and at the time of interview). Responses in
Table 3 reveal that parents in the two separated groups were significantly more likely
than parents in the intact group to report concerns, both at the time of interviewing
and at the pre-separation period. This indicates that separated parents perceived
themselves as having financial concerns even prior to the separation. It is possible that
separated parents reported worries about finances during the pre-separation period
because they held generally negative views of their marriages at that time. On the
other hand, it may be that financial problems led to, or exacerbated, problems in the
. marital relationship. .
Responses to an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in finances
(since pre-separation)?' confirmed that most separated families had reduced income.
Some intact families (five) referred to problems caused by higher costs of living:
'Buying a new home'; 'Education expenses higher with growing children'; and 'Wife
pregnant'. The separated families expressed concerns of a very different kind, and
these often involved the themes of survival or struggling to maintain what the family
had: 'Not having a car is a saving of money but a loss of freedom'; and 'Now paying off
house with help of family'.
A positive theme emerged in the responses of some separated parents which sug-
gested that the family was meeting challenges well and with improved control over
finances. For example: 'Now in control of own budget and can spend where I feel it is
needed'; 'More consistent income'; and 'Husband was a big spender and lived off
credit'. In fact, about one half of the separated parents referred to greater control over
finances as a positive change since separation. Colletta (1979) argued that a sense of
control over finances reduces the impact of financial stress on the family. It seems
Table 3 Financial characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Source of Income"
Two salaries 5 4 30
One salary 35 50 52
Social Security 60 36 4
Other 0 9 15
Financial Concerns at Presentb
% Yes 50 41 7
%No 50 59 93
Financial Concerns in Pas{
% Yes 50 32 11
%No 50 68 89
Effects of Financial Changes on Famill
% Positive 55 32 22
% Neutral 15 36 63
% Negative 30 32 15
Effects of Finances on Childe
% Positive. 15 23 14
% Neutral 50 45 86
% Negative' 35 32 0
a X2 (6) = 23.1, p <.001
bX2 (2) = 11.5, p <.005
c X2 (2) = 8.6, p <.025
dX2 (4) = 12.0, p <.025
e X2 (4) = 13.9, p <.01
likely, therefore, that parental feelings of control over finances can contribute posi-
tively to parental well-being in spite of reduced income.
Table 3 presents parents' evaluations of the effects on the family of changes in the
financial situation from the pre-separation period to the time of the interview. This
shows that the separated groups, compared with the intact group, had significantly
greater variability with more negative and positive comments. The large number of
separated parents who reported positive effects is noteworthy; this may reflect their
generally negative perceptions of the marriage.
Parents' assessment of the effects of the family financial situation on the child are also
presented in Table 3. These reveal significantly more negative effects on children
from the separated groups than from the intact group. In fact, not one parent in the
intact group reported a negative effect on the child from the present financial
situation.
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major effect of
the family's financial situation on the child?' Whereas parents from intact families
generally reported either stability for the child or no change, separated parents tended
to report problems caused by restricted finances: 'Child has not had to go without
anything, but spending is curtailed'; 'Cannot send children to school of parent's
choice or to relatives interstate for holidays'; and 'Purse strings are a bit tighter'.
Again, a positive aspect was seen in some families in terms of the child's adjustment to
the constricted finances of the family: 'Child is aware of situation and is less demand-
ing'; and 'Child has to go without but understands and accepts'. No qualitative
differences in responses were apparent between parents in the two separated
groups.
Overall, these results indicate that finances are a significant area of difficulty for
separated families. This is consistent with Kurdek and Blisk (1983) who found that
finances ranked second after the relationship with the ex-spouse as the area of most
concern to parents following separation. Nevertheless, although families had reduced
income after separation, 50 per cent of separated parents reported having more con-
trol over finances, and most evaluated their economic situation positively. This
indicates certain costs, as well as benefits, in separation for custodial parents.
Health
Parents were asked whether or not there were any changes in the health of the family
following separation. The majority of parents (70 per cent) reported no changes in the
health of family members, 26 per cent reported positive changes, and 4 per cent
reported negative changes. Although there was a tendency for separated parents to be
more likely than parents in intact families to report positive changes (38 per cent
versus 7 per cent), the difference between groups did not attain statistical sig-
nificance.
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in
family health (since pre-separation)?' These responses revealed a deterioration in
health for a few members of separated families: 'Mother exhausted because she is on
the go all the time'; and 'Child now asthmatic'. In other cases, however, there was an
indication of health improvement, possibly brought about by the resolution of stress
associated with a poor marriage or a difficult separation: 'Less stress on parent, her
health has improved'; 'Mother coping better - improved mental health'; and 'One
child suffered asthma before the separation, but not now'.
The present findings are consistent with those of Kurdek and Blisk (1983) who found
that health was not an area of concern for most parents after divorce. The findings of
the present study even suggest improvements in health for some family members
following separation.
Child care
Parents were asked about their use of child care, both prior to separation and at the
time of the interview. The results in Table 4 indicate that at both time periods, parents
in separated families made Significantly greater use of child care than did parents in
intact families. There was also a significant trend for the use of child care in separated
families to increase or decrease since the pre-separation period.
Table 4 Use of child care by parents in one year separated, two-th

