V R IJ E UN I V E R S IT E IT T E A M S T ER DAM

MUSICAL ASPECTS
OF THE NEW TESTAMENT

ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT

TER VERKRUGING VAN DE GRAAD VAN DOCTOR IN

DE GODGELEERDHEID AAN DE 'VRUE UNIVERSITEIT
TB AMSTERDAM, OP GEZAG VAN DE RECTOR MAG-
NIPICUS DR. H. SMITSKAMP, HOOGLERAAR IN DE
PACULTEIT 'DER LETTEREN, IN HET OPENBAAR TB
VERDEDIGEN OP VRI]DAG 2' MEI 1962, OM 9 UUR IN
HET WOESTDUINCENTRUM, WOESTDUINSTRAAT 16,
TB AMSTERDAM
DOOR

WILLIAM SHEPPARD SMITH

GEBOREN TB ALEXANDRIA, LOUISIANA, U.S.A.

I'
UITGEVERIJ W. TEN HAVE N.V. AMSTERDAM 1962
PROMOTOR: PROF. DR. R. SCHIPPERS
To K. S. S. and R. ]. S.
 CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix

INTRODUCTION . xi

CHAPTER I
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND
A. Israel's Musical Development. 5
B. Musical Performance 8
C. The Role of Music . 13
D. Musical Instruments I4
E. Performers and Participants 15
F. Texts Rendered Musically 18
G. Secular Music 20

CHAPTER 11
THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP -
THE MANNER OF MUSICAL PERFORMANCE
A. Participation 27
B. Musical Instruments 42
C. Greek Influences 54
D. Patristic Aesthetics 57

CHAPTER Ill
THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP -
WHAT TEXTS WERE RENDER!ED MUSICALLY?
A. The Terminology for Musical Rendition . 59
B. The Jewish Heritage 65
C. New Compositions . 71

CHAPTER IV
SECULAR AND ILLUSTRATIVE REFERENCES
A. Secular Musical Practices . 95
B. Illustration by Reference to Musical Practice . 106

CHAPTER V
ANGELIC MUSIC
A. In Jewish Literature . 120
B. In the New Testament 123
C. In the Fathers . 1 33

vii
 CHAPTER VI
THE TRUMPET
A. The Hebrew Background .
B. The New Testament Role and Significance
CHAPTER VII
THE NEW TESTAMENT CONCEPT OF MUSIC
A. The Praise of God .
B. "Spiritual Sacrifice"
C. The Dynamic of the Holy Spirit .
D. The Involvent of the Whole Man
E. The Manward Reference
F. Music in Revelation and Redemption .

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . 181

INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS AND EDITORS .

viii
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As my doctoral studies come to an end, I rejoice in the opportunity to

acknowledge a few of the many favors extended me along the way. My
parents deserve the first measure of gratitude. They taught me from my
youth upwards to love the Lord and His praises. They brought me up in the
way that I should go.
I am especially grateful for the blessing of a wife given during the present
course of study. She shares the same interests as I, and has been of
inestimable value in this particular endeavor, both in spiritual and technical
ways.
I am exceedingly grateful for the three years of study under the con-
secrated scholarship represented by the faculty of Westminster Theological
Seminary, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. It has also been my pleasure and to
my profit to pursue courses under Prof. Dr. D. S. Attema and Prof. Dr.
G. C. Berkouwer here in Amsterdam.
Among the librarians who have 'been helpful in the course of the research
involved in preparing the dissertation, I especially want to thank Mr.
H. Prince of Columbia Theological Seminary, Decatur, Georgia, and Mr.
D. Turner of the Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University,
Dallas, Texas. Considerable help was also obtained from the staff of the
library of Candler School of Theology, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia.
Needless to say, it would have been quite impossible to pursue these
post-graduate studies without financial assistance. I owe, therefore, a debt
of thanks in this connection to the following: the United States Educational
Foundation for a Fulbright Scholarship; the Rotary Clubs of Amsterdam and
Zachary, Louisiana; various Presbyterian churches in Louisiana and Missis-
sippi where it has been my good fortune to preach, and especially the
congregations of Zachary and Jackson, Louisiana, which I was privileged
to serve as pastor for four years ; the Board of W odd Missions of the
Presbyterian Church, U.S., under whose auspices we are about to proceed to
Brazil to begin a new phase of our life; and to my wife's parents for their
generosity in connection with this last stay in Holland.
Numerous individuals and families, both in America and in Holland, have
helped immeasurably in various ways during the time I have been engaged
in study. I wish to acknowledge with hearty thanks the tec.b,nical assistance
rendered by Mr. T. Baarda, assistant in the New Testament Department at
the Free University.
To my advisor and promotor, Prof. Dr. R. Schippers, a particular debt
of thanks is due. He has done much to stimulate my interest in New
Testament studies, particularly in the area of New Testament History. My
respect for his scholarly abilities has grown with each contact. Not least of
all have I appreciated the fact that his helpful criticisms and suggestions

IX
have always been given in a spirit of friendliness and kindness.
In closing I wish to express my sense of gratitude to our most gracious
Heavenly Father for His great faithfulness along the way. Truly, His grace
has a:bounded, and His mercies have indeed been new every day. I rejoice
in the calling of His sovereign purpose "to glorify God and to enjoy Him
forever."

X
 INTRODUCTION

The question of what kind of music is suitable and proper for the worship
of God has long been a vexing one for both synagogue and church. Opinions
have often differed sharply as has also the practice from the theory in this
regard, the latter generally being much more "strict" than the former. Over
the centuries the question has engendered a very large volume of discussion
and literature within both Jewish and Christian circles. Within the latter
the Reformed theologians have been especially forward to ascertain the
teachings of Scripture on the subject and to be guided by these principles in
practice. The Reformed Churches were thus led in former days to maintain
that only the Old Testament Psalms, and in some cases other passages of
Scripture, were suitable texts for the public worship of God in song. Sundry
opinions were delivered concerning the tunes that could be used in the
service, including the question of metrical versus non-metrical. Although
musical instruments were very much in vogue throughout the churches of
the continent of Europe (but not in the synagogues until the last century),
there was in various quarters (also within the Roman Catholic Church) an
anti-instrumental sentiment of varying degrees of intensity. Among many
of the Presbyterians and Puritans of Great Britain and America what was
only felt or maintained in theory by other communions was made practice,
and congregations sang the Psalms without any instrumental accompaniment
whatever, stoutly defending their mode of musical praise as the only one
sanctioned by Scripture.
While it can hardly be said that these questions which produced so much
controversy in former generations have been definitively settled, at least the
controversy has very largely subsided. At the present time very few com-
munions confine themselves in their musical praise of God to the Psalms
and Canticles of Scripture. Active opposition within the Protestant Church
to the use of instruments in the worship service, moreover, is confined pretty
much to a very small segment of the Reformed Church and certain younger
churches and sects.
It has been within this particular context of seeking a Scriptural basis for
certain dogmas and practices within a given communion that a very large
part of the research - again, especially from the Reformed side - into what
might be called the "musical aspects" of the New Testamen.t has heretofore
been confined. The concern of the present study, however, is 'of much larger
scope than a search to determine the propriety of this or that ·particular
musical practice in the public worship of God by His people. The purpose
here is rather to examine every passage within the New Testament which
has any bearing on musical performance 1 of any kind. Thus while some
I. The term "musical performance"" is not a particularly felicitous one in connection
with the worship music of the church (as will be shown in chapter seven). It is,

XL
parts of the dissertation have relevance especially for the Christian worship
service, the overall attempt has been to arrive at a better understanding and
appreciation of the total message of the New Testament via the particular
avenue thereto afforded by an examination of all its references to musical
practices. To this end considerable reference has been made to relevant
passages from Jewish and Christian writings of antiquity. In fact, the
attempt to elucidate the New Testament passages examined has resulted in
the dissertation being to a large degree a study in the backgrounds of the
New Testament writings.
Whatever unity the dissertation possesses is what inheres in the purpose
stated above - simply to examine all the New Testament references having
to do with musical performance. Apar.t from this one key factor the last six
chapters of the dissertation do not bear any particular relationship to one
another, nor is there particular significance necessarily to be attached to the
sequence in which the separate areas are treated. The chapter divisions were
suggested not by any a priori scheme, but by what seemed to be the natural
groupings of the data considered.
After a consideration of the relationship between the musical performance
of early Christian worship and that of the Jews in Temple and synagogue,
chapter one continues with a brief sketch of the development, nature, role
and extent of musical performance in ancient Israel. Though this chapter is
intended to serve as introductory or background material for the whole
dissertation, it is especially relevant to chapters two and three.
Chapters two and three deal specifically with the music of the earliest
Christian worship services, insofar as this can be ascertained. The second
chapter deals with the actual manner of performance, and the third with the
question of what texts were sung by the earliest church.
Chapter four is given to the elucidation of the several New Testament
passages which either refer more or less incidentally to various secular
musical practices or which refer to muSiical phenomena for the express
purpose of illustration of discourse.
Chapter five surveys the New Testament passages having to do with
musical performance by angels. Three separate spheres of angelic musical
performance are considered, and the substantial continuity of the New
Testament conception with that of Jewish thought is demonstrated. The
concept of the relation between human and angelic musical performance in
the New Testament and Patristic literature is noted, and some attention is
given to the manner of performance.
Chapter six is given to a consideration of the five New Testament pas-
sages in which the trumpet is associated significantly w;ith the progress of
revelation and redemption. Considerable attention is given to the important
nevertheless, used throughout the dissertation as a convenient term to refer to any
kind of more or less musical phenomenon.

XII
role of the instrument in Jewish thought as an aid to the appreciation of its
significance in the New Testament, particularly in the area of eschatology.
Chapter seven sets forth the theological and anthropological orientation
of the church's music, and traces the role of musical performance in the
progress of revelation and redemption.

xiii
 CHAPTER I

THE JEWISH BACKGROUND

Authorities are fairly well agreed that the background of the worship service
of the most ancient Christian church is to be found in the worship of
Judaism of that day, and a large degree of continuity between the worship
of the Jewish and Christian communities cannot be doubted. 1 The earliest
Christian disciples met for worship and fellowship in .their own Jewish house-
holds (Lk. 24,33; Acts 1,13; 2,46; 5.42; 12,12), in the Temple (Lk. 24,53;
Acts 2,46; 3,1ff.; 5,12.2off.42) and in the synagogue (Acts 6,9; 9,2; cf.
Jas. 2,2) .2 The latter continued to be the focal point in the earliest missionary
activity (Acts 13,5·14; 14,1; 17,1ff.I0.17; 18.4.19.26; 19,8). 3 The earliest
Christian worship practices are traced, moreover, specifically to the synagogue
by numerous authorities. 4

I. J. M. Nielen, The EarlieJt Chrhtian Liturgy, trans. P. Cummins (St. Louis &
London: B. Herder, 1941), pp. 107ff.; A. B. Macdonald, ChriJtian WorJhip in the
Primitive Chur>h (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1935), rp. 3; T. W. Manson, "The
Jewish Background," ChriJtian WorJhip, ed. N. Micklem (Oxford: Oxford University,
1954), pp. 35-49, which includes a good, brief sketch of the Temple and synagogue
backgrounds; C. W. Dugmore, The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine
Offhe (London: Oxford University, 1944), p. x: "Jewish and Christian worship
spring from a common fount." Cf. W. 0. E. Oesterley, The JewiJh Background of
the Chl'iJtian Liturgy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1925), paJJim; E. C. Scott, Jr., "Judeo-
Christian ·Worship During the Apostolic Period," AuJtin Seminary Bulletin, LXXV
(1960), 2off.; L. Duchesne, ChriJtian WorJhip, ItJ Origin and Evolution (5th ed.,;
London: SPCK, 1956), p. 46.
2. It is not certain whether Jas. 2,2 refers to a Jewish synagogue. Cf. W. F.
Arndt & F. W. Gingrich, A Greek-EngliJh Lexico11 of the New TeJtament anti Other
Early ChriJtian Literaiure (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1957 ), pp. 790-91.
3· Cf. Macdonald, p. 61: "For close on twenty years, when the church was
expanding under the leadership of Jerusalem, and before Paul had opened out the
greater Gentile world beyond Taurus, the worship remained consistently semi-Jewish,
semi-Christian. J,t was Jewish in its association with the temple and the synagogue;
Christian in its Supper-celebrations and informal meetings for prayer in private
houses."
4· E. Werner, The Sacred Bridge, The Interdependence of Liturgy and MuJic in
Synagogue and Church during the FirJt Millennium (London & New York: Dennis
Dobson & Columbia University, 1959), p. 2: "It was not the Temple but the Syna-
gogue which set the pattern for the divine service of the primitive Christian com-
munity," and "it was in the synagogues that the immortal forms of Jewish and
Christian liturgy came into being." Cf. F. Leitner, Der gotteJdienJthche VolkJgeJang
im iiidiJchen rmd chriJtlichen Altertum (Freiburg: Herder, 1906), pp. 69-71; E. F.
Scott, The Nature of the Early Church (New York: Scribner's, 1941 ), p. 74;
A. Schlatter, The Church in the New TeJtament Period, trans. P ..p, Levertoff
(London: SPCK, 1955), p. 63. Oesterley, p. 90 writes: "The earliest Christian com-
munities continued the traditional mode of worship to which they had been ac-
customed in the synagogue. That traditional form of worship had naturally become
endeared to them, and, aJ far aJ it went, it satisfied their spiritual needs." Cf.
ibid., pp. 84-100, on the influence of Temple and (especially) synagogue on
Christian worship. Cf. Duchesne, pp. 46ff. The young church adopted the four
elements of lection, chant, homily and prayer from the synagogue. Cf. E. Dickinson,

I
 What holds for the primitive Christian worship in general is no less true
for the earliest Christian music in particular. Leaving aside the complexities
relating to the details of structure and components of primitive Christian
worship, it cannot be doubted that the general background for the earliest
Christian music is to be sought in the music of the Hellenistic Orient, and
more specifically in the musical theory and practice of Hellenized Judaism
of that day. The Old Testament held a conspicuous place in the thought and
worship of the New Testament church (cf. Rom. 15,3-4; I Cor. ro,rr).
Old Testament quotations and allusions, especially from the book of Psalms,
abound in the literature of the New Testament. The lyrical pieces of the
latter are mosaics of Old Testament and synagogue phrases. The Hallel was
sung at the Last Supper. The young church t.ook over Jewish doxologies
and response-acclamation formulae.5 Musical practices of the Temple are
reflected in the Revelation. A comparison of the writings of the early Church
Fathers with Rabbinic ·thought will reveal numerous parallels pointing
toward a basic continuity of musical thought and practice between synagogue
and church.
With the dawn of Christianity the Hebrew chant became the nucleus
around which the music of the new church was to center. The chant of
the Christian church was to grow out of the ancient Hebrew cantil-
lations.6
The kernel of the melodies of both the Eastern and Western Churches
derived from the melodies of the Synagogue. 7
Opinions differ as to just how much the musical practices of the synagogue
were influenced by those of the Temple. Arguing from a Talmudic
reference, Cohen and Wohlberg relate the two closely.R Avenary, on the
Musi• in the History of the Western Chur<h (New York: Scribner's, 1902), pp.
40-41; Dugmore, pp. 2-8. Cf. Werner, pp. 19ff., for the way in which the liturgy of
an imaginary, idealized Temple may have affected later Christian liturgical develop-
ments.
5· ]. Leipoldt, Der Gottesdienst der altesten Kir<he (Leipzig: Dorffling & Franke,
1937 ), pp. 24-26; Werner, pp. 29ff. Also, cf. pp. 67-71, infra.
6. E. Liemohn, The Singing Chur•h (Columbus, Ohio: :Wartburg, 1959), p. 7·
Cf. E. IWerner, "Church, Music of the Early," GDMM, 11, 283: "As long as the
Judeo-Christians remained but one of the numerous Jewish sects [ !}, they continued
the musical •traditions of their forefathers"; idem, "The Music of Post-Biblical
Judaism," NOHM, Vol. I: Ancient and Oriental Music, ed. E. W:ellesz (London:
Oxford University, 1957), p. 316.
7· E. Wellesz, in Werner, Sa.red Bridge, p. 432. Cf. Dickinson, p. 41: "In respect
to musical usages, the most distinct intimation in early records of the continuation of
ancient forms is found in the occasional references to the habit of antiphonal or
responsive chanting of the Psalms." Cf. also, H. Has per, Calvijn' s Beginsel voor den
Zang in den Eredienst (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1955), I, 15, 18, 29, 30, 32,
130; Dugmore, pp. 8, 8o-81, 98-99; P. Gradenwitz, The Musi• of Israel (New York:
W. W. Norton, 1949), pp. 83ff.
8. F. L. Cohen, "Music, Synagogal," JE, IX, 120: "Joshua ben Hananiah, who had
served in the sanctuary as a member of the Levitical choir ('Ar. nb), told how the

2
other hand, argues (on theoretical grounds) against the likelihood of the
transference of Temple music into the synagogue. 9 Idelsohn considers it
probable that the vocal music of the Temple was in large measure trans-
planted into the synagogue, even though the instrumental was not.l 0
While maintaining the basic continuity between the worship of Hellenized
Judaism and that of the earliest Christian communities, due allowance must
be made for modifications and new elements within the Jewish-Christian
churches of Palestine, and more especially in the Jewish and (even more
especially) the Gentile congregations outside Palestine. 11 The relevance of
what is known of the musical practices of the pre-Christian Jewish sects of
the Therapeutae in Egypt and the Qumran community in Palestine will be
considered at various points below.

choristers went in a body to the synagogue from the orchestra by the altar (Suk. na),
and so participated in both services. As the part of the instruments in the Temple
musical ensemble was purely thllit of accompaniment, and the voices could have given
an adequate rendition without accompaniment (Comp. Suk. 5ob et seq.; 'Ar. u:
Num. R. VI.), the absence of instruments from the synagogue in no way modified
the system of the song itself"; M. Wohtberg, "Music, Synagogal," UJE, VIII, 48:
"From Talmudic sources we learn that there was a close bond between the music of
the Temple and that of the synagogue (Sukkah 53a)." The argument of Cohen and
Wohlberg naturally has more weight with reference to the synagogues of Jerusalem,
and especially the Temple Synagogue, than to synagogues elsewhere, especially in the
dispersion. Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 22ff.
9· H. Avenary, "Jiidische Musik," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed.
F. Blume, VII (1958), col. 232: "Schon eine geraume Zeit vor dem Fall von Tempel
und Staat (70 n. Chr.) batten Synagogen als Sammelpunkte einer fortschrittlichen,
verinnerlichten Form der Religionsiibung bestanden. Die Synagoge wurde eine Statte
fiir den 'Dienst des Herzens,' des persi:inlichen Gebetes, des Lehrens und Lernens.
Ihr. Gsg. ist dazu bestimmt, durch das Ohr in die Seele menschlicher Zuhorer zu
dringen, Erschiitterung hecvorzurufen und auszudriicken (vgl. apokryphes Buch Baruch
2.18; Midrasch Aba Gorion VII 2), das Wort der Lehre 'klanglich zu heben und
seinen Sinn verstandlich zu machen. Bei dieser Zielsetzung ist die Uebernahme und
Bewahrung von Tempelmusik in der Synagoge unwahrscheinlich; der Synagogengsg.
bedeutet einer Neubeginn."
ro. A. Idelsohn, Jewish Music in its Historical Development (New York: Tudor,
1944), p. 19. Cf. I. Elbogen & K. Galling, "Synagogale Musik," RGG (3d ed.), IV,
cols. 1205-o6; Leitner, pp. 19-20; Manson, p. 38.
11. G. Delling, Der Gottesdienst im Neuen Testament (Gi:ittingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1952), p. 51: "Es ist deutlich: eine strukturelle Einwirkung dieses Gottes-
dienstes (Synagogal] auf den urchristlichen ist nicht nachweisbar. Die wesentlichen
Bestandteile des ersteren fehlen in letzterem, und umgekehrt; nur elnzelne Formeln
sind iibernommen .... Die Urchristenheit hat wohl in ihrem judenchrlstlichen Teil den
Gottesdienst der Synagoge mitbegangen: aber ihre eigenen Feiern als ganze hat sie im
juden- und im heiden-christlichen Bereich selbstandig aufgebaut. Das war schon
durch den ganz a:nderen Inhalt ihres Glaubenslebens notwendig gegeben." Leipoldt,
p. 26, gives what is, perhaps, a somewhat more balanced statement: "Alles in allem
gewinnen wir ein anschauliches Bild. Die ersten Christglaubigen schaffen sich einen
eigenen Wortgottesdienst, in enger Anlehnung an die jiidischen Feiern in der
Synagoge, doch so, class das Eigene des Christentums vielfach hervortritt." Cf. ibid.,
pp. 26-27, on the specifically Christian nature of the second part of the early
Christian service, the "Breaking of Bread," and pp. 28ff., on the specifically Christian
elements in the worship of Greek Christianity. Cf. also, Nielen, pp. 140-41: "If we

3
 It is also essential to bear in mind the fact that the worship of the
primitive Christian community presents no unified image that was every-
where and always the same. There was a dynamic process of action and
interaction involved in the gradual movement toward fixation of patterns
of Ghristian worship in the earliest period. Not least important in this regard
was the waning of the primitive enthusiasm and the gradual passing of the
(hariJmata. 12
While it is necessary to remember these cautions, it follows from what
has been said thus far that an investigation into the Jewish background must
precede an understanding and appreciation of the musical practices of the
earliest Christian worship service. In the course of this study it will become
apparent, moreover, that not only the musical practices of the primitive
Christian community at worship are thus elucidated, but early Christian
references to other categories of musical performance as well can best be
understood when seen against the Jewish background.
Before proceeding to set forth some of the more salient features of the
pre-Christian music of Israel, it might be well to remember the severe
limitations which handicap researchers into this subject. The musical
traditions of ancient Israel were altogether oral. Not one single musical
artifact has been found, and even the few extant graphic representations of
musical instruments of the Jews are relatively late. 13 Research along these
lines is very largely concerned, therefore, with literary references to the
musical theory and practice of the ancient Jews. The literature includes the
Old Testament, the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, the writings of Philo
and Josephus, the literary remains of the Qurnran Sect, and the Rabbinic
references in the Talmud and the Midrashim. 14

remember these three things - the personality of Jesus, the unity of the Church and
the personal influence of Jesus' first disciples - we are fully justified in maintaining
that the origin and development of the primitive Christian liturgy was not owing to
external influences alone, but must rather be traced to the new life of faith of the
early Christians." Cf. infra, pp. 73-75, on the concept of "newness."
12. Leipoldt, passim; H. Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the Christian Chur.h, trans.
B. L. Woolf (3d ed.; London: Lutterworth, 1953), p. 148; E. F. Scott, pp. 80-95.
13. Cf. 0. R. Sellers, "Musical Instruments of Israel," The Biblital Archaeologist,
IV, Pt. Ill (September, 1941 ), for an archaeologist's approach to the matter of the
musical instruments of the O.T. Cf. various works for a picture of the triumphal arch
of Titus in Rome, depicting a hatzotzerah among trophies taken from Israel's Temple.
14. Vide A. Sendry, Bibliography of Jewish Music (New York: Columbia
University, 1951 ), pp. 341-46 for Biblical and apocryphal references to music;
pp. 346-55 for musical references in the earlier Rabbinic works; and pp. 50-56 for
the musical references in the Church Fathers. Sendry is full, though not exhaustive.
Some inaccuracies may be noted. Biblical references may also be found in L. R. Wiley,
Bible Music (New York: Paebar, 1945), pp. 1-50, and in Gradenwitz, pp. 297-99;
The age and reliability of Rabbinic sources as they bear upon pre-Christian worship
is discussed by Oesterley, pp. x6-35.

4
 A. ISRAEL'S MUSICAL DEVELOPMENT

According to Dickinson, "the Hebrews were the only ancient cultivated

nation that did not assign to music a superhuman source." 15 It is also true
that while Jahweh accompanied His theophany with the sound of a trumpet
(Ex. r9-2o), ordained certain uses of the trumpet (Lev. 23,24; 25,9; Num.
ro; Josh. 6), and commanded bells to be attached to the hem of Aaron's
priestly garments (Ex. 28,33-34; 39,25-26), the Old Testament does not
represent the ornate musical service of the early monarchy as instituted at
the direct command of God. It may well be true that this elaboration of the
musical part of the worship service was largely due to Israel's imitation of
her neighbors, and as such was merely tolerated by Jahweh, rather than
marking a genuine advance in spirituality.t8 That the music of Israel in
every period of her history was much influenced by that of her neighbors
cannot be doubtedY
A survey of the Old Testament yields occasional references to singing in
the Pentateuch, more references in 1-11 Samuel and I Kings, and still more
in 1-11 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Psalms and Isaiah. "From the earliest
times Jews used the characteristic musical forms of the Semitic Orient:
antiphonal singing of two chorouses (of men, or of women, or of men and
women) against one another, and reJponJorial singing of a chorous ans-

15. Dickinson, p. q.
r6. Cf. Philo De vita Moysis 1,23; De spec. leg. 3,125 (Philonic citations are
from the trans. of F. H. Colson & G. H. Whitaker, in "LGL"); Theodoret Graec.
affec. cur. 7,16; In Ps. 150 (PG LXXX. 1996); Chrysostom Hom. Ps. 150 (PG
LV. 497); Hom. Ps. 149,2 (PG LV. 494); Isidor of Pelusium Epist. 2,176 (PG
LXXVIII. 628). Cf. J. Quasten, Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnisrhen
Antike und christlichen Fruhzeit ("Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und Forschungen,"
Heft XXV; Miinster: Aschendorff, 1930), pp. 85-90, especially p. 88: "Die Ansicht
des Theodoret, class die Juden die liturgische Instrumentalmusik von Aegypten mitge-
bracht batten, hat sehr vie! fiir sich." And p. 90: "Das prunkhafte Zeremoniell der
heidnischen Religionen, von denen Israel umgeben war, forderte schon, urn die Gefahr
des Abfalls zu dieser Auge und Ohr mehr schmeichelnden Art der Gotterverehrung
zu bannen, einige Zugestandnisse an die Sinnlichkeit des jiidischen Volkes, so class
die oben erwahnten Darlegungen des Theodoret und Chrysostomus vollauf gerecht-
fertigt erscheinen."" It is not surprising that much later in the history of the church,
opponents of instrumental music in ·the worship service would make use of this
concept in their debate. Cf., e.g., W·. Porteous, in The Organ Question, Statements by
Dr. Ritchie, and Dr. Porteous, For and Against the Use of the Organ in Public
Worship, b1 the Proceedings of the Presbytery of Glasgow rBo-;.,,8 (Edinburgh:"
Johnstone & Hunter, 1856).
q. C. Engel, The Music of the Most Ancient Nations (London: J. Murray, x864),
p. 277; Gradenwitz, pp. 31-45; Dickinson, pp. 12-13, 22; Leitner, pp. 44ff.; Nielen,
p. n9; Idelsohn, p. 7; Cohen, p. 120; W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion
of Israel (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1942), p. 14: "No ancient people of the Near
East devoted more attention to music than the Canaanites . . . . The early Israelites
were strongly influenced by Canaanite music, and the musical guilds of later Israel
traced their origin back to musical families with Canaanite names, which are said to
have flourished in the time of David." Cf. ibid., pp. r 28-29.

5
wering the leader's solo." 18 (Cf. Ex. 15,1-20; I Sam. 18,7.) Among musical
instruments, the trumpet figures large from the first (vide chapter
six, infra). Instruments are conspicuous in 1-II Kings, 1-II Samuel,
1-II Chronicles and the Psalms.
Early in the monarchy the power of music is used to conduce to proph-
esying (I Sam. 10,5-6; II Ki. 3,15), as well as to soothe the troubled
mind (I Sam. 16,23). The Old Testament and the Apocrypha alike, however,
fix the flowering of Israel's musical life at the beginning of the first mil-
lennium B.C., in connection with the Temple and court life.

The musical scene was completely altered in the days of David and
Solomon. Foreign instruments appeared all of a sudden, such as the
harp, zither, oboe, cymbals, and sistrum, and Pharaoh's daughter whom
King Solomon took for a wife is said, in the Talmudic tractate Sabbath,
to have had 'a thousand kinds' of musical instruments in her dowry. 19

Professional choirs were trained among the Levites. David is consistently

cited as the leader of the development of vocal and instrumental music in
Israel (cf. references in 1-II Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, I Esdras and
Sirach). Court life also gave impetus to musical developments of a secular
nature (11 Sam. 19,35; 11 Chron. 35,15.25; Ezra 2,41.65.70; Sir. 2,8). 20
Affirmations and admonitions regarding musical praise are very numerous
in the Psalms and Isaiah. In the latter prophets, vocal and instrumental music
are associated with the secular mirth that will be silenced by divine judgment.
Also in the latter prophets, the trumpet appears frequently, as a signal

18. C. Sachs, "Music in the Bible," UJE, VIII, 46. For a popular presentation of
the periods of Hebrew music from the earliest time to the Christian era, cf. A. M.
Rothmiiller, The Music of the Jews (New York: Beechhurst Press, 1954), pp. 1-66.
19. Sachs, p. 47-
20. Naturally, this importance attached .to David in the realm of musical develop-
ment in Israel cannot be accepted by adherents of higher criticism of the O.T. Cf.,
e.g., E. G. Hirsch & W. Nowack, "Music and Musical Instruments," JE, IX, 118:
"The description in Chronicles of the embellishment by David of the Temple service
with a rich musical liturgy represents in essence the order of the Second Temple,
since, as is now generally admitted, the liturgical Temple Psalms belong to the post-
exilic period." Cf. C. H. Kraeling & L. Mowry, "Music in the Bible," NOHM, I,
·297; S. R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (6th ed.;
Edinburgh: T. & T. Clack, 1897), pp. 378ff.; T. C. Vriezen, Hoofdlijnen der
Theologie van het Oude Testament (2d ed.; Wageningen, Netherlands: H. Veenman
& Zonen, 1954), p. 84. Over against the critical view, cf. Albright, p. 14: "There
can . . . be little doubt that Phoenician music, drawing from all important earlier
Near-Eastern sources, distanced all contemporary music and that the Israelites, who
adopted it, were thus in the van of the musical world during the Monarchy." Cf. also,
ibid., pp. 125ff., against the critical estimate of David's musical role; N. H. Ridder-
bos, De Psalmen, I ("KV"; Kampen, Kok, 1962), I0-15. Cf. Gradenwitz, pp. 46ff.;
Leitner, pp. 49ff. On the highly developed vocal and instrumental art during the
monarchy, cf. Avenary, cols. 226-27. For a Father's view of David's musical con-
tributions, vide Hippolytus, In Ps. 1,1.

6
preceding impending doom. 21
Musical performance in Israel among the vicissitudes that followed the
restoration (end of sixth century B. C.) was greatly reduced in scope. This
was true of the musical service of the Temple, and an elaborate musical
service was never a general feature of the new and popular synagogue
institution. 22
References to dancing are much less numerous in the Old Testament than
references to the employment of song and instruments. The participants are
often women, and the occasion is often the celebration of a military victory
early in the nation's history (Ex. 15,20; I Sam. 18,6; 21,11; 29,5).
Jewish musical practice, of course, did not escape the syncretistic influences
of Oriental and Hellenic cultures in the centuries preceding the Christian
era. The liturgy of the dispersion synagogues especially was affected. 23 The
mere fact that the texts were sung in the Greek language must have brought
about some modification of the traditional music. 24 Also, if analogy with
later processes is of any value at this point, it is well known that the music
of more recent Jews has been strongly colored by the music native to the
lands in which they were living. 25 Musical cross-currents of the day are

2r. Cf. pp. 142-43, infra.

