Youths participation in elections

- A case study of the “born-free” generation in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa

and the abstention in election.

Author: Erika Karlsson

Supervisor: Staffan Andersson
Semester: Spring 2017
Subject: Department of Political
Science
Level: Bachelor’s Thesis
Abstract

This research is based on a minor field study in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The purpose of
this research is to examine the born-free generation participation in elections in KwaZulu-
Natal. The born-free generation is born after the apartheid ended in 1994 when the ANC and
Nelson Mandela was elected. Previous studies are claiming that youths are abstainers with
little interest of politics and elections. To answer the research question; Why is the “born-
free” generation of KwaZulu-Natal, in South Africa abstaining from electing? a theory-
consuming approached is used. Theories are going to be used as tools to analyse the empirical
materials, which consist of 12 interviews. The cornerstones of the theory are Verba’s
explanations of youth electoral participation with three variables (school, family, church) and
how those variables influence youth. The result was that the variables had different influences
on the youths, and that almost all of the respondent were voting and had a good understanding
of democracy and politics.

Key concepts: Born-free generation, youth, political participation, voting, South Africa,
abstaining.

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Acknowledgements
Even though I did this research on my own, I was never alone. Without the help and love that
South Africa offered wouldn’t I have been able to do this research, which I always will be
grateful for. I want to acknowledge the respondents and thank them for their participation but
also everyone else that was supporting me and giving me a hand when I needed it. I also want
to send a big thank you to my supervisor Staffan Andersson, who helped and guided me
throughout the whole process. Thanks to the organisation Give a Child a Family who helped
me with accommodation and local support. I’m sending the final acknowledgments to the
Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), thank you for the financial support of
my minor field study.

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Abbreviations

ANC- African National Congress

COSATU - Congress of South African Trade Unions

DA - Democratic Alliance

EFF - Economic Freedom Fighter

IEC - Electoral Commission of South Africa

IFP - Inkhatha Freedom Party

International IDEA - International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance

MEO - Municipal Electoral Office

NP- National Party

PAC - Pan Africanist Congress

SAHO – South African History Online

UDF - United Democratic Front

UN - United Nations

UNDESA - United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs

UNPF - United Nations Population Fund

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Abstract -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2
Acknowledgements ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3
Abbreviations ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4
1. Introduction ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 6
1.1 Purpose and research question ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 8
1.2 Subordinated questions ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 8
2. Background ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 9
2.1 South Africa’s history --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 9
2.2 Political generation ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10
2.3.1 Today’s South Africa ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 11
2.3.2 Population -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 11
2.3.3 Labour market -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12
2.3.4 South Africa’s Parliament and political system ---------------------------------------------- 12
3. Theory ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16
3.2.1 Correlation between political respondent and school --------------------------------------- 16
3.2.2 Correlation between political participation and influences from family ---------------- 17
3.2.3 Correlation between political participation and influences from churches ------------- 17
3.3.1 Hypothesis one – life orientation ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 18
3.3.2 Hypothesis two – high stake election------------------------------------------------------------------ 18
3.4. Definitions and previous research ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 18
3.4.1 Definition of democracy --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 19
3.4.2 Definition of election and voting ----------------------------------------------------------------- 19
3.4.3 Definition of Youth --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 19
3.5 Previous research ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 20
3.5.1 How to make it easier to vote -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 20
3.5.2 Knowledge of how to vote ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 20
4. Method ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 21
4.1 Research design -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 21
4.2 Other designs and methods ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 22
4.3 Subordinate questions ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 22
4.4 Respondents of the research ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 23
4.4.1 Limitations and legitimacy ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 24
4.5 Execution of the interview -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 25
4.6 South Africa, KwaZulu-Natal ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 25
5. Result of the interviews -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 26
5.1 Where does their political understanding come from? ----------------------------------------------- 26
5.1.1 School -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 26
5.1.2 Family ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 27
5.1.3 Church ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 27
5.1.4 Other influences ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 28
5.2.1 Hypothesis one – life orientation ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 28
5.2.2 Hypothesis two – high stake elections ---------------------------------------------------------------- 29
5.3 The view on elections, democracy and politics -------------------------------------------------------- 29
5.4 Elections----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 31
5.5 What would make youths go and vote ------------------------------------------------------------------- 32
5.6 Is there faith and confidence in the South African government at the moment? ------------------ 33
5.6.1 Aging politicians ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 34
6. Conclusion and discussion ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 34
6.1 Future research -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 37
7. References ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 38
7.1 Web sources ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 38

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 7.2 Article-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 40
7.3 Books -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 40
7.4 Appendix 1 – Respondents -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 41

List of table
2.3.2 Table 1 - Population ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 11
2.3.4.3.1 Table 2 – Election 2014 -------------------------------------------------------------- 14
2.3.4.4.1 Table 3 – Voters participation------------------------------------------------------14

1. Introduction
Democracy that once was only a dream in South Africa is today’s reality. South Africa is
called a democracy, meaning that they are having regular, free and fair elections. Their
elections are open for competitions and allow multiple political parties to enter. It is also a

6
country with personal freedoms, such as freedom of speech, press, and to be a part of any
association, assembly or religious group. Their personal freedoms include choosing where to
live or travel, whom to live with, as well as owning and govern their own private property and
businesses. South Africa has a history where such personal freedom was denied. The minimal
level of democracy is electoral, where people can replace and choose their leader in regular,
free and fair elections. However, a political system does not need to be a good system, neither
admirable. But it means that the people are in the control of changing their leaders. (Diamond
2008, p.n 21) South Africa is a country suffering from corruption and with a president who
has been surrounded by intrigue and scandal since the beginning of his career
(Transparency International 2016).
Historically, youth turnouts in election have always been lower compared to other age groups,
however the turnouts have decreased over the past few decades. A general explanation for this
phenomenon is that young people are lazy, although today’s youth are volunteering in a larger
extent than previous generations. Another explanation could be that youth do not feel like
they are a part of the society. Owning your own property and having children are giving a
more direct interest in how hospitals as well as schools are administered and therefor
generating more political interest. Today’s youths reach this stage at a later age than previous
generations, which also could be an explanation of why fewer young people are participating
politically(D.K 2014). South Africa has a long history struggling with democracy and human
rights, a country that has suffered from apartheid and is still deeply scarred by this part of
history. In general, worldwide, youth are less involved in democracy and at attending
elections compared to other age group. This gap is even bigger in South Arica than for the rest
of the world. South Africa is a young democracy that was built up on a movement that was
fighting for equal right and democracy. It was a movement that was launched by the South
African youth of the 1970-90s. Almost one-third of South Africa’s present electorate are now
too young to have any kind of memory from the apartheid. No memory of race classification,
segregation or injustice, components which incurred their parent’s political involvement. The
new generation of youth are not participating as the previous generations did. After 20 years
of democracy, has the dream of democracy come true or has the dream been lost amongst the
youth? (Mattes 2012, p.n 134)

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1.1 Purpose and research question

The purpose of this study is to examine the “born-free” generation in KwaZulu-Natal, South
Africa and their political participation, in terms of turnouts. The purpose is to contribute to a
better understanding of youth’s participation or abstention in elections.

In order to achieve the purpose of this thesis the following scope and questions were used.

- Why are the “born-free” generation of KwaZulu-Natal, in South Africa not using their right
to vote?

1.2 Subordinated questions

- What is the “born-free” generation’s view on elections, democracy and politics?