ree years separated,
and intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Use Child Care at Time of Interview"
% Yes 40
%No
41 7
60 59 93
Used Child Care Prior to Separation b
% Yes 25
%No
36 0
75 64 100
Changes in Use of Child Care e
% Increase 10
% No change
18 7
65 59 93
% Decrease 25 23 0
Effects of Child Care on Child
% Positive 25
% Neutral
27 0
10 18 4
% Negative 5
% Not used
9 0
60 45 96
a Xl (2) = 9.4, p <.01
b Xl (2) = 11.5, p <.01
c Xl (4) = 10.3, p <.05
Responses to an open-e nded questio n, 'What has been the major change
in child care
(since pre-separation)?' revealed several themes. The first was a depend
ence on paid
day care: 'Need for day care during holidays because of mothe r's work';
and 'Now
have to pay for child care'. A second theme was relief at not needin g
to use child care:
'Doesn 't use child care any more and glad of it'. Finally, a third theme
was the need for
child care to be available: 'Stayed home to avoid latch-key situatio
n'; and 'Starte d
using day care for parent 's benefit - free time'.
Parent s were also asked, 'What has been the major effect of child care
arrang ements
on the child?' Table 4 indicates that most mothe rs who used child care
were positive.
Many claimed that their childre n enjoyed or received benefi t from child
care attend-
ance: 'Increa sed indepe ndence of child as a result of child care'; 'Enjoy
s activities and
mixing with other childre n'; and 'Child likes baby-sitter'. Howev er, the
small numbe r
of parent s who reporte d negative effects did so in definite terms: 'Child
has day care
during school holidays and no longer has fun times'; and 'Child would
rather mothe r
stayed home from work'.
Overall, a high propor tion of separated families were depend ent on child
care. Child
care appears to be a necessary factor in allowing single parent s to attend
work or to
engage in activities outside the family unit. The general lack of availab
ility of child care
facilities has been criticised by Van Houte n, Schroe der, and King (1982)
who pointe d
out that child care is a critical need for single-parent families. The
presen t results
indicate that child care should be viewed as a necessary supportive service to single-
parent families.
Extended family
Table 5 presents the frequency of contact with the maternal extended family. The
difference between groups was not significant but suggests that family contact was
least for parents in the one year separated group. However, a question on changes in
contact since the pre-separation period revealed a significant difference between
groups: compared with intact families, separated families were more likely to either
increase or decrease their level of contact with the maternal extended family. The
variability of the separated groups contrasts with the stability of the intact families.
Table 5 Contact with extended family in one year separated, two-three years separated,
and intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n ~ 22) (n = 28)
Frequency of Contact Maternal Family
% Frequent 40 54 68
% Infrequent 50 45 29
% None 10 0 4
Changes in Contact Maternal Familya
% Increase 20 9 4
% Decrease 30 23 0
Frequency of Contact Paternal Family
% Frequent 30 23 39
% Infrequent 45 50 50
% None 25 27 11
Changes in Contact Paternct! Familyb
% Increase 5 9 7
% Decrease 45 36 4
Overall Change in Quality of Contact"
% Positive 15 27 7
% Negative 25 32 4
Effect of Change on Childd
% Positive 15 23 7
% Negative 25 14 0
"X 2 (4) = 14.4, p <.01
b X2 (4) = 13.4, p <.01
c X2 (4) = 10.3, p <.05
d X2 (4) = 10.8, p <.05
Marital Separation: Children and their Families _15
Table 5 also indicates that the extent of contact with paternal family members did not
differ significantly across the groups. However, changes over time in contact with the
paternal extended family showed a significant difference, with separated families
mainly reporting a decrease in contact.
(It should be noted that in three of the one year separated families and in one of the
two-three years separated families the custodial parent was the father. For this reason,
the figures in Table 5 were re-computed after removing these cases. These results
were only slightly different from those reported in the table, and these differences did
not affect the interpretations.)
In spite of a general decrease in contact with the paternal family, a surprisingly high
number of female-headed families continued to maintain, or even increase, their level
of contact. This may be primarily due to contact between the children of the marriage
and their paternal relatives. Sanders (1983) reported a similar finding and suggested
that relatives of the ex-spouse sometimes offer themselves as supports to the
family.
Table 5 also contains responses to a further question dealing with the overall quality
of changes in contact with all extended family (maternal and paternal) since separ-
ation. On this question, the separated groups reported significantly more changes,
both positive and negative, than did the intact group. A follow-up question, 'What
has been the major change in family relationships (since pre-separation)?' highlighted
the issues of reduced contaCt with the ex-spouse's family and increased reliance on the
parent's own extended family. The other issue of interest to emerge was the relatively
large number of separated families who had lessened contact with all extended family.
For example, one parent noted: 'Attitudes of rejection to me from both paternal and
maternal relatives because of separation'. More positively, another parent stated that
she was pleased to have achieved greater independence from her family.
Parents were also asked about effects on the child of changes in relationships with
extended family since separation. Their responses, presented in Table 5, reveal more
changes - both positive and negative - for children in separated families than for
children in intact families. This is consistent with the increased variability in the
frequency of contact with extended family over time for separated parents, as noted
above. The patterns for intact families was quite stable.
The above question was followed with an open-ended one, 'What has been the major
effect of present relationships with extended family on the child?' Some separated
parents noted problems resulting from a loss of contact: 'Child misses her paternal
grandmother'; 'Child is not sure where to place his affection'; and 'Emotional prob-
lems - disillusioned and disappointed'. A positive theme to emerge in the responses
of some separated parents was that less contact with extended family made the nuclear
family closer. Another positive theme was that extended family helped the child
adjust to separation: 'Grandparents have a calming effect on the child'; and 'Closer to
extended family and discusses problems with them'.
A number of authors have suggested that family contact has a beneficial indirect effect
on the child by reducing the level of stress on the custodial parent (Pett, 1982a). On
the other hand, Spanier and Hanson (1982) found that contact from extended family
was unrelated to parental adjustment, overall, because family members frequently
offered criticism and disapproval in addition to support. Perhaps this explains the
finding of Kurdek and Blisk (1983) that friends ranked higher than family as supports
for separated parents. However, Spanier and Hanson (1982) did suggest that increased
community acceptance of marriage breakdown might decrease the non-supportive
interactions of extended family members.
Friendships
There were no significant differences between groups in the basic frequency of con-
tact with friends: overall, 32 per cent of parents reported infrequent contact and 69
per cent reported frequent contact. However, when asked about changes, parents in
separated families were significantly more likely than parents in intact families to
report increased contact with friends (Table 6). This finding is consistent with other
studies (Kurdek and Blisk, 1983; Sanders, 1983) which found increased reliance on
friends following marital separation. Kurdek and Blisk (1983) reported that of all
people in the social network, friends were the most important source of support after
separation.
Parents' reports of changes in the quality of contact with friends since the pre-sep-
aration period are also presented in Table 6. Separated parents were significantly
more likely than parents in intact families to report positive changes in the quality of
friendship contacts.
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in
friendships (since pre-separation)?' Three major themes emerged from these
responses. The first involved less contact with married couple friends and more
contact with persons of similar marital status or interests: 'Changed from family
groups to single people and parents'; and 'Loss of couples, more intense relationships
with other women'. The second theme suggested an increased dependence on
friends: 'Friendships are now more deep'; and 'Increased contact with friends'. The
third theme referred to a reduction in contact with friends and an increase in self-
reliance: 'Doesn't entertain much any more, fears seduction, feels embarrassed when
with others who haven't been able to manage separation'; and 'Some married couple
friends no longer keep in contact'.
When asked about possible effects on the child of friendships at the time of the
interview, no significant differences emerged between parents in the three groups. In
fact, only one respondent reported a negative effect on the child, while 41 per cent
and 57 per cent reported neutral or positive effects, respectively. Parents were also
asked about how changes in friendships since the pre-separation period might have
affected their children. These assessments, presented in Table 6, revealed that parents
in the separated groups were significantly more likely than those in intact families to
report positive effects. In fact, no parents in intact families reported changes. (A Z test
revealed that the difference in the proportions of parents in separated and intact
families who reported positive changes was statistically significant.)
Par.ents were also asked, 'What has been the major effect of present friendships on the
child?'. Typical positive comments by separated parents were: 'Increased confidence
- more diversity of people to interact with'; and 'Helped because friends of family.
have also experienced separation'. An interesting theme was that of children learning
Table 6 Friendships and leisure activity in one year separated, two-three years
separated, and intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Changes in Contact with Friends'
% Increase 45 45 0
% Decrease 20 18 7
Changes in Quality of Friendshipsb
% Positive 55 50 15
% Negative 15 18 11
Effects of Friendship Changes on Chi/dc
% Positive 35 23 0
% No change 65 73 100
% Negative 0 4 0
Changes in Amount of Leisure Activityd
% Increase 80 64 39
% Decrease 5 14 11
Changes in Quality of Leisure Activitye
% Positive 80 64 43
% Negative 10 14 4
Effects of Leisure Changes on Chi/d f
% Positive 50 73 11
% Negative 0 4 0
a Xl (4) = 23.7, p <.001
b Xl (4) = 13.0, p <.025
C Xl Z = 6.6, p <.005
d Xl (4) = 9.6, p <.05
c Xl (4)= 12.1, p <.03
f Xl (4) = 23.9, p <.01
more about relationships as a result of their experiences: 'Learned to accept that