22. Cf. Hasper, p. 51, n. r: "De tempelmuziek ten tijde van Jezus en de apostelen
was niet zo overdadig als die uit den tijd van David en Salomo .... Na de ballingschap
was alles in den tweeden tempel op heel wat bescheidener schaal ingericht. Dit is toch
misschien niet alleen een gevolg geweest van de algemene verschraling van het !even,
maar ook van de overtuiging, dat Israel een 'woord' voor de wereld ·had .... Door het
woord kan een 'gedachte' verbreid warden. Een klank wekt geen gedachte, maar een
'gevoel.' ".Cf. ibid., p. r 30. According to Idelsohn, p. 19, the Temple service of the
first century B. C. (following BT Tamid V) was thus: "After the priests on duty
had recited a benediction, the Ten Commandments, the Shema (Deut. 6: 4-9), the
priestly benedictions (Num. 6 : 22-26) and three other benedictions, they proceeded
to the act of the offerings. And after they were through with the arrangement of the
sacrifices, one of them sounded the Magrepha ... which was the signal for the priests
to enter the Temple to prostrate themselves, whereas for the Levites that sound
marked the beginning of the musical performance. Two priests took their stand at the
altar immediately and started to blow the trumpets tekia-terua-tekia [ tekia =
"blowing," long notes; terua = "shouting," short staccato or tremulo notes. Ibid.,
p. 9· Cf. A. Edersheim, The Temple, Its Ministry and Services as They were at the
Time of Jesus Christ (London: J. Clarke, 1959), p. 77· Vide, however, p. 138, n. q;
p. 143, n. 45, infra]. ... After this performance, they approached Ben Arza, the
cymbal player, and took their stand beside him, one at his right and the other at his
left side. Whereupon, at a given sign with a flag by the superintendent, this Levite
sounded his cymbal, and all the Levites began to sing a part of the daily Psalm.
Whenever they finished a part they stopped, and the Priests repeated their blowing
of the trumpets and the people present prostrated themselves." Cf. Edersheim, pp.
75-81; Gradenwitz, pp. 66ff.; and E. C. Scott, Jr., pp. 2off. For the synagogue
worship service, vide BT Megillah; cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 2ff., 55ff., 320-21;
Delling, pp. 50-51; Dugmore, pp. u-25.
23. Nielen, p. u9. Hellenistic Alexandria was a special avenue of foreign
influence on the liturgy as well as on other matters. Cf. Gradenwitz, p. 82.
24. Kraeling & Mowry, p. 310.
25. Idelsohn, passim.

7
reflected in the literature and practice of both the orthodox and the
sectarian. 26
In the sphere of non-religious music the Greeks must certainly have
had a strong influence. Above all, the Jews would have adopted a good
deal of Greek secular song. The Greek philosophers and poets must
have effected a steady and increasing modification of the Judeans'
outlook on such questions. 27
In connection with the Greek song that penetrated Palestine (Josephus
Ant. Jud. 15,8,1), Idelsohn points out that the educated people liked it
(Midr. Ruth Rabba 6; BT Hagiga 15b) and that the religious leaders
opposed it (Midr. Shir Hashirim Rabba 8.end). 28

B. MUSICAL PERFORMANCE
It is admittedly difficult for the modern Western ear to appreciate the
music of bhe ancient Orient. This is true, no matter whether one listens to

26. Avenary, col. 228: "Judaas letzte Zeit, verdunkelt <lurch politische Not und
Wirren, war auch eine Zeit der geistigen Garung, die his in die Musikanschauung
hinein spiirbar wird .... Abseits und in sich zuriickgezogen schufen Mystiker und
Reformer sich neue mus. Symbole: die Pos, des Messias und des Weltgerichts
(Apokalyptik), die magisch-mythische Auffassung von S&hofar-und Trp.-Klang im
'Kampf der Sohne des Li&hts und der PinsterniJ' (Tote Meer-Sekte). Den Bne
S&hothe Majim (Therapeuten) diente der Gemeinschaftsgsg. als Vorbereitung mysti-
scher Gesichte ..• das hiingt rnit der auf hypnotischer Wiederholung und Variation
beruhenden Form der mystischen Hymne, wie dem 'Sang der drei Manner im
Feuerofen' (1. Jh. v.Chr.) oder Tin. der Initiantenhymne vom Toten Meer zusamrnen .
. . . Die starke Gruppe der Pharisiier schuf die volkstiimliche Einrichtung der Gebets-
versammlung (Synagoge), aus der eine neue Sinngebung und Gestalt des religiosen
Gsg. hervorging." Concerning the Greek influence on vocal music performance
among the Therapeutae (and eady Christians) cf. Leipoldt, p. 36.
27. Rothmiiller, p, 6~. Cf. Gradenwitz, pp. 94ff.; Avenary, cols. 227-28: "Nun
hat die leichte, sinnlich gerichtete, weder in Religion noch Symbol verwurzelte Musik
in Israel stets als Zeichen der Gottesfremdheit gegolten (Jes. ~.13; Hiob 21.12). Den
Griechen aber war der Genuss von Musik und Wein beim Festmahl eine Art Ritual.
Auch Ben Sira (Sirach, Anf. 2. Jh.) schiitzt das Lied beim Wein hoch (49.1) und
empfindet Hf. und Fl. als ein 'VersiiiJen' des Gsg. (40.21); er nennt, wie Plato im
Gastmahl, die Stunde der Musik eine Unzeit fiir Ratschlag und Rede (32. 5-6).
Seine Spriiche (in der hebr. Bibel apokryph) charakterisieren gut die Rolle der Musik
im Sittenbild der hellenisierten Gesellschaft." Though the latter prophets often
associate secular musical practices with the immorality obtaining at the feasts of the
Jews and their neighbors, and though the Rabbis are likewise rather severe in their
prescriptions of secular music (cf. Str ..-B., IV, Pt. I, 395-96), it should not be con-
cluded that music had no place as an expression of mirth in Jewish "secular" life
(cf. 11 Sam. 19,35; I Ki. 4,32; Eccles. 2,8; Isa. I6,Io; Jer. 25,30; 48,33; Lam. 5,14;
I Mace. 9,39; Lk, 15,25). Their very condemnations point to the popularity of the
practices condemned (cf. Werner, Sa&reJ. Bridge, pp. 317·18), and it is certain that
their attitudes often went more or less unheeded. Cf. Elbogen & Galling, col. 304,
and Cohen, pp. II9-20. Moreover, even the Rabbis took part in the merriment sur-
rounding the celebration of marriage, some receiving special note in the Rabbinic
literature for their dancing abilities. Cf. Str.-B., I, 682.
28. Idelsohn, p. 2 2.

8
possible survivals of the music in the Near East or synagogue, or studies the
literature on the subject. 29 Nevertheless, appreciation of ancient Oriental
music has increased since the nineteenth century. 30 It is probable, moreover,
that the musical performance of Israel compared favorably with that of her
neighbors, at least during the monarchy. 31
Authorities are rather well agreed that the music of ancient Israel,
especially the vocal, was solo or unison rather than harmonized.32 By com-
paring melodic patterns common to the Roman chant and the Babylonian
and Yemenite Jews (the two latter having been separated from Palestine
for at least two thousand years and having had no contact with one another
during that time), Idelsohn has isolated musical elements which are ap-
parently survivals of ancient Hebrew usage. 33 Examples of these melodies in
modern notation may readily be found.S 4 Moreover, as Sachs writes, a
"fairly accurate idea" of the music of the ancient Jews and Babylonians may
be obtained "from the folksongs of the present day inhabitants of the
Middle East and from the melodies performed in Syrian, Coptic, Ethiopian,
and even Roman Catholic churches. Their styles do not much differ, and
the features that they have in common must be the heritage of the ancient
Orient of which Palestine was a part and had to share the essential traits." 35
Like Oriental music in general, the vocal music of ancient Hebrew liturgy
was more or less folk-song in character.se This was especially true of the

29. Cf., e.g., D. F. Tovey, "Music," Bn<ydopaedia Britanni<a, 14th ed., XVI, 3:
"The present article deals mainly with the musical art-forms matured by European
civilization since the 14th century, More ancient music is discussed frankly as beyond
our power of appreciation except in the light of prehistoric origins. Our Western art
of music stands in the unique position that its language has been wholly created
by art." Cf. Cohen, p. 120.
30. C. Sachs, The Rise of Musi• in the Andent World (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1943), pp. 101-02; Leitner, pp. 15ff., 23-25.
3I. Albright, p. 14·
32. C. C. Keet, A Liturghal Study of the Psalter (New York: Macmillan, 1928),
p. 52: "We may safely conclude that the Hebrews had but small conception of
harmony in their instrumentation, and none at all in their vocal music." Cf. Liemohn,
P- 6; Hirsch & Nowack, p. II9, who cite 11 Chron. 5,13 as pointing to unisonal
vocal and instrumental practice; Idelsohn, pp. 26-27. Cf. Quasten, p. 9r: "Die Frage,
ob das heidnische Altertum bereits mehrstimmigen Gesang gekannt hat, ist noch nicht
hinreichend geklart, da es vor allem an den notwendigen Musikderrkmalern fehlt.
Dagegen steht wohl fest, dass die Griechen bereits eine Mehrstimmigkeit in der
Instrumentalmusik gekannt haben."
33· Idelsohn, pp. 24ff. Wohlberg, p. 48, Werner, Sa<red Briage, pp. xiii-xiv, xix,
and Sachs, The Rise, p. 79, all support Idelsohn's general thesis. E. Werner, "Notes
on the Attitude of the Early Church Fathers towards Hebrew Psalmody," RR, VII
(1943), pp. 339-40, outlines the methods to be followed in analyzing the most
ancient Jewish and Christian music.
34· Vide idem, Sarred Bridge, pp. 338ff.; Gradenwitz, pp. 74·75·
35· Sachs, UJB, VIII, 48.
36. Idelsohn, pp. 20, 24-27; Hasper, p. 72, n.; Leitner, pp. 7ff., 59ff. Cf. Sofer.
Yalk. Shim., Prov. 953 (ed. Horeb), against the use of a secular tune with a Biblical
verse.

9
 synagogue before the introduction of a fixed leader of the prayers. 37
In ancient Hebrew musical practice, the "non-musical" shades over im-
. perceptibly into the "musical," and lines are very difficult to draw.ss For
practical purposes, however, cantillation may be considered the basic form
of vocal music of ancient Hebrew liturgy. Its antiquity is uncertain, but it
must be pre-Christian in origin. 39 Cantillation may be defined as the "mode
of intonation used in public recital of prayers and Holy Scripture." It
depends, "not upon the rhythm and sequence of the sounds chanted, but
upon the rhythm and sequence of the syllable to which they are chanted." 40
Cantillation may be compared to the simple plain-song of the Western
Church. In the course of time, there developed rigid prescriptions concerning
its practice, 41 and the performance itself became more elaborate. 42 Ornamen-

37· Elbogen & Galling, col. 304.

38. In Funk and Wagnalls New "Standard" Dictionary of the English Language
(New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1947), p. 392, is found this entry from "Hackett,
Illus. of Scripture (Gould & Lincoln, r86o)," p. 233: "Orientals generally read
aloud . . . and utter the words with a tone which comes nearer to singing or
cantillation, than to our unimpassioned mode of reading." Idelsohn, pp. 35-36,
however, contends that the Near Eastern manner of reading approximates that of the
West, and that cantillation, rather than being inherent in recitation, was imposed
upon it to increase the interest of the hearer. Cf. F. L. Cohen, "Cantillation," JE, Ill,
53 7. Certainly it is not difficult to distinguish between a modern Jew' s reading the
Scripture and his reading something else. Musical intonation, rather than being
inherent in the Hebrew language, seems rather to be imposed upon it for liturgical
purposes. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 104, admitting the difficulty of distinguishing
among them, lists three types of chant: ( r) spoken recitation, ( 2) ecphonesis, or
"Sprechgesang," a semi-musical recitative, and ( 3) cantillation, the regular musical
chant. Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 394-95, point out: "Unsrer Wendung 'ein Lied singen' im
Rabbinischen fast regelmassig die andre entspricht 'ein Lied sagen' i 1W .
i~N
- T
."
The convertible usage of "sing" and "say" is not uncommon to the O.T. This same
lack of precision will be observed later in considering N.T. usage. Cf. 0. Brodde,
"Kirchenmusik," Evangelisches Kirchenlexiwn, ed. H. Brunotte & 0. Weber, Vol. II
(1958), col. 763. On the close relation between speech and song in antiquity, vide
Leitner, pp. r, ro, 12-14, 25. On "Sprechgesang" applied to the reading of the Bible,
vide Avenary, cols. 233-34.
39· A reference to a point of departure for the musical intonation of the Scriptures
has been seen in Neh. 8,8. Vide Cohen, JE, IX, II9. Though Werner, Sacred Bridge,
pp. r roff., denies this import attached to Neh. 8,8, he does place the origin of can-
tillation "long before the Christian era." Both Cohen, JE, Ill, 537, and Werner,
Sacred Bridge, p. roB, find the earliest definite reference to musical intonation of the
Scriptures in Rabbinic writings. Cf. BT Megillah 32a; Berakoth 62a (a reference to
cheironomy); Sanhedrin rora; also, Werner, "The Origin of Psalmody," HUCA,
XXV (1954), 340; Idelsohn, p. 103.
40. Cohen, /E, Ill, 537. Cf. Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 394-95.
41. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 55-56.
42. Cohen, JE, Ill, 537: "The earliest reference to the definite modulation of the
Scripture occurs in the Babylonian Talmud (Meg. 32a), where R. Johanan deprecates
the indifference of such as 'read [the text] without tunefulness and repeat [the
Mishnah] without song.' The use of the term i1~ 1,VJ ('tunefulness') shows that a
melody definite enough to cause a pleasant impression was already attached to the
Scriptural reading, and that it had long passed the stage of a syllabic plain-song
which could only bring out the rhythm of the cursus as one group of syllables

IO
tation is common to Oriental music,48 and is very congenial to religious
ecstasy. 44 The basic elements of performance were not the single note or
the melodic phrase, but a number of short patterns or motives, each
developing a musical interval in close dependence upon the length and
accents of the units of the text.45
Oriental music has always been, and still is, composed in well-defined
designs or melodic patterns. These melodic patterns might be compared
to the three Greek orders or styles in architecture, the composition of
which had detailed rules with which ~he artist was compelled to comply,
and only within these specifications could he follow his personal inter-
pretation. In music, melodies using the same scale, and related to each
other by their general mood, belong to one melodic pattern. Such
patterns are familiar in Arabian and in Hindu music, where in later
times they were called maqamot and ragas. 46
According to Sachs, it is to such a pattern, rather than to musical
instruments, that the musical terms in the superscriptions of the Psalms
refer.47
[The word in each case] almost certainly describes the appropriate
melody, though not exactly in our modern sense; no ready-made tune
invited the poet to compose some poem fitting it in meter and length

succeeded another. The cantillation must already have become 'melismatic,' with
groups of notes, that is, attached to the more important syllables, so that the meaning
of the text as well as its rhythm received emphasis and illustration from the chant."
Whereas the Rabbis could not receive pay for teaching the Torah, they could for
teaching cantillation. Vide BT Nedarim 37·
43· Idelsohn, p. 25.
44· Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 352.
45· Kraeling & Mowry, pp. 294-95; Sachs, The Rise, p. 84; Werner, Sacred
Bridge, p. 129: "The term psalmody is understood to mean a type of musical setting
which is governed hy a coordination of syntactic and melodic accents. Not only do
texts of the Psalter belong to this category but also any scriptural or liturgical passage,
chanted in a manner whereby the structure of the sentence determines the length, the
flow, and the phrasing of the syllabic melody. In general, the varying relationship
between note and word is the essential factor in the chief forms of sacred music.
Considering psalmody to be but a higher developed species of cantillation, this prime
category of musical liturgy is characterized by the organic ties which link the syntactic
structure of the scriptural text to its musical foundation. Here the individual word is
of little relevance; it is the whole sentence with its caesura and cadence which
represents a musical unit." Cf. ibid., pp. 56-56. On the development of psalmody,
cf. idem, HUCA, XXV, 327ff., idem, NOHM, I, 314. For examples of cantillation,
vide Cohen, /E, Ill, 539ff.
46. C. Sachs, History of Mushal Instruments (New York: W. W. Norton, 1940),
p. 126.
47· Ibid., p. 125; idem, UJE, VIII, 47-48; idem, The Rise, p. 83. Cf. Cohen, JE,
Ill, 538; Ridderbos, pp. 9-10. For a list of obscure expressions in the Psalms with
their definitions by various authorities from Luther to modern times, vide Rothmiiller,
pp. 238-42. Cf. also the attempts of Athanasius Exposit. Ps. (PG XXVII. 591-1344),
and Cyril of Alexandria Eis Ps. (PG LXIX. 699ff.).

II
 - for the simple reason that the psalms were very different in length
and had no meter at all. The actual meaning must be inferred from
the Oriental way to compose, which consists in faithfully following one
of those patterns [like the maqamot or ragas] ... in submitting to its
characteristic intervals and melodic turns, and even to its general mood,
but in keeping the full personal freedom for its elaboration.48

Most probably the headings (of the Psalms J ... indicate the folk songs
used for the modal melodies, in the way we might write a community
song to be performed to the melody of a current hit. 49

It is clear from what has been said that this type of music, by its very
nature allows to the performer a large degree of freedom and opportunity
for spontaneity and improvisation. 50 Such freedom would be especially
appreciated when all musical traditions were oral.51 It has also been indicated
that cantillation and related forms of song, being dependent upon the
rhythm of the text, were non-metrical. "The character of Hebrew verse did
not allow of metrical rhythmization; Hebrew poetry was rather poetical
prose, free from rhythmical accentuation and dynamic in its expression, and
the musical motifs closely followed the word accents." 52
The vocal tone production of the ancient Hebrew would probably not
commend itself to the modern Western ear. ~he nasal passages and also the
fingers, placed in the mouth or on the throat to produce pressure, were
employed. 53 The vocal style of men may have differed from that of
women. 54
It is possible that the ancient Jews used the common Oriental musical
scale of quarter-tones, an octave scale having twenty-four steps. According
to Idelsohn, Jewish song is nearly all based on four of these scales. 55

48. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47-48. Cf. idem, The Rise, p. 83.
49· Gradenwitz, p. 69. Cf. ibid., p. 70; Hasper, p. 72, n.: "Wij weten uit de
opschriften 'boven de Psalmen, dat vele hiervan op melodieen van volksliederen werden
gezongen." On Semitic modes, vide Gradenwitz, pp. 41-43; M. Pierik, The Psalter
in the Temple and the Church (Washington: Catholic University, 1957), pp. 38-44.
50. Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 352; Hirsch & Nowack, p. rr9.
5r. Cf. Idelsohn, p. 27.
52. Gradenwitz, p. 67. Cf. J. Beimel, "Cantillation," UJE, III, rs; Cohen, JE, III,
537; idem, JE, IX, 120; Dickinson, p. 2r; Idelsohn, p. ·25; Sachs, The Rise, pp. 83,
ror. References of Philo to metrical poems and songs of the Therapeutae in De vita
cont. ro-rr, probably point to the Greek influence in the sect rather than to any
Jewish custom. Cf. infra, p. 18, on Hebrew poetry.
53· Cohen, JE, IX, 120, 130. Cf. BT Yoma 38b: "Hygros ben Levi 'when he tuned
his voice to a trill, he would put his thumb into ·his mouth and place his finger {on
the division line} •between the two parts of the moustache, so that his brethren, the
priests, staggered backward with a sudden movement.' "
54· Sachs, The Rise, p. 91.
55· Idelsohn, pp. 25-26.

12
 C. THE ROLE OF MUSIC
References to musical appreciation among the Hebrews are found as
early as the Talmudic Era. Rabbinic references to a pleasing voice as being
a desideratum for the liturgical singers are frequent, as is the mention of
outstanding singers by name. 56 It was, doubtless, a preference for a good
voice and musicianship that contributed to the establishment of a fixed
office of the leader of prayer in the synagogue, and the requirement that he
should have musical abilities,67
Be that as it may, it is generally understood that the Hebrews did not
cultivate music for the sake of art. "Art was at best only tolerated in Israelite
religious circles. " 68 "To biblical literature the idea that music is beautiful
is evidently alien." 59 According to Werner, the Bible links the concept of
the "beautiful" only to the visual and not to the auditory. 60 Moreover, the
antithesis of Judaism is not the aesthetic (beautiful-ugly), but the ethical
(holy-profane). 61 "Music was not performed to entertain or to elevate a
lover of refined art but served the cult as a highly exalted form of speech."82
Several theories have been set forth in connection with Israel's cultic
employment of music, emphasizing the utilitarian rather than the mere
aesthetic:
r. Music served an atropaic function in some primitive societies. Some
Biblical references, especially to instrumental music, seem to point
in this direction.o3
2. Vocal and instrumental references in the Bible both indicate a popular
belief that the attention and favor of Jahweh and the heavenly hosts
could more readily be won by the employment of music.64

56. Cf. Sofer. Ya/k. Shim., Sect. 932, col. 2; BT Yoma 38; Taanith 16a; Megillah
24h; Midr. Tanchuma, Re'eh 9. Levites who had lost their vocal ability could be
disqualified from their Temple duties, according to BT. Hullin 24. Other references
may he found in Cohen, JE, IX, I19-20; Str.-B., IV, ·Pt. I, 396, n. a. Cf. I Chron.
15,22.27; Sir. 40,20.21; 50,18; Misb. Tamid Ill.
57· Cf. Elbogen & Galling, col. 304.
58. Alhright, p. 16.
59· Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 313.
6o. Ibid. Cf. ibid., p. 314: "The acoustical beauty of a voice or of an instrument
is usually described as 'sweet,' 'agreeable,' 'strong.' Hence, the purely aesthetic element
in matters musical is not fully represented in Old Testament and early rabbinic
literature; they either stress the social point ('agreeable'), or th!; sensual ('sweet'),
or the majestic one." '
61. Ibid. Again, Philo may be cited as an exception due to the Greek influence;
cf. De vita cont. 10-n.
62. Gradenwitz, p. 43·
63. Num. 29,1 (cf. S. B. Finesinger, "The Shofar," HUCA, VIII-IX [1931-1932],
193ff.); Josh. 6,4ff.; I Sam. 16,16.23; 18,10; 19,9; Jer. 9,17; 48,36; Amos 5,16; Sir.
22,6; Mt. 9,23 pars.; BT Ketubot 48a; Mish. Ketubot 46h; Baba Metzia VI.x.
Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 332-33; Quasten, pp. 3-77, for cultic functions of
music generally among ancient peoples. Vide infra, pp. 105, 142.
64. Ex. 28,33-35.; Num. I0,9-10; II Chron. 20,21-22; Sir. 50,16; II Cor. 13,1. Cf.
 3· Music was doubtless used to intensify the emotions. 65 ·
4· Musical usage may have been influenced by the ethos doctr.ine. 66
5· Music would add interest to the liturgy. 67
6. Rabbinic writings, moreover, stress the value of chanting as a
hermeneutical device in the worship service. 68
7· The Rabbis also employed music as an aid to the memorization of
lessons in school. &9
It is very likely that all of .these factors played a part in Israel's employ-
ment of music for cultic purposes.

D. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
String, wind and percussive instruments are all found in the Old Testa-
ment. Translations of their Hebrew and Greek names, and approximate
descriptions of them may readily he found.70 Those instruments which are
Gradenwitz, p. 82: "For primitive peoples and for the Oriental civilizations singing
serves no artistic ends: man raises his voice in song because of his fear that ordinary
speech cannot be heard by the supernatural powers shaping his life and deciding his
fate. Even in the highly developed musical system of the Hebrew Temple, music was
always dominated by the nature of the service." For the ancient view that the melis-
matic chant is an imitation of the angelic choir, vide Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. r69.
Cf. BT Hagigah r4b; p. 122, infra. In both O.T. and Rabbinic writings, music is
closely associated with sacrifice. Num. ro,1o; II Chron. 29,2off.; Amos 5,21ff.; Midr.
Num. 6,10: "Song is an indispensable adjunct of sacrifice .... Just as atonement is
indispensable, so also song is indispensable." Cf. BT Taanith 27a; A1·akin ua. Cf. E.
Werner, "Musical Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls," MQ, XLIII (1957), 28; Philo
De spec. leg. 2,188-89; I Mace. 4,54.
65. Cf. Dickinson, p. u: "Even in the Hebrew temple service the blasts of horns
and trumpets could have had no other purpose than that of intensifying emotions
of awe and dread." Cf. J. L. Girardeau, Insti'Umental Music in the Public Worship
of the Church (Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, r888), p. 6o. Girardeau viewed
the instrUIIlental music of the O.T. worship as typical of the joy produced by the
Holy Spirit in the N.T. dispensation. Cf. Ex. 19,16ff.; I Sam. 19,20ff.; 11 Ki. 3,15.
On the connection of melismatic and ecstasy, vide .Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 352.
66. Ibid., pp. io2-03. Cf. ibid., p. 315: "In the Near East a special mood is
attributed to each melody-type; conversely, each of these modes is capable of evoking
in the listeners its specific ethos." Cf. Idelsohn, p. 4·
67. Cohen, JE, Ill, 537.
68. BT Berakot 24a; Erubin 21b; Megillah 32a. Cf. Cohen, JE, Ill, 538: "If the
cantillation was already tuneful to contemporary ears, the way had been cleared for
its hermeneutic application to the text. The vocal phrases which constituted its
melodious element would, by their distinctness from the monotone recitation which
joined them into tuneful succession, serve to bring out the logical and syntactical
importance of the syllables sung to them from among the other syllables comparatively
slurred over on one note. 'In this way the music was made to mark out not only the
broad lines, but the finest shades of distinction in the sense; and when its signs were
introduced into the text, they were also the signs of interpunction; no others were
needed' (Wickes)." Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 55-56.
69. BT Sanhedrin, 99a, b; Tosefta Ahilot r6,8 (ed. Zuckermand'el). Cf. Str.-B., IV,
Pt. I, 394-95·
70. Naturally, one cannot get a very accurate picture in this regard by surveying
the approximate translations of the older versions of the Bible. Many older catalogs
mentioned in the New Testament will be dealt with as they are introduced
later. Apart from the use of musical instruments (as the trumpet, bell, and
cymbal) for signal and alarm, however, the music of Israel seems always to
have been primarily vocal, instruments (especially the harp and the oboe
or flute) being used largely to accompany the voice.11
A later diminution in the scope of musical performance from that of
Solomon's Temple has already been noted. This process was most likely
abetted by the growth of the synagogue .institution and the type of worship
and piety it nurtured. Especially was the use of instruments curtailed. While
refraining from more definite statements as to the extent of instrumental
practice in Israel following the return from exile, it is safe to say that
instruments were definitely and progressively down-graded. Following the
destruction of the Temple in 70 A. D. all instrumental music was prohibited
(except on certain festal occasions, as marriage celebration) as a sign of
mourning. 72

E. PERFORMERS AND PARTICIPANTS

Reference has already been made to the fact ~hat the Temple spawned a
class of professional musicans. According to BT Hullin 24, the Temple
choristers underwent a period of five years training. 73 The Mishna fixes
the number of adult male singers (age thirty to fifty) at a minimum of

of the O.T. instruments exist, but one would <io well to consult the more recent
work of Sachs, History, passim; idem, UJE, VIII, 46ff.; or in close dependence upon
Sachs, Sellers, passim. Hasper, pp. IoSff., gives descriptions and illustrations. ]. Well-
hausen, The Book of Psalms, Pt. XIV of The Sa"ed Books of the Old and New
1'estaments, ed. P. Haupt (New York: Dodd Mead, 1S9S), gives many illustrations.
71. I. Benzinger, "Harp and Lyre," JE, VI, ·236ff.; Edersheim, p. 7S; Keet, p. 47;
Gradenwitz, pp. 92-93: "The preference of the Hebrews for vocal music, in contrast
to the instrumental-minded Greeks, seems to be proved by the fact that the HebreVIr
language ~!!bounds in terms for melody, vocal forms, vocal range, and sound, while
Greek has a larger vocabulary for instrumental music and the instruments proper."
Cf. BT Arakin na. Differences of opinion as to whether instrumental or vocal music
constituted the essence of the Temple music and the relative values of both are found
in BT Sukkah sob; sxa. Cf. Taanith 27a.
72. Idelsohn, p. 92; Kraeling & Mowry, p. 302; E. Werner, "The Conflict
between Hellenism and Judaism in the Music of the Early Church," HUCA, XX
(1947), 416-2o; idem, NOHM, I, 315; Wohlberg, p. 49; J. D. Eisenstein, "Organ,"
JE, IX, 432. The Rabbis pronounced that whereas &laves could play instruments,
only the Levites could sing; BT Arakin ua; cf. Idelsohn, pp. 17ff. Only vocal music
could convey ideas. Cf. ibid., p. IS; Hasper, p. 51, n. 1, quoted p.--.:z, n. 22, supra;
ibid., p. 104. The use of instruments in pagan cults was also reacted against; cf.
Idelsohn, p. IS; Or. Sib. S,I14ff. (cf. Werner, Sa"ed Bridge, p. 335); Philo De
spec. leg. 2,I93·94; De vita cont. 7; Legum a/leg. I,5,J4. Cf. Cohen, JE .. IX, 134,
in connection with the prohibition of instruments on the Sabbath. The more
"spiritual" worship became (cf. pp. 4S-49, 163-66), the less place remained for
instruments. Until modern times, the only instrument in general use in the synagogue
was the non-musical shofar.
73· Cf. Werner, HUCA, XXV, 340; Idelsohn, p. q. Sachs, The Rise, p. 61,
considers the Talmudic passage "none too clear."

IS
twelve, there being no fixed maximum. 74 Boys of the Levites could also be
used "to add sweetness to the song. " 76 It is not known how much of the
vocal music of the Temple was rendered in choral unison (or choral anti-
phony) and how much was mere solo. 76 Mention was made above of the
Talmudic reference to the singing of the Temple choir in the synagogue.
In general, however, the synagogue seems to have depended upon an
individual cantor to lead its musical service.17 Though Old Testament
references to the practice of antiphony are scarce (Deut. 27,15-26)18 or
doubtful (I Sam. 18,6-7; 21,n; 29,5; Ezra 3,II; Neh. I2,31.40; Ps.
u8,2-4; Isa. 6,3), there can be no doubt that pre-Christian Juda.ism was
familiar with it and made some use of it.79 Werner's contention that the
parallelism of Hebrew literature itself is conducive to response and antiphony
has much to commend it.so
It seems that in general among the ancient Jews, the extent of the
congregation's participation in the musical part of the worship service was
relatively slight. 81 The burden for the musical part of the service, apart from
any help from a choir, seems to have rested upon an individual cantor or
precentor. The share of the congregation was apparently in large part merely
the answering of the solo voice of the precentor at appropriate places with
short responses as "Amen," "Hallelujah," or "Hosanna," 82 or, at greater

74· BT Arakin 13b.