- Where do they get their political understanding from?
- How do youth understand the value of voting?
- What would make them go and vote in the election day?

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2. Background

For a deeper understanding of this research and of the respondent’s answers is it vital to have
knowledge about South Africa’s history. This chapter consists of information on South
Africa’s history, apartheid, political generation, and South Africa today.

2.1 South Africa’s history

Since South Africa’s independence in the 1910, the country was ruled on racial segregations,
which later was established as the apartheid system. This system denied civil liberties and
political rights for the black population (Teorell 2012, p.n 109). Apartheid took place over the
course of 46 years, from 1948 to the end in 1994(Mattes 2012, p,n 133). The Sharpeville
massacre in 1960 marked the beginning of a far more brutal and intensive phase of
demonstrations. A demonstration that ended in gunfire that lasted for about two minutes with
result of 69 deaths and 180 people seriously wounded. Eyewitnesses declared that the crowed
was unarmed but also that the people were shot in the back, fleeing the scene. Mass funerals
were held for the victims and protests of the massacre were held all around the county.
Protesters kept turning themselves in for not carrying their passports, which was the reason
for the Sharpeville demonstration (SAHO 2016). During this time where the black population
registered in so called homelands and had to carry passports outside these homelands (SAHO
2017). The mass shooting in Soweto in 1979 was one of the final uprising against the
apartheid, which later on brought the authoritarian regime to its end. The opposition and the
resistance movements against the South Africa’s government was organising a range of non-
violent events, but also with some violent features. The African National Congress (ANC),
which was founded in 1912, was one of the opposition parties fighting against the South
African government. The party was banned in 1960, but even though the party was banned,
were they still organising underground supporting events.
There are two waves of protests that have been identified as successful and with a big
importance for the end of the apartheid. The first wave of protests was in short-terms
unsuccessful but had a major importance for the long run. It was the United Democratic Front
(UDF) who organized large-scale demonstrations as well as different kinds of boycotts both at
schools, housing rents, local business, while the Congress of South African Trade Unions
(COSATU) organised labour strikes and “stayaway”. The “stayaways” acts in which to get
workers and students to stay home to support the variety of political and economic demands.
However, the UDF was banded in the 1988, which resulted in activist and prisoners

9
organising a hunger strike, with 600 prisoners participating. The prisoners were later on
released because of the hunger strike. The second wave of protests in South Africa is called
the “New defiance Campaign”, which included hundreds of thousands of demonstrators as
well as counteracting the state of emergency, which shut down commerce in South Africa’s
biggest cities. Nerveless, it marked the beginning of the end for the authoritarian regime. In
early 1990 the former president Klerk unbanned the ANC and UDF, among other
organisations and parties, political prisoners were realised, including Nelson Mandela. Klerk
declared that the state of emergency was lifted. 1990 was the year of the opening of partial
political and the beginning of the transition to democracy. (Teorell 2012, n.p 111)

After apartheids ended in 1994, a constitution was implemented to introduce a democratic

regime, which brought new freedoms and rights, as well as expanded opportunities for
political participation in 1996. The purpose of this new constitution was to increase public
deliberation into the consultative process of the South Africans government. This new
constitution became law in 1996. Two years later, in 1998 South Africa implemented a new
school programme to promote democracy and to teach children about constitutional values.
(Mattes 2012, p,n 133)

2.2 Political generation

The post-apartheid society consists of five hypothetically political generations. The

classifications are divided through different eras with the connection to social, economic and
political trends. Through historical disjuncture that is distinguished from diverse eras, which
they also were established from, but it also depends on when people reached their politically
formative years, which is defined at the age of 16. The groups are Pre-apartheid, Early
Apartheid, Grand Apartheid, Struggle generation and the Born-free generation. The born-free
generation has grown up in another world then their parents, there are no official limits any
more, as to where to live, work or whom to marry. They are provided with public broadcast
news, both international and national news as well as they have experienced a series of
peaceful and democratic elections (Mattes 2012, p,n 139). The born-free have the advantage
of political freedom with a regular, peaceful, electoral process. At the same time, the youth
are frustrated with the political process, a victim of corruptions, high level of youth
unemployment and poverty. The positive political process, which has been done by the
government, is neglected and unseen do to the negative part (Mattes 2012, p,n 151).

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2.3.1 Today’s South Africa

South Africa is a country with 54 million (2016) Citizens, distributed in the nine provinces;
Eastern Cape, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, Limpopo, North West,
Free State and Western Cape. Kwazulu-Natal is the third-smallest province with a total land
area on 7.7% at the same time has the province the second largest population in South Africa
with 19.8% share of the population, with 10.3 million people living in the province. South
Africa is a country with diversity, a variety of cultures, languages but also religious beliefs.
The majority of South Africans population are Christian, 79.8% and approximately 15% does
not belong to a religion, 1,5% have Islam as their religion and 1,2 % believe in Hinduism
(Tibane, 2014).

2.3.2 Population

The South Africa’s National Youth Policy (2009-2014) defines youths as people between the
ages 15-34 years old. 66% of South Africa’s population is below the age of 35. With its 54
million inhabitants are 18.5 % the age of 10-19 and 24% are between the age of 15-24. The
age group between 14-35 makes up for 42% of South Africa’s total populations and with 69%
of that age group living in Eastern-Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng and Limpopo (UNPF
n.d.).

2.3.2 Table 1.

Population group Percentage South Africa Percentage KwaZulu-Natal

Black African 79.2% 86.8%
Indian or Asian 2.5% 7.4%
White 8.9% 4.2%
Coloured 8.9% 1.4%
Others 0.5% 0.2%
100% 100%

Total population 51 770 560 10 267 300

(Census 2011)

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2.3.3 Labour market

South Africa is struggling with unemployment, a struggle that is only increasing. 2014 was
25.1% of the population unemployed. However, it is the youths which have been effected
mainly by the unemployment. Where 51.3% of youth between the age of 15–24 are without
jobs. The demographic characteristics for unemployment is black Africans, youth, less
educated, women and those without of work experience. The individuals with less than a
matric qualification consist of 59.5% of the unemployment, in 2014.

2.3.4 South Africa’s Parliament and political system

The political system in South Africa is relatively new. South Africa has a bicameral
parliament, which is elected every five years, the National Assembly with is 400 seats and the
National Council of Provinces with 90 seats. The president is elected by the National
Assembly and is only permitted to serve as a president for a maximum of two five-year terms.
The current president, Jacob Zuma has been president since 2009 and is on his second five-
year term. South Africa has a multiparty democracy with 13 parties in the Parliament. The
ANC is the governing party and in majority, which they have been since the 1994 when they
for the first time where allowed to participate in the national election (Brand South Africa
2015).

2.3.4.1 How to register and vote

To be able to vote, recourse first to register that he or she want to vote, which is done at a
Municipal Electoral Office (MEO) or at a voting station with their ID-card. The MEO transfer
the information to Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) head office where they verify
the data with the home affair’s national population data. Next step is to produce provisional
voter’s roll and to public inspect to find errors, which the EMO corrects as well as to appeal
or object the registrations. It submits the documentations and sends it to the Commission
investigation, where they appeal compared to national population register and the voters are
given chance to respond. Following with the commission’s final decision and the Chief
Executive Officer (CEO) and MEO inform the decision, they appellant or object the
registration and voters roll is certified (IEC n.d .A).
On the election day are the people assigned to a voting station, which they cannot change. To
be able to vote it is necessary to bring an ID-card and registrations document. The voting
stations are mostly located in community buildings, such as schools, community centres or

12
churches and if there are no available buildings the voting stations are set up in tents or
mobile voting stations in the shape of specially adapted vehicles. The voters need to register
and vote in the district where the voters are ordinarily residents. The voters will only find
their names in the voting district where they have registered (IEC n.d .B).