friends come and go and about different family structures'; and 'Has made child selec-
tive regarding her friends'. Parents in intact families also made mostly positive com-
ments, such as: 'Assumes friendships are a normal part of life'. Only a few negative
comments were made by separated parents: 'Child had trouble settling into school
and making new friends'; and 'Child needs more attention to compensate for loss of
family friendships'. Some comments indicated temporary negative effects that had
been resolved with the passage of time.
All in all, friendships were an important source of support for the separated parents in
this study, with some parents reporting losses but most reporting increases in both
the frequency and quality of their friendship networks.
Leisure
Parental reports of changes in the amount of family leisure from the pre-separation
period to the time of the interview are shown in Table 6. The results indicate a sig-
nificant difference between groups, with parents in separated families being more
likely than those in intact families to report increases in the frequency of leisure
activities. Responses to a similar question dealing with changes in the quality of
leisure activities over the same time period also revealed a significant difference: par-
ents in separated families were more likely than parents in intact families to report
improvements in the quality of leisure time (see Table 6).
When asked about the implications of family leisure activities for their children, most
parents, overall, reported positive effects. When asked about the effects of any
changes in leisure activities on their children, however, parents in separated families
were Significantly more likely than parents in intact families to report positive effects
(see Table 6).
In response to· the question, 'What has been the major effect of present leisure
activities on the child?' most parents reported benefits. Although no parent living in
an intact family made negative comments, a few separated parents noted problems:
'Shift work for mother is a difficulty because she sometimes works on weekends'; and
'Missing the car and the beach - child now plays sport but really his love is the
beach.' A qualitative difference was apparent between the separated and intact
families in their comments about the positive effects of leisure activities. Separated
parents often suggested benefits in terms of family restructuring and overcoming past
stress: 'Now a family unit and enjoys activities together'; 'Leisure activities have
helped distract child from emotional problems'; and 'We go out together more often
now'. Parents in intact families, on the other hand, often referred to leisure as assist-
ing in the child's social development: 'Extended appreciation and knowledge of new
things, people, and places'; and 'Cementing family relationships and promoting good
health'.
Leisure activity following separation is not an area that has been given much attention
in the literature. Albrecht (1980) showed that there was a great deal of variation in
social participation by spouses after marriage breakdown. In the present study, the
focus has been on family leisure activities. The general pattern was for separated
parents to report a general increase in the amount and quality ofleisure activities over
time and to believe that these changes had been beneficial for their children. These
findings may reflect a greater cohesiveness in the family following separation and the
lessening of conflict.
The child's behaviour

Parents, in addition to providing information on family circumstances, also answered
questions dealing with five areas of child functioning: behaviour, school progress,
physical health, social relationships, and emotional health. Given that parents have
continuous, intimate contact with their children, they should be in a good position to
provide information on their children's behaviour.
Parents were asked to state whether their children's behaviour was presenting prob-
lems or whether they were pleased with their children's behaviour (neutral responses
represented a mid-point between these two descriptions.) Reports of children's gen-
eral behaviour at the time of the interview and during the pre-separation period are
shown in Table 7. During the pre-separation period, separated parents were more
likely than parents in intact families to report behaviour problems. Parents in intact
families, on the other hand, were more likely than parents in separated families to
describe their children's behaviour in positive ways.
Table 7 Reports of children's behaviour in one year separated, two-three years

separated, and intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Parent Report of Child's Behaviour
Pre-Sepa ration a
% Positive 35 27 46
% Neutral 25 54 46
% Negative 40 18 7
Parent Report of Child's Behaviour At Interviewb
% Positive 45 64 54
% Neutral 15 32 39
% Negative 40 4 7
Teacher Report of Child's Peer Rdationshipl
% Relates well 74 91 52
% Relates adequately 26 9 48
a Xl (4} = 9.9, p <.05
bXI (4) = 13.6, p <.02
c Xl (2) = 9.0, p <.025
A significant difference between groups also emerged for parents' reports of

children's behaviour at the time of the interview. Table 7 reveals that parents in one
year separated families were. more likely to describe their children as presenting
behaviour problems than were parents in two-three years separated or intact families.
In fact, the two-three years separated group were very similar to the intact group and
had a low proportion of children (5 per cent) whose behaviour was regarded as pro-
blematic. This result is consistent with the proposition that children resolve the
separation experience over time. For example, Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1979)
reported that children's behaviour improved over time, with most problems being
resolved within two years of parental separation.
There were no significant differences between groups on parents' reports of
children's school progress, physical health, social relationships, and emotional health.
Few parents, regardless of family type, considered their children's behaviour to be

problematic in these areas. This suggests that it is primarily in children's behaviour,
rather than in other areas of functioning, that parents report disturbances following
family breakdown. These results differ from those of previous studies which found a
wide variety of problems in children following parental separation. However, the
present results may reflect a trend, as noted above, for parents to have some invest-
ment in reporting positively. Moreover, parents were not interviewed until a full year
after separation; any intense effects on children's behaviour may have largely dis-
appeared since then.
4 Results of Teacher Interview

Each child's teacher was asked a series of questions about the child's functioning in
the school environment. In response to questions on involvement in class activities,
behaviour in class, absence from school, learning difficulties, and performing up to
full potential, teachers tended to be generally positive. In fact, not only were there no
significant differences between groups on these assessments, but there was a remark-.
able similarity in the way teachers commented on children from the three
groups.
A further question on the child's peer group relationships at school revealed the only
significant finding. Teachers rated how well the child related to peers using three
categories: well, adequately, or poorly (although no teacher used the third category).
These results, presented in Table 7, reveal that teachers rated children from intact
families as functioning less well than children from separated families. This may
reflect a greater peer, as opposed to adult, orientation in children from separated
families. This finding supports Hammond (1979) who found that children from separ-
ated families did not function any worse than children from intact families in their
peer relations.
Children spend a significant part of their time at school, and it would be expected that
some effects of family breakdown would be evident in that setting. However, the
results of this study indicate no differences between children from separated and
intact families. This finding suggests that children from separated families are coping
. reasonably well in the school environment.
Some suggestions have been made that teachers view children from separated families
negatively (Hammond, 1979). However, teachers in the study by Edgar and Headlam
(1982) described few differences between children from one-parent and two-parent
families. The results of the present study are consistent with this finding: no general
tendency to label children from separated families was noted when interviewing
teachers. This may reflect the increasing incidence, and social acceptability, of
marriage breakdown in our society.
5 Results of Child Interview