75· Ibid. Cf. Idelsohn, p. 17.
76. Werner, SaC"retA Bridge, p. 131; idem, HUCA, XXV, 336. Cf. Idelsohn, pp.
18-19.
77· Werner, NOHM, l, 318; idem, SaC"1·ed Bridge, pp. 55, 131, 133; Idelsohn,
p. 109.
78. Cf. Mish. Sotah VII.
79· Gradenwitz, pp. 62-65; Keet, pp. 63-66; Sachs, UJE, VIII, 46; idem, The Rise,
p. 95; Werner, NOHM, I, 318; idem, SaC"red Bridge, pp. 175-76; Hirsch &
Nowack, p. II9. The Therapeutae apparently practiced antiphonal singing, the men
and the women forming separate choruses (Philo De vita cont. 10-n; Eusebius
Hist. E. 2,17,22). Their musical usage is, of course, not a valid index to traditional
Jewish practice (cont1·a J. B. Lightfoot, ApostoliC" Fathers, Il, Pt. I, 31, and Mac-
donald, the former being cited with approval in the latter, p. u4; cf. Dugmore,
p. 97). Werner, MQ, XLIII, 35, considers the "Thanksgiving Hymns" of Qumran as
"missing links in the gradual evolution from plain psalmodic·responsorial style to
the full rounded form of the antiphon." He finds no evidence that men and women
of Qumran sang against one another as among the Therapeutae. Ibid., p. 36.
So. Idem, SaC"red Bridge, p. 27: "The bipartite structure of the verse in the poetic
literature of the Old Testament demands an antiphonal rendering." Cf. ibid., p. 129;
idem, HUCA, XXV, 339; idem, NOHM, l, 314.
SI. Liemohn, pp. 4, 6; Hirsch & Nowack, p. us; Werner, Sarred Brirke, p. 25;
Hasper, p. 102. Again, the references of Philo De viM C"ont. 1o-u, to the con-
gregational singing among the Therapeutae cannot be considered normative for the
.Jews in general. R. B. Y. Scott, Psalms as Christian Praise (New York: Association
Press, 195S), p. 27, is of the opinion that the "Thanksgiving Hymns" of Qumran
were for individual use rather than congregational. Cf. M. Burrows, More Light on
the Dead Sea SC"rol/.r (New York: Viking, 195S), pp. 31, n. 3, 277, 325.
S2. Pss. u8,25; 146-50; Tob. 13,1S; Ill Mace. 7,13. Cf. Idelsohn, pp. 102-03,

16
length, participating responsively in .rhe Shema, the Shemoneh 'Esreh, the
Halle/, 8 3 and other Psalms and parts of the liturgy chanted responsively.u
The simple musical response (of a group to an individual) is of very
ancient origin and was in general use among the nations of antiquity. 8 5
There were various ways in which responsorial singing could be executed. 86
There was probably more congregational participation in the musical service
of the synagogue than in that of the Temple.s7
Although the Old Testament abounds with references to women singing,
there is no indication that they took part in the musical service of the
sanctuary (unless it be I Chron. 25,5-6). "Participation of WOMEN in the
Temple choir is nowhere traceable." 88 The silence of women was also
apparently maintained in the synagogue (cf. I Cor. 14,34-35).89 A reaction
to the extensive employment of female musicians in the religious and secular
life of pagan nations was doubtless a very large factor in determining Jewish
opposition to the employment of women in the musical service of the
sanctuary.90

roS·o9; Leitner, pp. 22-23; W'erner, Sacred Bridge, p. 133; Delling, pp. 50-51;
Hirsch & Nowack, P.· nS; •E. G. Hirsch, "Shemoneh 'Esreh," JE, XI, 2S1-S2.
S3. Pss. II3·IIS. Vide Str.-B., I, S45.
S4. Cohen, JE, IX, II9-20; Hirsch, pp. 2Sr-S2; Werner, Sacred Bl'idge, p. 26;
BT Sukkah 3Sa,b; Sotah 3ob; Tosefta Sotah 6,2; Mish .. Sotah V, 4, all concerning
responsive singing of the Ha/le/. On the use of the related acclamation formulae
among the ancients, cf. E. Peterson, •EJE @EOE(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, 1926), passim; Leipoldt, pp. 24ff.; Kraeling & Mowry, p. 310. Cf. the
doxological responses and antiphonies of Revelation. On responsive singing in
Qumran, vide Wecner, MQ, XLIII, 36.
85. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 46; Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 27, quoted p. 16, n. So,
supra, on the conduciveness of Hebrew parallelism to a response or antiphonal form
of execution. Cf. Ex. 15; I Chron. r6,36. Vide also p. 104, n. 55, infra, on Deijvo(;.
86. Idelsohn, pp. 20-21. Thus by the first century A.D., the leader could ( 1) intone
the first haJf-verse which the congregation repeated, the leader then proceeding with
each succeeding half-line, the congregation alternately repeating the same first half-
line as a refrain throughout the song; thus the Hallel and Ex. I 5 were sung; or ( 2)
smg a half.line at a time, the congregation repeating always what he had last sung,
as children were instructed; or ( 3) sing the whole first line, the congregation singing
the whole second line in response, as the Shema was done. Cf. Hasper, p. r8, n. 1.
On the differing forma-l schemes among the Psalms, vide Werner, Sacred Bridge,
p. 133: "Naturally, the different formal schemes were conducive to differentiated
musical renderings."
S7. A. Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy and its Development (New York: Sacred Music
Press, 1932), p. 24. As Idelsohn points out, the very desire for mote.. congregational
participation made its contribution to the popularity of the synagogue.
88. Idem, Jewish M11sic, p. r6. Cf. Dickinson, p. 31. Hirsch & Nowack, p. rr9.
speculate that the technical expressions a/ 'alamot and 'a/ ha-sheminit may refer to
female and male pitch respectively, an octave separating them. Edersheim, p. So,
takes Ezra 2,65 to refer to women singers in the Temple. The reference may well
be to women who sang in the court, however.
89. Cohen, JE, IX, II9-20. Men and women were seated separately in the synagogue.
Cf. Manson, p. 3S.
90. \Verner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 323-24: "In all antiquity, female singers and
musicians were in ill repute, as we know from many sources." Cf. Idelsohn, Jewisb
 F. TEXTS RENDERED MUSICALLY

The parallelism which is the chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry, and

which is conducive to varied musical renderings has already been noted.
That Biblical Hebrew poetry had any discernible metre has not yet been
established, 01 nor is a strophic arrangement common to Biblical poetry.92
The development of poetry and music were coincidental in ancient times.U3
Since there was a tendency that whatever was poetry was sung, 94 a knowledge
of the characteristics of Hebrew poetry is not without relevance for an
understanding of Hebrew song. In addition to the peculiarities of Hebrew
poetry just noted, W erner considers the elongated pausal forms of words
at the caesura and full stop (and sometimes at emphasized beginnings of
verses in poems) to be musically significant. 0 &
Just what texts did the Hebrews sing in their worship services? Reference
has already been made to the use of single-word responses, brief acclamation

Music, p. 18; Sir. 9,4; Philo De vila ront. 1· For illustrations from pagan antiquity
regarding the employment of female musicians, vide Quasten, pp, III-14; id~m, "The
Liturgical Singing of Women in Christian Antiquity," CHR, XXVII (1941), 149-51.
According to BT Berakot 24a, "A woman's voice is a sexual incitement, as it says,
For sweet is thy voic-e and thy wuntenanre is comely." Cf. Sir. 9,4: "Use not much
the company of a woman that is a singer, lest thou be taken with her attempts."
The Dead Sea Scrolls do not refer to women singing, and they seem to have occupied
a rather inferior position in the sect. Cf. Burrows, p. n 6. As already noted, the
Jewish women may have had a different style of singing from the men.
91. Sachs, The Rise, p. 83; Driver, pp. 361-62: "In ancient Hebrew poetry, though
there was always rhythm, there was (so far as has yet been discovered) no metre in
the strict sense of the term; and rhyme appears to have been as accidental as it was
with the classical Latin poets." Cf. ibid., p. 361, n., for a survey of attempts to
discover metre in the O.T. Cf. Werner, Sacred .Bridge, p. 215; Kraeling & Mowry,
pp. 294-95; H. Fuchs, "Poetry, Hebrew," UJE, VIII, 557: "Hebrew poetry in the
Bible has no regular metre, but a rhythm based on accents; the length of the verse is
measured by the number of accented syllables, disregarding the intermediate un-
accented syllable, which may be anywhere from none to four. Each word is given at
least one accent, with the exception of small particles or prepositions, especially as these
are often joined to the more important words; longer words sometimes have two
accents." Further, "the character of Hebrew rhythm is nearly always a combination
of iambic and anapest, which gives it a very lively nature." The "Thanksgiving
H}•mns" of Qumran are also non-metrical. \Werner, MQ, XLIII, 34- Ridderbos, p. 34,
sees at least a "tendency" toward metre in Hebrew poetry: "M.i. hebben de
Hebreeuwse dichters, o.a. in verband met bun toepassing van de stijlfiguur der
parallellie der leden ... er naar gestreefd, dat. in de twee delen van de versregel een
overeenkomstig aantal Jettergrepen-met-de-klemtoon voorkwamen, maar zijn ze daarbij
vrij te werk gegaan."
92. Werner, Sacred B1·idge, p. 215; Hirsch & Nowack, p. II9.
93- Ibid., p. II8.
94· Albright, pp. 14-16; Haspet·, p. Ior. The poet, himself, might render his own
composition musically. Cf. Elbogen & Galling, col. 304.
95· Werner, HUCA, XXV, 341-42: "The lengthened forms were of far-reaching
significance for the musical rendering of the text. The full stop and the half close
now demand cadences less abrupt and a m·ore gradual falling of the voice. This is
the precise function served by the punctuating melisms."

18
 formulae, ~he Shema, the Shemoneh 'Esreh, the Hallel and other Psalms.oB
Other portions of the Old Testament were also sung. Not only did the
regular Scripture lessons f)lrnish material for musical intonation, but certain
portions of Scripture in particular were sung (e.g., Ex. I 5; Deut. 32; Judg.
5; I Sam. 2; Hab. 3). 07 Were other (non-Biblical) texts sung in the worship
service? That various Jewish sects had their o:wn collections of hymns is
-well known. Philo is clear on this point regarding the Therapeutae.os The
Thanksgiving Hymns of Qumran have already been mentioned.oo It must be
confessed, however, that these sectarian practices shed but little light on
musical customs of the Temple and orthodox synagogue. More relevant is
the collection from which the Pharisees sang, the Psalms of Solomon.1oo
Still, the question at hand can only be answered in part. It is pointed out,
for instance, that the Psalter is merely an anthology, which presupposes the
existence of a much larger number of religious poems from which the
choice was made. 101 Certain Old Testament references point to other pieces

96. Cf. also Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 394-95; Duchesne; p. 48. The use of Greek might
well bring about modifications of traditional tunes by the dispersion Jews. Kraeling
& Mowry, p. 3io. On the Psalter as the prayer-book of the synagogue, -vide
F. Heiler, Prayer, A Study in the History and Psychology of Religion, trans. S.
McComb (2d ed.; New York: Oxford University, 1933), pp. 298-99. The three
important elements of praise, petition and thanksgiving were all found in the Psalter.
Kraeling & Mowry, p. 291. On the songs of Israel, vide T. C. Vriezen, De Litera-
tuur van Oud-Israel ( 2d ed.; Den Haag: Service, 1961 ), pp. 58-63, 184-89.
97· Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 26, 141; Idelsohn, Jewish Music, p. 19, who gives
sC'veral Rabbinic references; H. Schneider, "Die biblischen Oden im christlichen
Altertum," Biblica, XXX (1949), 28-65. Cf. BT Shabbat u8b; Sanhedrin 21b.
98. Philo De vita ,·ont. 3,10-II (cf. Eusebius Hist. E. 2,!7,9-22). Cf. Philo In
Flaccum 121-22 for the singing of nata'Pet;, fJ/-L'POt and lp{Ja{ by the Alexandrian
Jews upon hearing of the arrest of Flaccus. It is apparent from Philo's account,
however, that this night spent in praise had little or no connection with the
synagogue worship service, c.ontra Keet, p. 134.
99· Cf. the opinion of R. B. Y. Scott and Burrows, supra, p. r6, n. 81, that these
hymns were for individual rather than congregational use. On their proximity to the
style and content of the Biblical Psalms, vide M. Wallenstein, Hym-ns from the
fudean Scrolls (Manchester: University Press, 1950), p. 6.
100. Cf. E. J. Goodspeed, A History of Early Christian Literature (Chicago:
University of Chicago, 1942), p. qr, who dates these hymns from the first cen-
tury B.c.
ro1. Hasper, p~r9: "De Synagoge kon aan den overgeleverden schat nieuwe liederen
toevoegen en in de bestaande wijzigingen aanbrengen, gelijk zij ook, naar de behoefte
der tijdsomstandigheden, bij de gebeden deed. Zulk een arbeid van aa~ullen, schiften,
wegleggen, veranderen blijkt duidelijk uit de samenstelling van den laatsien zangbundel
voor den tempddienst, welke als het 'Boek der Lofzangen' (tegenwoordige titel) of
'Boek der Gebeden' (naam van een voorafgegane verzameling, Ps. 72 : 20) voor ons
in het Oude Testament bewaard is gebleven." Further, p. 30: "Het Psalmboek draagt
duidelijke sporen, dat het een bloemlezing is uit andere, voorafgegane verzamelingen.
Wij hebben dus te doen met verzameling en schifting. Daaruit is een standaardwerk
ontstaan, dat als zodanig in zijn geheel in gebruik is geweest v66r den ondergang en
verwoesting van Jerusalem' in het jaar 70 na Christus. Manuscripten van liederen,
welke in den tempel buiten dezen vastgestelden canon nog gezongen zijn, zijn ons niet
bewaard gebleven. Zo is het ons bekende boek der Psalmen de enige verzameling,
or collections long since non-extant.1° 2 Moreover, time and again, the believer
is admonished to sing "a new song" unto the Lord (Pss. 33,2-3; 40.3;
96,12; 98,1-2; 144,9; I49,1.3.5; !sa. 42,10-n; Jdth. 16,2.13). 108 It is not
surprising that even poems which may have been used in the liturgy of the
cult are non-extant, since worship traditions were oral until the second
century A. 0.1°4 The Apocrypha, furthermore, contain several hymn-like
pieces. 106 The Old Testament does not anywhere prescribe that only its
contents may be sung in the service, and, as already noted, non-Biblical
material was used, as in the Shemoneh 'EJreh. 106 The word "hymn" was
in common use in the pre-Christian Orient, being used to indicate a general
song of praise to the divine being(s), a usage well :known to the Jews. 107
To go farther than what has been said here, however, is only to speculate
on the question of what the ancient Jews sang in their services of worship.
It is likely that the same standardizing factors which worked to produce the
canonical Psalter would also be at work regulating and restricting what was
sung in the Temple and synagogue.10B

G. SECULAR MUSIC
Some reference has already been made to secular musical practices among
the Jews, and more will be made later. Suffice to point out here the

waarvan wij weten, dat zij ten tijde van Je:zus in gebrui"k was." .According to
Schneider, pp. 33·34: "Von den Psalmen, die nicht im Psalter stehen, hat das jiidische
Altertum also in einer dreifachen Weise Gebrauch gemacht: sie wurden r. in freier
Weise in die Gebete eingeflochten; ·2. zwischen den Lesungen als lyrische Intermezzi
behandelt; 3. im Gottesdienst des Tempels und der Synagoge genau wie die Davids·
psalmen selbstiindig verwendet,"
·ro2. Cf. Hasper, p. So, who refers to I Ki. 4,32. This may refer only to secular
court songs, however. Hasper, p. ro2, also thinks Pss. 26,r2; nr,r; n6,r2-19, and
n8,r9 refer to self-composed songs, but not those songs sung in the worship service
of the cult. He points out, however, that the latter are often based ·upon the forrrrer
(cf. Pss. 23; n6; n8). There would thus he two categories of spiritual song in
Israel, the cultic and the individual, closely related to one another. Cf. Schneider,
p. 30, where LXX Ill Ki. 8,53 ( ev{3t{3Urp 1:ijr; ~t5ijr;) is cited in this connection.
103. Cf. Hasper, p. 768: "Israel never showed a tendency to limit the number of
hymns to be sung to the praise of God to a minimum. It is in particular the Book of
Psalms which, pointing beyond its own contents, urges the faithful again and again
to sing a 'new' song."
104. Cf. Schneider, p. 30.
105. Sir. 51; Jdth. r6; Tob. r3; "Song of Three Children"; "Prayer of Manasses."
Sirach (44,5) praises the "devisers of psalms according to rule," but this may only
refer to David and the guilds of temple. singers. Apoc. & Pseud., I, 48r.
ro6. Cf. Hasper, p. 29: "Voor het zingen in den eredienst uit den tl'~i1.i-'l
.. :
,£10
•.· -
de BIBAO.I: lJf AAMQN, het 'Boek der Psalmen' staat noch in het Oude Tes-
tament noch in het Nieuwe enig voorschrift."
107. Cf. Liemohn, p. 6. Also Hasper, pp. 23, 28-29, concerning LXX Ps. 65,2.
ro8. Cf. Vriezen, Hooftliijnen, pp. 45·46, for the development of the Psalter
within the Temple cultus described in Chronicles.

20
employment of music in connection with a coronation (I Ki. 1,34.39; 11 Ki.
9,13; 11 Chron. 23,13), the dedication of the wall (Neh. 12,27·35-36.41),
work (lsa. 16,10; Jer. 25,30; 48,33), the harlot (Isa. 23,15-16), derision
(Lam. 3,14.63), love and marriage (Canticles; lsa. 5,1ff.; Jer. 7,34; 25,10;
33,II ), mirth and revelry (Gen. 31,27; 11 Sam. 19,35; Job 21,II-12; Isa.
5,12; 24,8; Lam. 5,14; Amos 6,5), sadness and mourning (11 Sam. 1,17ff.;
I Ki. 13,30; 11 Chron. 35,15.25; Jer. 9,17; 48,36; Amos 5,16; Zech.
12,12-q), and signaling in the city and in battle (vide pp. 140-41,
infra).1° 9

109. Cf. Hirsch & Nowack, p. rr8. For Jewish reaction to pagan secular music,
cf. Gradenwitz, pp. 92ff.
21
 CHAPTER II

THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP

THE MANNER OF MUSICAL PERFORMANCE

Who participated in the musical service of the earliest Christian fellowship?

And in what manner did they participate? Were musical instruments used?
If so, which instruments were employed and for what purpose in the
service? How did the music sound? Before even attempting to answer these
and similar questions it is well to face at the outset certain factors which
complicate the investigation severely. The first and most important of these
is the exceeding sparseness of data in the New Testament, even of a non-
specific sort, bearing on the actual manner of musical performance. Among
rhe more relevant passages are: Mt. 21,9 pars.; 26,30 par.; Lk. 1,46-55·
68-79; 2,13-q.28-32; Acts4,24-3o; 16,25; Rom.12,1; 15,6; ICor.
q,15·16.26; Eph. s,18-2o; Col. 3,16; Heb. 13,15; and various passages
in Revelation.
A second major difficulty is involved in delimiting that which was
musically performed - in ascertaining just what was performed in a mC?re
or less "musical" manner. One reason for this difficulty lies in the fact that
often worship is described in only a summary fashion, and only rather
general terms are used. There is, moreover, as is only to be expected, a lack
of any precise musical terminology in the New Testament writings. The
convertibility of terms for "say" and "sing" among the Jews has already
been noted. Related to this phenomenon is the fact, also already observed,
that in actual practice the line between the "musical" and the "non-musical"
utterance in the Jewish worship service would be very difficult to draw.
Leitner describes the utterances of the cantor-lector of synagogue and church
as "eine Deklamation in gezogenen Tonen und mit musikalischen Formeln,
die den Tonfall des gewohnlichen Sprechens nachahmen." 1 This same
"imprecision" is registered in the New Testament and the early Church
Fathers. Among other passages which might be cited in this connection are:
Lk. 2, r 3- t 4, where A.Byw and alvew are associated with the song of the
angels; Acts 2,4 7; 3,8-9, where the praise of the believers is denominated by
alvew ;2 Acts 4,24-31, where what appears to be musical praise is

I. Leitner, p. 73·
2. Cf. ibid., on the possible musical connotations of alvew, evk>yew, d:-
zaeta-rew and neoaevzot-tat. D. M. Stanley, "Carmenque Christo Quasi Deo
Dicere ... ," CBQ, XX (1958), 173, writes of Acts 2,46-47: "The last words of this
citation appear to indicate that this joy, inspired by the presence of the risen Master,
was normally expressed in song." Cf. ibid., n.: "The verb ainein which is found here
is employed by the LXX to translate ha/a!, whose most common meaning in the
Bible seems to be, 'to praise (God) in song.'" Of alvew, H. Schlier, s.v., TW"NT,

22
denominated by Mop,at ;3 Eph. 5,19, where A.a.Uw manifests itself in
VJUAp,oi~ Hal {Jp:vot~ Hal q>~ai'" nveVJ.taTtHai',, and is apparently
coordinate with q.tJov TB' Hal VJaAAovTe' ;4 Col. 3,16, where lJtlJaoHW
and vov-DeTew are coordinate with l/.~w ;5 Rev. 5,9; 15,3, where Uyw and
lf./Jw are both used in connection with the execution of an ,p~t] .6 In Rom.
15,9-11, six different verbs, including VJail.Aw, are used in close con-
junction with one another to express the one activity of praise. Similarly,
Pliny Epist. 10,96, speaks of carmen dicere, and Eusebius Hist. E. 2,17,22,
I, 176h8-32, writes: "Im NT ... bedeutet es das in einer Doxologie, einem Hymnus
oder Gebet si eh aussprechende freudige (Lk 19,3 7) Lob en Gottes, sei es einzelner Lk
2,2o; Ag 3,8f; des Volkes der Jiinger L'k 19,37; der Gemeinde Ag 2, ..1-7; Apk 19,5;
oder der Engel Lk 2,13." Of ayaAAiaat' (Acts 2,46), Delling, p. 33, writes:
"Damit ist zweierlei gegeben: einmal ist ayaA..?.laat, der geistgewirkte Jubel iiber die
Gottesgnade in Erfiillung und Verheissung. Er ist zuniichst eine innere Grundstimmung
der Freude iiber die im Geist erfahrene Gegenwart Gottes und des Christus und die
Zusage der Vollendung. In welchen Formen er sich iiussert, ist nicht mit Sicherheit zu
crheben: an Glossalalie ist nach dem Sprachgebrauch in den ausserlukanischen Schriften
offenbar nicht zu denken; eher an 'Psalmen' und Hymnen. Zum andern: der Geistjubel
stellt den irdischen Gottesdienst in Parallele zum himmlischen." Vide p. 81, n. 103,
infra, where the same author is cited again in this connection. On the cultic and
eschatological associations of ayaAAtaop,at in the LXX (which the N.T. follows),
cf. R. Bultmann, s.v., TWNT, I, 18-zo.
3· Vide p. 90, n. 156, infra.
4· The word A.aA.eiv is used to express the sounding of musical instruments.
Arndt & Gingrich, p. 464; J. Eadie, Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, n.d. [reprint of 1883 ed.}), p. 399· Cf. A. Debrunner,
A.eyw, TWNT, IV, 75!29-54, for instances of A.aA.ew in connection with un-
intelligible speech, the sounds of musical instruments and animals, and in instances
where the emphasis is upon the noise itself rather than anything intelligible being
signified by it.
5. Of this passage, M, Jenny, "Musik und Gottesdienst nach dem Neuen Testa-
ment," Musik und Gottesdienst, II (1948), 103, n., writes: "Ob mit dem Munde
ge.rungen oder gesp1'0chen, beides steht ja dem 'in euren Herzen' zuniichst gegeniiber.
Wieso zwischen singen und reden in diesem Zusammenhang grundsiitzlich ein
Unterschied gemacht werden soil, ist nicht einzusehen."
6. Cf. Ex. 15,1. Of ,~N, Koehler, in L. Koehler & W. Baumgartner,
Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (Leiden: E. ]. Brill, 1953), p. 64, writes:
"Very often it has no other sense than a colon or breathing before direct speech."
This usage probably influenced the usage of Aeyw in certain N.T. passages. Cf.
Arndt & Gingrich, p. 470. Concerning l[.ow, H. Schlier, s.v., TWNT, I, 163/25-30,
writes: "Dabei ist (j.oew Gegensatz zu Aeyew, Philo Som I 256, vgl Xen Cyr
III 3,55, wenn auch vereinzelt = ?.iyew Max Tyr XXXV 3, .li,hnlich wie carmen
nicht nur Lied, sondern auch Formel, und umgekehrt dicere auch srnge11 heissen kann.
Der Uebergang vom gesprochenen Wort zum Gesang ist fliessend. Als singen kommt
U06t1'
'"
dem vuvfioat 1/JUAAEW und alve'iv nahe, bzw kann es mit diesen
(""' •t , T I - '1
Begriffen wechseln." Ibid., /34-37: "In Apk wircl es mit A.eyetv cpwvn p,eyaA'{/,
5,13 mit ..liyew (vgl 15,3, auch das A.aA.eiv Eph 5,19) wiedergegeben. Ein
Unterschied von 'ljlaAAetv besteht in Eph 5,19 nicht (Just Dial 74,3)." The verb
(j.ow only occurs five times in the N.T.: i? the parallel ~assages Eph. 5,19 and
Col. 3,16, in connection with specifically musiCal terms; and m Rev. 5,8; 14,3; 15,3.
It is significant that while Revelation contains instances of what must be regarded as

23
speaks in terms of fJprovt; A8yew.7 Canon LIX of the Council of Laodicea
joins VJUApOt; with Uyw, and the Vulgate translates the vp11~C1mrret;
of Mt. 26,30 and Mk. 14,26 with hymno dicto. 8 The proximity of the
synagogue chant - cantillation - to ordinary speech was very likely paralleled
in the earliest Christian vocal music. 9 Augustine Conf. 9,7(PLXXXII.no),
prescribes that the hymns and psalms be sung "according to the Oriental
custom." 10 In Conf. 10,33.49·50, Athanasius is said to have required "the
reader of the psalm to give utterance to it with so slight an inflection
[flexu] of voice, that it was more like speaking than singing."
Still another difficulty in delimiting the data arises from the fact that
Form Criticism is unable to ascertain positively in many cases whether a
given liturgical piece or fragment was employed as a hymn, a prayer, a
confession, or for some other purpose in the service of worship. Acts
4,24-31 and I Tim. 3,16 illustrate this difficulty. In the picture of early
Christian worship afforded by Didache 14, there seems to be a merging of
prayer and hymn origins. 11 The characterization by Jenny of the content of
the earliest Christian hymns points up the proximity of the one liturgical

more or less musical performances, the verb in every case except the three just cited
is i.iyew, and in 5,8; 15,3 it is used in conjunction with lf.bew. Also note-
worthy is the fact that the five instances of l1. (Jew in the N. T. coincide with the
five instances of 4> d~. The three passages i~ Revelation in which the noun and
the verb occur are also the three passages in the book in which the kithara is
mentioned. If there is any particular reason for the use of lf.det11 (rather than the
more common ).iyew) in a given N.T. passage, it might seem to be the
occurrence in each case of q>d~, or in Eph. 5,19; Col. 3,16, the occurrence of three
specifically musical terms.
'7· Patristic citations, unless otherwise indicated, are from A. Roberts & J.
Donaldson (eds.), The Ante-Nicene Fathers (New York: Scribner's, 1890-1902);
P. Schaff (ed.), A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the
Christian Church, First Series (New York: Scribner's, 1889-1914); P. Schaff & H.
Wace (eds.), A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the
Christian Chtlrch, Second Series (New York: The Christian Literature Co., 1890-
1912).
8. Cf. Diodorus Siculus (ed. Dindorfius) 2,47/13-14: -xal avvexwt; e11 'tcp
vacp -xdJaetCov-cat; fJp..vovt; Uyew 'tqJ Oecp p..e-c' q>Mjt;. For references to the
reverse of this phenomenon, •i.e., the use of musical terms to express what was
uttered in an ordinary manner of speech, cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 19. Comparable
to this variety of verbs used to express musical praise is the variety of verbs used in
connection with acclamation formulae. Vide Peterson, pp. 191ff.
9· Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 265, writes: "Half-spoken, half-sung, spontaneous,
unorganized but zestful, no longer bound to the strict Synagogue liturgy but not yet
Christian in the full-sense of the word: thus have we to imagine the popular acclama-
tions of primitive Christianity." Cf. Brodde, col. 763: "Zwar sind choralische Formen
der K.[-irchenmusik) auch bei der Verkiindigung (Lektionstiine) eingesetzt worden,
doch ist beachtlich, dass dieselben als stilisierte Sprechformen auf der Grenze
zwischen Musik und Sprache naher an der Sprache stehen."
10. Augustine En. in Ps. xo6,1 (PL XXXVII. 1419); Sermo 218 (PL XXXVIII.
1084). Cf. Sendry, pp. 51-52.
11. Cf. Leitner, p. 74; Macdonald, pp. rq-18.
form to the other: «Die Hymnen mogen schon damals den Charakter von
Fest- oder Heilsgeschichtsliedern in der Form des Lobes und der Anbetung
oder des schlichtfeierlich die Taten Gottes rezitierenden Bekenntnisses
gehabt haben. " 12 In many cases, no more can be said in this respect about a
given text than that it is ''hymn-like."
One further matter complicates the consideration of the New Testament
data with respect to the primitive Christian worship. Granted that a given
piece or action in the New Testament is liturgical in nature, the question
then arises, does that text reflect the primitive Christian worship, or does
it derive more directly from the Jewish service of synagogue or Temple?
This question arises especially in connection with the hymn-like pieces of
Lk. 1-2, and the entire book of Revelation. The former will be commented
upon later, but some observations should be made now respecting rhe relation
of the latter to the Christian worship of the first century.
The recent revival of liturgical interests has intensified the search for
Christian liturgical origins in the New Testament, not least of all in the
Revelation. For some time the acclamations, doxologies and hymns of this
book, as well as the antiphonal style of singing, have been derived by
commentators and writers upon early Christian worship from the earliest
Christian service, or from both Jewish and Christian liturgy. 13 Especially

12. Jenny, p. 101. In a review of 0. Cullmann, Les Premieres Confessions de foi

Chretiennes, R. Bultmann, ThL, LXXIV (1949), col. 41, writes: "Man sollte doch
zwischen den literarischen Gattungen unterscheiden, also zwischen Bekenntnis und
Lied, und diese auch gegen andere liturgische Texte abgrenzen wie Gebet und
Doxologie. Die 'Lieder' in Apok. sind doch meist nur Doxologien. Auf den Inhalt
gesehen, besteht zwischen alien diesen Gattungen eine grosse Gemeinsamlkeit, auf die
Form gesehen auch eine gewisse Verwandtschaft des feierlichen Jiturgischen Tones
der Sprache. Indessen hat doch jede Gattung ihre charakteristische Form, die zu
beschreiben ware, damit das Eigentiimliche des Bekenntnisses und damit auch seine
Geschichte deutlicher hervortritt." Contra Bultmann, Delling, p. 81, n. 24, writes:
"(Bultmann] 41 fordert eine klare gattungsmiissige Scheidung zwischen Bekenntnis
und Hymnus. Fiir den neutestamentlichen Bereich ist sie im Einzelfall aber nicht
immer durchfiihrbar; das liegt wesentlich an der inneren Verwandtschaft beider in
dieser Zeit." Cf. ibid., pp. 78ff. Further disagreements among the Form Critics as to
the specific place of a given text in the liturgy will be noted later.
13. Cf. 0. Cullmann, Early Chrirtian Worship, trans. A. S. Todd & ]. B. Torrance
(London: SCM, 1954), p. 7; Delling, p. 52: "Vermutlich sind in das Bild des himm-
lischen Gottesdienstes in Apoc. Ziige des christlichen und des jiidischen verwoben;
eine genaue Herauslosung aller Einzelheiten so, dass wir die Grundlinien des christ-
lichen gewinnen, ist schon deshalb unmoglich." Cf. M. Dibelius, A"Fresh Approach
to the New Testament and Early Christian Literature (New York: Scribner's, 1936),
p. 247; Hasper, p. 91: "Het is niet we! mogelijk, bij Johannes op Patmos het horen
van 'hymnen' in Grieks-Joodsen schrijftrant te begrijpen zonder de achtergrond van
een rijk ontwikkelde hymnodiek der eerste gemeenten. Zelfs mogen wij in de hemelse
wisselzangen een weerkaatsing zien van de liturgie, waartoe reeds hier en daar de
eerste Christenheid in de samenkomsten der gelovigen gekomen was." Cf. ]. Kroll,
Die Christliche Hymnodik bis Klemens von Alexandreia (Konigsberg: Hartung,
1921 ), p. 17; Macdonafd, p. 38; C. S. Phillips, Hymnody, Past and Present (London:
SPCK, 1937), p. 15; J. Quasten, Patrology (Westminster, Maryland: Newman,
1950-), I, 158.