2.3.4.2 Election outcome in 2014

The national election in 2014 was declared free and fair by both domestic and international
observers. The ANC won with 62.15 percent of the votes and got 249 of the 400 seats in the
National Assembly, a majority but with slightly smaller majority than previous elections, a
trend that has persisted for the three previous elections. The Democratic Alliance (DA) still
remains as the largest opposition party, which is winning more votes for every election. The
third biggest party after the election in 2014 was the newly formed party Economic Freedom
Fighter (EFF), which won 25 seats and the Inkhatha Freedom Party (IFP) received 10 seats
(Freedom House 2016). The parliamentary sessions have transformed to a more
argumentative tone since the last national elections, although with some violent outcomes.
The annual State of the Nation in February 2015 resulted into chaos, members of the EFF
disrupted Zuma’s speech, followed up with turning tables and fractured jaw of a
parliamentarian (Freedom House 2014).

The functioning of South Africa’s government is hampered because of the corruption of the
state. Even though there are comprehensive anticorruption laws and several agencies, which
are fighting against corruption, it does still occur. In 2015, South Africa was ranked 61 of 168
countries and territories surveyed in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions
Index. The president Zuma has been accused several times of corruptions and is also charged
with more than 700 notifications, from rape to fraud and corruptions (Freedom House 2016).

2.3.4.3 The national election in 2014

The turnout in the last election was 73,5 % of the ones that had registered. The turnouts have
decreased since the election in 1999 when South Africa had their peak of turnouts with 89,3
%. However, there was only 53,8% of the Voting Age Population (VAP) that voted
(International IDEA n.d).

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2.3.4.3.1 Table 2 – Election 2014
Political parties Percentage South Africa Percentage KwaZulu-Natal

African national congress 62,15 65,31

Democratic alliance 22,23 13,33
Economic freedom fighters 6,35 1,97
Inkatha freedom party 2,40 10,17
National freedom party 1,57 6,43
Other parties 5,3 2,79

Total votes cast 18 654 771 3 935 771

Registered population 25 388 082 5 117 131
(IEC n.d. C)

In 2014, 25 388 082 people chose to register and 18 634 771 chose to vote. 3 935 771 of them
are located in KwaZulu-Natal. 22 263 voting stations were authorised in South Africa, with
4746 positioned in KwaZulu-Natal (IEC result report 2014).

2.3.4.4.1 Table 3 – Voters participation

Voters participation by age in the 2014 national

Age Voters
18-19 534 065
20-29 4 150 914
30-39 4 273 942
40-49 3 710 074
50-59 3 025 022
60-69 1 808 262
70-79 845 111
80< 307 381
Total 18 634 771

Gender Procent
Female 57%
Male 43 %
(IEC result report 2014)

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2.3.4.5 Comments by the Chief Electoral Officer for the Electoral
Commission
According to Mr Mosotho Moepya, Chief Electoral Officer for the Electoral Commission was
the election in 2014 successful. It was also the year when the country celebrated the 20th
anniversary of democracy, but also the year when the “born-frees” became eligible to vote.
The IEC invested on an insistent media campaign to reach out for the first time-voters.
According to the IEC, the campaign was successful with a result of a high number of youth
registered to vote. Young people were also employed as electoral staff for the election. More
than 200 00 citizens got temporary jobs during the election in 2014. Additionally, for the first
time could South Africans living abroad register and vote, they were also given special
opportunities to vote beforehand. In total 45 political parties were participating in the contest
of seats in the National Assembly as well as in the nine provincial legislatures. However, 29
parties were elected for the National Assembly (IEC-2014 Election report p.n 4).

2.3.4.6 Previous research of youth electorate

These new voters, the born-free generation are more exposed to a wider media compared to
other generations. They are also having a different view when it comes to politics.
International research outside South Africa has shown two main factors, which have
contributed to youths’ participation in elections. First of all, modern technology has played a
significant role of increasing youths’ political interest and participation on the political arena,
particularly social media (Dimond 2008 p.n 360). Researches have also indicated that young
voters tend to become voters for life (Smets 2012 p.n 408). According to IEC, the celebrity
endorsement has played an important role, building a bridge between the gap of politics and
youth. People that youths look up to, seeing them participating would influence the youth to
vote. Using social media and celebrities are two main factors that were used in the conceived
youth campaign for the 2014 election. The campaigns were on the television, advertising
celebrities discussing voting and talking about why it is important, with the slogan “I Vote for
South Africa”. These campaigns could be found on Facebook, Google, MXit, Twitter as well
as other popular websites (IEC-2014 Election report p.n 14).

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3. Theory

This chapter is to develop and describe the theoretical foundations of the study. A case study
which is conducted using a theory-consuming approach. Theories will be used as a tool to be
able to analyse empirical material, such as the interviews. Three variables, (education, family
and church) were selected as tools to explain where the born-free generations influences have
come from with impact on their likelihood to vote. Two hypotheses are presented, which have
been derived from previous research. Verba’s theory is the theoretical framework for this
thesis.

3.1 Political participation

Political activity can occur in many different ways, through election, protest or campaign.
However, the thesis is going to focus on voter turnouts since voting stands out clearly as the
most commonly related political activity, perhaps because the electoral result determines who
shall govern (Verba, 1995 p.n 50).

3.2.1 Correlation between political respondent and school

According to Verba, education has a significant role as a contribution factor for political
involvement. Education has increased; more children are attending school than ever before,
however is the turnout in election decreasing. The strong correlation between education and
political participation is remained remarkably steady. The higher the education level is, the better
and greater good it brings. An educated person is more knowledgeable, observant and more likely
of respondent in an election compare to the uneducated (Verba, 1995 p.n 448).

The participatory factors that higher education has higher income, exercise more civic skills, more
politically interested and are therefore more likely to vote. Education has both direct and indirect
impact on the future political participation. The direct effect happens in the classroom as well as
extracurricular activities, where pupils might absorb civic values and also develop an interest in
politics. Education has indirect influence, which could occur through the future job, inasmuch as
education is the most powerful determinant of which jobs people get. While the work-related level
has an important part of the income, the civic skills, the social network and later on effecting the
political involvement. All in all, the more educated a person is, the more likely he is participating
politically. Education has in important role through the socioeconomic path of job and income and
the outcome on voting is though the development of political interest (Verba 1995 p.n 450).

16
3.2.1.1 New school system
Since the 1998 has South Africa a new school system, with the aim to contribute knowledge
about democracy and politics. The system is a reflection of the “constitutional democracy,
human rights and transparent communication which underpin South African society.” it is
written in chapter 4, charter 1 that all schools must protect, promote and to fulfil the rights
that are identified in the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act
No. 108 of 1996. Which protects the rights of all people, to encourages the democratic values,
as equality, human dignity and freedom (Department of Education SOUTH AFRICAN
SCHOOLS ACT, 1996 (Act No.84 of 1996)). The new school curriculum was supposed to
promote democratic values as well as others constitutional values, excluding non-racialism
and non-sexism. With the new school system would the youth of South Africa have a good
political understanding as well as requisite to vote, although are they abstainers (Mattes 2012,
p.n 140).