Friendships
To explore whether there was any disruption to children's friendship networks as a
result of parental separation, children were asked if they would like to have more
friends. Overall, 50 per cent of children said 'yes', with no significant difference
emerging between the three family groups. This was followed by an open-ended
question asking those children who responded positively to give their reasons.
Regardless of family group, most children simply said they wanted more friends to
play with, and a small number said they wanted friends who would not fight with
them.
Other relationships
Children were asked if there was a person in their extended family whom they 'really
enjoy spending time with or who is special'. Overall, a large percentage of children (83
per cent) stated that they did have such a person, and the difference between groups
was not significant. Similarly, children were asked if there was a person not in their
family whom they 'really enjoy spending time with or who is special'. The percentage
of children who said 'yes' was significantly higher in intact families (93 per cent) than
in one year separated (55 per cent) or two-three years separated (77 per cent) families
(p <.01). Perhaps children from recently separated families, because of moving and
changes in parental friendships, tend to lose contact with their friends. On the other
hand, these results suggest a more stable family situation for two-three years separ-
ated families than for one year separated families.
Attitude to family
Two interview items dealt with families in general. The first was, 'Tell me some good
things about a family'. Responses to this item revealed some qualitative differences
between the three groups of children. The most common response for, children from
intact (39 per cent) and two-three years separated families (32 per cent) was that a
family is caring or helpful. In contrast, only one child in the one year separated group
(5 per cent) gave this response. Instead, the most common category of responses for
children in the one year separated group (45 per cent) referred to engaging in family
activities.
Children were also requested to, 'Tell me some not-so-good things about a family'.
The most common response for children in all three groups (36 per cent overall)
referred to fights and arguments. It is of interest to note that whereas 25 per cent of
children from intact families and 18 per cent of children from two-three years
separated families mentioned discipline and restrictions as being bad things, no child-
ren from one year separated families gave this response. Children in separated families
occasionally referred to family breakdown, financial insecurity, and separation from
extended family.
Five children from the one year separated group and three from the two-three years
separated group either said that they didn't know the answers to or refused to answer
both questions (19 per cent of separated children, overall). The reason for this is not
clear, but the children who did not respond resisted even when pressed to do so by
the interviewer. This non-response may have been defensive, or it may have reflected
difficulty in framing a response to the question.
Changes in family
Children were asked if there was anything about their families they would like to
change, if they could. Overall, 47 per cent of children said 'yes', with little difference
between the three groups of children. However, group differences were apparent
when children were asked what things they would like to see changed in their
families. Of the 24 children in separated families who said they wanted to change
something, five in one year separated and eight in two-three years separated families
said they would like to see their parents reconciled. This represents 31 per cent of all
children in separated families. Other responses from children in separated families
referred to less family conflict, a better home environment, and changes in sibling
relationships.
Children from intact families responded to the question differently. Their concern
was not with the survival of the family unit, but with the quality of relationships with
other family members. The ~ajority of responses dealt with siblings ('Like to have a
sister', and 'Make brother's temper less') while others dealt with parents ('Let them
spoil me', and 'Not being roused on').
Attitude to self
Children were asked if there was anything they would like to change about them-
selves. For those who responded positively, an open-ended question was asked to
determine what things, in particular, they wanted to change. Overall, 44 per cent of
children responded 'yes', and this percentage did not vary significantly by family
type.
Some areas of concern were common to all groups. For example, changes to physical
appearance (fewer freckles, being taller, longer hair) were mentioned by about 20 per
cent of children in each family type. However, more children in the one year separ-
ated group (25 per cent) than in the two-three years separated group (4 per cent) or
the intact group (7 per cent) mentioned changes in behaviour (for example, be a better
boy for Dad, not be so shy, keep room tidy). Changes in personal competence (for
example, becoming more athletic, being smarter, being fitter) were more commonly
mentio ned by childre n from intact families (18 per cent) than by childre
n in separated
families (5 per cent). This could reflect a greater concer n for childre n
from separated
families with family disrup tion and restruc turing rather than the usual
developmental
tasks facing childre n in this age group.
Three wishes
Childr en were asked what they would wish for if they could have
three wishes
granted. A wide range of responses were given, and these were divided
into three
broad categories. Responses dealing with possessions includ ed 'a swimm
ing pool', 'a
million dollars', 'a BMX bike', and 'a large house' . Responses that referre
d to personal
change includ ed 'be taller', 'be kinder to people', and 'be good at playing
the organ'.
Family related responses includ ed 'get rid of my brothe r', and 'be a happy
family'.
Some family related responses unique to childre n from separated familie
s includ ed
'Mum and Dad get togeth er and be happy', 'a father', and 'Mum and
boyfrie nd to
marry'.
Table 8 Childre n's three wishes exploration, self-esteem, and

reading ability in one year
separated, two-th ree years separated, and intact families
1 Year 2-3 Years

(n = 20) (n = 22) (n = 28)
Children's Responses to Three Wishes
Exploration a
% Possessions
45 36 75
% Personal change 15
% Family related
18 18
40 45 7
Mean Self-Esteem b 73.7 77.6 74.0
Mean Reading Age
Unadju sted mean c 8.9
S.D.
10.3 10.5
1.8 2.6 1.9
Adjuste d mean d 9.5 9.9 10.4
a X2 (4) = 11.5, p <.025 .
bF (2.63) = 0.57. not significant (data were missing from 2 children from
intact and 2 children from
separated families)
c F (2.67) = 3.37. <.04
d F (2.66) = 1.23. not significant
It can be seen in Table 8 that childre n from separated families made

a significantly
greater numbe r of references to family issues than did childre n in the
intact group.
This finding is consis tent with data report ed above on childre n's attitud
es toward
their families. It is not surprising that childre n whose parent s had separa
ted revealed a
greater concer n with family issues than did childre n from intact familie
s. However,
no differences were noted betwee n childre n in the two separated groups
.
Self-esteem
A Coopersmith self-esteem inventory was administered to each child after comple-
tion of the interview. The results of this procedure are presented in Table 8; there was
no significant difference across the three groups of children on this measure.
Raschke and Raschke (1979) and Hammond (1979) in the United States and Amato
and Ochiltree (in press) in Australia reported similar findings in their comparisons of
children from divorced and intact families in the same age range as those in the
present study. Raschke and Raschke (1979) and Ochiltree and Amato (1983) did find,
however, that self-concept was significantly lower in children when there was high
rather than low conflict in the family. It should be noted here that because of the way
in which families were recruited for the present study (voluntary self-selection), it is
likely that participating families were not highly conflictive. The interviewers' sub-
jective assessments of these families support this explanation. Raschke and Raschke
(1979) also found that children's self-concepts were positively related to parental
happiness. This notion is consistent with the finding noted above for most separated
parents to report positive effects on themselves from marital separation.
Reading test
The St. Lucia reading test was administered to each child after completion of the
self-esteem inventory. Ochiltree and Amato (1983) suggest that reading ability is a
measure of general educational competence because reading is central to academic
performance in our society. The same authors found that measure to be sensitive to
conflict within the family.
Table 8 presents the results for the reading test. The overall difference between the
mean reading ages for the three groups of children was significant. However, since
children differed in chronological age, an analysis of covariance was performed to test
for differences between the groups controlling statistically for this variable. Once
adjustments were made for age, the difference between groups was no longer sig-
nificant. These results suggest that children's reading ability was not adversely
affected as a result of parental separation.
Discussion of children's interview results