25
some parts of the book have been thought to be derived from the liturgy of
the Eucharist.1 4 Some writers have been so bold as to venture the hypothesis
that the structure of the entire work reflects the early Christian service
familiar to John.t5
The investigator into Christian liturgical origins must certainly proceed
with caution, however, in regard to the Revelation. 16 Those interpretations
which understand the framework of the Christian liturgy to underlie the
structure of the book are obviously quite open to the same charges of
subjectivity that can be made against so many of the interpretations of
Revelation. If an early date of composition is assigned the work, the inter-
preter may be more inclined to seek the origins in Judaism rather than in
Christian worship. Much of the imagery of the Revelation is plainly derived
from the Temple. Schlatter writes of Rev. 5,8-14:

Fi.ir die Form, in der der himmlische Gottesdienst geschieht, client

Johannes der Gottesdienst im Tempel zum Vorbild. Wie dort der Chor
der Leviten mit den Harfen steht, die Gott den Psalm singen, und wie
der Priester mit der Schale, in der gli.ihendes Raucherwerk oliegt, das
einen starken Duft und Rauch verbreitet, in das Heiligtum geht, so

14. Cf. L. Mowry, "Revelation 4-5 and Early Christian Liturgical Usage," JBL,
LXXI (1952), 75-84; Stanley, pp. 182-83; M. R. Newbolt, The Book of Unveiling
(London: SPCK, 1952), pp. 79-80.
15. A. Cabaniss, "Liturgy-Making Factors in Primitive Christianity," JR, XXIII
(1943), 50: "The vision of the heavenly worship must have been definitely molded
by actual liturgical practices in the early church."' Idem, "A Note on the Liturgy of
the Apocalypse," Interpretation, VII (1953), 79: "It is coming to be generally
recognized that the author of the Apocalypse presents his visions, at least in part,
against the background or within the framework of the church liturgy of the latter
years .of the first Christian century." Cabaniss consiC!ers the material in Rev. 8,6
through chap. 20 as a portrayal of the dismissal of the catechumens between the first
and second parts of the service. It is preceded by the Scripture reading, homily, and
prayer, and followed by (chaps. 21-22,5) what seems to be "a conflation of the two
sacraments of the New Covenant, or rather the portrayal of one (the Eucharist) in
terms of the other (baptism)." The "cryptic quality" - to say the least - of the whole
is thought to be due especially to the advisability of discretion in discussing the
Eucha:ist, lest misunderstanding arise on the part of outsiders and the authorities.
Such an explanation is purely conjectural, however. The diffi'culty is still felt.
E. F. Scott, The Book of Revelation (New York: Scribner's, 1940), pp. 140-41,
remarks: "One strange omission cannot fail to be noted. Although such emphasis is
laid on acts of worship there is no explicit reference to the Sacraments, which had
already come to be the central ordinances of the Church .... This silence is difficult
to explain." This fact of omission of any clear reference to the Sacraments weakens
considerably the theory that the Revelation follows the outline of the early Christian
service of worship. M. Shepherd, The Pauha/ Litttrgy a11d the Apoca/ypJe (Rich-
mond: John Knox, 196o), p. 83, writes: "[The] Paschal liturgy has suggested to the
Seer a structural pattern for the presentation of his message." Shepherd's book is
given to the demonstration of this thesis. He does not claim, however, that the details
of John's imagery are necessarily derived from the Christian liturgy.
16. Cf. Delling, p. 52, quoted supra, p. 25, n. 13.
 wird bier Jesus von der himmlischen Gemeinde mit Harfen und
Rliucherschalen verehrt.17
As John was indebted to the Temple for his imagery, so was he indebted
to the Old Testament for a very large part of his language. Swete writes:
"From the list of 'quotations from the Old Testament' with which the
appendix to Westcott and Hort's second volume ends, it appears that of the
404 verses of the Apocalypse there are 278 which contain references to the
Jewish Scriptures." 18 These several considerations should make one very
careful in seeking to ascertain the bearing of the Apocalypse upon the
primitive Christian worship service.
Having surveyed some of the difficulties and limitations involved in the
task, the following may be set down as fruitful areas from which some
light may be elicited concerning the nature of the musical performance in
the early Christian worship service: (I) New Testament passages bearing
specifically upon musical performance, ( 2) inferences from hymn-like
pieces in the New Testament as to the most likely musical performance of
them, (3) inferences from certain general principles regarding worship
in the New Testament, (4) Jewish and patristic sources.
In this chapter, data from these four areas will be brought to bear on
four general questions: (I) Who participated in the musical service and
in what manner? ( 2) Were musical instruments used in the service, and if
so, which ones and for what purpose? (3) To what extent was early
Christian performance influenced by Greek musical practice? (4) What
was the attitude of the Fathers toward musical performance?

A. PARTICIPATION
One exceedingly pervasive concept that must have influenced the worship
of the early church was that of "oneness," "accord," "unity." 19 In Acts

17· A. Schlatter, Die Briefe und die 0/fenbarung des Johan11es (Stuttgart: Calwer,
1950), p. 191. Cf. Wecner, GDMM, II, 284; p. 46, n. 106, infra. Edersheim, p. 75,
links the order of events in Rev. 5,8; 14,2-3 with the fact that the harps and singers
in the Temple were introduced just as the drink offering was being poured out, and
that on the Sabbath, in addition to the Psalm for the day (Ps. 32) sung at the
ordinary sacrifice, they sang the one "Song of Moses" (Deut. 32) in the morning and
the other "Song of Moses" (Ex. 15) in the evening. Cf. E. F. Scott, Revelation, pp.
138-39·
18. H. B. Swete, The Apo~alypse of St. John (Grand Rapids: -Eerdmans, 1951 ),
p. ex!. Cf. M. Kiddle, The Revelation of St. John (London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1952), pp. xxvii ff. On the apocalyptist's method of combining his materials, vide
Swete, p. cliv; Driver, p. 280. Cf. also Leitner, p. 82, quoted p. 40, n. 76, infra.
On the relation of the songs of the Apocalypse to the language of the O.T., cf. H.
Bietenhard, Die himmlis~he Welt im Ur~hristentum und Spiitiudentum ("Wissen-
schaftliche Untersuchungen zum N.T.," Vol. II; Tiibingen: ]. C. B. Mohr, 1951),
p. 142.
19. Cf. Ignatius _Ad. Ephes. 4; Ad Rom. 2; Irenaeus Adv. ha et·. 2,25,2; Leitner,
pp. 83-84; Wecner, HUCA, XXV, 334; idem, Sa~red Bridge. pp. 134, 344· On the
4·24, the worshipers Ojl.O{}vp.a&Jv neav rpwVYJV :ltf!O" TOV Dedv. In Rom.
rs,6, Paul desires ,va OjJ.O?'Jvp.aiJov lv bl. OTOpan &EaC1JT8 TOV {}edv
x.T.A. !O [n Rev. s.r3, na:v XTiop.a joins together in praise.21 The ideal
of una voce dicentes is taken up with great frequency by the Fathers. 22
Quasten, as DOlger, derives the concept from neo-Pythagorean thought. 28
The idea was prevalent enough in Jewish thought, however. In 11 Chron.
5,1 3, it is related that "the trumpeters and singers were as one [.,MN• ],
T •,•:

to make one sound (17'JN~~~p J to be heard in praising and thanking

Jehovah" (ASV,· cf. Zeph. 3,9).24 Similarly, in Midr. Cant. B,q: "When
Israel recites the Shema with one mouth, one voice, one chant." 26 Moreover,
the concept of "oneness" is involved in the Christian faith itself. "Die
Einheit der christlichen Gemeinde ist ihr gegeben von Christus her: und
von diesen Tatbestand aus wird im Neuen Testament auch der Gottesdienst
betrachtet (besonders deutlich im paulinischen Bereich)." 26 There is one
owpaXetoTov (I Cor. ro,r7), and one nvevpa, whose presence and
activity gives the body its unity (Eph. 4,3-4), and issues forth in praise
(Eph. s,r8-r9).21
Concerning the application of this ideal to the music of the early church,
Quasten writes:
Mit diesem starken Bekenntnis zur Einheit und Harmonie im Gegen-
satz zu Zweiheit und Disharmonie war auch die Einstellung zur Musik
gegeben: Ablehnung aller Heterophonie und Polyphonie und Streben
nach moglichstem Einklang, der zugleich der musikalische Ausdruck
der seelischen Einheit und Gemeinschaft war, wie sie im Gottesdienst
der Urchristen herrschte. 28
employment of acclamation formulae as a manifestation of the koinonia ideal, cf. ibid.,
p. 265; Leitner, pp. 74-75.
20. Cf. Hasper, pp, 39-40: "Hoewel Paulus in Rom. 15 : 6 ... niet met zoveel
woorden zegt, dat hij hiermede het gemeentelied op het oog heeft, zal hij daaraan
toch wel gedacht hebben. . .. Dit 'prijzen uit een mond' kan toch wel het beste,
wanneer een gemeente zingt."
21. Cf. Oxyrhynch11s Hymn, and thereupon, Quasten, Mmik und Gesang, pp.
rooff.
22, Ignatius Ad. Ephes. 4; Ad Rom. ·2; Irenaeus Adv. haer. 2,25,2; Clement of
Alexandria Protrept. 9; Eusebius b1 Ps. 91 (PG XXIII. II74); Basil Epist. 207
(PG XXXII. 763); Chrysostom Hom. Ps. 145 (PG LV. 521). For references to the
ideal in other Fathers and in Christian apocrypha, vide Quasten, Musik und Gesang,
pp. 94•99.
23. Ibid., p. 93·
24. Biblical citations not otherwise identified are from the RSV.
25. Cf. BT Hullin 24; Werner, MQ, XLIII, 31.
26. Delling, p. I 55. Cf. ibid., pp. I 5 5-6o on the Ei11heit of the church.
27. Cf. Stanley, p. 175; F. Heiler, The Spirit of lf/orship, trans. W. Montgomery
(London: Hodder & Stoughton, I926), pp. 22ff.
28. Quasten, M11sik 11nd Gesa11g, p. 93; cf. ibid., pp. 93·Ioo; Werner, HUCA,
XXV, 334·

28
It may well be that Quasten goes too far in pressing the implications of
this concept for early Christian worship. As Ridderbos speaks of the
op.obvflaM'P of Rom. IS,6, the significant thing is the "gezindheid," 29 and
it is forcing the matter to say, for instance, that this inner disposition
necessarily manifested itself in unisonal, non-instrumental music.ao And
even granting that such a manifestation was an ideal (conscious or not),
practices may have varied considerably from the theory. Practice must have
often been more determined by the musical traditions of the environment
than by theoretical considerations. Having set down these cautions, the data
may be investigated for evidence of the ideal in practice, and in areas where
a
data is scarce or lacking, the ideal concept may create supposition as to
what must have been the practice.

I. The Participants
The Congregation
Perhaps the major question raised by a consideration of the ideal of una
voce dicentes in practice is that of congregational participation in the service
of worship. That the individual members participated in the service of
praise, including the more musical parts, is made plain by such passages as
Acts 4,24-30; 31 I Cor. q,Is-16.26; 32 Eph. 5,19; Col. 3,16. 33 References to
congregational music are also common enough in the Fathers.34 Cullmann
writes:

29. H. Ridderbos, Aan de Romeinen (''CNT"; Kampen: Kok, 1959), p. 3·23.

Cf. Acts 19,34.
30. Contra Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. roo: "Nach dem ganzen Geiste des
christlichen Altertums und nach der ganzen Idee des altchristlichen Gottesdienstes,
der doch den Zweck hatte 'aus der Vielheit der Teilnehmer eine Einheit' zu machen,
konnte deshalb nur der einstimmige Gesang ohne Instrumentalbegleitung in Frage
kommen." The combination of vocal and instrumental sounds to ma·ke the "one
sound" of II Chron. 5,13 may be cited in opposition to these inferences.
31. That this is probably a hymn in which all participated, vide E. G. Selwyn,
The First Epistle of Saint Peter (London: Macmillan, 1947), p. 275; R. S. Marsden,
et al., "Report of the Committee on Song in the Public Worship of God," Minutes
of the Orthodox Presbyterian Churf'h (14th General Assembly, 1947), p. 56: "The
impression given by the Greek is that all joined aloud in the utterance." Cf. Delling
pp. 84-85: "Hymnen, die eine feste Priigung gewonnen und womoglich einen be-
stimmten Platz im Gottesdienst batten, mogen von der gesamten Gemeinde rezitiert
worden sein." .,
32. Individual, rather than group singing seems to be indicated by~ I Cor. 14,26.
Cf. Delling, p. 84. On the psalmi idiothi of Tertullian, cf. the remark of Phillips,
p. 19: "The epithet idiotif'i would seem to imply that such 'psalms' or hymns were
originally produced for purposes of private devotion." These productions are probably
in the same category as those of I Cor. 14,26.
33· Vide p. 59, n. 2, infra, on the question of the purview of these last two
passages.
34· Cf., e.g., Basil Epist. 207 (PG XXXII. 763); Augustine En. ilz Ps. 26,2 (PL
XXXVI. 199); Chrysostom Hom. 36 in I Cor. (PG LXI. 313); cf. Council of
Laodicea, Canon XV.

29
 All members take part in the liturgy. So in the Book of Revelation the
'Amen' is said by the four living creatures, and Justin mentions in his
description of the service ( Apol. 1,67) that the whole assembled people
join in the prayers spoken by the leader by saying the 'Amen.' The
antiphonal singing ... of which Pliny speaks is, of course, further
evidence of the participation of all present in the liturgy. 36
The fact, then, cannot be doubted. The question of extent is, however,
much more difficult. Certainly, much of the congregational participation
must have been on an individual basis. This was so because of the very
nature of the melismatic chant, being quite flexible and allowing for
considerable spontaneity, and because of the individualism of the charisma/a
(1 Cor. 14,26; vide pp. 41-42, infra on the gift of "tongues"). It is self-
evident, moreover, that there was then no musical vehicle like the modern
metrical hymn to facilitate congregational participation.30 Both theoretical
considerations and the evidence available seem to warrant the conclusion
that congregational participation was largely on an individual basis, while
the rest of the people listened and responded in unison at appropriate places
with short formulae as "amen" or longer phrases.3 7

Women
Did women participate in the musical parts of the earliest church worship
service? To whatever extent the worship practices of a congregation were
influenced by those of the synagogue and particularly Jewish traditions, one
would expect the degree of participation by women to have been correspond-

35- Cullmann, p. 25. ]. V. Bartlet, "Christian Worship as Reflected in Ancient

Liturgies,'' Christian Worship, ed. N. Micklem (Oxford: Clarendon, I954), p. 84,
says that the leadership in the early worship service was "ideally open to all and
for a time exercised by many."
36. Cf. Werner, Sact·ed Bridge, p. 207: "The hymn, as we understand it today,
namely a religious poem composed in some kind of metre, was unknown to biblical
Judaism and the Apostolic age alike," Cf. idem, HUCA, XXV, 336: "It goes without
saying that solo psalmody is older than choral psalmody. We must allow that
centuries had to elapse before solo performance could become regulated. After the
inception of choral psalmody and of its teaching, other centuries had to elapse
before a method of group singing could attain fixety [sic]."
37· Augustine En. in Ps. 26,2 (PL XXXVI. I99), writes: "People partly listen
to the Psalms, partly they sing them" (in Sendry, p. 5I). Werner, Sacred Bridge,
pp. I34·35, discusses the complex question of participation and variations between
the practice of East and West. As he points out, congregational participation would
presuppose the memorization of both music and text. On p. 265, he writes: "The
acclamations [of early Christianity] were refrains or simple, closing exclamations;
for more cannot be expected from a new, untrained, and heterogeneous community.
Yet they were often sung, as we know from numerous sources.'' W erner stresses the
three-fold importance of the acclamation in connection with the ideal of koinonia.
It served the functions: "(a) Of demonstrating the active participation of the com-
munity. (b) Of loud confirmation and profession of their faith (Amen). (c) Of
outlets for spontaneous sparks of religious emotion (Hallelujah, Selah, Hosanna,
Maranatha, etc.)." Cf. Leitner, p. 76.
ingly slight.38 Some authorities believe that the separation in seating by
sexes was carried over from the synagogue into the church. 39 The injunction
in I Cor. 14,34 (cf. I Tim. 2,11-12) is often understood as a prohibition of
singing by women in the worship service. 40 Other interpretations ot this
verse are possible, however, and at any rate, understanding it as an absolute
prohibition of participation by women is out of the question, since the verse
would then be in conflict with I Cor. 11,5. 41 If, as the latter verse indicates,
women participated in public :rtQOO'EVXEtv and :neorp~UtY, they would
probably also, at least in Corinth, engage in singing. Indeed, a more or
less musical performance may well be understood in connection with
either :rt(!OO'SVXEtv or :neorp~uw (cf. infra, pp. 41-42; 75-76). The fact
that so little for or against participation by women can be gleaned from the
first two centuries argues as much against as for the practice. 42 Quasten argues
that the musical participation of women in the first two centuries may be
inferred from the ideal of koinonia which would have been expressed in
the ttna voce dicentes of congregational praise.

38. Cf. p. 17, supra. The Jews made much of the differences between the sexes,
and often carried over these differences to various areas. Cf., e.g., Mid,-. Ex. 23,II:
"All the songs ever recited by Israel are designated by the feminine form [shirah,
from shir], as if to imply: Just as a woman conceives and gives birth again and
again, so troubles ever recur upon them; that is why they recited their songs in the
feminine form. Hence have Babylon and Media, Greece and Edom subjected Israel.
But in the Messianic Age, there will no longer be any troubles .... At that time, they
will recite a song in the masculine form (shir), foe it says, '0 sing unto the Lord a
new song" (Ps. XCVIII, 1) ." Salvation will then have been born and there will no
longer be any need for the feminine form. Cf. Midr. (ed. H. Freedman & M. Simon),
Ill, 289-90. Eschatology and sex are also combined in (the Gnostic) Evtmg.
Thos. 114:
Simon Peter said unto them:
Mary must depart from us,
For women are not worthy of life.
Jesus said.
Behold, 1 shall draw her to myself to make her masculine,
So that she becomes a living spirit, like you men.
For every woman who makes herself masculine,
Shall enter the Kingdom of Heaven.
(Trans. from the Dutch of R. Schippers, Het Evange/ie van Thomas [Kampen: Kok,
1960], p. 44. Cf. ibid., p. 131, for the note on this logion.)
39· Dugmore, p. 8; Manson, p. 38. .
40. Cf. Wemer, Sacred B1·idge, pp. 323, 345; idem, GDMM, II, 285. iWerner
does not believe this prohibition (due to Rabbinic influence) was generally heeded
in the church, however. Cf. Leipoldt, p. 50, on the Jewish influence in connection
with 1 Cor. 14,34, et al.
41. N. ]. Homnres, De Vror1w in de Kerk (Franeker: Wever, 1951), pp. 35ff.
especially, restricts the bearing of I Cor. 14,34-35 to a married woman in an
"official" worship service in the context of the charisma/a. The relevant Pauline
passages prohibit the married woman, who is to be in subjection to her husband,
from "teaching," which would involve "reproof."
42. Contra Quasten, CHR, XXVII, 163, quoted in part infra.
 Women commonly and universally took part in the liturgical singing in
earliest Christian times. This was a form of the spiritual ~wwvla
expressing itself in community singing. Special women choirs separated
from the rest of the congregation and corresponding to the women
choirs of the pagan cults seem to have been unknown in the first two
centuries of Christianity, so far as can be judged from existing
documents. Hence no complaints are heard against women choirs in
the first two centuries. 43
In the first two centuries we hear ·little of any participation on the part
of women in the singing of the congregation. Yet undoubtedly women
had a part in the singing at divine worship. 44
It is certainly true that a consistent application of the ideal of koinonia
would tend to involve the whole congregation in the singing of the church,
but ~he case may not be pressed; other factors were also involved.
The earliest specific mention of participation of women in the public
service of song is found in connection with the practices of sectarians and
heretics in the East, generally their employment of female choirs. Tatian
Pros Hell. 33, writes: "This Sappho is a lewd, lovesick female, and sings
her own wantonness; but all our women are chaste, and the maidens at
their distaffs sing of divine things more nobly than that damsel of yours."
Marcion, Bardesanes and Harmonios are all known to have organized
choirs of virgins. 45 The Syrian Didaga/ia (early third century) prohibited
the audible participation of women altogether. 46 Eusebius Hist. E. 7,3o,Io,
has preserved a letter emanating in connection with the Synod of Antioch
(268 A.D.), which includes in the enumeration of the charges against Paul
of Samosata: "And as to psalms ( tpa.l.,uovd, he put a stop to those
addressed to our Lord Jesus Christ, on the ground that they are modern
and the compositions of modern men, but he trains women to sing hymns
( tpaA!.up()e'iv} to himself in the middle of the church on the great day of
the Pascha, which would make one shudder to hear." From the orthodox
side, Jacob of Sarug relates of Ephraem Syrus that he organized choirs of

.43. Ibid. The same words appear in his Musik und Gesang, pp. nB-29. Cf. ibid.,
p. II4: " ... nahmen die Frauen ganz sicher an dem gottesdienstlichen Gesange teil.
Eine Ausschliessung der Frauen hiitte in scharfem Gegensatz gestanden zu der schon
von lgnatius von Antiochien so stark betonten und bei den Kirchenviitern der ersten
christlichen Jahrhunderte so lebendigen Idee der seelischen Gemeinschaft, die gerade
durch den gem.einsamen Gesang, bei dem 'alle wie aus einem Munde' singen, wie es
immer wieder heisst, verkorpert wird. Gerade deshalb hat ja dieser gesang besondere
Fiirbittkraft bei Gott, weil alle ihm teilnehmen."
44· I4em, CHR, XXVII, 152-53. In the fourth century, Ambrose En. in Ps. I
(quoted in part infra, p. 34), defends the participation of women in the song of the
church on the basis of the concept of koinonia.
45· Cf. Werner, Sa&red Bridge, p. 345; Quasten, M11sik und Gesang, pp. II6ff.
46. Quasten, ibid., p. 121, writes concerning the Didaualia: "Es mussen aber schon

32
virgins and accompanied them on the kithara. 41 This may have been a
countermeasure to the practices of the heretics. 48
The apparently extensive employment of women singers by the heretics is
generally thought to have been one of the major factors in the orthodox
reaction which tended to minimize or silence women completely in the
music of the worship service. Quasten considers it to have been the major
factor.
Der ganze Fragenkomplex hangt zusammen mit dem Problem der
religiosen Emanzipation der Frau, das durch die Haltung der Haretiker
in dieser Frage damals sehr heikel wurde. 49
Der Kampf fiir oder wider den gottesdienstlichen Frauengesang ent-
brennt erst als einige Haretiker, angefangen mit Paul von Samosata,
dazu iibergehen, eigene Frauenchore zu griinden, die im Gottesdienstes
losgelost vom gemeinschaftlichen Volksgesang selbstandig auftreten. 60
In seeking reasons for the severe attitude of some of the Fathers toward
the liturgical singing of women, however, it is quite possible to read into
the references to the heretics' use of women's choirs an antagonism that
really is not there. A mere allusion to the use of such choirs by heretics is
not in itself a condemnation of such choirs, and still less of the participation
of women in general In the charges against Paul of Samosata preserved by
Eusebius it is certainly what is sung that forms the pivot of the accusation,
and not the less central fact that it was sung by a woman's chorus. It is a
whole century later, moreover- after the Synod of Antioch which dealt with
Paul - before a specific condemnation of the participation of women in the
musical service is again found (thus the first such reference since the
Didascalia). Cyril of Jerusalem Pro cat. 14 (PG XXXIII.356), forbade
women to sing audibly in the service.51
A second reason generally given for the opposition to singing by women
lange vordem der Kampf gegen die Beteiligung der Frauen am gottesdienstlichen
Volksgesange eingesetzt haben." Cf. idem, CHR, XXVII, 157.
47· Cf. Werner, Sa{red Bridge, p. 218.
48. Quasten, CHR, XXVII, 153-54, cites Assemani, Bib/iothe{a Orientalia (Rome,
1720), pp. 47-48, in this connection.
49· Quasten, Mu1ik und Gnang, p. 124. Cf. ibid., pp. 122ff.; idem, CHR, XXVII,
I57-58; Leitner, p. 263. Werner, Sa{red Bridge, p. 345, writes: "Significantly, the
antagonism toward the female voice became violent ·only in the Gno~tic crisis of the
Church. J. Quasten' s hypothesis, that the practice of the Gnostics was the d'ecisive
reason for the complete prohibition of female activity in the common liturgy is quite
unconvincing. After all, the Pauline rule, 'let the women be silent in the holy
assembly,' in I Cor. 14 : 34 was written long ·before Gnosticism came on the Christian
scene." Quasten' s hypothesis may well be unconvincing, but it is equally questionable
how much influence on the practice can be attributed to I Cor. 14,34.
50. Quasten, Mu1ik und Ge1ang, pp. 128-29; cf. idem, CHR, XXVII, 163.
51. Cf. Gregory of Nazianzus Carmina lib. 1,3,2 (PG XXXVII. 6o3). Jerome
Contra Pelag. 1,25, and Isidore of Pelusium EpiJt. 1,90 (PG LXXVIII. 244) also
forbade women to sing in church. Cf. Quasten, Mu1ik und Gnang, pp. 121-22.

33
in the service is the reaction to the role of the female musician in antiquity.52
A third difficulty felt by some of the Fathers was the sensuality of the
woman's voice. Isidore of Pelusium argues against the feminine voice in a
manner very much like BT Berakot 24a, which was in part quoted above.53
Quasten and Leitner are both of the opinion that the liturgical role of
women in heathen cults was not a factor of any significance in determining
the thought of the Fathers on this matter. 54
Not all Fathers who mention the subject, however, are on the side of the
opposition. As late and influential a voice as that of Ambrose of Milan is
added to those favoring a more lenient policy toward women. In En. in Ps.
I (PLXIV.925) he writes:

The apostle commands the women to be silent in Church; yet they sing
well the psalms. For the psalm is sweet and appropriate to every age
and either sex: here the old ones abolish the sternness of their age, the
sorry elderly men respond it joyfully, the young men may sing it
without the objection of licentiousness ... and even tender girls chant
the psalm without detriment to their female modesty, and the virgins
can sing the hymn to God ... sweetly, but in all respectability .
. . . How laboriously do we endeavor to maintain silence and order in
the church, when the lessons are being read? If one talks, all silence
him; but if a psalm is chanted, everyone implements the silence, for
all recite it and nobody silences them .... What a great choir of unity
is this working towards one great chorus of all the people. 55

The question of the participation of women in the song of the early

Christian worship service cannot be definitively answered. It is likely that
practices varied locally at first, just as they did later. With regard to the
opposition that developed, Quasten is probably correct in stating: "There
were various causes that furnished the grounds in different localities for the

52. Cf. Arnobius Adv. nat. 2,42; Jerome Epist. 107,4,1; 107,8,3; 128,4,3· Cf.
Leitner, p. 263; Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 124ff.; idem, CHR, XXVII,
159-6o; Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 324. Vide p. 17, supra.
53· Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 324, 370, n. 75; Quasten, Musik und Gesang,
p. 128: "Es Jag eher im Frauengesang nach der Ansicht mancher Vater etwas Sinn-
liches."
54· Ibid.: "Ist nicht die zu Eingang erwahnte Beteiligung der Frauenchore am
heidnischen Kult ein Grund gewesen, den Frauengesang im christlichen Gottesdienst
zu bekampfen? Die Frage ist wohl zu verneinen, denn dafiir ist der Kampf gegen den
gottesdienstlichen Frauengesang zu wenig einheit\ich und sehr ortlich beschrankt.
Ausserdem setzt diese Ausschaltung ja auch erst spater ein." Cf. ibid., p. 129; idem,
CHR, XXVII, 163; Leitner, p. 263. According to Quasten, CHR, XXVII, 163-65,
pagan practices did furnish reason for the Christian opposition to women singing at
funerals and vigils.
55. From Werner, Sacred. Bridge, pp. 323-24. Cf. Theodoret In Ps. 148,u (PG
LXXX. 1991 ).

34
prohibition of the singing of women in church until, with the cessation of
community singing at divine worship, it ceased universally."56

Choirs
It was noted in chapter one that a choir was not a characteristic feature of
the synagogue. It is also unlikely fhat choirs were employed in the earliest
church. They would have been a violation of the principle of koinonia -
of the concept of una voce dicentes. The general conditions, moreover, did
not favor their development. Apparently, choirs were not developed generally
within the church until the rise of monasticism and the schola cantorum.
Earlier employments of the choir seem to have been rather much confined
to the female choristers of the East, as those of Ephraem Syrus, and such
heretics as Marcion, Bardesanes and Harmonios.57

The Cantor
Apparently, in the earliest Christian worship, the privilege of singing
the solo recitative was open to anyone (at least to any male believer) who
had a psalm, hymn or spiritual song (cf. I Cor.r4,26; Eph. 5,19; Col. 3,16).
It is only natural, however, that as the liturgy developed from a freer into a
more fixed form, and as offices developed, the burden of the musical
performance would come to devolve upon a fixed person. Musical reasons
must also have contributed to this development. Leitner writes:

56. Quasten, CHR, XXVII, 165; cf. Leitner, p. 264: "Jedenfalls blieb aber diese
ablehnende Haltung gegen den Frauengesang auf einzelne Kirchen beschriinkt und
hiitte auch in dieser Form der christlichen Auffassung von der Wiirde und Stellung
des Weibes im Reiche der Gnade und vor dem Forum der Kirche widersprochen."
Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 345·46, attempts to link the opposition pretty much to
the West: "In the oppos·ition were: Tertullian (North Africa), Jerome (Rome,
Palestine), Cyril of Jerusalem (Greece, Jerusalem), and Isidore of Pelusium
(Greece). The defenders were: Marcion (Black Sea), Ephraem Syrus (Nisibis),
Bardesanes, and his son Harmonius (Edessa). This tabulation seems to indicate that
the Western regions were more puritanic than the Syrians." (On p. 324, however,
Werner writes: "With regard to the evaluation of song and music, it is obvious that
the purist element of the Orient, in the face of its customary licentiousness, has
prevailed over the more lenient attitude of the Western civilizations.") Werner's
argument is not well taken, however. This writer was unable to find a proscription
in Tertullian, though several passages would have afforded convenient opportunity,
had Tertullian desired to discriminate against women. His concern in Ad uxor. 2,9
is the &inging of husbands and wives to one another. The "puritanism" of Jerome
and Cyril could have been due to Palestine as well as to the West. The "Western"
references given by Werner are, on an average, later than the "Eastern." Moreover,
the Eastern Didascalia's witness against the participation of women, and the Western
witness of Ambrose for the singing of women are not considered by Werner.
57· Cf. Sozomen Hist. E. 3,16 (PG LXVII. 1090) for mention of Bardesanes
and Harmonics. The account of Ephraem is given by Jacob of Sarug; cf. Werner,
Sacred Bridge, p. 218, Delling, p. 85, writes: "An einen Vortrag durch einen
besonderen Chor, wie im heidnischen Gottesdienst, ist jedenfalls wohl nicht zu
denken, dagegen ist eine chorige Aufteilung (wie bei den Therapeuten) vorstellbar."