3.2.2 Correlation between political participation and influences from family

Family has not the same influence as education has, but the political encouragement from
homes have also a big contribution to political activity. Political activity runs from generation
to generation, it can be through the education that the parents are providing but also through
the political environment around the dinner table. Although, parents might pass on their
political involvement to their children but it is not necessary (Verba 1995 p.n 450). As
mentioned before, the born-free generation’s parents were very politically active during their
youth. Has that effected the born-frees participation?

3.2.3 Correlation between political participation and influences from

churches
Through a lifetime, a person is moving throughout several institutions. Institutions such as
schools, hospital, work and religious associations, factor that influence political participation.
Having roots in the community would likely increase the wish of knowledge and the concern
about the local political situation and therefore would be more politically involved. Which
would mean that highly mobile people feel less belonging to a community and less likely to
participate in elections (Verba 1995 p.n 452). A churchgoing person is also related to a
communities’ rootedness. The church-based activity conducts to the practice of civic skill and
to institutional recruitment as political enlistment (Verba 1995 p.n 457). Previous studies as

17
assert that Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism and Islam could have negative impact on the
vision of democracy. Opposite with Protestantism, which have a more positive picture on
democracy. Which could be explained by protestants has a big emphasis on individualism
(Teorell 2012 p.n 40). Due to the countries high portions of Christianity is it interesting to see
if it has effected the youths.

3.3.1 Hypothesis one – life orientation

The research question is about why youth in the province of KwaZulu-Natal abstain from
exercising their right to vote and two main hypotheses are applied. The first hypothesis is that youth
are too busy with their life to vote or to have any interest in politics. That the youth are in the period
of life when they are more devoted to find a partner, or they are between school and finding their
first job as well as moving out from their parents’ home. That the transition from childhood to
adulthood is declining the turnouts and is delaying the youths voting debut. Youths are more mobile
than other generations. This generation of voters are more occupied with start-up problems than the
previous generation was. With everyday challenges of surviving, poor living conditions, limited
education, restricted working experience, hence, with no control over their futures (Mattes 2012 p.n
135).

3.3.2 Hypothesis two – high stake election

The second hypothesise is that high stake elections tend to attract more people to vote. Election
with low or none competition equivalents in low participation as well, especially if same party has
been winning huge several times. High stakes elections are attracting more voters than if the
outcome of the election already is predicted. Since the last 40 years the election in South Africa has
been predetermined, with no completion to threaten the ruling party. Would it be more likely that
youth would vote if the winning party changed more frequently? The low turnouts among youth
could be an effect of the non-completive election in the country. Which decreases the turnouts
because youth do not believe their vote matters or counts (Smets 2012 p.n 408).

3.4. Definitions and previous research

Words as democracy and youths have several meanings and definitions; this chapter is for
clarifying and defining what this research represents. The chapter is also going to present
previous researches on youths’ turnouts and the born-free generation.

18
3.4.1 Definition of democracy
Defining democracy has been done by many political scientists throughout history and one of
the most basics descriptions on democracy is rule by the people. What is necessary for a
country to be defined as a democracy is that people are having the right to choose their
leaders trough free, regular and fair election. It cannot be democratic without freedom of
speech, association or without rule of law. Youths are abstaining from their right of choosing
their leader through not voting. There is a responsibility to vote in a democracy. If no one
voted it would not be a democracy (Diamond 2008, p.n. 21).

3.4.2 Definition of election and voting

The voting system which is used today around the world is approximately a century old
(Ackerman and Fishkin 2006 p.n 9). As mentioned before, democracy reacquires free and fair
election. The election is defined as fair when the legal barricade to join the political stadium is
low and when the competing parties and candidates are free to campaign. Nevertheless, that
people can choose for whom they desire to lead the country. Elections are considered to be
fair when the election are administered by a neutral authority. Administration who is working
against fraud, threats towards the competition, independent monitoring of the election and the
voting counting furthermore, when the secrecy of the ballot is protected. However, a
democratic election is much more than votes on the election day and calculating them fairly
(Diamond 2008 p.n 301).

3.4.3 Definition of Youth

The definition of youth is a category which is hard to determine. Since youth is best
understood as a transition “from dependence of childhood to adulthood´s independence”, it is
a fluid denomination. A period of transition for people between the stage of a finished
education and finding their first job. The United Nations (UN) defines “youths” as people
between the ages of 15-24 years old (UNDESA n.d.). Compared to the African Youth Charter
who defines youth as people between the age of 15–35 years old (AUC 2006). South Africa is
defining youth from the age of 14 until 35 years old, which is based on the order of the
National Youth Commission ACT from 1996. However, a lot has changed since the
introduction of democracy in 1994, especially for youths, but the limit at 35 remains due to
the historical imbalance, which has not been fully addressed. Though, the Children’s Act from
2005 defines a child as a person under the age of 18, and the criminal justice system in South

19
Arica describes youths as those between the ages of 14 and 25 years, which is distinguish
between a child and an adult youth (NYP 2015 p.n 10). This research is going to use UNs
definition.

3.5 Previous research

The turnouts of youth in elections are an already explored subject with a lot of different
researches about their political participation, how to raise turnouts, increase the interest for
politics and what is influencing them.

3.5.1 How to make it easier to vote

To make it easier to register would increase the turnouts especially among youths. There are
also suggestions that turnouts would increase if the election were held on a holiday and if the
national and the municipality elections was coinciding on the same day. Which would make
the elections not as fatiguing as it otherwise can seem to be. To increase the technology in
elections would also make the elections much more accessible and hypothetical, would
increase the turnout but also making the elections more competitive. (Dimond 2008 p.n 360)

3.5.2 Knowledge of how to vote

Russell Hardin’s theory of ordinary people’s epistemology begins with people making effort
to learn or to search for knowledge, only if it serves their interest to know it. One single vote
has a diminutive chance of making a different according to Hardin. If voting involves a cost,
as time or economic is there a risk that it will outmatch the benefit of voting. To have enough
knowledge about voting and the government to vote intelligently disappears in the cost of it.
(Hardin 2003, p.n 168). Political candidates and parties are using the campaigns to influence
the voters. Besides, if the voters where already well informed would campaigns have less
influence on the voters (Hardin 2003, p.n 170). Hardin points out that many electorates vote
due to the moral reasons as their duty of being part in the society. There are also voters that
believe in pragmatic version of the generalization argument, a non-moral point of view. If
their party lost the election and they did not vote would they feel responsible for the lost, or if
they did vote and their party lost are they going to console themselves that they at least tried.
People generally has an understanding of the value of voting but not the value of knowing
enough to vote intelligent, and the consequent of that. There are no significant personal
benefits of voting or of mastering the knowledge to “vote intelligently”. People are expected

20
to vote but not to be enough informed to vote intelligently in their interest (Hardin 2003, p.n
174).

4. Method
A theory-consuming method is used to approach this case, where the case is the focus,
thereby are the theories going to be used as tools to analyse the empirical material (Esaiasson
2012, p.n 41). The cornerstone of the theory is going to be Verba’s explanation of youth
participation, through education, influence from family and church.

4.1 Research design

Youths’ turnout is already an explored subject, therefor have I chosen case study as my
method, to investigate a contemporary phenomenon within the real-life context. Interviews
are often used in case studies, studying one case, one person, situation or institution. Where
the interviews are used as a helping tool to support other methods (Kvale & Brinkmann 2014
p.n 160).