From the various measures used to assess adjustment, few differences emerged
between children in separated and intact families. It appears that most children from
separated families were coping well and remained competent despite family
breakdown.
It is of interest to note that children from separated families were less likely' than those
from intact families to report special relationships with others outside the family. This
is in contrast to separated parents who tended to report an increased reliance on
friendship networks since separation. Although this suggests a lessening of some
social contact for children from separated families, these children were just as likely as
children from intact families to maintain special relationships with extended family.
This suggests that the family remains an important part of the child's social network
even after parental separation.
When questions were asked about attitudes to the family, desire for changes in the
family, and three main wishes, a clear trend emerged: children from separated families
revealed a greater concern with family issues than did children from intact families.
Often this concern took the form of hopes for parental reconciliation. These results
support Kurdek, Blisk, and Siesky (1981) and Ochiltree and Amato (1985) who found
that many children retained negative feelings about parental separation even though
their life adjustment was satisfactory.
6 General Discussion
The findings of this study provide a cautiously optimistic statement about the effects
of marital separation on children. Children from separated families appeared to be
competent and coping well, with no major differences between them and children
from intact families. These findings are generally consistent with those of a number of
other researchers overseas (Longfellow, 1979; Raschke and Raschke, 1979; Rosen,
1980) and in Australia (Dun10p and Burns, 1983; Ochiltree and Amato, 1984; Amato
and Ochiltree, in press). However, there was evidence in the present study that
children from separated families showed a relatively high level of concern with family-
related issues. This may be interpreted to mean that they were still coming to terms
with the loss of their original families.
Divorce is an increasing phenomenon in our society and is seen by some as a form of
adaptation by the institution of marriage to social change (Raschke and Raschke,
1979). Given this view, it is possible that less chronically disrupted families are using
divorce as a solution to problems more readily now than was the case in the past.
Sch1esinger (1982) comments that the extent of stress and conflict prior to separation
may be the key factor in the adjustment of children following separation. Therefore, if
families separate before reaching a seriously conflictive stage, then children may
experience relatively few difficulties. Another factor may be the increasing acceptance
by society of separation and a greater readiness to respond to families in supportive
ways following marriage breakdown (Spanier and Hanson, 1982).
Previous research has shown that the custodial parent's attitude toward the marriage
breakdown is a major factor in the family's and the child's adjustment. Positive atti-
tudes by separated parents generally reflect an ability to cope well with crisis. In the
present study, most of the parents viewed the separation in positive terms - a finding
that may account for their perceptions that their children were also coping well.
There was no strong support in the present study for the idea that the effects of
marital separation lessen over time. However, the impression gained is that the two-
three years separated group had fewer restrictions than the one year separated group
in terms of family resources (for example, housing status) and that their children had
fewer behaviour difficulties. It is possible that most of the problems experienced by
children had already been resolved before the one year time period used in this study.
Should this be true, it suggests that interventions directed to children and their
families need to be made close to the time of separation.
The paucity of strong differences between the separated groups may also be due to the
fact that the present study was cross-sectional and involved testing for differences
between groups separated for different lengths of time. The particular times chosen
were based on the work of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) who found that the
effects of divorce on children peaked at one year after divorce and achieved resolution
after two years. However, they used a longitudinal design - a design that is more
sensitive in statistically detecting weak effects than is the cross-section design used in
the present study. In future research, longitudinal designs would be more sensitive in
exploring the subtle changes in the resolution of family problems over time.
Separation and divorce involve a major restructuring of the family. The present study
suggests that the family generally copes well with this change, but is vulnerable,
especially in terms of reduced resources. In this context, it is of interest to note that
family housing and financial circumstances differed little between the one year
separated and the two-three years separated groups. This suggests that the detri-
mental effects of separation on family resources may extend over a long time period -
a finding also noted by Weiss (1984) and McDonald (1986).
Practice implications
The view of family breakdown as a crisis suggests interventions aimed at crisis man-
agement. In this regard, the views of Bordow and Porritt (1979) are relevant. They
offer a conceptual framework for viewing services to separating families based on
three major interventions: practical support, emotional support, and social support.
These are used in considering the implications of the present findings for
practice.
Practical support
This study has shown that the family suffers a diminution in resources, particularly
finances, following marriage breakdown. Furthermore, many custodial parents
report negative consequences of these changes for their children. Approximately half
of the separated families in this study were receiving social security benefits. No
special case for increasing social security benefits could or should be made for
separated parents (but see Cass and O'Loughlin, 1984). However, the broad goal of
increasing benefit rates to bring them into closer alignment with average weekly
earnings would clearly assist in mitigating the financial concerns of separated families
who are dependent on social security.
The resources of separated families are also affected by Family Court judgements
concerning property division. In this study, most custodial parents had been able to
maintain their investments in houses. However, there was some. loss in the quality of
housing reported, and housing costs may have been taking a relatively high propor-
tion of income. Policies that augment the available stock of low cost housing for both
rental and purchase would be of assistance in mitigating the effects of reduced income
on children and single parents. The pre-payment of family allowances to allow a
deposit for the purchase. of housing would confer further advantages.
The availability of child care is an important resource for separated families and
represents a significant avenue of practical support. In this study, parents' comments
suggested that child care facilitated income-producing activities as well as personal
development and social participation for custodial parents. Furthermore, most par-
ents who used child care believed that it had a beneficial effect on their children.
Generally speaking, programs that provide a variety of readily available child care at
low cost would be of considerable assistance to separated families.
Emotional support
Extensive emotional and psychological damage to children of separated parents was
not observed in this study. However, some parents reported negative effects of the
separation on themselves and their children, indicating some need for counselling
services. The fact that many parents described separation as a relief from high levels of
conflict suggests that a greater availability of services in the period prior to marriage
breakdown is needed. . .
The results of this study suggest an alternative to the essentially reactive model of
counselling at the point of breakdown. The progression toward adequate coping over
time suggests services with an educational orientation: information for both adults
and children about their new roles, explanations about the emotional processes they
might experience, and information about the way in which their needs might be met.
The purpose of these services would be to accelerate the acquisition of coping
behaviour in the process of natural healing (McNamara and Morrison, 1982). Edu-
cational programs could take the form of workshops and seminars, group sessions,
and individual discussion as necessary. For maximum benefit, these services should be
hosted in community agencies or educational institutions rather than in Family Court
or clinical settings. As such, they would form part of the normal range of services in
the community.
Many of the children from separated families in this study revealed a concern with
family-related issues, suggesting a need for supportive service. Kurdek and Blisk
(1983) comment that children need information about their situation in order to
emotionally resolve the loss associated with family breakdown. Group programs have
been designed for children that provide information, support, and emotional expres-
sion of feeling; these appear to offer a useful model of services for children (Tiktin and
Cobb, 1983; Bonkowski, Bequette and Boomhower, 1984).
Schools, in particular, have an important role to play. Teachers in the present study
appeared to be sensitive to the needs of children from separated families and did not
generally label them in derogatory ways. Hammond (1979) suggests that teachers
should be provided with specific knowledge about the effects of separation on
children so as to better direct their interactions with them. Hammond also suggests
that some school discussion time should be spent focusing on different family styles.
Discussion of human relationships in the school setting could be a useful way of
providing all children with information about divorce and its effects on families.
The present study does not address the debate as to the appropriate agency base for
services (Griffin, 1984). It can be said in general terms, however, that whatever model
of services is adopted, adequate resources are essential, and services should incor-
porate both an education and counselling focus, be available to families in their local
communities, and be adequately supported by Federal and State governments.
Social support
Following marital breakdown there is some disruption in the social networks of many
families, with some family contacts being lost and others being put under stress. The
present study indicates that friendships are an important source of social support for
separated parents, particularly those with people of similar marital status. Where the
social network is insufficient, every effort should be made to provide a supportive
environment for separated families. Community agencies working in this area should
encourage the development of mutual support groups.
Limitations of the study