35
 Zur Ausfiihrung des Volksgesanges waren aus technischen Griinden,
urn die Tonhohe zu bestimmen, die Melodie zu intonieren, neue Ge-
sange einzufiihren, welche doch erst einigemal vorgetragen werden
mussten, und urn die gebiihrende Ordnung, Schonheit und Feierlich-
keit zu bewahren, geschulte Vorsanger notwendig.58
Je ausgedehnter und zahlreicher sodann die Gemeinden wurden, und
je kiinstlicher und schwieriger sich die Ausfiihrung des Gesanges ge-
staltete, desto eher mussten solche Vorsanger aufgestellt werden. 59
Some authorities would derive the position of cantor or cantor-lector from
the synagogue, and thus assign it a very early, perhaps from the outset,
origin. 60 There is no direct evidence for such an early origin of the office,
or even function of cantor in the Christian church, however. Ps.-Ignatius
ProJ Antioch 12 (PG V.908) lists several orders, including the cantor
(pialth) and the lector (anagn6stos). This reference can hardly be earlier
than the fourth century, however. 61 At any rate, Canon XV of the Council
of Laodicea (ea. 360 A.D.) prescribed : "Besides the appointed singers
[ xa'JIOVtxoi, VJaAl'at, ], who mount the ambo and sing from the book,
Even of an early choral division of the congregation, however, there does not seem
to be any evidence.
~8. Leitner, p. 19,.
~9· Ibid., p. 196.
6o. Cf. Idelsohn, Jewish Musk, pp. 108-09: "Together with the Psalms and parts
of the Jewish ritual, the early Christians transplanted the institution of the precentor
from the Synagogue into the Church. Just as in the Synagogue so also in the Church
the solo recitation of the precentor became the chief part of the service. Similarly,
the responsive form used in the Temple and Synagogue was adopted by the Church,
especially short refrains such as Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna. The singer was called
cantor, praecentor, pronunciator psalmoi. Originally, in the Church, too, there was the
reader (lektor) and the singer (cantor). The latter did not officiate in the Mass.
As in the Synagogue so also in the Church an elevated stand was erected for the
lektor from which place he read the Scriptures." Leitner, pp. 195-96, writes: "Der
christliche Kantorat, der naturgemass die Rolle des Vorsingens innehatte, erscheint
geschichtlich •betrachtet als eine Nachbildung des Scheliach hazzibur im Synagogal-
kulte, wie auch die spater begegnenden christlichen Sangerschulen eine den alt-
testamentlichen levitischen Sangern ahnliche Institution bilden . . . . Die Quellen der
ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte erwahnen zwar eigentliche Sanger nicht; doch
mussten Kantoren, welche dem Laienstande angehorten oder aus dem Kreise der seit
dem Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts auftretenden Lektoren gewahlt wurden, schon friih-
zeitig existieren. Ein solcher Zusammenhang des Kantorats mit dem Lektorat lasst
sich schon aus der Natur der antiken feierlichen Rede, die mit einem dem Gesange
nahekommenden Tonfall und mit ausgepragter Modulation vorgetragen wurde,
erschliessen." Leitner cites Athanasius Epist. a& Ruf. 28 (PG XXVII. 4o); Epist. ad
Marf. 12 (PG XXVII. 24), where the performance of the avaywwaxwv
is called an ~IS~. On Ambrose De Offkiis 1,44 ("One is more fitted for the part
of reader, another does better for the singing."), Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 121,
comments: "As A. von Harnack pointed out in his study of the lectorate, the lector
had to function both as a reader and as a singer in the first two centuries: often, two
lectors were in one office, which explains fully Ambrosc's observation." Cf. ibid.,
p. 344; Dugmore, p. 98; Leitner, p. 187.
61. Cf. Quasten, Patrology, I, 74, on the long recension of lgnatius' works.
others shaH not sing in the church." It is welJ known that congregational
singing was a generally accepted practice after this time, and presumably the
canon is not aimed at congregational participation in general, but only at
restricting the execution of the solo or recitative part to the fixed office of
cantor, the congregation still being expected to respond. 82 As fixed liturgies
developed, the congregation's audible role became increasingly slight, until
it eventualJy disappeared completely.ea.

2. The Manner of Participation

Antiphony
Though antiphony was certainly known to .the Jews (cf. pp. 5-6, supra),
practiced by the Y.herapeutae (men singing against women), and is clearly
pictured in the Apocalypse, there is no clear reference to it among the
Fathers before the fourth century. 64 Basil (ea. 330-79 A.D.), e. g., Epist.
207(PG XXXI1.763), writes:
The customs [of singing the Psalms J now in vogue are in harmony
and accord with all the Churches of God. . .. Divided into two
groups ... people sing [the Psalms] antiphonally.... Then again after
entrusting to one person to lead the chant, the rest sing the response;
and so having passed the night in a variety of psalm-singing ... as the
day begins to dawn all in common, as of one voice and one heart,
intone the Psalm of confession to the Lord. 05
According to Socrates Hist. E. 6,S(PG LXVI1.692), Ignatius introduced
antiphony into the church after having seen the angels so singing in a vision.
Paulinus of Milan Vita s. Ambrosii 13(PL XIV.31) credits the introduction
of antiphony in Milan in 387 A.D. to Ambrose. Sozomen Hist. E. 8,8(PG

62. The passage is understood this way by C. J. Hefele, Conciliengeschichle

(Freiburg: Herder, 1855), 1, 736. On the difficulties in connection with the
significance of the Canon, cf. Leitner, p. 184.
63. Cf. ibid., pp. 183ff., who writes (p. 184): "Mit Unrecht wird aber dieser
allmiihliche Niedergang des Volksgesanges mit jenen Synodalbeschliissen in Zusam-
menhang gebracht, die eine bestimmte liturgische Gesangsordnung anstrebten." And
on p. 185: ''Die Griinde fiir den Niedergang des Voiksgesanges im Abendlande seit
dem 7· Jahrhundert sind vielmehr in dem abnehmenden Verstandnis der Kultsprache
und in der grosseren Hercschaft des Kunstgesanges zu suchen." -,
64. Cf. Werner, GDMM, II, 284, who posits its existence in the"· church near the
end of the second century. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 176, may well be correct in
deriving Christian use of antiphony from the Antioch Jewish community. It was in
Syria, apparently, that the practice was developed, and from there that it spread
westward to Milan and Rome. If Macdonald, p. II4, quoting J. B. Lightfoot, The
Apostolic Fathers, II, Pt. I, 31, uses the word "antiphonal'" in its strictest sense, he
goes too far in saying of antiphonal singing: "Its introduction into the church was a
matter of course almost from the beginning."' The terms antiphonal and responsive
are often confused. For the distinction, cf. pp. 5·6, supra.
65. In Sendry, p. 52·

37
LXVII.1536) says Chrysostom introduced the practice in Constantinople.
Theodoret Hist. E. 2,19(PG LXXXII.ro6o), writes of a certain Flavianus
and Diodorus:
They were the first to divide choirs into two parts, and to teach them
to sing the psalms of David antiphonally. Introduced first at Antioch,
the practice spread in all directions, and penetrated to the ends of the
earth. Its originators now collected the lovers of the Divine word and
work into the Churches of the Martyrs, and with them spent the night
in singing psalms to God.

Though antiphony may earlier have been practiced spasmodically in the

church, especially in Syria,88 the evidence seems to warrant the conclusion
that it was not in general use in the church until near the end of the fourth
centuryP Its execution made greater musical demands than the simple
response, and its popularity would be abetted by the development of
monasticism and trained choirs. 88

Response
While antiphony was thus apparently not well established in the early
church, the situation was otherwise with respect to responsive singing.
It was noted in chapter one that the common ancient practice of responsorial
song was well established in the synagogues - both orthodox and sectarian.89
The acclamations of the adults and children on Palm Sunday (Mt. 21,9.15
pars.) probably reflect the congregational role of response in Jewish
worship. 70 It is quite possible that the Hallel was sung responsively (the

66. Cf. Brodde, col. 751; Dickinson, p. 48; Leitner, pp. 98, 22off. From Syria it
spread to Milan and Rome.
67. Cf. ibid., p. 84.
68. Dugmore, pp. 98-99, writes: "Apart from this one passage in Socrates [Hist. E.
6, 8} all the evidence goes to show that it was towards the end of the fourth century
that there was brought in, side by side with the Psa/mus Responsorius, another kind
of psalmody, the antiphon, which consisted of a psalm chanted by two choirs alter-
nately. It was at Antioch, in the time of Bishop Leontius (A.D. 344-57), that this
custom was introduced .... The older custom of chanting the psalms responsively was
still employed in Chrysostom's church." Cf. Duchesne, pp. II4-15, from whom
Dugmore is apparently partially quoting; PhiHips, p. 12.
69. For the employment of the responsive amen by the Qumran Sect, cf. "The
Manual of Discipline," in T. H. Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures, in English
Translatio11 with Introduction and Notes (Garden City, New York Doubleday, 1956),
pp. 40-41. Of the "Thanksgiving Hymns" of the sect (hereafter abbreviated rQH),
Werner, MQ, XLIII, 36, writes: "We may well imagine the performance of such a
hymn. The presiding senior of the sacred banquet intoned the hymn, and whenever
a familiar quotation occurred, the congregation joined him in traditional chant;
eventually they all sang the refrain or closing verse."
70. Cf. F. W. Grosheide, Het Heilig Evangelie vo/gens Mattheus (2d ed., "CNT'";
Kampen: Kok, 1954), p. 314. Grosheide interprets the hosanna as an acclamation
(cf. BT Sukkoth 31a ff.). Vide p. 69, infra.
apostles responding to Jesus) at the Last Supper (Mt. 26,30 par.).n The
responsorial type of singing - in which one voice recites the mighty acts of
God, to be answered in turn by the confessing and confirming congregation
- is highly consonant with the concept of Biblical faith as response to
reve1ation, 72 and it is not surprising that the early church continued the
tradition and employed it so extensively. Indeed, this Antwort concept -
response to revelation - may have had more influence upon musical per-
formance than the concept of una voce dicentes.

Vielleicht schon in Num 1o,2ff., sicher aber beim Auftreten des Liedes
( = Reprasentant der K.[ -irchenmusik]) in der ganzen HI. Schrift
von Ex 15 bis Offb 19 und 21 ist das Wesentliche [der Kirchenmusik]
immer Ant-Wart, Lobpreis, Riihmung, Dank fiir die grossen Taten
und Gnadenerweise Gottes. . .. Die Funktions-Geschichte der K. ist
Beweis dafiir, class die friihe christl. Kirche die K. als Antwort auf-
gefasst und praktiziert hat.73

Musical response is very likely indicated by I Cor. 14,15-16.26 (cf. Rom.

1,25; n,36), and possibly Eph. 5,1974 and Col. 3,16.75 The Apocalypse,
though not necessarily reflecting an actual, specifically Christian liturgy,
certainly indicates familiarity with responsorial (as well as antiphonal)

71. Hasper, p. IS, n. I, writes: "In Matth. 26 : 30 zullen wij wel moeten denken
aan een samenzang van twee partijen (voorzanger en allen)." Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 73, n.c.,
however, write: "Das Hallel wird wohl meist von alien Tischgenossen gemeinsam
gesungen warden sein; doch durfte es auch einer, selbst ein unmiindiger Sohn, vor-
tragen; die iibrigen batten dann antiphonisch [responsively] mitzuwirken."
72. Cf. W estminstel' Shorter Catechism, Answers I-3·
73· Brodde, col. 763. Cf. H. Schlier, &p~v , TWNT, I 339/2I-28: "Im Syna-
gogengottesdienst (nicht im Tempelgottesdienst) findet es sich als Antwort der
Gemeinde 'nach den einzelnen Lobspriichen, die der Vorbeter in Verbindung mit den
Gebeten oder bei sonstigen Gelegenheiten vortrug' und 'nach jedem der drei Absatze,
in denen die Priester den aaronitischen Segen Nu 6,24-26 erteilten.' Es war das
Bekenntnis zum Lobe Gottes, das der Gemeinde angetragen war, und das die Ge-
meinde in ihrer Antwort fiir sich festmachte. Und es war das Bekenntnis zum Segen
Gottes, der der Gemeinde zugesprochen war, und den sie in ihrem Amen fiir wirksam
machte." Cf. Delling, pp. 74::75·
74· E. F. Scott, The Epistles of Pa11l to the Colossians, to Philemon and to the
Ephesians (''MNTC"; New York: Harper, n.d.), p. 234, comments._on this passage:
"Paul has in mind a meeting for Christian worship, in which the song uttered by one
believer, under the influence of the Spirit, would be answered in a like strain, by
another. In place of a set order of worship there was something like lyrical converse
or conversation on the themes of the Christian life.''
75. Bruce, in E. K. Simpson & F. F. Bruce, Commentary on the Epistle to the
Ephesians atzd the Colossians ("NICNT"; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, I957), p. 284,
comments on this verse: "Antiphonal [responsive?] praise or solo singing for mutual
edification in their church meetings is probably what the apostle recommends." Jenny,
p. IOI, thinks the psalms and hymns of Eph. 5,I9; Col. 3,I6 were well known com-
positions, and thus sung by the entire congregation at once, whereas the spiritual
songs were improvised soli, the others present singing "in their hearts."

39
singing in its picture of heavenly worship. 76 The early Christians, moreover,
continuing in the belief that earthly worship is a reflection of the heavenly
(cf. chapter five, passim), would certainly be influenced by the rich musical
practices of the Apocalypse. 77 References to responsive participation
occur very frequently in the post-Apostolic 'Christian literature. The
carmenque Christo deo dicere secum invicem of Pliny Epist. 10,96 ( corres-
pondence with Trajan from Bithynia, 112 A.D.), is an exceedingly
controversial passage. At least it can be said with certainty that the reference
is to congregational participation, and perhaps in a responsive or even
antiphonal fashion. DOlger writes:
Ueber einen Wechsel im Vortrag durch zwei Gruppen (Wechsel-
gesang) hinaus konnen wir jedoch weitere Sicherheit nicht gewinnen.
Der Vortrag durch einen Doppelchor ist moglich, aber nicht sicher. 78
Es steht nichts im Wege, sich das carmen der bithynischen Christen-
gemeinden etwa so vorzustellen, class ein Bischof, Priester oder Diakon
einen Text mit der Anrede an Jesus vorgesungen und das Yolk
ihn mit einem 'Komm, Herr Jesu,' 'Maranatha,' einem awaov rJ!.tfi;
EAE'YJUOV fJp,iir; oder xveu; EA.i'YJUOV, mit einem Amen oder Alleluia
beantwortet hiitte.7D
The Acts of John (94-ff.) contains a hymn which, according to one tradition,
was supposed to have been sung by Jesus (after the Last Supper) standing in
the middle of a circle formed by the apostles, all solemnly dancing, the latter
responding to each separate utterance of Jesus with "amen." 80 Justin Martyr
I Apol. 67, mentions the "amen" uttered by the congregation after the

76. Cf. Leitner, p. S2, who writes concerning Rev. 12,10-12; 19,1-3; 21,3-4:
"Wenn auch <liese drei Gesiinge nicht wirklich in kultischen Gebrauche standen,
sondern vom Verfasser fiir den Zweck seiner Schil<lerung erst gedichtet wurden, so
lassen sie doch auf die -Existenz solcher Lieder im christlichen Gottesdienste zuriick-
schliessen."
77· It is interesting in this connection that in the East (Syria), where the
Apocalypse was acknowledged rather late (possibly because of its "materialism"),
the musical performance of the church was the most progressive (choir and anti-
phony).
7S. F. J. DOlger, Sol salutis. Gebet und Gesang im r-hristlhhen Altertum (2d ed.;
Miinster: 1925), pp. 12S-29. Cf. ibid., pp. n6ff., on the whole matter of Pliny's
reference. Cf. Hasper, pp. 65-66. C. ]. Kraemer, "Piiny and the Early Church
Service," Classir-al Philology, XXIX (1934), 297, says: "Pliny's irtvir-em at least is
clear: Greeks and Romans alike were familiar, both in tragic and lyric poetry, with
antiphony as a literary device, and the words can surely denote neither more nor less
than 'taking turn.' " According to Leitner, pp. S4ff,, the only certain thing to be
gained from Pliny here is that there was singing in the Christian worship service
of his day.
79· Dolger, pp. 135-36.
So. Translation of the text in M. R. James, The Apor-ryphal New Testament
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1924), p. 253. Cf. Leitner, pp. 9S-99. Quasten, Patrology, I, 135,
dates the Acts from between ISO and ISo A.D. Cf. A. F. F~ndlay, Byways in Early
Christian Literature (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1923), pp. 225-26.
president of the assembly had prayed and given thanks at the feast (cf.
Irenaeus Adv. haer. 1,14,1). Clement of Alexandria Paed. 3,11, mentions
the responsive song of the Christians both in and out of church. 81 Toward
the end of the second century, Tertullian De orat. 27(PL !.1194), refers to
the practice of responsive participation in prayer and psalm singing.B 2
Comments of other Fathers could be added to this evidence for the
prevalence of responsorial in both East and West. Dugmore is probably
close to the truth in writing: "In ancient times, and up to the latter part
of the fourth century, the psalms were always sung as a solo. The con-
gregation, however, repeated the last words of the chant." 83
Glossolalia
Though the subject of "tongues" in the early church is a complicated
question that is far from being definitively settled, the y.A.waaa-phenomena
of Acts and I Corinthians cannot be left out of account in a consideration
of the earliest Christian musical performance. The predilection of religious
enthusiasm and ecstasy for the melismatic type was noted in chapter one.
"Created by spontaneous emotion, it was frequently rendered as improvi-
sation, both in Synagogue and Church." 84 Though attempts at characteri-
zations of the phenomenon of glossolalia vary widely, it is quite in line
with the foregoing to assume that this charismatic utterance of enthusiasm
was (at least) sometimes of a more or less musical nature.
Das Glossenreden ... ist ... ein geistgewirktes Reden ... das den
Charakter der (gesungenen ?) (Lob - oder Dank-) Gebetes tragt. 85
It is possible that the ecstatic utterances sometimes took the form of an

Sr. Cf. Dolger, p. 130: "Das tJ.IJovu~ "trt avTaiJovu~ der Sanger spielt
auf den Gesang in der Kirche an, wie auch die naJ.wwMa d.h. der am Schlusse
einer Strophe glei'chmassig wiederkehrende, von der Gesa:ntheit gesungene Text."
S2. Cf. Tertullian Ad uxor. 2,9 (PL I. I4I6-q), where believing husband and
wife sing psalms and hymns to one another. Dugmore, p. Sr, writes: "The custom
arose of intercalcating refrains in the course of the psalm, to be taken up by the
whole congregation after each verse or pair of verses. This manner of treating the
psalmody is attested by Tertullian as an existing custom, about A.D. 200. The
Christians no doubt had adopted it from the Jews."
S3. Ibid., p. 97; cf. Duchesne, pp. sS, rr3. Dolger, pp. 12S-36, gives a full
treatment of the matter. Cf. Methodius Sympos. rr,2 (PG XVII.!. 207-14), for the
"Hymn of Thekla ('' AvwiJev naefHvot) ." Thekla sings twenty::four stanzas, each
followed by a refrain sung by the chorus: "I keep myself pure for Thee, 0
Bridegroom, and holding a lighted torch I go to meet Thee." Cf. Ambrose En. in
Ps. r, praef. 9; Hexaem. 3,5 (PL XXIV. r65); Chrysostom Hom. XXXVI. 9 itz
I Cot·. (PG LXI. 315).
S4. W·erner, Sacred Bridge, p. 352. On p. r66, Werner mentions traces of the
magical, the imitative (of instruments), virtuosity, and ecstatic in connection with
the melismatic music of church and synagogue. On the close connection between
enthusiasm and acclamation, cf. Peterson, p. 147, n. r; 2orff.
ss. ]. Behm, y).waaa, TWNT, I, 72I/4o-45·
 inarticulate chant, songs without intelligible words or definite melody. 88
Speaking in 'a tongue,' though not a song wi~hout words, sometimes
became a sort of croon or musical lilt, and it often poured out foreign
terms, or what seemed to be such. 87
Three centuries after Paul, Augustine refers to the musical utterances of
one borne along by enthusiasm. In En.inPs.99,4(PLXXXVII.r272), he
writes: "He who rejoices needs no words; for the song of delight is without
words.'' 88 And in En. in Ps. ro6,r(PLXXXVII.qr9), he informs the
reader that "Alleluia" was chanted according to the ancient tradition, i. e.,
in a melismatic manner.su Similarly, Jerome Brev. in Ps. 32(PLXXVI.9r5),
writes: "Jubilus is [the song] which cannot be expressed or understood
either in words, or in syllables, or in letters, or in [any] other [speech]
utterance." 90 Werner relates the apostolic practice with that mentioned by
Augustine and Jerome thus:
In Church and Synagogue, extended melismatic chant was regarded as
an ecstatic praise of God, 'sonus quidam est laetitiae sine verbis' as
St Augustine puts it. Such a conception places this type of singing in
close proximity to the glossolaly of the Paulinian Age. . .. Augustine
in another remark about Jubi/us, seems to connect it with the early
Christian practice of 'talking in tongues.' Jerome, too, attempts an
explanation of melismatic chant along the very same lines. I venture
to put forward my own conviction that the whole concept of the pure,
wordless, melismatic jubilation should be considered the last, jealously
guarded remnant of an organized musical form of glossolaly, if we
permit ourselves a slight contradiction in terms. 91

B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
Another important aspect of the musical performance of the earliest church
is the question of musical instruments. It was noted in chapter one that
instruments, especially of the trumpet variety, were employed in connection
with the cultic acts of the Temple - especially sacrifice. Obviously, this

86. A. Robertson & A. Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the

Pint Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians (2d ed., "ICC"; New York: Scribner's,
n.d.), p. 312.
87. ]. Moffatt, The First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians ("MNTC"; New
York: Harper, n.d.) p. 218. Cf. Dickinson, pp. 44-45; vide pp. 75-81, infra.
88. From Sendry, p. 51.
89. Ibid.
90. Ibid., p. 54·
91. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 168-69. Cf. ibid., p. 155: "The last and most
precious remnant of that period of spontaneity is probably the Jubi/us, the musical,
wordless-ecstatic hymn, the element of glossalaly converted to organized, melismatic
psalmody." Werner, GDMM, 11, 284, sets forth the idea that the £!><5<k 'n'PBVftaTL"a'
of Eph. 5,19; Col. 3,16 are "wordless hymns," and forerunners of the iubili or
alleluia chants mentioned by Augustine. Cf. pp. 59-65, infra, however.
usage would not be carried over into synagogue or church. Moreover, the
spiritual, intellectual worship of the synagogue was not congenial to the
musical extravaganza of the Temple. (As noted in chapter one, even the
second Temple marked a reduction in the scope of musical performance
from that of the first.) There was in Judaism, furthermore, a reaction to the
luxurious and pagan use of instruments on both secular and religwus
occasions. This opposition is intimated in the Old Testament prophets:
Isa. 5,12; Ezek. 28,13( ?) ; Amos 5,23; 6,5. 92 It becomes more pronounced
in the "spiritualization" of Philo and the Qumran Sect, 93 in the Sibylline
Oracles, and in the Talmud (cf. p. 15, n. 72, s11pra). It is unlikely, then,
that the young church inherited very much (if anything) in the way of
instrumental performance from the synagogue. And it is reasonably certain
that in the young church, instruments, if used at all, would have served
only the purpose of accompaniment of vocal rendition. 94
Four areas of investigation within the New Testament have special
relevance for the question of the usage of musical instruments in the
earliest church : (I) the specific mention of instruments, ( 2) the meaning
of the words 1pa.?..?.etv and 'IJ'aAJlot;, (3) the implications of I Cor. 13-14,
(4) the concept of "spiritual" worship.

I. The Specific Mention of Instmments

The New Testament mentions four or five different musical instruments: the
av.?.6t;, xtfMea, XVf.l{JO..I.ov, aaA:rtty~' and perhaps the xa.?.xot; ?]xw
of I Cor. 13,1. Only the first two of these would have been capable ot a
more or less musical accompaniment to singing. Since all except the second
are treated elsewhere, it will be well to give a brief description of the
kithara here.
The word "d}aea occurs m I Cor. 14,7; Rev. 5,8; 14,2; 15,2; 18,22
( "tDaefPdot; ) . It is apparently the same as the Hebrew ,·~11~ . Of the
forty-two occurrences of the latter in the Old Testament, AV consistently
translates the word "harp." The LXX translates "tDaea in twenty cases,

92. In distinction from the former prophets, the latter prophets apparently made
no use of musical instruments in connection with their prophecy.
93· Werner, MQ, XLIII, 27-28, writes: "St. Paul's indifference to, and Philo's
lukewarm allegorization of, musical instruments speak the same language as the
passages from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Indeed, how is it pos~ible'' to interpret the
following verse in any but an allegorical way? 'My adversaries roared forth their
complaint against me with a lyre, accompanied by mocking songs.'" ~einer points
out the lack of congeniality on the part of the sect towards musical instruments due
to their "puritanic-ascetic" worship in which there was no place for sacrifice.
94· Nielen, p. 288, says the church followed the synagogue in the manner of the
singing of Psalms - without accompaniment. Cf. Kraeling & Mowry, p. 303: "So
far as we can tell the music of the early Church was almost entirely vocal, Christian
usage following in this particular the pracbice of the Synagogue, in part for the same
reasons."

43
and transliterates "''~'vea in seventeen. The Vulgate has cithara thirty-
seven times and lyra twice. 9 5 Sachs writes:
The kinnor, King David's erroneously so-called harp, was actually a
lyre, similar to the kithara of the Greeks: a solidly joined box set on
its side with a yoke in place of a neck, that is, two arms projecting
upward, the latter ends of which were connected by a crossbar.
According to a later commentary on Daniel, it had the shape of a
Jewish candelabrum, that is, it was semi-circular in outline. The strings,
made of catgut, were played with a plectron when the instrument
accompanied a singer; as a solo instrument, on the contrary, it was
plucked with the bare fingers, as in the case of David performing
before Saul.96
According to Josephus, it had ten strings.D7 It was "probably ... tuned
pentatonically without semitones through two octaves." 98 Sachs, in his
95· Figures from Sellers, pp. 37ff.
96. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47. It is possible that the comparison of the N'"li~~
T .
to the
candelabrum involves a play on words. Thus i1'"1i)~~ = "as the candelabrum."
T

According to I Ki. ro,r2, the body of both the kinnor and the nebel is made of
t:l'~~~N
. ··.• : -
, which, according to Koehler, in Koehler & Baurn~artner, p. 55, is the
wood of the Juniperus phoenicea ( exrelsa). Sellers, p. 37, says that according to the
Rabbis, the strings of the kinntor were made of the small intestine of the sheep.
The kinnor thus differs in some particulars from the nebel of the O.T., which may
be more or less the counterpart of the psalterium which the Fathers mention in
distinction from the kithara. Sellers, p. 39, writes: "Now the psaltery is a harp.
According to Jerome, commentary on Ps. 32 : 2, the cithara gives its sound from the
lower part, the psaltery frorru above. If the psaltery as Jerome knew it was the nebel
of the Old Testament, it would be like the Assyrian harp, which is carried with the
sounding box above, rather than like the Egyptian harp, which has the sounding box
below and in many instances resting on the ground .... The harp has more and larger
strings than the lyre. According to the Talmud, they were made from the large
intestines of the sheep and the nebel made a louder sound than that of the kinnort
There may be truth in the rabbinic tradition that the harp was called nebel because
it had the shape of a skin bottle; for the body was rounded out and covered with
a skin." Sellers gives illustrations of several similar instruments. According to him
(pp. 38-39), of the twenty-seven dearly musical instances of ~:Jj
·: ...
in the O.T.,
AV translates "psaltery'' twenty-three times, and "viol" four times. The LXX has
11af3A.a fourteen times and 1paA.-t'~(!to'll eight times. The Vulgate uses psalterium
seventeen times, lyra four times, and nab/ium three times. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47,
writes: "The nebel was a so-called 'angular harp' (like the Assyrian and the Egyptian
harp) '1\'ith the body rising dose to the player's chest and a horizontal stick to hold
the gut strings piercing the lower end of the body." Cf. idem, History, pp. u5ff.
97· Werner, MQ, XLIII, 28-29, considers the reference in the Qumran Scrolls to
a harp of ten strings to be symbolic of a squad of ten men rather than implying an
actual instrurn.ent, and links the symbolism to neo-Pythagorean influence. Augustine
Sermo 33, says the psalterium had ten strings. Philo Leg. a/leg. 1,5,14, preferred the
seven-stringed lyre.
98. Sachs, History, pp. 107·08.

44
attempt to link the different instruments to "well-defined occasions and
moods," says that the kinnor was "gay and unsuited to sorrow."99 The
truth is, however, that it could probably be used to express sorrow as well
as joy.
Arndt and Gingrich translate "tfhJ.ea either "harp" or "lyre."loo If
Sachs is correct in associating the kithara with the kinnor, "lyre" might
seem to be the preferable rendition (contra NV: citer). It is probably
better not to insist upon the distinction, however. Like av..Mq (cf. pp. 99-
roo, infra), "'{}aea may have been used loosely to refer to two or more
instruments of a general class. .,~~.::, and ~~J appear to be used more
or less interchangeably in the Old Testament, and often together. Similarly,
some of the Fathers, while distinguishing between the kithara and the
pJalterium, indicate that both were used to accompany singing.1° 1
References to the "tf}aea in I Cor. 14,7-8; Rev. 18,22 ("t{}aecpc5&,)
are discussed in chapter four, and those in Rev. 5,8ff.; q,2ff. in chapter
five. It has already been noted that the three times the noun "ifh1.ea occurs
in the Apocalypse coincide with the three instances of q>c5~ and lj.c5sw.
In Rev. I 5,2ff., the victorious saints sing the "Song of Moses" and the
"Song of the Lamb," exov-ra~; "dJdeaq TOV {}sov. 102 Commentators are
99· Ibid., p. 108. But, cf. Job 30,31; Ps. 49,4. Ps. 137 does not necessarily indicate
that the kilmor is associated with joy rather than sorrow. Cf. rQH XI, 22-24 (trans.
M. Mansoor, The Thanksgiving Hymns "STD]," Vol. Ill; Leiden: E. ]. Brill, 1961,
p. 170:
Anguish and sighing (as) a harp [.,~l:lJ,
a dirge unto all mourning [as for an only son)
and a most bitter lamentation
until injustice is utterly destroyed ...
and there is no affliction to cause sickness.
And I wiU then sing praises
with the harp [ .,U:l) of salvation
and the psaltery [of mirth)
[and the timbre! of rejoicing}
and the flute of praise without cease.
Of course, the references to instruments here are probably not to be understood
literally. Cf. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 27-28.
100. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 433.
101. The distinction of Jerome Comm. Ps. 32,2, has been notec;l. Augustine also
distinguishes between the two. According to him in En. in Ps. 70,2.2 (PL XXXVI.
900), the psalterium has the strings in the upper part, the rithara in the lower part.
This makes the latter more suitable for praising God and the former more suitable
for the mood of penitence. In En. in Ps. 32,5 (PLXXXVI. 28o), having distinguished
between the two instruments, he writes: "Wherever one plays the cithara, he
praises God" (from Sendry, p. 51). In En.inPs.65,3 (PLXXXVI. 787), however,
he writes: "To sing Psalms [psallere J means to use the instrument called psaltery
and synchronize the rhythm and the action of the hands with the [singing) voices"
(from Sendry, p. 51). Numerous other passages make it apparent that Augustine was
rather intent upon having the distinction between the two instruments known.
102. The Koine text inserts -raq before "d}aea,.