A qualitative method is used to investigate youth’s voting participation in South Africa. In

particular, youths’ opinions and experience are the focus of the study. Considering the
research question, a quantitative or literature study would have a limited capacity of
explaining youth’s thoughts, therefor have the interviews an important part in this research.

The research is divided into two parts, a qualitative part with respondent interviews, with case
study as research design and second part with previous studies and analyses. The qualitative
part with the applicants is to identify views and aspects, thereafter reconnect them with the
previous studies approaching the subject. To compare the new discovered empirical pattern
with the theoretical analyst that already exists.

Political science is basically about searching and trying to find the existents of the correlation
between different phenomena. This research has the ambition to discovery which
phenomenon is influencing the youths to vote or not to vote in the province of KwaZulu-
Natal, especially around the South coast (Esaiasson 2012, p.n 66).

21
4.2 Other designs and methods
Qualitative methods have had an important contribution in political science to understand
political phenomena as well as explanations of the phenomena, such as behaviour of people
and their voting participation. Critics to qualitative research ague that research is
impressionistic and idiosyncratic. A quantitate research would be more representative and
reliable, statistical analyse are going to certify that the research findings and the interpretation
are going to be more reliable. Quantitate research are replicable, comparable and can easily be
generalized. Quantities research such as questionnaires survey are producing hard scientific
data with high reliability, compare with qualitative analyse that is often rejected as
unrepresentative and nonconforming. Critics also means that qualitative research is neither
replicable nor comparable, which makes it hard to generalize. It produced unscientific and
soft result (Marsh & Stoker, 2002 p.n 204). In advantages can qualitative research
methodology go deeper at exploring people´s experiences, values and attitudes something that
is difficult to do with quantities research. Qualitative methodology can explain why individual
interviewees vote or not vote in a way that quantitative data cannot (Marsh & Stoker, 2002
p.n. 214). Critics to cases studies claims that one single case cannot be generalized but
Flyvbjerg argue the opposite. He claims that case studies can be generalized through
strategies choose of the case (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2014 p.n 313).

Theory-consuming is chosen as a method since the case is going to be in the focus, which the
theories and the empirical material is going to be applied on. The presented theory is going to
be a tool for explaining the case, why did the circumstance occur as it did. Instead of theory-
testing method where one or several theories are the centre of the research and where the
theory and the hypothesis is tested on empirical material or on a case, testing the theory
(Esaiasson 2012, p.n 40).

4.3 Subordinate questions

The subordinate questions are chosen to help answering the main question. Through asking
questions about democracy and politics is the expectation to get a better understanding about
why the youths are participating in elections or not. Youths previous experience and thoughts
about democracy and how politics is effecting their participation in election, illustrating that
especially bad experience would affect the election participating negatively. There’s also
interested of knowing what would influence the youth to vote in the next election or in the
contrary, what would make them not participating. Does the youth understand the value of

22
voting, and if so, what kind of value, the value of having enough information of voting
intelligently according to their interest? Nerveless, is the value of voting only to vote, despite
their own interest or are they voting on the same party as their parents have done.

What is influencing the youths politically and to participate in elections. Has the new school
system effected youths as electors or has their parents and their history had any influences?
Besides, have church and community attachment shapes the youth. If there is a community
belonging through institutions such as churches would it be an opening for contribution to the
community, for example voting in the municipality.

4.4 Respondents of the research

It is a field study where the research is built on interviews of the “born-free” generations
thoughts and opinion. For the research do the respondents need to have the age to vote.
Therefore, are the respondents going to be between 18-25 years old. The definition of youth
begins at the age of 15 years, however are the 15-17 years old not included in the study
because they are not in the age of voting. The born-free generation is the age of 22, however
the research is having respondents up to 25 years old, because they as the born-free do not
have any memories from apartheid. The respondents are participating voluntarily without any
compensation. The respondents are also anonymous, with no questions or record about their
names neither their addresses. They are also well informed about the subject and about the
research before the interview began. There was always opportunity to skip question if so
wanted. The interviews were conducted between November and December 2016. The only
thing delimitating the respondents is their age, thereafter was the aim to try to interview a
range of youths with diversity of background. Youths participation in election is a subject that
is well explored but the previous research are mostly quantities. Therefore, is it prevailing of
doing a qualitative research because it is not as studied. Selection of interviews was through
the “snowball effect”. The snowball method, where the first interviewed person is suggesting
other people to interview. Which was an advantage that gave the other respondents confident
which is built up from the first person, who is referring back to the study (Esaiasson 2012, p.n
189).
The majority of the interview’s where students, therefore cannot this study be generalised to
the broader population of South Africa, however is the research still relevant because it can be
seen as a part of a larger explanation of turnouts amongst youths in South Africa. During the
months of November and December is it summer-holiday from school, with the opportunity

23
to interview home-comers who were studying in other cities. There was also an aim to
interview the so called “street-corners”, but because it was a holiday was I strictly
recommended not to do so due to the high alcohol consumption, but also due to language
difficulties which could occurred.
All of the populations groups where included in this research, in the same extent that they
occur percentage in KwaZulu-Natal. The snow-ball effect was very successful, equal
distributed of both genders and diversity of background. The people who were interviewed
had no connection with the researcher. Through the snow-ball effect did the research come in
contact with one former member of the ANC-youth league, two volunteers at the previous
election and the consular from the DA in Margate.

4.4.1 Limitations and legitimacy

Segmented colonial structures such as Westerns actors, including field workers and
researchers are unaware of their inevitably conformation of the imperialistic patterns. Who
gives me the right as a western actor to travel down to do my research? The legitimacy lays
within the respondents’ answers, answers which have not been changed or modified.
Therefore, the research is using several cites, short as well as long quote, to be able to keep it
as legitimacy as possible. The research cannot exclude that the respondents has not been
affected by the researcher as a white, young, middle-class, foreigner, asking them questions.
Occasionally, the feeling of the respondent giving answers which they thought was “political
correct”. However, I do not believe that it has occurred in the extent that it jeopardizes this
research.

Even though English is an official language did it occur language difficulties, thereof the
interest for students, which the majority of the time knew English. I thought that the
“snowball effect” was the best procedure for this research, therefor could I get hold of English
speaking youths. Still, the youths are from different backgrounds, such as from the rural areas,
cities and from the countryside. I chose not to us an interpreter during this research because I
thought that it was not necessary, as well as the fear of information’s being misrepresented.
To increase the reliability and validity of the study was a literature study done with secondary
sources. The literature study was done to prepare for the fieldwork, but also during and after
to double-check all the facts and to get a more complete, multidisciplinary perspective.
Criticism of the sources have been a big part of the research, always checking sources and

24
numbers several times. The research is only using scientific articles, books and careful chosen
web sources. Keep in mind, that the research is using South Africa’s government as a web
source, where the neutrality of the information can be questioned.