Before concluding, it is necessary to point out some of the limitations of the research
reported here.
First, a major limitation was the size of the three samples. In testing for differences
between groups, a small sample size results in low statistical power to detect 'true'
differences. In other words, this study would not have detected all the differences
between groups that a study with a larger sample size could have detected. This
implies that non-significant findings should not be overinterpreted; however, signif-
icant findings can be interpreted with confidence (Hays, 1963).
Second, all families in the study were volunteers, and it is possible that they differed in
some respects from non-volunteers. Dunlop and Burns (1983) used Family Court
records in their study and found that participants were more likely than non-parti-
cipants to be of high socio-economic status. A similar bias in the present sample was
noted when comparisons were made with the larger population. Another problem in
using volunteers is that they may have less conflictive families than .those who do not
volunteer. However, Dunlop and Burns (1983) found that volunteers had more
divorce-related litigation than did other families using the court system and con-
cluded that 'their families did not comprise an, atypically cordial group of divorcing
couples' (p.6).
Third, because of the requirement that children not be interviewed concerning the
separation, this study lacked direct data on children's own perceptions. This is unfor-
tunate because the possibility exists that parents' reports of their children's adjust-
ment may have been biased by a concern to give socially desirable responses.
Nevertheless, the reports of parents were consistent with those of teachers in
revealing relatively few problems for children in separated families.
Fourth, the information for the pre-separation period was retrospective and required
parents to recall past events. The limitations of this retrospective method are
acknowledged. However, although retrospective data are subject to distortion and
memory loss, parents' perceptions of changes over time are still important and infor-
mative in their own right.
In spite of its limitations, this study had strengths in its use of a non-clinical sample of
separated families, its use of a comparison group of intact families, the inclusion of
families with a range of so do-economic backgrounds, and the 'matching' of children

in each group. Although this study may have used non-representative samples of
separated and intact families, it used a research method with quite spedfic design
requirements. Because many previous studies did not take into account variables such
as so do-economic status, it is possible that any negative effects reported were due to
sodal class differences between samples rather than to separation itself.
7 Conclusion
As a community, we are observers of a significant change in the institution of marriage
from the ideal of partnership for life to some new basis for the making of relation-
ships. The present study and many others lead to the view that research on the effects
. of marital separation on children requires a conceptualisation of family breakdown as
a complex life cycle event not necessarily wholly negative in its impact.
This study has suggested that effects for children can be understood in the context of
crisis theory which proposes that there is a potential for positive development after
the initial trauma of marital separation. The research here shows that the children and
families studied demonstrated a capacity for coping even though they were under
some stress. This stress mainly appeared in relation to their emotional management of
the experience and the reduced resources available to the family unit. It is apparent,
therefore, that interventions to assist separating families should address these two
areas while acknowledging that families experience considerable stress in the period
leading up to separation as well.
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Australian Institute of Family Studies - Original

Data Collection
The Australian Institute of Family Studies, established under the provisions of the
Family Law Act 1975, began operation in 1980 with the aim of developing a com-
prehensive and detailed understanding of factors affecting family structure and family
life in Australia. The policy advisory approach of the Institute stresses the importance
of the economic status and well-being of Australian families and positive programs of
support for families and the needs of children.
An important part of the Institute's work involves four original data collection pro-
jects. Data collected from individual surveys from each of these projects is analysed
and reported on by the Institute. Data from selected surveys is also released for
analysis by other researchers.
To date, the four original data collection projects are:
• the AIFS Family Formation Project (AFF Project), aimed at discovering how
young Australians feel about getting married and having children and what factors
influence their decisions for the future;
• the Australian Family Re-formation Project (AFRE Project), designed to exam-
ine the reasons why marriages dissolve, how people cope, the legal process of
divorce and its economic and social consequences, remarriage and step-parent-
ing;
• the Children in Families Project (CIF Project), designed to explore how young
children and adolescents living with both natural parents, with one parent or in
re-formed families view family life, and their active use of family resources in the
development of competence;
• the Family Support Networks Project (FSN Project), aimed at examining the
types of support that families offer to their members as well as the types of formal
support services they use, and in what circumstances these kinds of support and
services are sought.
Australian Family Re-formation Project

Aims of the Project
The Australian Family Re-formation Project (AFRE Project) aims to draw together
work on the Family Court of Australia and its operations. The central theme of the
project is an examination of people's experience 6f the Family Court system and the
way in which they have coped with divorce and the custody, access, property and
maintenance arrangements made, and how well these have worked.
The project surveys include the following areas:
• Family Court procedures and outcomes
• attitudes towards the Family Court, its services and the legal profession
• use made of conciliation and counselling services
• the extent of private agreements
• costs of proceedings and use of legal aid
• how agreements and Court orders are varied over time
• the support mechanisms used by divorced persons and their children.
As well, the project looks at divorcing people's experiences before the legal proce-
dures begin, including reasons for the breakdown of the marriage, which partner
initiated the separation, the influence of children on the decision to separate, people's
reactions to the separation. .
Also examined is what happens to people after they divorce, how they cope with
changed family circumstances, including the possible complications of remarriage,
loss of income and care of children. Data gathered include reactions to becoming a
single parent, access parenting, the emotional impact of divorce on children, the
problems caused by remarriage and the 'merging' of children from different family
backgrounds, and the successes or failures of re-formed families.
Findings from this project will be of direct interest to those working in family law,
counselling, marriage guidance and family welfare.
Description of the Project Surveys