45
probably correct in understanding the genitive TOV {}eov to express the
truth that the harps are used in the servke of God.1° 3 John's use of the
genitival expression in this context of worship is very much in keeping with
the association of the instruments with the cultic worship of God in the
Old Testament.t 04
Many commentators and writers on the subject think that the mention of
the kithara these three times in the Apocalypse argues for, if not proves,
the use of the instrument in the earliest Christian worship service. 105 As
observed above, however, the imagery of the Apocalypse is drawn from the
Old Testament and the Temple service, and this probably holds true for the
kithara. Certainly the qJlaA.a, xevaa, yep,ovaa' {}vfltafla't'WV which the
elders carried along with the utDd.eat (5,8) were drawn from the Temple
servke. 108
2. The Meaning of Psallein and Psalm os

The noun tpaAflO' occurs seven times in the New Testament. Its occurrence
in I Cor. 14,26; Eph. 5,19 and Col. 3,16 has been claimed by some to point
to instrumental performance in the Christian worship service, the word
being understood to mean song accompanied with an instrument, as the
kithara. The verb tpaA.A.ew (I Cor. 14,15; Eph. 5,19; Jas. 5,13; cf. Rom.
15,9) is similarly understood by some. 107 These passages will be treated
103. Cf. F. Diisterdieck, Critical and Exegetical Handbook to the Revelation of
John, trans. H. E. Jacobs (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1887), p. 410; R. H.
Charles, A Critical and Exegetical Comme1ztary on the Revelation of St. John ("ICC";
Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1956), II, 34; Kiddle, p. 302: "harps befitting the
increasing symphony of heavenly worship."
104. W. 0. E. Oesterley, in Apoc. & Pseud., I, 123, remarks of the [eeai'
in the v. I. that it was "probably due to the mention of the priests in Num. X. 8,
from which the phrase here seems to -be borrowed; 0£ eteei, aaA.ntovat'll ev
Tai, a&Amy~tv, cp. I Chron. XV. 24 (Sept.)." Cf. the Ta,
uUJeovq TOV f}eov
of LXX Ps. 79,11. An interesting parallel to the ut1Jaea' TOV {}eov of Rev. 15,2
is found in Odes Sol. 26, where Christ sings through the believers and places His
lyre in their hands. The conjecture of C. C. Torrey, The Apocalypse of John (New
Haven: Yale, 1958), pp. 135-36, that the Aramaic original was N~iiN (thus, "harps
of aloes wood"), which was misread as Nii~N, is clever but not necessary. .
105. Leipoldt, p. 46; Quasten, Musik und Gesa11g, pp. 103-04; Werner, GDMM,
II, 284; Sacred Bridge, p. 318.
106. Cf. pp. 26-27, supra, especially the quotation from Schlatter, Briefe und Offen-
barutzg, p. 191; Delling, p. 84, n. 50. E. F. Scott, Ret•elation, pp. 138-39, also derives
the harps in the Apocalypse from the Temple service. Swete, p. So, says there is no
ante-Nicene reference to the use of incense in the Christian church. A. Cabaniss,
"The Worship of the 'Most Primitive' Community," Jo11rnal of Bible and Religio11,
XXVI (1958), 319, thinks II Cor. 2,14-16 may refer to incense in the church, but
this is not likely.
107. J. Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ph.ilip-
pians, Colossians, and Thessalo11ians, trans. J. Pringle (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation
Society, 1851), p. 217 (cf. Hasper, pp. 44-45; Jenny, p. 102); J. S. Candlish, The
Epistle of Paul to the Ephe.rians (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1901 ), p. uo, who .says
the verb here must mean "playing," but understands it figuratively ("in the heart");
separately later. Sufficient here is to remark that while 1paA.A.uv and
VJaAp.ot; etymologically pertain to plucking the strings of a musical
instrument, this original significance of the words cannot be pressed here.
Bruce remarks of VJaA.p.ot; et al. in Col. 3,16:

Nor should the etymological force or' the terms be pressed, as though
VJaApot; inevitably meant a song sung to the accompaniment of a
stringed instrument (psaltery or lute), the strings of which were
plucked by the hand. While such plucking of strings is the original
sense of VJ<UA.co(found in the parallel passage in Eph. 5 :19), it
is used in the New Testament with the meaning of 'to sing psalms'
I Cor. 14:15; Jas. 5:13; so too, probably, in the LXX quotation in
Rom. I5 =9).tos
The words 1paAABtv and VJaApOt; in the New Testament do not, then, in
themselves afford evidence of the use of instruments in the early church.

3· The Implications of I Corinthians IJ-14

Some writers feel that both what Paul says and what he omits saying in
I Cor. 13-14 are indications of the apostle's prejudice against instrumental

A. E. Burn, "Psalms," DAC, II, 287. Cf. idem, "Hymns," DAC, I, 590, regarding
the correspondence . in Eph. 5,19 of "singing'· and "playing" to "hymns" and
"psalms," respectively, Cyri! of Alexandria, Lexicon,· ad /oc., writes: "Psalmos means
a musical utterance for which the instrument is played rhythmically according to
harmonic notes" (from Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 318). P. Me Common, MuJic in
the Bible (Nashville: Convention Press, 1956), p. 25, writes: "The psalm was
always accompanied." .
ro8. Bruce, in Simpson & Bruce, p. 284, n. u8. Of 1pa.:!A.co, Arndt & Gingrich,
p. 899, write: "in our lit., in accordance w. OT usage, sing (to the accompaniment
of a harp), sing praise." The verb IJiaAABW is used frequently in the LXX, both
to indicate the playing of an instrument and the singing of a song. Cf. Eusebius
Hist. E. 8,9,5. Cf. f.. W. Grosheide, De Brief aan de Hebreeen e11 de Brief van
Jakobus (2d ed., "CNT"; Kampen: Kok, 1955), p. 4II: " 1pa.ii.iietv , eigenlijk de
citer tokkelen, dan psalmzingen"; A. Dohmes, "Der pneumatische Charakter des
Kultgesanges. na:ch. friihchristlichen Zeugnissen," Vom Christ/ichen Mysterium, ge·
J·ammelte Arbeiten zr11n Getktchtnis t'on Odo Case/, ed. A. Meyer, J. Quasten, and
B. Neunheuser (Diisseldorf: Patmos, 1951), p. 51, n. 3: "1pa.ii.A.ew heisst nicht
allein 'auf der Harfe spielen' oder 'singen zum Saitenspiel'; es ist. darunter auch das
blosse 'singen' zu verstehen." Cf. Jenny, p. ro2; J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St. James
(3d ed.; London: Macmillan, 1913), p. r68. Schlier, p. r63/36-37, equates 1pa.A.A.etv
and ~/jetv in Eph. 5,19, citing Justin Martyr Dial. 74.3· Both verbs are used in
the LXX to translate '"l~t. Porteous, The Organ Question, p. 103, says that
VJ&A.A.w cannot be pressed for its original meaning any more than :r; (!OG'XVVEW
Another musiCal term in the N.T. which similarly must not be pressed for its original
significance is the yA.coaao-xop,ov of Judas (Jn. 12,6; r3,29). Arndt & Gingrich,
p. r6r, write. of the word: "orig. a case for the mouthpiece or reed of a flute, then
. gener. case, cotttainer foe anything at all .. , in NT money-box."

47
music in the worship service. Hasper, for instance, writes:
Van veel meer waarde is het, stil te staan bij het feit, dat Paulus in de
antieke wereld, waar bij 'eredienst' altijd muziekinstrumenten te pas
kwamen, van instrumentale muziek in de samenkomsten der gemeente
zwijgt. In zijn brief aan de Korinthiers (I Kor. 14 :26) lag het zo voor
de hand om hiervan iets te zeggen, daar hij in hetzelfde hoofdstuk, over
den eredienst sprekende, reeds fluiten, citers en bazuinen, klanken en
geluiden ( :7-n) had genoemd. Het feit, dat Paulus over de instrumen-
tale muziek - duidelijkheidshalve zij er aan toegevoegd: gelijk de
antieke wereld die kende en gebruikte - zweeg, moet gezien worden
als het bewijs, dat hij deze met alle Christenen dier dagen zozeer in
strijd achtte met wat hij in Rom. I2 :1 noemt: ~ .'.oyt)e~ Aa-ceela VflWV
('uw redelijke eredienst'), dat daarover geen woord behoefde te
worden gezegd. 109
Het komt mij voor, dat wij zelfs in I Kor. 13 een zekere degradatie,
om niet te zeggen: een juiste taxatie, kunnen horen van de toenmalige
kopermuziek. ... Voor den apostel waren heel andere dingen nodig
dan de zorg voor kunst en cultuur. Hij was bier niet tegen, maar de
muziek van al die instrumenten bleef voor hem leeg. Het waren tijden
van druk en vervolging. uo
Of these chapters, Werner writes in a similar vein: "St. Paul, in a
famous diatribe, while not directly speaking against instruments, compares
them unfavorably with song, song of the spirit and of understanding." 111
It will Qe granted that while these considerations have some weight when
taken cumulatively with other evidence, it must be conceded that I Cor.
I 3-14 does not in itself establish the case for or against instrumental
usage. Especially must I Cor. 13,1 not be understood as a condemnation
of all instruments per se (cf. pp. II0-15, infra).

4· The Concept of "Spiritual" Worship

The idea that instrumental music is inconsonant with the concept of ).oyt"~
).a-ceela, the #vu{a nvevlui.-ct)e'YJ (Rom. 12,1; I Pet. 2,5; cf. Heb. 13,15)
of the new dispensation, was introduced in the quotation above from Hasper.
Werner also submits this as one of the reasons why some in the church opposed
instruments in the worship service. 112 This concept is discussed in chapter

109. Hasper, pp. 50-51.

110.Ibid., p. 50, n. 1.
111. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 26.
II2. Idem, Sacred Bridge, p. 317. Instruments in the O.T. had been used in the
worship service in connection with sacrifice in the Temple. Obviously, in synagogue
and church (as well as in sects as the Therapeutae and that of Qumran), where the
only "sacrifice" was that of prayer, praise and thanksgiving, this use of instruments
seven. It occurs often in the Fathers and its logical implications must have
been applied in opposition to instrumental music in the worship service in
many cases. 113 The New Testament itself gives no indication of such an
outworking of the principle, however.
Hasper mentions another principle which is closely related to the concept
of i.oytx~ i.a-r:eela, and which may have had some bearing on the use
of instruments in the young church. This is the intellectual content of the
Christian message which is to be proclaimed. Hasper writes:
De meest geperfectioneerde muziek kan niet te kennen geven of in
een loflied Zeus wordt verheerlijkt of de Vader van onzen Heer Jezus
Christus. Daarom staat in een Christelijken eredienst de instrumentale
muziek altijd achter bij de vocale. 114
This is also reasonable. Here again, however, it must be remembered
that this is a principle, the application of which is not explicitly traceable
in the New Testament.
Though the New Testament uses musical instruments for the purpose
of illustration (cf. pp. 106-19, infra), it does not subject them to
spiritualization or allegorization as was so often done in the Orient (cf.
I Cor. 13,1; Heb. 12,19). As early as Ignatius, however, an instance of a
more elaborate use of musical imagery is found. In a famous passage in
Ad Ephes. 4, the Antiochene Bishop admonishes:
Wherefore it is fitting that ye should run together in accordance with
the will of your bishop, which thing also ye do. For your justly
renowned presbytery, worthy of God, is fitted as exactly to the bishop
as the strings are to the harp ( xn?aeaJ. Therefore in your concord
and harmonious love, Jesus Christ is sung. And do ye, man by man,
become a choir, that being harmonious in love, and taking up the

would no longer be found. Musical instruments in the Temple service were not tied
only to the sacrificial system, however. They ( es!>ecially the kin nor and the nebel)
were used for the accompaniment of any song. To conclude that because the Temple
sacrificial system and the priesthood have been fulfilled in their archetype, Christ, is
well and good. It is going further than the facts and logic warrant, however, to say
that with this supercession of the Temple worship, all instrumental music, even in a
merely accompanying role, is superceded. Cf. Girardeau, passim, who believed that
a thorough process of reformation would do away with all instruments in the
worship service.
n3. Quasten, Musik und Gesa11g, l'· 77, writes of the Neo-Piatonists: "Die Lehre
von der i.oytx~ {)vala verwirft nach dem Gesagten also nicht nur den blutigen
O!>ferkult, sondern auch die Musik als Mittel der Gottesverehrung, und zwar
zunachst die instrumentale Musik, wie die obigen Ausfiihrungen beweisen, dann aber
geht sie, wahrend sie anfanglich 'das Opfer im Geiste' als in Hymnen auf Gottes
Gute und Grosse bestehend deutet, in folgerichtiger Weiterentwicklung dazu iiber,
auch den Gesang als zur wahren Gottesverehrung unpassend hinzustellen."
114. Has1>er, I'· 51, n. 1. Cf. p. 7, n. 22, supra, regarding this concept in the
synagogue.

49
 song [ xew,ua = musical key] of God in unison, ye may with one
voice [ev tpwvfi ,uttti] sing to the Faeher through Jesus Christ, so that
He may both hear you, and perceive by your works that you are indeed
the members of His Son. It is profitable, therefore, that you should
live in an unblameable unity, that thus ye may always enjoy communion
with God. 115

Some authorities contend that this passage in Ignatius, conceding it to

be figurative, nevertheless presupposes the use of the kithara in the Christian
service of worship. 116 While this is a very real possibility, it cannot be
denied that the language of Ignatius here is very similar to that in other
instances where reference to instruments is clearly to be understood in a non-
literal sense.tt7
In Odes Sol. 6 (first century? Antioch ?) , the Syrian poet sings:
As (the hand) moves over the harp [ kithara], and the strings spreak;
So speaks in my members the Spirit of the Lord, and I speak by His
love.
Even the mention of the kithara in Ode 7 cannot be said to point
definitely to actual employment of the instrument.
And the most High shall be known in His saints:
To announce to those that have songs of the coming of the Lord
That they may go forth to meet Him and may sing to Him,
With joy and with the harp of many tones.
It was especially Clement of Alexandria who carried forward the
allegorization of musical instruments. Christ Himself is the harp, pipe and
temple - the minstrel of the believer. Though he sees some value in
instrumental music in the training of the young in virtues (Strom. 6,II;
9,2), and though he seems to tolerate the use of the harp and lyre for
accompaniment, 118 stnce they were used by David (Paed. 2,4[PG VIII.

115. Werner, GDMM, II, 286, for some reason seems to think the epistle is
probably spurious. Its genuineness is rather well established, however.
116. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. 104, writes: "Dass lgnatius gerade die Zither
als Symbol verwertet, wird vielleicht seinen Grund haben in der Verwendung der-
selben bei dem Hymn us auf Christus." Cf. Hasper, p. 48, n. 1: "Terloops zij opge-
merkt, dat blijkens deze beeldspraak de citee in den christelijken levenskring volstrekt
geen verdacht instrument was. Hetzelfde leren wij uit de afbeeldingen op sarcophagen
van Christenen. De werkelijke gebruiken waren in normale tijden onder de Christenen
vrijer clan de strenge voorschriften van sommige kerkelijke schrijvers doen vermoeden.
Hierover moeten wij ons niet verwonderen. De rigoreuze verordeningen in tijden
van verval en toenemende demoralisatie waren juist nodig om weer een samenleving
mogelijk te maken, waarin niet bij de wet geregeld wordt wat in geordende om-
standigheden aan de vrijheid der mensen kan worden overgelaten."
117. Cf. p. 4~, n. 9~, supra.
n8. Quasten, Musik rmd Gesang, pp. 104-05, writes: "1st aber in den Zeiten des

so
439-46]), Clement's asceticism manifests itself in his very frequent
spiritualization of the instruments (Paed. 2,4; Strom. 6,II [PG IX.310.
312]), as well as in his more direct attacks on them (Paed. 3,II - where
he opposes the use of the flute, the dance and "amatory quavering"; cf.
Ps.-Clement Recognit. 4,13). The Word alone is the believer's instrument
with which to honor God, or to put it another way, the Spirit-filled believer
himself is the instrument used of God in His praise. 119
Clement's allegorical treatment of instruments in the Psalms was followed
by numerous Fathers. Eusebius of Caesarea, like Clement, seems on the one
hand to tolerate instrumental accompaniment (by the harp or lyre), but
on the other to "spiritualize away" the instruments. The believer's body
is the kithara,o the Holy Spirit is venerated by the ten-stringed psaltery: i. e.,
the five senses of the body and the five virtues of the spirit (cf. In Ps. 91
[PG XXIII.II72ff.)).12o
On one side of this spiritualizing tendency within some of the Fathers is
found an open approval, or at least toleration, of instruments for the
purpose of accompaniment - generally the lyre or harp, but sometimes the
flute. 121 In Syria, the compositions of Bardesanes, Harmonios, and later,
Ephraem were to be accompanied by the kithara. 122 According to Hippolytus
of Rome Phi/os. 5,4, the Naassenes accompanied their praise "not with the
buzzing sounds of trumpets, or of Idaean pipers," but with the harp. (Cf.
In Ps. 1,2.6-7.9, for a spiritual, mystical interpretation of musical terms.)
In Acts Thos. 5-9, a Hebrew girl plays on the flute for Thomas and the
others. Numerous references from the fourth century condone accom-
paniment by harp or lyre. Augustine, while warning against the instruments

Klemens die Lyra oder Zither bei der Agape geduldet worden, so erscheint der
Schluss auf ihre Mitwirkung im Gottesdienst gerechtfertigt, denn zur Zeit des
Klemens von Alexandrien war diese noch mit der Agape unmittelbar verbunden.''
Even in this very passage, however, where Clement seems to be tolerant of the harp
and the lyre, he proceeds to spiritualize them.
II9. Cf. Dohmes, pp. 42ff. On the basis of Clement's testimony, F. E. Warren,
The Liturgy and Ritual of the Ante-Nifene Church (London: SPCK, 1897), p. 75,
goes so far as to contend that instrumental music was never used in primitive
Christian worship.
120. Cf. Ambrose De Helia et ieiunio 15; Exposit. evang. Luc .. 7,237; Cassiodorus
Ex posit. in Ps. 97; Gregory of Nyssa In psalm. inscript. 1,9 (PG XLIV. 484);
Chrysostom Hom. Ps. 41; Hom. Eph. 5,18-19; Quasten, Musik-.,,_und Gesang, pp.
87-88; Leitner, pp. 260-61.
121. On the lyre, cf. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. 105: "Es ist dasjenige Instru-
ment, das durch den Giitzendienst verhaltnismassig am wenigsten belastet war,
sondern mehr zur Hausmusik herangezogen wurde, wahrend Fliite, Tympanon, Zymbel
und alle die andern Instrumente bedeutend enger mit dem heidnischen Kultus ver-
wachsen waren. Doch wird die A:blehnung der lnstrumentalmusik im Christentum
der Urkirche immer scharfer." A. E. Burn, "Praise," DAC, 11, 256, seems to think
the flute was used in Alexandria to accompany hymns until Clement substituted the
harp.
122. Vide p. 35, n. 57, supra.
of the theatre, speaks often and approvingly of the lyre and the harp.1 23
On the other side of the spiritualizing tendency is the outright con-
demnation of instruments - sometimes even the harp and lyre. This note
is seen in a severe form in the Sibylline Oracles. Instruments are to be
rejected because the heathen cults employ them (8,II3ff.). 124 Similarly,
Tertullian Adv. Marc. 5,18; De orat. 28, rejects instruments. Quasten thinks
the musical notation of the hymn fragment of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus
(vide infra, pp. 54-55, 91) points to non-instrumental practice. 125 Condem-
nation of instruments with varying degrees of severity can be found in many
fourth and fifth century passages. Cf. Arnobius Adv. nat. 2,4.23; 6,10; 7,32;
Theodoret Quaes. et resp. ad ortho. II8: "It is not singing in itself which
is childish, but singing accompanied by soulless instruments, by dancing and
stamping .... Therefore, the Church abolished instrumental accompaniment
of the songs and the other childish features, retaining only unaccompanied
singing." 126 Chrysostom is rather severe, opposing instruments because they
are lifeless, demonic, unnecessary, and used in heathen entertainments;
their use by the Old Testament Jews was only tolerated by God because of
their weakness (Hom. Ps.q9,2[PGLV.494); Hom. Ps. 15o[PGLV.
497)). Cf. Gregory of Nazianzus Drat. 5,25(PG XXXV.7o8-o9) - in-
struments used in heathen cults; 5,35(PGXXXV.710)- instruments used
in the theatre; Jerome Epist. 107,4,1; 107,8,3 - women musr not play
instruments; Theodoret Graec. affect. curat. 7,16; In Ps. 150 (PG LXXX.
1996) - God only tolerated instruments among the Jews, who derived
them ,along with their sacrificial system, from the Egyptians; Comm. Isa.
1,11(PGLXXXI.225)- instruments at festivals are imbecilic; Ps.-Cyprian
De spec/. 3 - holy instruments have been profaned through their use in the
theatre. 127

123. Augustine En. in Ps. 6,r (PLXXXVI. 78); 42,5 (PLXXXVI, 479); 56,r6
(PL XXXVI. 671-72). Basil Hom. Ps. r (PG XXIX. 209-13), says that the Psalms
are suited, to the harp, which is played from above and draws us toward things on
high, away from the flesh. Cf. Chrysostom Hom. Acts 40,4 (PG LV. 286-87);
Prooimia 1. Ps. (PG LV. 532ff.); Hom. · Ps. 145 (PG LV. 522); Hesychius of
Jerusalem Eis Ps. 97 (PG XCIII. 1267); Didymus of Alexandria Eis Ps. 4,1 (PG
XXXIX. n66); Hilary of Poitiers Hom .. Ps. 65,1.
124. Cf. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. roi.
125. Ibid.: "Wichtig fiir uns ist die Tatsache, class rein griechische Vokalnotation
vorliegt ohne irgendwelche Mischung mit Instrumentalnoten, da class dieses Musik-
denkmal vollstiindig im Einklang steht mit der Einstellung welche die kirchlichen
Schriftsteller zur Musik einnehmen."
126. From Sendry, p. 53, who assigns the work to Diodore of Tarsus. Cf. how-
ever, B. Altaner, Patrology, trans. H. C. Graef (New York: Herder & Herder, 196o),
pp. 369-70, 397. Cf. Chrysostom Hom. Eph. 5,18-r9 (PGLXII. 129); Hom. I in
Col. (PG LXII. 306-07, 363); Hom. Ps. 41 (PG LV. 158).
127. Other references in Quasten, Mu.rik und Gesang, pp. ros-ro.
 5· Conclusions
Having surveyed the evidence of the New Testament and the Fathers, what
can with certainty be concluded concerning the use of musical instruments in
the early Christian worship service?
I. The New Testament itself indicates nothing definitely one way or the
other in this matter. In all probability, however, instruments in the Apostolic
period were at a minimum, used only for accompanying song when used at
all. Even this was not necessary (cf. Acts 16,25). The harp and lyre were
probably the only instruments used generally in the worship service, when
instruments were employed at all.
2. By the middle of the second century, references to instrumental
accompaniment appear, and continue to do so through the fifth century.
3· The post-Apostolic references to instrumental usage run the gamut
of attitudes: from cordial approval, to mere mention, to a grudging
toleration, to a spiritualization, to the severest condemnation. Sometimes
the same Father manifests more than one attitude - mixed feelings -
toward the practice.

4· Various reasons manifest themselves, or can be conjectured, as the

basis of the critical attitude of the Fathers toward the practice. 128
a. 1-.-fost important of all, at least ostensibly, seems to be the association
of instruments with the worship of heathen cults.1 2D
b. The employment of instruments at secular excesses as the theatre
and the circus.1so
c. The sensuality of instrumental music and its aesthetic effects. The
rigorous asceticism of some of the Fathers was naturally opposed
to instruments.1s1

I 28. In the light of such a variety of practices and attitudes, and reasons given
for them, it is questionable whether Leitner, p. 2 58, is correct in writing regarding
the rejection of instruments: "Da die Kirchen des Morgen- und Abendlandes schon
urspriinglich hierin iibereinstimmten, wahrend z. B. die Praxis im Gesange wenigstens
his gegen Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts eine verschiedene war, miissen prinzipielle
Griinde hierfiir bestimmend gewesen sein." __
I29. Cf. Dickinson, p. ss; Leitner, pp. 258-59; Quasten, Musik 'rmd Gesang, pp. I,
92-93; Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 317-I8, 335: "Up to the third century, the
Christian sources reflect almost the same attitude toward Hellenistic music as
contemporary Judaism. The very same distrust of instrumental accompaniment in
religious ceremonies, the same horror of flute, tympanon, and cymbal, the accessories
of the orgiastic mysteries, are here in evidence."
I30. Cf. Dickinson, p. ss; P. H. Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York:
W. W. Norton, 1941 ), pp. 23-24, 40; Leitner, p. 259; Werner, Sacred Bridge,
p, 3I7•
131. Cf. Dickinson, p. ss; Leitner, pp. 247ff.; Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 3I8.

53
 d. Closely related to this was the concept of the "spirituality" of
worship- the ,loy"e7) Aa-t:qeta. To apply this concept meant for
some of the Fathers that any reference to instruments must be
"spiritualized," and that unaccompanied song - in extreme cases,
silent, inaudible song - is the ideal to be exalted.tB2
e. The concept of una t•oce dicentes.tsa
f. Werner thinks the association of instruments with the Jewish Temple
cult may have caused a reaction on the part of the Fathers. It is true
that some of the Fathers mention this usage and voice the conviction
that it was only tolerated by God on account of the weakness of
the Jews. As Werner himself states, however, these Fathers were
motivated by apologetic reasons, and not the fear of being
Judaized. 134
5· The music of the early church was essentially vocal, instruments, when
used at all, serving only to accompany the voice.tss

C. GREEK INFLUENCES
It is reasonable to assume that in the churches. outside Palestine, differing
musical traditions would have been developed. These developments would
show less dependence upon Oriental and specifically Jewish music. This
assumption is confirmed by the third century13 8 hymn fragment from the

132. Cf. Hasper, p. 54; Leitner, p. 26o; Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 92·93·
133. Vide preceding note.
134. Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 317-rB; Leitner, p. 261; Brodde, col. 764:
"Instrwnente lehnte man ab, wodurch sich die friiheste K. [ -irchenmusik] betont
absetzte von der Kultrnusik der jiid. Tempelgemeinde, die ein reiches Instrumen-
tarium verwandte."
I35· Cf. pp. I7I-72, infra. ;werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 336, writes: "That vocal
music is more pleasing to God and more suitable for Christians was assumed by all the
Church Fathers without exception." Cf. ]. Wolf, "Geschichte der christlichen Kir-
chenmusik," RGG (2d ed.), IV, col. 305: "Zog die religiose M. Uebung der alten
Volker in reichstem Masse Instrumente heran, so entwickelte sich die friihchristliche
M. durchaus auf vokalen Grundlage." The question of the validity of instrwnents in
public worship is one that has aggravated the Western Church down through the
centuries. For a Roman Catholic view of the problem, cf. ]. Otten, "Musical Instru-
ments in Church Services," The Catholic Encyclopedia, X, 657-58: "For almost a
thousand years Gregorian chant, without any instrumental or harmonic addition, was
the only music used in connexion with the liturgy . . . . The Church has never
encouraged, and at mbst only tolerated, the use of instruments. She enjoins in the
'Caeremoniale Episcoporum' that permission for their use should first be obtained
from the ordinary. She holds up as her ideal the unaccompanied chant and polyphonic,
a cape/la style .... From time to time regulations have been issued governing the use
of instruments and condemning existing abuses." For the negative opinions of
Scholastics and Reformers, vide Girardeau, passim.
136. R. Messenger, "Christian Hymns of the First Three Centuries," Papers of
the Hymn Society, IX (1942), p. 24, says the fragment may be from the first half
of the third century. Quasten, Patrology, I, r6o, thinks the Hymn is probably from
the end of the century.
Oxyrhynchus Papyri (XV.q86), a distinctly Greek product with purely
quantitative rhythm. Metzger describes it thus:

... the most ancient piece of church music extant. Written on the
reverse side of a papyrus strip which had previously been used for
an account of corn, the musical notation includes at least eight notes,
all of which occur in the diatonic Hypolydian key of Alypius .... The
mode appears to the Hypophrygian or Iastian. In addition to the notes,
various signs are used also; two of these denote long and short syllables,
another denotes the rest; the function of the other two is not clear.137

Of the Greek character of t'he fragment Quasten writes:

Die Melodie wie auch die Art der Notenschrift tragen den Chara:kter
altgriechischen Kunst, so class die Frage, ob wir nicht eine heidnische
Melodie mit spater untergelegtem christlichem Text vor uns haben,
offen gelassen werden muss.tas

Similarly, Lang writes:

(The fragment] testifies to the fact that the educated Christian Greeks
accepted and transplanted the musical system of their ancestors.1 39
A probably even earlier witness than the Oxyrhynchus fragment to the
Greek influence upon early Christian music is the "Hymn to Christ" which
concludes Clement of Alexandria Paedagogos (before 215 A.D.). 140 No
musical notation has survived with the hymn, but it is constructed after the
strict quantitative metre of the Greeks, and therefore was presumably sung
to a Greek lyric. Its structure is anapestic, as is apparently that of the
Oxyl'hynch11s Hymn, 14 1 which, combined with the employment of short
lines, "heightens the effect of ecstatic devotion." 142

137. B. Metzger, "Hymns in the Early (Greek) Church," Twentieth Century

Etzcyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, ed. L. A. Loetscher (Grand Rapids: Baker,
1955), I, 544. Cf. ibid.: "The earliest Christian hymns employing the ancient poetic
meters appear to have been composed by Gnostics." Metzger cites Hippolytus Phi/os.
5,1o, who quotes from a hymn of the Naassenes (cf. Quasten, Patrology, I, 158),
and ibid., 6,37, where a psalm of Valentius is mentioned.
138. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. 101; cf. idem, Patrology, I, ·1§o, for literature.
Werner, HUCA, XXV, 333, derives the parallelism of the hymn from Jewish
influence, considering it to be a paraphrase of Ps. 93· Cf. idem, Sacred Bridge,
p. 210.
139. Lang, p. 23. Lang, p. 42, says that the earliest Christian music derives from
the same territory which produced the earliest Christian theology - the Syrian-
Egyptian circle. Cf. Hasper, pp. 77-78; Leipoldt, p. 36, who contends for a very
early Greek influence upon the music of the chuch; Dickinson, pp. 52·53·
140. Altaner, p. 215.
141. Messenger, p. 23; Metzger, p. 544·
142. Messenger, p. 23.