4.5 Execution of the interview

The method that is use in the research is respondent analysis, to study the respondent’s
thoughts and their opinion on democracies and election participation. Therefor are the
questions constant and identical for all of the applicants, with the goal to find a pattern,
explaining and responding to the questions of the thesis. It is going to be a conversation
interview survey, to identify people’s opinion on the subject with possibility for
supplementary questions. This interview method is preferred to be able to dig deeper in
people’s opinions, something that could be difficult with another method. With conversation-
interview survey are the respondent’s strategies selected to be able to maximise the variation
of thoughts (Esaiasson 2012, p.n 229).
If the applicants are too few will it be problematic generalise the research, nerveless,
impossible to testify the hypothesis. If the interviews are too many will it be difficult to get
intimately interpretation of the interviews. By choosing a smaller range of people makes it
possible to be more accurate, which make it more manageable. The number that was
manageable for the time and extend of this research was 12 (Kvale & Brinkmann 2014, p.n
157). Interviews with good quality are consuming to have short and understandable question
with hopefully long informative answers, with space for spontaneous questions (Kvale &
Brinkmann 2014, p.n 206).

4.6 South Africa, KwaZulu-Natal

South Africa is chosen due do their unique situation, a country which has had high turnouts
since the election 1994, but has declined since then. The research is based on the province
KwaZulu-Natal and their population (see the table of the population). It would be difficult to
generalise this research on to the whole population of youths in South Africa, therefor is it
narrowed down to KwaZulu-Natal and the South coast. The province KwaZulu-Natal was
chosen do to its diversity of people, accessibility, the researcher’s pre-knowledge of the area
and of KwaZulu-Natal political history. It offers big cities as Durban but also smaller cities,
countryside and rural areas.

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5. Result of the interviews
The first part of this chapter is presenting the empirical result from the interviews and consists
of cites from the respondents. The cites are for strengthening the result and too increase the
understating of the respondents view and also to increase the legitimacy of the research. The
long cites speaks for themselves.

-“Why are the “born-free” generation of KwaZulu-Natal, in South Africa not using their right to
vote?”

5.1 Where does their political understanding come from?

During the interviews has three variables been used, how school, family and church have
influenced them towards democracy and politics.

5.1.1 School
The majority of the respondent believe that the school has influenced them. “yes a lot” –
respondent 5, “not really” – respondent 6, or “yes, in the early stage…”- respondent 8. One
respondent says that the only component that has influenced them is school, not family, not
friends, nor church or the media. The awareness of politics and democracy did develop mostly
during the university according to some of the respondents. Respondent 6 are also retelling
that governmental-people came to school to get youths to register. The respondent along with
his friends did register, which they would not have done otherwise. Hence, school have had
an important part of the youths understanding of democracy, however is it hard to say if its
due to the new school system. Still, several respondents are also talking about propaganda in
schools, which the constitution strictly are against.

“the textbooks teach you that white people are evil … and it is so said for the black
people and stuff... it is almost like a horror movie of how evil white people are…” –
Respondent 1

“I have got propaganda of how to hate white people.” – Respondent 2

“…is leaning towards one party so it’s kind of a propaganda in school but generally
they teach you to question” – Respondent 12

“They are not teaching, the teachers are only telling their opinion rather than what’s out
there.” – respondent 8

26
Which could explain the reason why a lot of youths are voting for EFF, they want a change
and they want it now. A party that have a xenophobic agenda towards the white population of
the country, according to a respondent. Some of the respondents were voting of EFF.

5.1.2 Family
On the variable family are the respondent divided. The majority do believe that their family
have influence them and about one third of the group do not discuss politics at home and
therefore have they not been influenced by their family.
“ Yes very much, we have had tones of debates about politics. Basically like a typical
African home they believe in ANC and has always done…”– Respondent 6

“My grandmother has, because they were a part of the apartheid system. She was
actually 17 years when the apartheid began. She was 17 and she is still telling me
stories about how it was, what happened and how hey where treated. How my
grandfather that was working in Johannesburg, so he used to come back with marks all
over his body. So ya, that has affected me. ” – Respondent 5

“No, they have really not, just school” – respondent 10

There was some resemblance between the respondents who were discussion politics around
the dinner table and those who were voting. With the conclusion, if the family is political
active might it increase the possibility of the youth to political participate. Agreeing with
Verbas theory that parents might passes their political interest to their children but not
necessary.

5.1.3 Church
The respondents are divided if their church has had any influence on their view on politics. In
one case was the pastor a politician and where encouraging the community to register and to
vote, with the slogan that if you are not voting means that you are not a South African.
Another respondent refers to his church as traditional where they do not talk about politics.

“Yes definitely. The church has definitely influenced me a lot.” – respondent 9

“Ya they do bring it up and we do pray about our leaders. Ya so they do truly influence
us in politics.” – respondent 6

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On the other hand, was there no striking similarities between the variable church and if the
youths were voting.

5.1.4 Other influences

The three variables that was chosen in the beginning of this research turned out to have a
various influence on the respondent. Some of the respondents have been influenced of all
three variables, others have been more influenced of one of the variable rather than all of
them. However, the different variables have had an important role in the respondent’s
awareness and comprehension of politics and democracy.

On the open-question if something else have influenced them are the respondents mentioning
friends and media. Friends have played a huge role for the youths, some admits that they
would not have been voting if it was not for their friends pushing and encoring them. Political
discussions and debates is nothing unusually amongst friends.

“We actually went together, one time we went like 6 am to vote on the municipality
one, we squatted out.” - Respondent 9

5.2.1 Hypothesis one – life orientation

The first hypotheses of this research was partly approved by the respondents. Some of the
respondent was abstainer because they didn’t care or that they weren’t affected of the
election. They were also busy doing other stuff on the day of registration or they weren’t
home to be able register or vote. Which could be explained by the hypothesis that youths are
more mobile and more concern about their living-standards than voting.

“For myself as an example, most young people in South Africa just go by their lives…
and for them politics are just dirty stuff and corrupt…. It’s a stage like the older they
get, in South Africa up until 25 years old they aren't really interested in politics, and
when they started to work and paying taxes then they staring to get interested in
politics, because now they fell that they are affected”. – respondent 12

The respondent 5 have not been voting but she was planning of voting in the next election.
“Definitely, I have to… because one thing is that I need to vote because I will be
working in the government and I need to vote so I also can have a mark, its saying how

28
 I want my country to be lead. I want change in my country. “- Respondent 5

This respondent is studying to become a teacher and her political participation is going to
increase when she is more effected by the politics. It is more likely that people are going to
vote if you fell a part of the society, which she will be in future.

5.2.2 Hypothesis two – high stake elections

The youths agree with each other that there is a value of voting, that their votes count even if
the elections at the moment are not high-stake elections. On the question if they believe that
more people would participate if the winning party changed more frequently are the opinions
divided. Division between opinions that it would not matter if the ruling party changed more
frequently. “South Africa do not grasp that kind of idea”- respondent 12, others were
agreeing that it would make it capable for people to see the difference, “if you don’t like the
party, do you have the opportunity to change” - respondent 2. The third part do not have any
opinion about it. Politicians are overly comfortable, too relaxed and with a more frequently
change of the ruling party would make the politicians more alert and efficient, and thereby
make more people participating in elections. High-stakes election could have a positive effect
on the turnouts according to some of the respondents.

5.3 The view on elections, democracy and politics

What occurred fascinating, independently form each other did the majority of the respondent
answer “Freedom” on the question “What do you think about when you hear the words
democracy and politics?”. Democracy is equal with freedom in South Africa, when freedom
appeared, appeared also democracy. Personal freedom to choose where to live, work or
whom to marry, to choose your own life and to participate in elections. Freedom is a positive
word, however with it comes responsibility, responsibility which not everyone has grasped.