AFRE Project - 1981-82 Marriage Breakdown Survey
Members of the survey team: Don Edgar, Margaret Harrison (Principal Researcher),
Freya Headlam, Ilene Wolcott
This survey was designed to examine characteristics of the process of marriage
breakdown, people's progress through the Court system and their reactions to the
endings of their marriages.
Interviews were conducted with 295 people (171 men and 124 women) selected ran-
domly from the Family Court records for divorces in 1979. Three States - Victoria,
New South Wales and Western Australia (the Melbourne, Parramatta and Perth
Courts) - were used for sampling to give a picture of varied socio-economic groups
and possible differences between Courts in the way divorces are handled.
Respondents were asked about their experience of the Family Court, how they felt
about Court procedures and outcomes and the reasons why they felt as they did. The
survey also looked at respondents' experiences following the divorce: their changed
financial circumstances, whether they were living alone, or as single parents, or
whether they had remarried or entered into de facto relationships and were living
with children of the marriage and/or stepchildren, and how they felt about the new
arrangements.
AFRE Project - 1981 Melbourne Family Court Hearings Survey
Members of the survey team: Don Edgar (Principal Researcher), Simon Freidin, Peter
Good, Margaret Harrison, Andrew Prolisko
Data analysed in this survey provide the first systematic picture of decisions made
over the course of a year's hearings (1981) in one registry (Melbourne) of the Family
Court of Australia. The survey analysis provides information on the characteristics of
those who divorce, the patterns of disputes over custody, access, property and main-
tenance, and of the actual outcomes as decided by consent or by Court order.
AFRE Project - 1982 Interests of Children in Divorce Survey
Researcher: Margaret Harrison
This was a survey on the operation of the Family Court in respect of Section 63 of the
Family Law Act which provides that a decree nisi of dissolution of marriage does not
become absolute unless the Family Court has declared that it is satisfied either that:
there are no children of the marriage under 18 years; or that, where there are such
children, proper arrangements in all circumstances have been made for their welfare;
or there are circumstances by reason of which the decree nisi should become abso-
lute, notwithstanding that the Court is not satisfied that proper arrangements have
been made.
All Family Court judges were requested to complete a short questionnaire whenever
a Section 63 matter came before them during the month of September 1982. The
questionnaire was designed to measure: the extent to which enquiries were made
regarding the welfare of children in a divorce application; the sufficiency or otherwise
of information given; the extent to which counselling services were used to remedy
any deficiencies in arrangements described; the extent to which a divorce was granted
in the absence of satisfactory arrangements, or an adjournment, or the use of coun-

selling, or the presentation of evidence.
AFRE Project - 1982 Conciliation in the Family Court Survey
Members of the survey team: Ian Cesa, Margaret Harrison (Principal Researcher)
At the request of the Family Court of Western Australia, the Institute designed this
survey to analyse cases in which Regulation 96 conferences were heard and their
outcomes. Seven hundred and eighty-four such conferences (between January and
June 1982) were the subjects of the analysis.
Regulation 96 provides that the Court or a registrar may order parties to confer and
make bona fide endeavours to reach agreement on matters at issue between them
wherever it is considered advantageous or advisable to do so. Because of the Court's
staff belief that Regulation 96 conferences in conjunction with counselling confer-
ences are the cause of high rate of settlement of custody and access cases, the study
focused particularly at conferences which included such cases.
AFRE Project - 1984-85 Economic Consequences of Marriage Breakdown
Survey
Members of the survey team: Don Edgar, Kathleen Funder, Sue Girling-Butcher, Mar-
garet Harrison Ooint Principal Researcher), Jean McCaughey, Peter McDonald Ooint
Principal Researcher), Andrew Prolisko, Teresa Tucker, Ruth Weston
This survey on the economic impact of divorce was conducted by the Institute in
association with the Australian Law Reform Commission and with the assistance of
the Family Court of Australia. The Chiefjudge of the Family Court, Justice Elizabeth
Evatt, wrote to 4000 divorced persons in the State of Victoria randomly selected from
Court files asking them to take part in the survey. Eight hundred and twenty-five
respondents were interviewed from among those divorced in the years 1980-83 so
that the effects of divorce could be assessed over a span of about six years following the
separation.
The survey focused on two specific groups - those with young children and those
who divorced after a long marriage. Particular attention was given to the impact of
remarriage on the economic circumstances of the divorced.
Statistics from the Family Court indicate that applications for property settlement are
made in only one third of all divorces. An important aim of this survey, therefore, was
to ascertain how the other 70 per cent settle property affairs.
The survey gathered information on the work and education histories of the partners
to the marriage, and on the contribution of each to the marriage. From the time of
separation onwards, the housing situation and sources and levels of income were
traced. Specific attention was focused on the economic effects of separation on the
lives of children. The survey obtained information on the legal procedures which
were used and on the distribution of property including the more difficult areas of
superannuation, businesses, farms and responsibility for debts. Respondents were
also asked about maintenance and their attitudes to the present law.
Throughout the questionnaire, respondents were given the opportunity to reflect
upon the information they had provided and to describe; in their own words, how
they felt about what happened. For example, they were asked about the value of the
advice given to them by lawyers, about Regulation 96 conferences (property distri-
bution conferences with a Family Court registrar), about the fairness of what had
happened to them and about how various dimensions of their lives had changed from
the time of separation.
Contracted Research
In addition to research conducted by staff of the Australian Institute of Family Stu-
dies, two major surveys on the effects of divorce and separation on children were
conducted on contract to the Institute by external researchers.
AFRE Project - 1982-83 Adolescents in Divorce Survey
Researchers: A. Burns and R. Dunlop
This study of adolescents in the divorce process was conducted for the Australian
Institute of Family Studies by Rosemary Dunlop and Ailsa Burns of Macquarie Uni-
versity. The aim was to study the adolescent experience of divorce and to compare the
adjustment of these teenagers with adolescents from similar backgrounds who live in
intact two-parent families. Several standardised measures of various aspects of adjust-
ment were used in conjunction with semi-structured interviews of the adolescent and
a parent; where possible both parents were interviewed.
The sample for this survey consisted of 41 adolescents from intact families who were
recruited from high schools in Sydney and 40 from divorcing families who were
contacted through the Family Court. Parents in the divorcing group had been
separated on average 18 months before the interview. This is a longitudinal study
which will examine the experience of these adolescents over time.
Data from the first stage have been analysed. A first report has been written and is
awaiting formal publication.
In addition, a qualitative analysis of individual case histories has been undertaken to
gain an insight into the more complex and subtle consequences of divorce, and the
patterns within families that may make the experience easier or more painful.
AFRE Project - 1985-86 Follow-up Survey of Adolescents in Divorce
Researchers: R. Dunlop and A. Burns
In the second stage, most children from the original sample have been contacted and
re-interviewed. There has been an 81 per cent retention rate overall. Data are coded
for computer analysis and it is expected that a report should be completed by the end
of 1986.
AFRE Project - 1982-83 Young Children In Divorce Study
Researchers: E. Chamberlain, L. Dalgleish, G. Smiley
The second AIFS contracted study of children in divorce has been conducted by the
above researchers in conjunction with an advisory committee from the Social Work
Department of the University of Queensland. Their sample includes children 6-8
years old at the time of their parents' separation. The study sampled one group of
children about 1 year after separation and another group 2 to 3 years after separation.
This sample was matched for socio-economic characteristics, sex and age, with
children from intact families.
A focus of this study is the social and economic changes which may occur after
separation and divorce and the way in which parents and teachers perceive these
children from separated families.
Australian Family Re-formation Project Publications