55
 While the Greek influence upon the music of the church in the third
(and possibly in the second) century is thus an established fact, no earl~er
evidence of this influence is extant. "Such hymns [as that of Clement and
the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus] may have existed eV'en in earlier days, but in
the New Testament no trace of them exists and in general the development
of Christian hymnody and liturgy follows other lines than those of
specifically Greek music." 148 The probability of continuity between Jewish
musical practice and that of the earliest Christian communities was noted in
chapter one. 144 The structure of such passages as Jn. 1,1-18; Phil. 2,6-11;
I Tim. 3,16; Ignatius Ad Ephes. 7,2, is Oriental, and these poetic fragments
must have been sung to Oriental rather than specifically Greek music. 145
It has been suggested that the major contribution of the earliest Christian
worshipers to their Jewish and generally Oriental musical heritage may
have been the added emphasis given to the melismatic flourish, as their
early enthusiasm would likely have encouraged. 146 To the extent that unison
congregational participation in the music developed - presumably increasing

143. Kraeling & Mowry, p. 308.

144. On the Christian "cantillation" of the Scriptures, cf. Athanasius Epist. ad
Marcellum 12 (cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 345). Cf. Basil Hom. Ps. I (PG
XXXI. 1724): "Therefore, the melodies of the Psalms were adapted for us
Christians by the use of modes, so that young boys as well as mature men may enjoy
them, so to say, as if they were singing the Psalms to their familiar tunes" (from
Sendry, p. 52). Cf. Clement of Alexandria Protrept. I (PG VIII. 55).
I45· Kraeliiig & Mowry, pp. 308-09. On the contrast between traditional Jewish
psalmodic rendition and the syllabic rendition of the Greeks, cf. Werner, HUCA,
XXV, 334-35; GDMM, II, 285.
146. Kraeling & Mowry, p. 308. Cf. Leitner, p. 70: "Waren die Gesange der
ersten Christen formell auch nur modulierte Rezitationen mit gewissen melodischen
Verzierungen wie die Psalmen in der Synagoge, so stand doch der Gesang unter dem
Einflusse des Vollseins vom Heiligen Geiste, worin das Kennzeichen der urchrist-
lichen Zeit als der Erfiillung der Weissagung Joels ... zu suchen ist. Der deutlichtste
Beweis hierfiir liegt in dem charismatischen Psalmensingen (I Kor 14,26), welches
in Eph 5,19 als Kundgebung des Erfiilltseins mit dem Heiligen Geiste vom Apostel
empfohlen wird." On the proximity of the earliest Christian hymns to folk-music,
cf. Hasper, p. 72, n.: "Het vrije Christelijke lied ging ook terug tot den volkszang,
niet alleen tot den volkszang in de Joods-Helleense wereld, maar ook tot den volkszang
in de Grieks-Romeinse wereld. Het geestelijke en het wereldlijke lied heeft altijd in
de ziel van het volk een gemeenschappelijke basis. In de eerste eeuwen der Christe-
lijke Kerk verschilden Kerk en ketters dan ook niet allereerst in de manier van
zingen, maar ten aanzien van den inhoud der liederen." Hasper, pp. 114-15, argues
that the earliest Christian music must have been more like the folk-song than the
synagogal music. On p. II5, n., he writes: "Wij kunnen ons a! moeilijk voorstellen,
dat een opwekkingslied als 'Ontwaak, gij die slaapt !' oorspronkelijk psalmodierend
gezongen is als een regel uit de Pentateuch of den Prediker. Het was een vrije ont-
boezeming van iemand, die de macht van Christus tot redding en behoud in zijn
persoonlijk !even ondervonden had." As was stated in chap. i, however, the music
of the synagogue itself tended to be folk-song in character, rather than an art-form.
As Werner, GDMM, II, 283, writes: "The small local synagogues with their
unceremonious, almost intimate atmosphere were the birthplace of Christian liturgy.
Probably folkish songs of these rural synagogues were chanted by. the early Christians,
in and even outside the Holy Land, where possibly songs of the surrounding nation5
were also heard."

s6
with the waning of enthusiasm - there was probably an increasing demand
for rhythmical forms.t47

D. PATRISTIC AESTHETICS
Some reference has already been made to some of the basic attitudes of
the Fathers toward musical performance in general and especially within
the worship service. A few summary statements in this regard are in order
here before ending this chapter. The Fathers refer occasionally to the
"beauty" or "sweetness" of music, and recognized the power of music for
good. 148 A certain asceticism with regard to musical performance is evident
among them, however, beginning with Clement of Alexandria. 149 The
possibilities for evil inherent in art and the relation of music to sensual
pleasure are pointed out, often as a reaction to pagan excesses or the
practices of heretics. Idelsohn writes: "[By the time of Athanasius J all
traces of heathen and Greek art ha:d perished from the church." 150
Augustine Conf. 10,33.49-50, points up the dilemma of his day - being
torn betweeen true piety and mere sensual gratification when listening to
psalms "sung with a sweet and trained voice." These were problems of a
later age, however, and not of pressing concern to the earliest Christian
worshipers.

147. Cf. Wohlberg, p. 50: "Idelsohn is of the opmwn that rhythmical song
hampers the spontaneity of improvisation of the modal forms. 'Therefore the recitative
is the oeginning and the end of all genuine song, from the Psalmody of the Hebrew
to the Gregorian chant, and from the Greeks to Richard Wagner.' !While this may
be true in song reserved to the specialist or virtuoso, the popular tune designed for
group rendition calls for rhythmic forms."
148. Cf., e.g., Eusebius Comm. Ps. (PG XXIII. II74); Augustine Conf. 9,6,14:
"How greatly did I weep in Thy hymns and canticles, deeply moved by the voices
of Thy sweetspeaking church ! The voices flowed into mine ears, and the truth was
poured forth into my heart, whence the agitation of my piety overflowed, and my
tears ran over, and blessed was I therein." On the ethical and aesthetic aspects of
music as seen by the Fathers, cf. Leitner, pp. 23rff. Cf. Jerome Epist. ad Rust. 15 -
emotion is more important in singing than a well modulated voice.
149. Cf. Clement of Alexandria Paed. 2,4. Clement inveighs against various
practices, as hand-clapping and dancing. It is not certain, however, that Clement's
words indicate the incidence of these practices in any Christian worship services.
Cf. the account of Jesus and the disciples dancing in the Acts, of John. Jerome
Cam m. Eph. 3,5,19 (PL XXVI. 439ff.), "admonishes those in charge of psalmody
in the church not to treat their throats and vocal cords with soothing medicines as
actors do, and not to sing theatrical tunes and melodies in church, but to serve God
with a song in their hearts" (from. Sendry, p. 54). Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 315,
writes: "A purely aesthetical evaluation was unheard of in primitive Christianity,
before Hellenistic ideas infiltrated it. Even then, the authorities watched the merely
beautiful in the Church with an ever wary eye.'' The asceticism of the Fathers was
very clearly shown in connection with the question of musical instruments in the
worship service. Cf. pp. 50-54, supra.
150. Idelsohn, Jewish Music, p. 96.

57
 .. * * * * * *
In concluding this chapter on the manner of musical performance in the
early church, it is well to point out one obvious and certain lesson to be
learned from the extant data - the fact of variety. Certain generalizations
can be safely made, and certain probabilities set forth. Certain tendencies
and developments in the early history can be traced. But the fact of variety
remains - a fact which must be given its due in the course of consideration.t 51

151. Cf. Bartlet, pp. 84ff.; Cullmann, p. 27.

 CHAPTER Ill

THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP

WHAT TEXTS WERE RENDERED MUSICALLY?

A. THE TERMINOLOGY FOR MUSICAL RENDITION

In seeking to ascertain what texts were rendered musically by the earliest
church, a logical place to begin is with an investigation of the expressly
musical terms which the New Testament uses to refer to what was sung or
to the act of singing} Eph. 5,19 (Col. 3,16) 2 contains the three substantives
and two of the verbal forms used in the New Testament for this purpose.
In addition to the Ephesians-Colossians passages, the noun tpaAft6r; occurs
in the New Testament in Lk. 20,42 - a quotation from {Jt{3).cp 'ljJaAftWV ;
Lk. 24,44 -- one of the classes of the Old Testament writings; Acts 1,20 -
another quotation from {Jt{3).cp 'ljJaAftWV; Acts 13,33 - a quotation from
'ljJaAftcp -rip ~evdecp ; and I Cor. 14,26 - where the connotation of the

1. Reference was made on pp. 10, 22-24, supra, to the difficulty of demarcation
between the "musical'' and the "non-musical" performance in the synagogue and
church, and to the convertibility of terms associated with both.
2. On the relation of Ephesians and Colossians to one another, cf. S. Greijdanus,
Bizondere Canoniek van de Boeken van het Nieuwe Testament, I (Kampen: Kok,
1949), 147-50. The question arises: do Eph. 5,19 and Col. 3,16 have in view a
specific assembly for worship, or Christian intercourse in general? Opinion is about
evenly divided. Some commentators (e.g. Jenny, pp. 98-100) think that the reference
to wine in Eph. 5,18 relates the context to the Eucharist or Agape assembly (cf. I
Cor. II,21-22.27-34). But the mention of wine may have been occasioned simply by
the reference to the Spirit, the two forming a natural contrast (vide p. 78, infra).
And if the mention of wine be suggested by non-Christian employments over against
which the Christian practices are viewed (cf. Leipoldt, p. 33, quoted infra, p. 78,
n. 84), any area of social intercourse (thus not merely the respective worship
assemblies) would serve for the contrast. The references in Ephesians and Colossians
to immorality are to immoral practices in general, moreover, and not those specifically
associated with pagan rites. Some allusions to baptism have been seen in the
contexts of both epistles, and these might seem to associate the passages with the
public service of worship. These references, however, could refer as well to the life
of one who has been baptized - the "consequences," as it were, of baptism - as to
the sacrament itself. E. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe an die Philipper, .111 die Kolosser und
a11 Philemon (9th ed., "KKNT"; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1953),
p. 151, n. 2, comments: "Vielleicht spiegelt sich in der Folge der Satze 3,16 die
Ordnung eines synagogalen oder urchristlichen Gottesdienstes: ~uerst das Wort
heiliger Schrift bzw. des Gesetzes, hier J.6yor; X(!UYTOV, dann prophetisch-pneuma-
hsche Lehre (in der Synagoge die Hapthare), endlich das von den Gemeindeliedern
gesungene Halleluja ( (/.~ovur; -rip Dei[>)." W. Bousset, Kyrios Christos, Ge-
n·hi<hte des Christenglauben.r von den Anfangen des Christenttlms bi.r Irenaeus (3d
ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1926), pp. 86-87, 108-11, understands
Col. 3,5ff. to pertain to the congregation assembled for worship, considering, among
other things, that the J.6yor; .,;ov Xeunov of 3,16 points in this direction. It is
probably best to take the two passages in a broad sense, referring to Christian inter-
course in general (cf. Tertullian Ad uxor. 2,9; Clement of Alexandria Paed. 2,4;

59
term is not specified. In the four instances in which tpa').p.or; definitely
refers to the Old Testament Psalms, the reference is to the Psalms as
authoritative Scripture, and not to them considered as a collection of poems
which were to be sung. This means that the usage of the term in these
four passages is in a rather different category from its explicitly musical
connotation in I Cor. 14,26 and the Ephesians-Colossians passages, and
can hardly serve to determine the connotation of the three latter occurrences.s
The verb tpaAAW is used five times in the New Testament - Rom. 15,9
(Ps. 18,50); I Cor. 14,15 (twice); Eph. 5,19 (in conjunction with ~(Jw);
and Jas. 5,13. In none of these cases is the reference to content made
explicit. 4
The noun iJp:vor; occurs in the New Testament only in the Ephesians-
Colossians passages as the second member of the triplet figure - tpaAp.oir;
xal fJftVOtr; xal q>(Jair; nvwftaTtXair; occurs. The verb VftVBW occurs
four times in the New Testament. In Mt. 26,30 (Mk. 14,26), it connotates
the Hallel Psalms. 5 In Acts 16,25 the connotation is unspecified, as in

Chrysostom Hom. Ps. 41 [PG LV. 157]), including the assembly for worship.
Cf. Candlish, p. rro; Eadie, p, 399; J. Murray & W. Young, "Minority Report,"
Minutes of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church (14th General Assembly, 1947),
pp. 6o-6r. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. r58, writes: "Die enge Verkniipfung
zwischen hiiuslichem und offentlichem Kult im Heidentum wurde bereits dagetan.
Damit stand auch die Hausmusik fiir die Christen im Zeichen des Gotzendienstes." Cf.
Delling, p. 87.
3· Contra Jenny, p. ror: "Unter Psalmen versteht das Neue Testament fast durch-
wegs das Buch der I so Psalmen (so :zitiert Lukas sie dreimal wortlich: Luk. 20,42.
Apg. r,20.13,33)"; Murray & Young, p. 6r; R. C. Trench, Synonyms of the New
Testament (London: K. Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1901), pp. 278ff. A remark
of Hasper, p. 30, concerning the Book of Psalms is appropriate in this connection:
"Als onderdeel der Heilige Schrift (niet als een 'kerkboekje' !) is zij in de Christelijke
Gemeente aanvaard. Dat wil zeggen: om te lezen."
4· In four of the five cases the verb may be translated simply "sing," "sing
praise." Cf. RSV. It is the presence of /f.CJw in Eph. 5,19 that favors another
translation for tpaAAW there, merely to avoid redundancy, contra Eadie, p. 402,
who allows that 1pUAAOVTet; may denote an additional exercise of some kind,
accompanying the singing. Eadie cites a number of older German commentators who
conceive of the 1pUA).ov-rer; as a "silent warbling distinct from audible song."
Cf. Dohmes, p. 51, n. 3. E. Stauffer, N9W Testament Theology, trans. J. Marsh
(London: SCM, 1955 ), p. 310, n. 656, is mistaken in finding an allusion to the use
of O.T. Psalms in Jas. 5,13. Cf. Hasper, p. 29, n. r: "Ook in de Statenvertaling van
het Nieuwe Testament betekent 'psalmzingen' (Jak. 5: 13) niet: het zingen-van-de
Psalmen, maar eenvoudig: zingen; doch dan weer in de praegnante betekenis van
zingen tot /of t•an God." Cf. R. V. G. Tasker, The General Epistle of James
("TNTC"; London: Tyndale, 1956), p. 128; pp. 46-47, supra, on psa/mos-psa//ein.
5· According to Str.-8., IV, Pt. I, 76, Pss. rrs,r-118,29 (the second part of the
Hallel) are in view here. They remark: "Beachtenswert ist, class, wie Mt 26,30 u.
Mk 14,26 fiir das Vortragen des Hallel das Verbum VftVeiv verwandt wird, ebenso
aui:h das Hallel selbst in der rabbinischen Literatur gelengtlich als j1,j?~i1 =
fJp.vor; bezeichnet worden ist." Similarly, D. Daube, The New Testament and

6o
Heb. 2,12 (Ps. 22,23; Heb. ~~n ). 6
The noun t[>~~ occurs seven times in the New Testament, in every case
being qualified: in the Ephesians-Colossians passages by n'llevp,a-rtx~ ;7
in Rev. 5,9; 14,3 (twice) by xaw~ ;8 and in Rev. 15,3 (twice) by
MwvGew<; TOV 15ov,lov TOV f}eoii and TOV ae'lllov. The five instances
of the verb ~15ro coincide with the occurrences of the noun, and as already
noted, in conjunction with tp&A.A.w in Eph. 5,19. In Col. 3,16, the one verb
(/.15w does service for the two verbs, lj.~ro and tp(tAAW, of Eph. 5,19.
From this survey of the usage of the three nouns and their corresponding
verbs in the New Testament, it seems to be indicated that the given verb in
each case was employed without any particular intent of indicating what
was sung, but only to indicate that a m11sical rendition was intended. The
three verbs seem to be used more or less convertibly in the New Testament,
and none can be pressed with regard to a distinction from the other two in
the matter of the words rendered. 9
An attempt to differentiate among the nouns tpaA.p,6c;, 1Jp,11o<; and tP&i
(n11evp,anx~) has often been made. 10 While in the course of time the

Rabbinic fudai!m (London: Athlone Press, 1956), p. 280. For another possibility,
cf. Grosheide, MatJheus, p. 396.
6. Cf. Rom. 15,9. It would seem from these two verses that tp(UAro and vp,'IIE(J)
may be used interchangeably.
7· It is grammatically possible to take 17:'1/evp,anxaic; with all three substantives.
Cf. T. K. A:bbott, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the
Ephesians and to the Colossian.r ("ICC"; New York: Scribner's, 1916), p. 163,
following Hofmann and Soden; Delling, p. Ss. It seems more natural, however, to
tP
connect it only to the nearest substantive, <5aic;. The words tpaA.p,6<; and 1JfWO<;
have in themselves a specifically religious import, whereas the more general t[>t5~
could more readily be understood as either a religious or a profane song. Thus
the latter would need the modification. As noted elsewhere, moreover, in other
places in the N.T. <P<5~ occurs with a modifier. Cf. Hasper, p. 40; C. Hodge,
A Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1950),
p. 304; Jenny, p. 101, n. 1; Kroll, p. s. n. 2; Macdonald, p. n4.
8. Clement of Alexandria Paed. 2,4 (PG VIII. 443) qualifies the Christian q.Gp,a
with Xat'll6c;.
9· Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, pp. 18-19, 844, 899; Schlier, p. 163/36-37.
10. Various post-Apostolic Fathers set forth the view that hymns were superior to
psalms; that whereas ordinary men could only sing psalms, angels and perhaps those
men living angelic lives could sing hymns. Cf. Origen Comm. Ps. n8 (PG XII.
1628B); Augustine En. in Ps. 4,1 (PL XXXVI. 78), who sayll that psalms are
songs sung to the accompaniment of the psaltery; Chqsostom from. IX in Col.
(PG LXII. 363). Athanasius (PG XXVII. 40) distinguishes between psalms and
hymns as to their manner of execution. Jerome Comm. Eph. 3,5,19 (PL XXVII.
528), says that the distinctions between psalmus, hymnus and cantimm are explained
in the Book of Psalms. Didymus of Alexandria Eis Ps. 4,1, says that the practical
man prefers psalms while the theoretical man prefers hymns. More recently, cf.
Leitner, pp. 77-So, who equates tpaA.p,oi with the O.T. Psalms and Psalm-like
compositions, 1Jp,rot with the Biblical canticles, and 4J <5ai n11evp,anxai with
charismatic productions. Leitner cites several other views of the matter. Cf. E. F.
Scott, Colossums, Philemon, Ephesians, p. 75. Jenny, pp. 101-02, following W.
terms have tended to take on somewhat distinct meanings, 11 there is ample
evidence to show that the New Testament writers had sufficient precedence
for using the three words without any intended distinction. "Y,t.wo~, qid~
and tpaApo~ (especially the latter two) all occur frequently in the LXX.
Most of the occurrences of tpaApo~ are in the Psalms, generally being
found in the superscriptions. Less than half of the occurrences of fJpvo~
are in the Psalms, about half of which are in the superscriptions. A little
over half of the LXX occurrences of 4><5~ are in the Psalms, four-fifths
of which are in the superscriptions. In Pss. 66 and 75 all three terms
appear in the superscriptions. As in the case of the several Hebrew words
which they translate, the Greek terms are used more or less indiscriminately
and interchangeably in the LXX.t2
Philo In Flacctlm 121-22, uses iJpvo~, natiiv and 4J<5~ more or less
synonymously, and Josephus often mixes the terms. 13 In several of the
Fathers a similar usage obtains. Clement of Alexandria Paed. 2,4(PG VIII.
Bieder, distinguishes the q><5~ on the one hand from tpaApo~ and fJpvo~ on the
other. 'Whereas the latter are more or less fixed compositions (Bible or Biblical)
which all can join in singing together, the former is a charismatic solo song. Of
course, in time, the q> <5~ might pass over into the category of fixed compositions.
"Wenn also auch die Grenzen fliessend sind, so wird Paulus, wenn er die Ausdriicke
nebeneinander stellt, damit doch mindestens gemeint haben, dass es in der christlichen
Kirche verschiedene Arten von Liedern gibt." Trench, p. 281, gives other literature
regarding the attempt to distinguish the terms. Werner, RR, VII, 340-41, states that
in N .T. times, there were three types of sacred song: r) psalmod-ic ( 0. T. Psalms),
2) melismatic (wordless, ecstatic), 3) hymnic (the thirteen cantica of Cod. A/ex.).
Werner, however, does not give any evidence to substantiate this statement.
II. Thus "psalm'' has become· a t. t. foe the O.T. Psalms, "hymn" is applied to
any extra-Biblical song of praise to a divinity, and "ode" (canticle) is used to indi-
cate the lyrical pieces of the Bible (apart from the Psalms) which have been used
in the liturgy over a long period of time. Cf. Schlier, p. I64/5-8; Schneider, pp.
26-65.
12. Cf. Hasper, p. 36, n. 1; p. 45; Murray & Young, pp. 61ff.; Schlier, p. 164/1-3.
E. Hatch & H. A. Redpath, A Conwrdanre to the Sept11agint and the other Greek
Versions of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1897-1906), list the following
number of occurrences of the terms in the LXX: tpa).po~ 91 times, including
llo times in the Psalms, 75 of which are in the superscriptions: q:,<5~ 86 times,
including 45 times in the Psalms, of which 36 are in the superscriptions: vpvo~
30 times, of which I 3 are in the Psalms, including 6 times in the superscriptions.
The LXX also uses the word ?j.apa for song. It occurs I 3 times, only three of
which are in the Psalms. It is sometimes used in connection with a song to God,
!:>ut in at least 8 instances its connotation is secular or evil. The word 4J<5~ occurs
several times with reference to the O.T. "canticles" (Ex. 15,1; Deut. 31,19.21.22.30;
32-44; Hab. 3,1.19; Isa. 5,1; 11 Mace. 7,6; IV Mace. 18,18. Cf. Judg. 5,1.12; Ill Ki.
4,32; 8,53a). The word tpaApo~ does not necessarily refer to one of the 150
Psalms (cf. Jdth. 16,I), and may even connotate the songs of the wicked (Job 2I,I2;
Lam. 3,I4). In the Psalm superscriptions it occurs sometimes with flpvo~, often
with <o<5~, and as noted, twice with both of them. All three words translate
pj and ,~~ or their derivates.
I3. Josephus Ant. !11d. 3,3; 7,4,2 and I2,3; I2,7,7 (citations of Josephus are from
the text and translation of H. St. }. Thackeray, in "LCL").
62
443), defines a 'ljlaAflOt; as an q>ch} 1t'IIBflanH:IJ. Hippolytus Phi/os. 5,5 (PG
XVI. 3 I 6o), uses 'ljlaAflOt; in connection with flfl'llcp~eiv in referring to
a Gnostic hymn, and in 6,32 calls a hymn of Valentius a 'ljlaAflllt;· In 268
A.D., the Synod of Antioch condemned Paul of Samosata for his allegation
that 'ljlaAflOt to the Lord Jesus Christ were a modern device. Eusebius
Hist. E. 5,28,5, cites a treatise against Paul: "And all the Psalms [ 'ljlaAflol)
and hymns [ q> ~al)which were written by faithful Christians from the
beginning sing [ flflVOiJaw] of the Christ as the Logos of God and treat
him as God." 14 Eusebius Hist. E. 2,17,13 (PG XX.179), quoting Philo
concerning the Therapeutae, subsumes both fl.alla and iJflVOt; under 'ljlaAflOt;.
In Ps.-Justin Epist. ad Zenam et Serenum 9, all three terms appear undif-
ferentiated: iJflVOVt; TB xal tpaAflOVt; xal 4Jdat; xal al'llov en-rlov.
The evidence exists then, in both Jewish and Patristic writers, to show
that the New Testament writers could well have used the terms 'ljlai..flot;,
fJ ll '/10 t; and 4J ~1] without thought of any particular distinctions among
the three. In the Ephesians-Colossians passages, moreover, this seems to
have been the case. 15 Such an accumulation of terms without thought of
distinctions among them is not only grammatically possible, 18 but a fullness
of expression seems to be indicated by the context in both passagesP Both
stand at the end of their respective pericopes, in which there is a transition
from the merely horta~ory to an overflowing of the devotional spirit that
manifests itself in a certain fullness of language. In Eph. 5,19 the readers
are admonished 1tA'Yjf!OV(]#e e'/1 1tV8VflaTt. In Col. 3,16 they are to let
the word of Christ dwell in them 1tAovalwt;, ev 1taan aorpla X.T.A. In
Eph. 5,19, lf.~ov-ret; is augmented by the synonymous tpaAAOVTet;, and in
Col. 3,16, ~t~&.axov-ret; is coordinate with the similar vovOe-rovVl'Bt;. In
Ephesians, thanks is to be given 1taVTOT8 V1tBf! 1taVTWV ev OVOflUTt l'OV
xvelov fJw»v 'lnaov Xeta-rov -rep -Deep xal na-ret. Cf. Col. 3,17.

14. Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History, trans. K. Lake ("LCL"; London: Heine-
mann, 1953), I, 519. Cf. Eusebius, Hist. E. 7,24,1 and 30,10.
15. Hasper, p. 35, writes: "In zulk een volledigheid moest de Christenen nu ook
volgens Paulus hun dankbaarheid jegens God uitzingen. Of dit gebeurde in 'psalmen,'
'hymnen' of 'geestelijke liederen,' deed er niet toe .... Bij Paulus ging het niet om
een wetenschappelijke onderscheiding van kenmerken, dienend tot vaststelling van een
'soort.' Het enige belang voor de gemeente was hierin gelegen, da,t de ChristeneD
in hun samenkomsten 'in alle wijsheid,' dus met intelligentie en verstaanbaar, elkander
zouden leren en terechtwijzen en met een veelheid van liederen hun dankbaarheid
aan God zouden bekend maken (Kol. 3 : 16). Het zingen moest een jubel zijn, zo
rijk mogelij'k gevarieerd." And on p. 40, n. 1: "Het gaat om het ene begrip: zingen."
Cf. ibid., p. II5, n.
16. Cf. F. Blass & A. Debrunner, Grammatik des neutestamentliche11 Griechisch
(1oth ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959), § 135,3.
17. Cmltl'a Trench, p. 278, who argues that there are no demands of rhetoric here
which might account for the three terms, and that Paul would not have used thre~
if one would have expressed his meaning.
Moreover,' the frequency of occurrence of the three terms in the LXX shows
that they were ready at hand to the thought of the apostle. It is even possible
that it was his desire to achieve fullness, perhaps his specific preference
for the triplet figure, that led Paul to include the word iJ1woc; in the list,
a term which occurs in the LXX far less than VJaAt-t6c; and q,CJ~, in the
New Testament only in these two parallel passages, and very rarely in the
earliest Fathers.ts
The practice of "piling up" terms having to do with praise which are
synonymous or similar is common enough in both Jewish and Christian
writers. 19 While the trait is not particularly characteristic of Paul, 20 a
triplet figure occurs often enough in his or in "Pauline" writings. Vide
I Cor. 13,13; Eph. 5,9; I Tim. 1,2. In I Cor. 2>9 and 14,3, the members of
the triplets are similar to one another, as in Eph. 5>9· In I Tim. 2,1, the
four members are very difficult to distinguish clearly from one another. 21
The evidence surveyed thus far makes it more than likely then, that
whatever may have been the connotation of the terms VJaAt-t6c;, VftVO
and q,CJ~ in the New Testament, the three words were not used to
distinguish three different categories of song. 22 Moreover, evidence has

18. Trench, p. 279, writes: "Notwithstanding the authority which St. Paul's
employment of it might seem to have lent it, VftVOc; nowhere occurs in the writings
of the Apostolic Fathers, nor in those of Justin Martyr, nor in the Apostolic Con-
stitutions; and only once in TertuJlian (ad Uxor. II. 8). It is at least a plausible
explanation of this that VftVOc; was for the early Christians so steeped in
heathenism, so linked with profane associations, and desecrated by them, there were
so many hymns to Zeus, to Hermes, to Aphrodite, and to the other deities of the
heathen pantheon, that the early Christians shrunk instinctively from the word." This
same reason for the eacly Christian avoidance of the term is asserted by KroJI, p. 7,
espec. n. 2, and other writers. Interestingly enough, the writer of the Apocalypse
(5,9; 14,3) uses cpCJ~ xaw~ (cf. LXX Ps. 143,9) rather than i5t-tvoc; xaw6c;
(LXX Isa. 42,1o; Jdth. x6,13) or ~at-ta xaw6c; (LXX Ps. 32,3; 39,4; 95,1; 97,1;
149,1).
19. Cf., e.g., Ps. 66,1-2; Rom. 15,9-II; Rev. 5,12; Origen Comm. Ps. (PG XII.
1069A); Ps.-Justin Epist. ad Zenas et Sirenum 9, quoted supra, p. 63; L. Ginzberg
(ed.), The Legends of the Jews (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of
America, 1925-1938), I, 17, 334.
20. Cf. KroJI, p. 5, n. 2.
2 r. On the triplet figure in the Bible, cf. E. von Dobschti.tz, "Zwei- und Drei·
gliedrige Formeln," JBL, L (1931), 117-47; N. W. Lund, "Presence of Chiasmus in
the New Testament,'" JR, X (1930), 74-93. Lund finds a symmetrical structure in
Col. 3,16, thus:
Let the word of Christ dwell
in you richly,
in all wisdom { psalms,
teaching and admonishing one another with hymns,
in grace singing spiritual songs,
in your hearts
unto God.
22. This is a very generally held opinion. Cf., e.g., F. Cabrol, "Cantiques," Dir:t.
d' Arch., II, Pt. II, col. 1976; Delling, p. 84; Macdonald, pp. II3-14, n.; Messenger,
already been noted of the use of the three terms to designate compositions
other than the Old Testament Psalms. This free application of the terms
will be further demonstrated in the course of this chapter. It is sufficient
here to state by way of summary that the three terms in themselves do not
decide the question one way or the other as to what the New Testament
church sang. 23

B. THE JEWISH HERITAGE

In chapter one attention was called to the Jewish (Temple-synagogue)

background of the earliest Christian worship service. What evidence is there
that the earliest Christians derived from this background the compositions
(at least in part) which they rendered musically in their services of
worship ?24

1. The Old Testament Psalms

Apart from Mt. 26,30 (Mk. 14,26), 2 5 there is no direct mention within

p. 4; Schlier, p. 164/5-6; Stanley, p. 174; co11tra Werner, Sac-red Bridge, p. 208, who
holds that Paul distinguishes between canonical poems and free hymns in Col. 3,16.
Kroll, pp. sff., believes that the question cannot be decided with certainty.
23. After surveying the occurrence of the three terms in the LXX, Murray and
Young, p. 63, write: "The conclusion to which we are driven then is that the
frequency with which these words occur in that book of the Old Testament that is
unique in this respect that it is a collection of songs composed at various times and
by various inspired writers, the book that stands out distinctively and uniquely as
composed of psalms, hymns and songs, would tend most definitely to fix the meaning
of these words in the usage of the inspired writers. The case is simply this that
beyond all dispute there is no other datum that compares with the significance of
the language of the Septuagint in the resolution of this question. When taken in
conjunction with the only positive evidence we have in the New Testament the
evidence leads preponderantly to the conclusion that when Paul wrote 'psalms, hymns
and Spiritual songs' he would expect the mind of his readers to think of what were,
in the terms of Scripture itself, 'psalms, hymns and Spiritual songs,' namely, the
Book of Psalms." (One wonders, of course, whether the Gentile Christians at Colosse
could have so deduced that Paul must be referring to the O.T. Psalms. Cf. Delling,
p. ss.) Granted, however, that their frequent occurrence in the LXX ( espec. in the
Psalms) may have suggested their usage to the Apostle, this in itself does not mean
he intended their reference to be restricted to the 0. T. Psalms. The fact that
4>CJai~ is modified by nvevp.a-r: tU o~ does further damage to thiS· theory, since
nvevp.1 anuo~ does not occur at all in the LXX. The difficulty of restricting to
the O.T. Psalms the reference of any of the three terms occurring in one of the
"musical" references of the New Testament will become more apparent below.
24. It should be borne in mind (cf. pp. 18-20, supra) that not even the pre-Christian
Temple and synagogue services can ·be ascertained accurately as to the limits of their
repertoire.
25. Selwyn, p. 275, writes: "The singing of the Hallel by our Lord and the Twelve
at the Last Supper made the O.T. Psalter a Christian hymnbook from the beginning."
Shepherd, p, 96, in considering the citation of Pss. 113,1 and II5,13 in Rev. 19,5,