“Freedom, if you understand the history of South Africa and why people here see
democracy as a synonym for freedom,” – Respondent 12

It demonstrates that the born-free generation are aware of the country’s history, valuing the
importance of democracy. Even though the respondents are mentioning “Freedom” and are
showing awareness of the importance of voting are some still abstaining. Explanation for

29
being abstaining have been that they are either busy with life, school or the apprehension that
they do not have enough knowledge to vote.
“I was scared, even my mom said “go and register so you can vote” but I said “I’m still
young mom” …” - Respondent 7

“I didn’t register” and “I didn’t care” – Respondent 2

However, the awareness of their parent’s struggle is surrounding them, continently as

reminder. Nevertheless, the disappointment of their government is bigger and are winning
over the history of the country. As the respondents mentioned, they do have private freedom
but not economic freedom. Not being economic free such as being unemployed, dependent on
their parents’ income, which can be connected with the hypothesis that youth are busy with
starting their life’s. Additional to the answer freedom was also chaos.

“I think chaos, another word is deception. I know it is a negative word but I, ya, I mean
that is the word that come ups because I don’t trust politicians.” – Respondent 1

Which additionally reflects the opinion of several of the respondents, a lot of the youths are
disappointed on their government and leaders. The thoughts about politicians was very clear,
with similar opinions. It did not matter if the where voting on ANC, DA or EFF, or not voting
at all, the frustration towards the currant leaders was the same. On the question “What do you
believe is the reason for why youths do not vote?” where the answers:
“I think, they give us promises and they have not giving us does promises, that’s why
youths are not voting. If they did fulfil the promises, everyone would vote.” –
respondent 7

“I think it is because of, it is seems like the youth are voiceless.”- respondent 8

“People don’t know who to vote for, the ANC is not working anymore, people are
seeing that they are making all of these promises but they are not fulfilling them and the
DA they don’t trust...” – respondent 9

The truest-issues are huge towards the politicians which is hindering youth’s participation.
Nerveless, the reason for not voting could also be as simple as:
“Because most of them aren’t interested in politics…” - respondent 11

30
5.4 Elections
The generally assumption according to the respondents is that South African elections are
good and are working, they are free and fair. They are portraying elections as something
positive and that there is a value of voting.

“Elections, they are really good.”- Respondent 11

Abstainers are also positive towards elections, for example this non-voting respondent;
“ I think that elections are for a good curse, because it’s up to the people to decide who
leads them. So I have nothing against elections it’s just the party’s that are in involved,
no I have nothing against elections, they are good thing, because it unit people and it
promote democracy so ya, I’m for elections… Yes they are fair, I believe that they are
fair.” – 10

“Yes, the value of voting, it make you feel important, it make you feel part of the
country…” – Respondent 11

Although there was one pessimist, yet he still thought that elections were good and was
voting. However, he showed a new side of the elections and was testifying that elections are
bought.

“I say that elections are a good thing but are they working? Not anymore. I don’t know
if you have been to the rural sites of South Africa, like where I grow up, were it not
really mattered what you were voting on. Some people gave them blankets and food,
just a few puzzles so then they voted for you. I mean that elections are bought these
days, so it was a good thing but I don’t think that they are working so official has they
are supposed to do…Yes they go out targeting those places and the poor people because
they know it they just give them food, blankets, promising them electricity then they are
going to vote on them. “ – respondent 6

Overall is the description of elections optimistic even though there where some feature of
rigged elections, but even then, positive view was solid. Hence, means that the elections are
not the issues why youths are abstainers. However, there is twofold opinion about knowledge
to vote, the majority, voters along with the abstainers’ states that they have knowledge to
vote, but then again are they also confirming that voting can be difficult. Difficult in the sense
of who to vote for but also the system of how to register and vote.

31
 “Yes, my friends they are voting, because in this year’s election they voted and I
decided not to vote because I really didn't know on who to vote for, they are all
promising the same thing but no actually deliver so I wanted to stay neutral, but my
friends they did vote. And they all were laughing at me because I wasn't voting but I
was like "no guys, I can’t be voting on something that I don’t believe or understand",
for something that doesn’t really deliver because they made promises that time and later
on they just fall-back on their promises.” - Respondent 10

Respondents affirms that there is absence of knowledge on how to vote as well. The volunteer
from the last election confirms the problem.
“No, there is not enough knowledge. Because like when you look at the value paper, the
voters are not well educated about it. Because you found more than 100 spoilt, not
because someone didn't vote or they just write the paragraph, even in the voting they
double cross in many boxes. They are not trained how to vote. How to make your vote
valid. So I Think that is much to be done, like how to vote because I truly believe that
there are parties that are losing just because it’s to many spoils.” - Respondent 8

5.5 What would make youths go and vote

The respondents are united that South Africa need a change, if it is a change within the
leading party or change the ruling party. To get more youth interested to vote are the
respondents cohesive that it requires more education about voting and politics. The
respondents are requiring clear and understandable opinions, political goals and intentions,
with honest politicians that are trustworthy. Politicians that follows what they are promising,
to be worthy of their votes. One respondent pointed out that it is an infrastructure problem, for
some people is it too expensive to get to the nearest voting station and would rather have a
meal than to go and vote.
“… getting voting station closer to people and informing people better would defiantly
help.” – Respondent 9
To increases the turnouts is the day of election a holiday, which doesn’t help according to a
respondent, especially when the election is held in the middle of the week. Which makes is
problematic for people who are working, studying or living in another place of the country
from where they are registered. The respondent 6 is also revealing the issue of not being able
to change or choose the voting station. Respondents are also agreeing with the previous
research from Larry Diamond (2012) that the turnouts would increase if the national and
municipality where held on the same day but also if the election started to include technology.

32
 “I think we should move on and start to use technology.” –Respondent 1

5.6 Is there faith and confidence in the South African government at the
moment?
The government have no or very low support from the respondents in this research. The
youths feel forgotten and voiceless, their truest towards the currant politicians has slowly
deteriorate.

“No I don’t, not at the moment. There’s a lot of lawlessness happening at the moment, a
lot of corruption, massive lost in integrity in the government. So no, I don’t have any
confidence in them. ”- respondent 9

“Not really, there’s too much things happening within the government which aren’t so
clear. I really don’t have faith in them.” – respondent 11

Even the respondent that have been active in the ANC youth league are giving
undistinguishable answer:
“At the moment, I believe that there’s a lot of things that needs to be done and I do
have faith in them. I believe that everything is going to change into the better.” –
respondent 3

Mistrust in the parliament is not encouraging youths to participate in elections, in the

contrary, it could make them less active. The respondents are however united on the question
if they are satisfied with the governments previous work, which they are, especially with the
work done by Nelson Mandela. Thereafter is the truest and satisfaction towards the
governments work deceasing.

Hero, saviour, our father, South Africa’s Jesus, Nelson Mandela has a lot of nicknames. The
respondents and previous studies have revealed that a lot of people are still voting on the
ANC because they owe it to them, a feeling which the youths do not have. However, there
was one respondent, she was abstaining in the election 2014 but was voting in the election
2016, she was absolutely not satisfied with the governments previous work, expect for the
period of Nelson Mandela and she did not have any confident or faith in the government at
the moment, but on the question what she was voting on was the answer clear.

33
 ”ANC, always do, even next year and the year after that, I like ANC … Mandela was
president for years, for us having freedom, getting freedom, who is still standing for us
even if he died. He is our daddy, our hero, because Mandela he loved his children so
much, he honours everyone, he greats everyone, even if he came to see you, he would
shake your hand or huge you, that’s Mandela and I’m always going to vote on the
ANC!” – Respondent 7
A gratitude that otherwise has started to vanish, especially amongst youths.