To date, publications based on AFRE Project data include:
Stewart, D. and Harrison, M. (1982), Divorce in Australia, Working Paper No.s,
Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne, 1982.
Institute of Family Studies (1983), Annual Report 1982-83, Chapter 2.
Harrison, M. (1983), Survey of practices: Section 63, Family Law Act, Occasional Paper
No.2, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Edgar, Don and others (1983), Information collection under the Family Law Act:
Melbourne Family Court hearings, 1981, Occasional Paper No.5, Institute of Family
studies, Melbourne.
McDonald, P. (1983), 'What percentage of Australian marriages end in divorce?'
Institute of Family Studies, Newsletter No.8, December 1983.
Josephian, v. (1984), 'Divorce in Australia 1971-1981: an examination of period
analysis', in Proceedings Volume I, Family Formation, Structure, Values, Australian
Family Research Conference, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Dunlop, R .. and Burns, A. (1984), 'Adolescents and divorce: the experience of family
break-up', in Proceedings Volume II, Family Law, Australian Family Research Con-
ference, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Smiley, G.; Chamberlain, E.; and Dalgleish, L. (1984), 'Some social, economic and
relationship effects following marital separation', in Proceedings Volume II, Family
Law, Australian Family Research Conference, Institute of Family Studies, Mel-
bourne.
Harrison,M. (1984), 'Attitudes of divorced men and women to the family', in Pro-
ceedings Volume II, Family Law, Australian Family Research Conference, Institute of
Family Studies, Melbourne.
Wolcott, I. (1984), 'From courtship to divorce: unrealised or unrealistic expectations',
in Proceedings Volume HI, Marital Adjustment and Breakdown, Australian Family
Research Conference, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Headlam, F. (1984), 'Marital breakdown: reaction to separation and post-separation
experience of adults', in Proceedings Volume Ill, Marital Adjustment and Breakdown,
Australian Family Research Conference, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Harrison, M. (1984), 'The changing role of law in marital breakdown', in Social
Change and Family Policies, Key Papers, Part 2, XXth International CFR Seminar,
Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Harrison, M., Harper, P., and Edwards, M. (1984), 'Child support: public or private?',
paper delivered to Family Law in 84 Conference, Law Council of Australia, Hobart,
November.
44 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER Nb. 11
Harper, P. (1984), Children in stepfamilies: their legal and family status, Policy Back-
ground Paper No.4, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Edgar, D. and Harrison, M. (1984), Children's participation in divorce, Discussion
Paper No.lO, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Edwards, M., Harper, P., and Harrison, M. (1985), 'Child support: obligations of
parents, State responsibility and the rights of children', paper presented at the Third
Australian Law and Society Conference, Canberra College of Advanced Education,
Canberra.
McDonald, P. (1985), 'Divorce rates and children's experience of divorce', Institute of
Family Studies Newsletter, No.14, December.
McDonald, P. comp. (1985), The economic consequences of marriage breakdown in
Australia: a summary, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne, August.
Funder, K. (1985), 'Paid and unpaid work: division of labour during marriage and
consequences following marriage breakdown', paper presented at ANZAAS Con-
gress, Women's Section, ANZAAS Festival of Science, Monash University,
August.
Funder, K. (1985), 'Women and the new property: division oflabour during marriage
and consequences following marriage breakdown', paper presented at the 5th World
Conference of the International Society on Family Law, Brussels, July.
Harrison, M. (1985), 'The economic consequences of marriage breakdown study',
Australian Family Lawyer, November.
Dunlop, R. (1985), 'Adolescents and divorce: the background to a study', in Pro-
ceedings of the Second National Child Development Conference, published by the
Institute of Early Childhood Education and Melbourne College of Advanced Edu-
cation, 1985.
Smiley, G., Chamberlain, E. and Dalgleish, L. (1985), 'Effects of marital separation on
young children and their families', unpublished report to the Institute of Family
Studies, University of Queensland, Department of Social Work.
Dunlop, R. and Burns, A. (1985), 'Don't feel as if the world is caving in: a study of
adolescents in divorcing families', unpublished report to the Institute of Family
Studies, Macquarie University.
Edgar, D. (1986), Marriage, the family and family law in Australia, Discussion Paper
No.13, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
McDonald, P. (ed.) (1986), Settling up: property and income distribution on divorce in
Australia, compiled by the Australian Institute of Family Studies, Prentice-Hall of
Australia, Sydney.
McDonald, P. and Weston, R. (1986), 'The data base for child support reform', paper
delivered to the Workshop in Child Support Issues, Social Justice Project, Australian
National University, Canberra, 1986.
Carmichael, G. and McDonald, P. (1986), 'The rise and fall(?) of divorce in Australia
1968-1985', paper delivered to the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of
America, San Francisco, April.
Funder, K. (1986), 'Marriage and work: divorced couples' values', paper presented at
Making Marriage and Family Work: National Conference, University of Mel-

bourne. .
Australian Institute of Family Studies (1986), Implications of marital separation for
young children, compiled by the AIFS from a report of a survey conducted in 1982-83
by G.W. Smiley, E.R. Chamberlain and L.I. Dalgleish commissioned by the Institute,
Working Paper No. 11, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.

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AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE OF FAMILY STUDIES

W 0 R KIN G PAP ERN 011

Compiled by the Australian Institute ofFamily Studies

W 0 R KIN G PAP ERN 011

This survey was commissioned by the Institute as part

The publication of this WORKING PAPER was made po~c:;ible

National Library of Australia

Implications of marital separation for young children.

1. Children of divorced parents. 2. Broken homes.

Typeset by Abb-rypesetting, Melbourne

1 Conceptual Issues and Relevant Research

Separation Time of 1 Year

Separation Time of 2-3 Years

2 years 12 months Time of Intact Group

Table 1 Sample characteristics

1 Year 2-3 Years

Sex and age

3 Results of Parent Interview

Effects of separation on the parent

In relation to housing status, there were no significant differences between groups in

1 Year 2-3 Years

1 Year 2-3 Years

Table 4 Use of child care by parents in one year separated, two-th

1 Year 2-3 Years

1 Year 2-3 Years

1 Year 2-3 Years

more about relationships as a result of their experiences: 'Learned to accept that

The child's behaviour

Table 7 Reports of children's behaviour in one year separated, two-three years

1 Year 2-3 Years

A significant difference between groups also emerged for parents' reports of

Few parents, regardless of family type, considered their children's behaviour to be

4 Results of Teacher Interview

5 Results of Child Interview

Table 8 Childre n's three wishes exploration, self-esteem, and

1 Year 2-3 Years

It can be seen in Table 8 that childre n from separated families made

Discussion of children's interview results

Limitations of the study

families with a range of so do-economic backgrounds, and the 'matching' of children

divorce', in Stevens, ]. and Mathews, M. eds. Mother/child, father/child relationships,

OCHILTREE, G. andAMATO, P.R. (1983), 'Family conflict and child competence',

Australian Institute of Family Studies - Original

Australian Family Re-formation Project

Description of the Project Surveys

in the absence of satisfactory arrangements, or an adjournment, or the use of coun-

Australian Family Re-formation Project Publications

Making Marriage and Family Work: National Conference, University of Mel-

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