5.6.1 Aging politicians

The respondent 12, who also were a politician, was illustrating the political climate as for the
older generation. The previous presidents since 1994 have been older than 65. He is also
pointing out the importance of having a mixture of gender, ethnicity and age in the
parliament, which not the case at the moment. He is also confessing that politicians are not
doing enough for youths and that he has an understanding for why youths are not voting, they
feel unheard, without any economic freedom. His picture is clear, the youths are not voting
because there’s nothing in it for them.
“In general, here in South Africa politics are for older people. … because we assume
that an older person is wiser and "he's an old man, been around the block, he knows
more than us", which I don’t believe is true … You are young upcoming politician at
50, still.” – Respondent 12
Which could be connected with what respondent 7, feeling of being too young to vote, scared
of not having enough knowledge. Another respondent is also mentioning the problem of an
ageing politicians, which is making the youth uninterested, he is explaining the problematic of
having old politicians.
”Like you can’t expect that an 70 old male can take decision for 25 years old…. Those
politicians take decisions but they don’t know what they are doing because they are not
listening. So we are voiceless. That’s why youths do not vote.” –Respondent 8

6. Conclusion and discussion

The aim of this paper was to study the born-free generation in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
and their participation in elections. The purpose is to contribute to a better understanding of
the born-free generations participation or abstains.

I travelled to South Africa with the approach that youths do not have any interest in politics
and are abstainers. Statistics and previous research confirmed my approached and I was

34
expecting angry, confused, uneducated youths with little understanding of politics and
democracy. Nonetheless, the respondents revealed a new side which proved me wrong. They
were educated with strong opinions, they were disappointed at their government, however
they were still positive towards the future. Including the most important part, they were voting
or they were planning to vote in the next election.

As the first hypothesises, that youths are more concerned about staring their life, education,
income and moving away from home, was the case for marginal of the respondents. Previous
research of the born-free generation has determined them as if they did not care about
elections and political activism, which this research cannot agree with. Abstainers as voters,
the respondents in this research have showed interest and understandings of democracy and
politics. However, they do witness about ignorance and occupied-youths among their own
age-group, in addition to that their friends are active and voting. Which creates a division.
South Africa’s biggest problem at the moment is the increasing division in the society. The
political institution needs to address the economic and social injustice to maintain and
increase the public commitment to democracy. Helping youth through the transition from
childhood to adults, with educations, jobs and accommodations. However, the big issue is all
the unfulfilled promises, the corruption, the abuse of power, no genuine political
competitions, which is decreasing the turnouts. The politicians have become a class for
themselves, that the population cannot recognise themselves with, especially not the youths.
The politicians provide the country with freedom but they failed with providing economic
freedom.

The born-free generation is also the first generation that is benefiting from higher education.
The influence from parents and family is still huge even though a lot of the youth also
mentioned school and university as the main encouragement. The parents have experience
and knowledge but are lacking education. Schools influenced the respondents even though the
education might, in some cases, occur as partial. The curriculum was supposed to promote
democratic values, non-racialism and non-sexism, which partly have been done. There was a
significant increase of political interest when the youth started studying at University.
University students are also in a much more stimulated environment, with youth-leagues
fighting for their votes, compared with the non-school going youth. Agreeing with previous
research, the majority of the respondents were university students and voters.

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I also realized that even if the born-free generation do not have any experience with the
apartheid, is it still a big part of them, they are still talking about it. All of the respondents
mentioned apartheid without me asking any questions about apartheid. Even if they were
born-free, have apartheid imprinted onto them and their daily life.

The vague faith and confidence for today’s government in South Africa do I believe is
playing an important role in why youths are not voting, like mentioned before, they do not
know what to vote for. The youths feel voiceless and that they are abended, that the
politicians are not doing anything for them. At the same time, politicians are not doing
whatsoever for youths as long as they cannot get their votes. Politicians are applying policies
for the people that can help them stay in power. The elections in South Africa seems to be
both fair and free, which the respondents and the international organisation clarifies.

As Russell Hardin theory, it costs too much, both time and money. One vote has tiny chance
of making a huge difference and if there is a cost involving voting, is the risk that the cost
wins over the benefits of voting. Hardin point out, that electorates are voting because they feel
like it is their duty towards the society, but a lot of the youths do not feel like they are a part
of the society and that the society do not give anything back towards them. The youths do not
have any relationship with the political party in the same extent has their parents have to ANC
for example, do they not feel guilt of not voting. Neither do the feel any guilt nor success
when the party is winning or losing. Which can back up the theory of Hardin.

There was a division between the respondents if a high-stake election and if their church
influenced them, and I could not find any clear pattern. This research cannot verify the
correlations between the church and its impact on voting, nor the correlation between high-
stake elections and the political participation.

The issue is not within the youth, it lies within the government and the structural complexity
of the system of voting. Which especially disfavours the youths do to their mobility. The
system is also inefficient, where it requires you to wait in a line for hours to first register and
then hours to vote. I would say that South Africa is suffering from bad governance, which
also is verified by the respondents. Bad governance such as corruption, hidden agendas and
private benefits are decreasing turnouts.

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The respondent of this research was positive towards the future, and so am I. Nevertheless, I
would like to end this research by quoting Nelson Mandela.

“Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”
- Nelson Mandela

6.1 Future research

I have only just begun to scratch the surface of this topic, which opportunities to dig deeper.
Even though English is one of the official language in South Africa does fare from everyone
master the language. To take this research to the next level would it be to huge help if the
researcher could master the other official languages in the country, Xhosa, Zulu and Africans.

37
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29-11-2016

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IEC 2014 - Election report 2014 National and Provincial Election Report, IEC, Electoral
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2012http://www.gcis.gov.za/sites/www.gcis.gov.za/files/docs/resourcecentre/pocketguide/004
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39
7.2 Article

Amoateng, A., 2015. THE END OF POLITICS BY THEYOUTH? HIGHER EDUCATION,

YOUTH IDENTITY AND RECESSION OFPOLITICAL PARTICIPATION BY SOUTH
AFRICA'S ‘BORN-FREES’: 1 THE CASE OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS AT A
PUBLIC UNIVERSITY. International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter-
and Transdisciplinarity, 10(1), pp.102–119.

Dawson, H., 2014. Youth Politics: Waiting and Envy in a South African Informal
Settlement. Journal of Southern African Studies, 40(4), pp.861–882.

Mattes, R. (2012). The ‘Born Frees’: The Prospects for Generational Change in Post-
apartheid South Africa. Australian Journal of Political Science, 47(1), 133-153

Smets, K., 2012. A Widening Generational Divide? The Age Gap in Voter Turnout Through
Time and Space. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, 22(4), pp.407–430.

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7.4 Appendix 1 – Respondents

The researcher interview 12 respondents during the period of November and December 2016
in KwaZulu-Natal. Underneath is a list of the respondents.

Respondent Age Gender Date of interview

1 25 Female 11-11-2016
2 23 Male 16-11-2016
3 23 Female 24-11-2016
4 25 Male 30-11-2016
5 19 Female 30-11-2016
6 19 Male 08-12-2016
7 25 Female 09-12-2016
8 25 Male 09-12-2016
9 20 Female 13-12-2016
10 22 Female 21-12-2016
11 22 Male 21-12-2016
12 25 Male 27-12-2016

41