6s
the New Testament of the singing of the Old Testament Psalms. 2 & Explicit
reference to their musical rendition in the Christian worship service does
not occur until well into the second century in Justin Martyr Dial. 63(PG
VI.621), where Pss. 45 and 110 are applied to Christ, and Tertullian De
ieiunio 13(PL ll.ro24), who refers to Ps. 133 being sung at the Agape
feast. It is possible that the reference to the singing of Ps. 34 (in the Liturgy
of St. James) at the Eucharist service is also a witness to the singing of the
Old Testament Psalms in the second century. 27 Mention of the custom
occurs often enough in the later Fathers. 28
But though the New Testament does not explicitly mention the singing
of the Old Testament Psalms in the Christian worship service, the prob-
ability that they were so employed can hardly be doubted. 29 The Jewish
Christians would naturally continue to sing them in the church. They not
only constituted a large part of the Old Testament Scriptures (which would
lend them authority as well as familiarity), but were quoted or alluded to
more often than any other part of the Old Testament by the New Testament
writers, 30 who interpreted them Christologically (cf., e. g., Acts 2,25ff.;
4,25-26; 13,35). 91 The phraseology of the Old Testament Psalms was
borrowed freely by the authors of certain doxological passages in the New
Testament, as the Magnificat, the Benedictus, and some passages in the
Apocalypse. The well attested universal employment of the Psalms at a
later date also argues for a continuity between the practices of the Jews and
those of the earliest church in this regard.32

writes: "Indeed, if there is one certain link between the liturgy of Judaism and the
liturgy of the Church, it is the use of the Hallel psalms at the Paschal celebration."
It is reasonable to assume that this particular usage did lend momentum to the use
of the Jewish musical heritage within the church. Interesting in this connection is
the "Hymn of Jesus" in .Acts Jn. 94-95, which indicates that at least among certain
of the less orthodox the VftV~amrr:er; after the Last Supper did not refer to the
singing of the O.T. Psalms.
26. Contra Oester!ey, Jewish Background, p. 14S; Dugmore, p. So.
27. Cf. Apost. Const. 7,13; Chrysostom Ham. Eph. 5,14.
2S. Cf., e.g., Apost. Const. 2,57.59; S,I3; Didache 10; Augustine Retract. 2,II
(PL XXXII. 634); Theodoret Hist. E. 2,19.
29. Cf. Dohmes, p. 40: ".Als einziges .Ausdrucksmittel ihrer religii:isen Begeisterung
stand den Christen zunachst nur die Psalmendichtung der Juden zu Gebote. Die
Psalmen haben von vornherein einen festen Platz in der Kirche gehabt und behalten."
Cf. also, Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 14S; Macdonald, p. II3; Hasper, pp. 30,32.
30. Cf. H. B. Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge:
University Press, 1914), pp. 3S3-S4 . .Approximately five-sixths of the quotations or
allusions are in the Gospels, .Acts, Romans, Hebrews and Revelation.
31. For Christological interpretations of the Psalms by the Fathers, cf. Justin
Martyr Dial. 63 (re Pss. 45; uo,3.4); 74 (rePs. 95, 1off.);TertullianAdv.Prax.u.
32. Cf. Dugmore, p. So: ".And although there are no explicit references to the
subject in the literature of the sub-Apostolic age [ ?}, the frequent quotations from
the psalms in the writings of the period show great familiarity with them, which
was doubtless due, in part, to the recitation and singing of them in public worship."
.And, "from what is said on the subject in slightly later sources it is evident that
~'t.l''
66
 2. Other Old Testament Songs

Alongside the Psalms, certain of the Old Testament "Odes" were also
incorporated into some of the lyrical passages of the New Testament.
Thus, the Songs of Moses (Ex. 15 and Deut. 32) are taken up in the
Martyr's Hymn of Rev. 15,2-3 ;33 the Song of Hannah (I Sam. 2,1-10) and
that of Hab. 3 show through the fabric of the Magnificat, the former also
in the Benedictus; the words of the song of Isa. 26 (v. 19) may well
underlie the song of Eph. 5, I4 (vide p. 8 3, infra). 34 As in the case of
the Psalms, these phrases from the Old Testament Odes are also applied
Christologically in the New Testament. Their occurrence in the New
Testament points to the likelihood that they were sung by the earliest
Chrlstians. 35 Eight of them are contained, along with selections from or
based upon the Apocrypha and the New Testament, in the fourteen odes
following the Psalms in the fifth century Codex Alexandrit1us. 36 The
influence of Old Testament or synagogue phraseology can also be traced in
such passages as I Tim. 1,17; 6,15-16; Rev. 1,5-6; 4,8-9.n, and outside
the New Testament in the Psalms of Solomon. 37

3· Liturgical Words and Phrases

One other specific area of Jewish influence upon the early Christian worship
service remains to be considered - the liturgical use of words or brief
phrases which were uttered in concert by the congregation in response to
the -words of an individual. That the congregation of the synagogue
participated actively in this manner was noted in chapter one. The New
Testament indicates that several such formulae were taken over by the early
Christians and used untranslated as acclamation or response formulae in
their services of worship. Apparently foremost among these was the word
Uf-t~V, "the typical response of the Synagogue." 38 The use of Uf-t~V

psalms had aways been used in Christian worship, and that, therefore, the Jewish
liturgical use of them had been continued uninterruptedly by the Christian Church."
33· C. H. Toy, Quotations in the New Testament (New York: Scril>ner's, 1884),
pp. 268-69.
34· Cf. Schneider, pp. 34ff.; Dohmes, p. 40. The popularity of certain of the
O.T. "canticles" in the young church may be indicated by the frequency with which
Deut. 32; Isa. 5,1-9; 26,9-20 are quoted from in the N.T. Cf. S. KiStemaker, The
Psalm Citations in the Epistle to the Hebrews (Amsterdam: Wed. G. van Soest,
1961), pp. 20-23, concerning Deut. 32,43.
35· Schneider, pp. 34ff.
36. A. Rahlfs (ed.), Septuaginta (5th ed.; Stuttgart: Wiirttemsbergische Bibel-
anstalt, 1952), 11, 151-83.
37· Kraeling ~ Mowry, p. 312; Schneider, pp. 36-37. •Werner, HUCA, XXV,
333, also considers the "Oxyrhynchus Hymn" to reflect the parallelism of Hebrew
poetry and even to be (n. 22) a paraphrase of Ps. 93.
38. Werner, Sa<red Bridge, p. 24. Cf. ibid., pp. 265ff. Leipoldt, p. 31, mentions
as a response to a prayer or doxology is explicit in I Cor. q,x6; Rev. 5,14,
and perhaps II Cor. 1,20. It is possible that its frequent occurrence at the
end of a doxology in the New Testament epistles was influenced by the
typical congregational response. 89 Similar usage is indicated in the New
Testament Apocrypha and the Fathers. 40 The one word is expanded to
ap~v a.U17.ilovi:a in Rev. 19,4; Mart. Mt. 26 ;41 and to aJl//jv, eezov
XV(!tB '117UOV in Rev. 22,20 (cf. paeav a-Dii ap~v in Didache Io,6).
A second Jewish liturgical acclamation is the word d.U17.ilovi:a, 42 found
in the New Testament only in Rev. 19,1-6. The word occurs four times in
the song celebrating the judgment of Babylon, the eschatological triumph
of the Kingdom of God. 43 The occurrence of the word in the Apocalypse
does not in itself prove its adoption among the early Christians in their
worship service, since it could readily have been derived directly from the
Old Testament or the Jewish liturgy." That the term was well enough
known among the Jewish Christians is, of course, an obvious fact. The term
is scarce among the early Fathers, but does occur in Tertullian De orat.
27(PL I.1301) :45

"Amen,'' "Abba Father," and "Maran atha," as acclamations used in the early
church. On acclamations in Jewish Christianity, cf. ibid., pp. 24-26. Cf. Leitner,
p. 202. Str.-B., Ill, 456, give references. On the usage and significance of the word
in the O.T., Judaism and Christianity, cf. H. Schlier, pp. 339-42. For the usage of
dp~'ll in coordination with its translation vat , cf. II Cor. 1,2o; Rev. 1,7; 22,20.
39· Delling, p. 75·
40. Justin Martyr I Apol. 65; Irenaeus Adv. haer. 1,14,1; Tertullian De spectac.
25. In the "Hymn of Jesus" of Acts of John, the disciples respond with ap~v
to each line uttered by Jesus. Cf. also the Liturgy of St. James.
41. Schlier, p. 341/8-10, writes: "Die Zusammenstellung mit a.il.il?}.ilovi:a (Apk
19,4; Mart Mt 26) erklart sich aus dem akklarnatorischen Charakter beider Begriffe
und aus der Neigung der Akklamationen, sich zu erweitern." This is true, but it
should be noted that there was an O.T. precedent for this particular combination in
Ps. 106,48.
42. Heb. ;,,-,~~i1, often in the Psalms, e.g., 104,35; 105,45; xo6,1.48; 1II,I.
T -: -

Also Tob. x8,3; III Mace. 7,13. Cf. Leitner, pp. 2o3ff.; H. Schlier, a.ilii?J.ilovi'a,
TWNT, I, 264.
43· Str.-B., Ill, 497, cite in this connection an interesting Rabbinic comment upon
the occurrence of the term in Ps. 104,35, where the thrust of the context is basically
the same as that in Rev. 19,Iff. - the absolute destruction of the wicked. Vide
p. I 63, infra.
H· E. Lohmeyer, Die Offenbarung des ]oha1znes ("HNT"; Tiibingen: J. C. B.
Mohr, 1953), p. 153, comments: "Dass es [Hallelouia] nur in diesem Kapitel im
N.T. sich findet, beweist nichts fiir den Grad seiner liturgischen Verbreitung. Der
Hymnus ist in Wart und Gedanke Wiederaufnahme friiherer Hymnenteile." As noted,
however, the occurrence of the term in this passage does not necessarily indicate that
the first Christians employed the term at all in their worship service, contra J. L.
Koole, Liturgie en Ambt (Kampen: Kok, 1949), p. 56. Cf. Delling, p. 54·
45· Dugmore, p. 109, writes: ''The custom of singing Hal/el .. . does not seem to
have been well known in the Church before the fourth century." Contra Leitner,
p. 266.

68
 The more diligent in prayer are wont to subjoin in their prayers the
'Hallelujah,' and such kind of psalms, in the closes of which the
company respond. And, of course, every institution is excellent which,
for the extolling and honoring of God, aims unitedly to bring Him
enriched prayer as a choice victim.
The word also occurs in the Odes of Solomon, closing the individual
Odes; Mart. Mt. 25; and in the Liturgy of St. James.
A third Hebrew word which at least later came to be used in the church as
a liturgical acclamation is waa'J111a, 46 found in the New Testament only in
connection with the Palm Sunday entry of Jesus into Jerusalem. 47 The word
occurs in Didache ro,6 ( -rq) {}eq) Llav{t)) and in the Liturgy of St.
James: "Hosanna in the highest; blessed is He that cometh in the name of
the Lord: Hosanna in the highest."
A fourth possibility of a transliterated acclamation formula in the New
Testament arises in connection with the p,ae&va {}fi ("Lord, come !") 48
of I Cor. r6,22 (cf. the lexov 1tV(!tB 'l'Y}aov of Rev. 22,20). The word
occurs again in connection with the Eucharist in Didache ro,6:
May grace come and the world pass away !
Hosanna to the God of David !
If anyone is holy, let him come near;
If not, let him repent. Amen ! Maranatha !
Moffatt, though not inclined to think so, puts forward the suggestion
that these phrases may be the "headings of hymns to be sung at the
service (and conceivably Maranatha might be 'Lord, come! grant us thy
presence at our sacrament') ."49

46. Cf. Ps. n8,2.5: N~ i1.l''i71i1- "Save us."'

T T .

47· Mt. 21,9·1.5; Mk. II,9·Io; Jn. 12,13. Out of the considerable body of literature
on the usage of the word in these controversial passages, cf. Daube, pp. 20ff.;
E. Werner, "'Hosanna' in the Gospels," JBL, LXV (1946), 97-122. Both Daube and
Werner understand the application in the gospels to have been Messianic. Werner,
p. r 12, argues: "This tradition [which understands the Hosanna as a Messianir
mpplication], however, while perfectly familiar to the Evangelists, was later sup-
pressed, both by Jews and Christians, and soon became unintelligible. It will be
shown that both religions beclouded the significance of the Hosanna, so that it lost
its Messianic implication in Judaism, retaining only its supplicatory character, while
at the same time this supplicant connotation was dropped in Christilulty where it
became equivalent to Halleluiah." This explanation is, at least, very plausible. On the
association of the Hallel Psalms with Messianic themes in Jewish thought, cf. Str.-B.,
I, 849-.50.
48. Aramaic NM N.l'1~. Arndt & Gingrkh, p. 492, separate the words thus.
T T-T

49· Moffatt, p. 284. Moffatt sketches the various interpretations of the words,
pp. 282-86. Robertson & Plummer, p. 401, comment on the word in I Cor. 16,22:
"The most probable conjecture is that in this language it had become a sort of motto
or password among Christians, and familiar in that shape, like 'Alleluia' with our-
selves." Cullmann, pp. I3·I4, r6, understands the words to be a "eucharistic prayer."
 In a somewhat different category from the foregoing words are those
liturgical formulae which the early Christian worshipers derived from the
Jewish background, but which had long since been translated into Greek,
rather than passing over as mere transliterations. Among those deserving
special mention is &:va:Oep,a, "accursed." Its occurrence in I Cor. 12,3;
16,22 may well point to the employment of the word in liturgical
acclamation. The title "V(!to~ may have been similarly employed. 60
The Trisagion of Isa. 6,3 (cf. I Enoch 39,12) is echoed in Rev. 4,8, and
according to Tertullian De orat. 3(PL 1.1259), it is sung by saints and
angels. It appears again in Apost. Const. 8, and in the Liturgy of St.
James. 61 The Gloria of Lk. 2,1462 (cf. Ps. 29,9) is preserved in Apost.
Const. 7,47 and in Codex Alexandrinus Ode 14·
Having surveyed these several words and formulae which were borrowed
from Jewish sources and given currency in the Christian service of worship,
it must be admitted that little or nothing is known about most of them as
concerns their actual manner of rendition. That it was often at least semi-
musical, however, is more than likely. 53 This would be especially true
when the formulae were themselves incorporated in a song or when they
were uttered by the congregation in response to a solo musical rendition

K. G. Kuhn, !'aeava{J&. , TWNT, IV, 470-75, thinks that the context of I Cor.
16,22 and Didache 10,6 favor the translation, "Der Herr ist da," while Rev. 22,20
indicates "Herr, komm," as the translation. In either case, the phrase would have
special significance in connection with the Eucharistic celebration.
so. Peterson, p. 147, n. 1, writes: "In I. Kor. 12,3 stellt Paulus den Ruf 'AvO:{}ep,a
'l1JGOV\: dem andern Ruf "V(!to~ 'l1JGOV\: gegeniiber. Das wird, wie mir
scheint, nur dann begreiflich, wenn av&:Oep,a und "V(!Wf: Worte sind, die in der
Sprache der Akklamationen vorkommen. Dieser Nachweis lasst sich aber fiihren.
Jedoch noch aus einem andern Grunde ist I. Kor. 12,3 bedeutungsvoll, denn diese
Stelle bringt die beiden akklamatorischen Rufe mit dem Enthusiasmus in Verbindung.
Das ist verstandlich, wenn man an den Zusammenhang denkt, der zwischen Enthus-
iasmus und Akklamation vorhanden ist." Cf. ibid., p_ 145. On "V(!to~ as an
acclamation formula, cf. Leitner, pp. r8off.; 'W. Foerster, s.v., TlfVNT, Ill,
I094/12-16. That "V(!Wf:, against the LXX background, was applied to Jesus by
the earliest Palestinian Christians, on the basis of His own claims, cf. ibid., pp.
1093/30·I094/23; Kuhn, p. 474/I-19, contra Kraeling & Mowry, p. 310. The latter,
following Bousset, associate the title in the N. T. with the Hellenized ruler cults of
the East.
51. Cf. Leitner, p. 83. Oesterley, Jewish Background, p. 145, considers it "reason-
able to think" that the singing of the Trisagion may have been in view in Pliny
Epist. 10, 96ff. Duchesne, p. 83, for some reason raises a question as to whether the
Trisagion was in use before Chalcedon.
52. Cf. Leipoldt, p. 25.
53· Cf. Leitner, pp. 201-02, 266. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 138, writes: "Jewish
tradition as well as Christian exegesis invariably have understood the Hallelujah as
a song performed by men and angels. It is from this aspect that the Hallelujah,
enhanced by its ecstatic musical rendering, assumed a distinctly mystical character in
Judaism and in Christianity. As long as it remained within its original context (in the
Psalter) it took no dominant part in the liturgy. But in Synagogue and Church it
was separated from its original text and added to almost any other kind of poetry,
(cf. I Cor. J4,15-16). 64 They stood ready at hand for the use of the
enthusiastic, who would give vent to their enthusiasm in lyrical outbursts.ss
These brief formulae, then, together with other liturgical phraseologyso
and more particularly the Old Testament Psalms and Odes, must have
constituted the bulk of the Jewish legacy that was rendered musically in
the early Christian service of worship.

C. NEW COMPOSITIONS
Having acknowledged the indebtedness of the church to the synagogue for
much of the literature that she rendered musically, what evidence is there
that the church augmented this musical heritage by her own, fresh literary
compositions? First of all, are there any considerations which a priori might
lead one to expect that the church would create new material for her
musical service?

I. A Priori Considerations
The Centrality of Jems Christ
As even a cursory review of the Acts and the epistles reveals, Jesus of
Nazareth, who had been crucified by Israel, raised up and exalted by God,
and made to be Lord and Christ, was at the very center of the life of the
young church. The Lord Jesus Christ was preached (Acts II,2o; I9,10;
23,I I; 28,3 I; I Cor. I,23; II Cor. 2,I2; 4,5), taught (I Tim. 6,3), con-
fessed (Acts 2,2I; I6,3I; Rom. 10,9ff.; I Cor. I,2; I2,3; I6,22; Eph.
2,I9.22), worshiped (Actq,59-6o; I9,17; Eph. 5,I9; ITim. 6,I3-I6),
and served as Lord (Rom. I6, I8; I Cor. I 5,58). His name was given to
His disciples (Acts u,26; 26,28; I Pet. 4,I6), and was invoked by them
at baptism (Acts 8,I6; I9,5) and exorcism (Acts I6,I8; cf. I9,I3)· He was
present at the Supper (I Cor. Io,I6ff.; 11,23-24). 57 For their testimony to

as acclamation or 'pneumatic' (abstract spiritual) utterance." And on p. 302: "Gunkel's

theory that the congregational Hallelujah was the germinal cell of all hymn-singing
i;; not so bold as he imagines." Koehler & Baumgartner, p. 235, give "sing wflh
trills" .as the original meaning of the verb ~~il
-T
. Dohmes, p. 36, writes: "Das
A.aileiv 'im Pneuma Gottes' oder 'im Heiligen Pneuma' (I Kor 12,3) gehiirt zu den
Charismen der Urkirche. Dieses A.ailet'V ist nicht auf blosses 'Reden' beschriinkt,
es wird auch ein 1paililet'V ."
54· Peterson, p. 226, n. 2; p. 313, n. 3, relates the acclamation and the hymn
form very closely, and classifies Lk. 2,14 and the hymnic passages of the Apocalypse
as acclamations rather than hymns. On p, 264, he writes: "Ein Hymnus kann mit
einer Akklamation beginnen oder in ihr kulminieren."
55· Cf. supra, pp. 10-u.
56. This phraseology is discernible in the more lyric passages in the N.T.
57· Cf. Schlatter, The Church, p. 72: "The immediate result of the introduction of
the Eucharist as a form of worship in the Church was that the remembrance of the
Him, believers suffered persecution (Acts 7,54ff.; 15,26; 21,13). As
Stauffer writes :
The worship of the primitive Church at every point took it back to
the coming of Christ, the Christ-event. So it is the good news of the
gospel that constitutes the real centre of her services of worship. The
Word of Jesus Christ must have its course, said Luther, in the German
Mass (WA. 19.80). It must dwell amongst us richly, declared Paul
(Col. 3.16; cf. 1.2 7).58

It is very difficult to conceive of the life and worship of the early church
in which the Lord Jesus Christ occupied such a central place and suppose
that the first Christians did not sing about His person and His work using
words which they had composed just for that purpose. The incongruity of
such a supposition is made especially clear in a passage as Col. 3,16, where
the Christian service of song is directly related to the indwelling of
o A.&yo~ ToV Xeu1-rov. 69 In Christ the ttvan]ewv -ro
d:n.oueuevttttivov
a:n:o -rwv alrovwv ual a:n:o -rwv yevewv (Col. 1,26) was in the :n:A~­
f!Wfla -rov Xf!O'JIOV (Gal. 4,4) made known. The dispensation which
preceded Him had contained only a "shadow of the good things to
come" (Heb. 10,1; cf. 11 Cor. 3,6ff.). In Him "all the promises of God
find their yes" (11 Cor. 1,20; cf. Rev. 3,14). He had gained the victory over
the aexwv ·r:ov UO(JflOV TOVl'OV (Jn. 12,31; 16,n), and had fully
accomplished the work of redemption (Jn. 4,34; 5,36; 17,4; 19,30).
United to Him by faith, His disciples are even now introduced to the
heavenly realities (Eph. 2,6; Phil. 3,20; Col. p). Standing as they did,
at this radically decisive juncture - the central pivot - in the history of
revelation and redemption, it would have been indeed strange, had the
early disciples continued to use only the songs of the old dispensation in

crucifixion became the central act of devotion. In its worship the Church steadfastly
contemplated the crucified Saviour." Cf. ibid., pp. 71-73; Gal. 3,r.
ss. Stauffer, p. 201.
59· Cf. Macdonald, p. rr6; Marsden, pp. 54-55. Hasper, p. 32, points out this
incongruity in connection with Acts 16,25: "Het is niet wel aan te nemen, dat
mensen, die hun !even hadden veil gehad 'voor de naam van onzen Heer Jezus
Christus' (Hand. 15: 26), en die gearresteerd waren, omdat zij 'in de naam van
Jezus Ghristus' een boze geest hadden uitgeworpen (Hand. 16: 18), in hun lofzang
Jezus zullen hebben vergeten .... psyrhologisc-h beschouwd, ligt het ... wel zeer voor
de hand bij Paulus en Silas mede te denken aan liederen juist en met name tot eer
van Christus." With Acts 16,25, cf. 23,II. Stanley, p. 175, makes a valid point when
he writes: "In point of fact, there is no real difference between the hymns sung to
God and those addressed to Christ. This is not only because he, like the Father, is a
divine person. Since the whole movement of the redemption accomplished by Christ
originates with the Father, a song to Christ as redeemer is a hymn in praise of the
Father." And ibid., n. 6: "There is something of a parallel with the psalms: those in
praise of God's salvific activity commemorating the mirabilia Dei are psalms to God,
no less than those in which he is directly addressed. Cf. Schlier, p. 164/31-34·
their worship. Hasper aptly remarks: "Het is een vreemde veronderstelling,
dat de eerste Christenen alleen de Psalmen uit het Oude Testament zouden
hebben gezongen en na de grote daad van God in ChriJtus niet boven den
zang der Synagoge zouden zijn uitgegaan !" 80 In the first two chapters of
his gospel Luke has recorded three lyric utterances that were inspired by
the proclamation of the Messianic advent.et

The Concept of "Newness"

One of the most characteristic qualities which the New Testament
associates with the revelation and redemption in Christ is that of
"newness." 82 The mediator of the lJtafuJ"fJ ~awt} (Heb. 9,15) makes "all
things new" (Rev. 2 I, 5). Though the quality appears in association
with the cosmic palingenesis and the eternal state (Mt. 26,29; 11 Pet. 3,13;
Rev. 3,12; 21,1.2), it is also linked wil'h this present age, both on an
individual basis (Rom. 12,2; IICor. 5,17; Gal. 6,15; Eph. 2,r5; 4,24; Col.
3,1o; Tit. 3,5), and in terms of the dispensation as an entirety (Lk. 22,20;
ICor.II,25; IICor.3,6; Heb. 8,8.13; 9,15; 12,24). In every case the
"newness" is grounded in the redemptive activity of Christ, this connection
being most significantly commemorated in the Supper.
In the Old Testament and in Judaism this same quality of "newness" is
associated specifically with song. Six times in the LXX Psalter (32,3;
39,4; 95,1; 97,1; 143,9; 149,1) reference is made to an q.up.a (q>lJ?})
"aw6,(1]), generally in connection with the accomplishment of divtne
deliverance and judgment (cf. Jd.th. 16,13; IV Ezra 11,42. Ps. Sol. 15,3 has
tpal.p.o' "aw6,). Particularly in lsa. 42,10 is the "new song" associated
with the passing away of the old and the coming to pass of the "new
things." 63 In "The War between the Sons of Light and the Sons of

6o. Hasper, p. 29. Cf. ibid., pp. 17, n. r; 19, 21, n. 2; roo; Kroll, p. 13; R. B. Y.
Scott, pp. 64-65; Trench, p. 280. Cf. Acts 4,20.
6r. The Magnificat (r,46-55), the Benedictus (1,68-79) and the Nunc Dimittis
(2,29-32).
62. R. A. Harrisville, The Concept of Newness in the New Testament (Minnea-
polis: Augsburg, 1960 ), pp. 109-u, surveys the various words for "new" in the
N.T., together with the substantives modified by them. Both Charles, Revelation, I,
146, and Lohmeyer, Offenbal'tmg, p. 56, in commenting upon Rev. 5,9, give "aw6,
more of a qualitative and '1/eo' more of a temporal significance. Harrisville, p. 106,
does not recognize a distinction between them, assigning a qualit"-tive and a tem-
poral connotation to both of the words. ·
63. Charles, Revelation, I, 146, on Rev. 5,9, writes: "Originally a song of praise
inspired by gratitude for new mercies [as used rn the Psalter] . . . . But in Isa.
XLII. 10 the phrase has a fuller content, corresponding to the deeper sense of 'new
things' in LXII. 9. The one cycle of events is fulfilled, the other is about to begin.
However great the glories of things of old time, they shall be dimmed by the
splendour of things to come." Cf. Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 56: "[The 'new -song'
is] atlich kaum anderes als einen Gesang zu besonders festlichen Gelegenheiten (so
heisst auch Jud r6,13 das Siegeslied Judiths iiber den Tod des Holofernes ein
fJp.vo' Xatl'€5, )." Cf. Philo De vita Moysis 1,255: q.ap.a "atv6v.
73
Darkness" of Qumran, the Sons of Light celebrate their victory over the
Sons of Darkness in song, singing in part :
[ ] thou hast dealt with us in a marvellous manner
and from the beginning there has been nothing like this. 64
In Midr. Ex. 23,5, the "new song" is related to the Messianic age: "In
the Messianic age, Israel will utter Song, for it says, 0 sing unto the Lord
a new song,' for He hath done marvellous things (Ps. XCVIII,I)." 65
Against this particular background and in keeping with its own emphasis
upon the "newness" resulting from the work of God in Christ, it is not
surprising that the New Testament specifically refers to the q>t5~ "awt]
(Rev. 5,9-10; cf. 14,3):

And they sang a new song, saying,

Worthy art thou to take the scroll and to open its seals,
For thou wast slain and by thy blood didst ransom men for God
From every tribe and tongue and people and nation,
And hast made them a kingdom and priests to our God,
And they shall reign on earth.

In Rev. 5,9-10; 14.3, the q>t5~ "atv't] is seen to be rooted in the person
and work of Christ. "In both passages, the word 'new' is contrasted
with everything prior to the redemption (e. g., prior to the redemption
it was not possible to learn that song) and indicates the intimate connection
between the redemptive activity of Christ and the newness of which that
activity furnishes the dynamic." 66 The song of Rev. 5,9-10 may have been
borrowed by the Apocalyptist from the contemporary Christian service of
worship, or it may have been composed specifically for its use here. The
point is, that the two passages indicate that there was a definite connection
in early Christian thought between the redemptive work of Christ and the
need for a "new song" commemorating just that work. Hasper significantly
points out that when the LXX was read in the primitive Christian assembly,

64. Trans. from the French of J. v. d. Ploeg, Le Roleau de la Guerre ("SIDJ,"

Vol. II; Leiden: E. }. Brill, 1959), p. 53. The "War" is hereafter abbreviated rQM.
65. Cf. Str.-B., Ill, 8o1-o2; supra, p. 31, n. 38.
66. Harrisville, p. 99. Cf. ibid., p. 98, quoted p. 131, n. 52, infra. Charles,
Revelation, I, 146, comments on Rev. 5,9-10: "Suddenly in our text the old God-
appointed Jewish dispensation, with its animal sacrifices and racial exclusiveness, is
brought to a close, and the new Christian dispensation is initiated, as the 'new song'
declares, by the self-sacrifice made once and for all ( larpay'Tj~ ) by the Lamb, and
the universal Church thereby established and drawn from every people and nation
and language." Cf. Delling, p, 85: "Vollends deutlich wird das Bewusstsein einer
neuen Gottesverehrung in der Bezeichnung 'neues Lied,' die die Ape. iifter gebraucht.
Sie ist mit den Christustatsachen gegeben, den Ereignissen der Heilsgeschichte. 'Neu'
ist das Lied der christlichen Gemeinde in einem absoluten Sinn: man weiss sich
mitten inne stehen in dem Geschehen der Erfiillung." Cf. Schlier, p. 165/3-8.

74
the admonition, "Sing unto the Lord a new song" (Ps. 96,1; 98,1; 149,1;
Isa. 42,10), would for the simple believer have had reference to Christ. 87
Clement of Alexandria Protrept. r, refers to Christ and His appearance
as the q.apa ~atvoc;. Victorinus of Pettau Comm. Rev. 5,8-9, relates
the "new song" sung by the church to the "newness" involved in and
effected by the work of Christ. Augustine Sermo 33, connects the singing
of the "new song" to the new dispensation.

The Holy Spirit and the Charisma/a

Another factor conducive to the production of new lyrical composttlons
by the early Christians was what may be called the "pneumatic climate"
of their assemblies. The presence of eye-witnesses to the mighty acts of
God (Acts 4,20 ), and the relevance of apocalyptic hope (I Cor. 16,22;
Rev. 22,20) 68 generated an enthusiasm, which, coupled with the outpouring
and presence of the Holy Spirit, resulted in a high ·degree of ecstasy. The
Spirit contributed a variety of charisma/a to the young church's witness and
worship, including the abilities to produce differing kinds of utterances
(Acts 2,4; 10,45-46; 19,6; I Cor. 12-14; cf. Rom. 8,26-27). These were
distributed variously among the individual believers, and, at least in
Corinth, quite freely. 89 The difficulty of distinguishing between the
"musical" and the "non-musical" renderings in synagogue and church has
been noted,' 0 as has the difficulty of making formal distinctions between
the various parts of the service __:_ as prayer, praise and confession. 71 It is
likewise difficult, if not impossible, both to distinguish sharply among the
several categories of charismatic utterances, and to determine which were
rendered more or less musically. It cannot be doubted, however, that the
enthusiastic utterances of the Spirit-filled believers were often of a musical
nature. 72 Certainly the spiritual gifts which Paul denominates neoq;rrr:ela

67. Hasper, p. 67, n, Cf. ibid.., pp. 56, II5, n., concerning the "new song" as
a product of the "new llljln" in Christ.
68. Macdonald, p. 45·
69. Cf. Bartlet, pp. 84ff.; Delling, p. 84.
70. Vide p. 10, supra.
71. Vide pp. 22-24, supra. Prayer and song are very closely related, if not identified,
e.g., in Pss. 42,8; 72,20; Acts 4,24ff.; 16,25, contra Murray & Young, p. 59·
Cf. Leitner, p. 232; Macdonald, pp. 117-18; C. von Weiszacker,<fhe Apostolic Age
of the Christian Church, trans. ]. Millar (2d ed.; London: 1Wi!liams & Norgate,
1897-1899), 11, 259. Bartlet, p. 84, writes: " ... praise, prayer, testimony, or preaching.
These were all modes of the fundamental ministry of 'the Word' or revelation in
the Gospel, and were all essentially 'prophetic,' in the sense of being prompted by
fresh, God-given insight into things Divine."
72. Heiler, Worship, p. 39, writes: "This overmastering joy and enthusiasm
poured itself out in unbridled strength in free ejaculations of praise and in incom-
prehensible speaking-with-tongues, it created for itself fixed and yet flexible forms
in its poetic hymns, of whose rich treasures only a few scanty fragments have been
preserved in the liturgy." Cf. ibid., p. 21; Kroll, pp. 35, 43, and on pp. 47-48:
"Der Hyrnnus als Ausdruck gehobener religii.iser Stimmung musste bei den Christen

75
and yllwaawv (I Cor. r2,10) belonged in this category. The hymns of
Lk. 1-2 and the doxologica.l passages of the Apocalypse are specimens of
the poetic improvisation that resulted from the "prophet" being "filled
with the Holy Spirit." 73 The natural inference from I Cor. J4,14-15 is that
just as men sometimes prayed in "tongues," so they sometimes sang in
"tongues."74 In .this case the musical utterance would be unintelligible to
the hearers unless an interpretation were given. The freedom that apparently
prevailed in the early worship service75 would allow full-play to this
spontaneity of lyrical outburst.
In several New Testament passages, the public uttering, if not the
original production, of a song in the worship service is directly related to
the indwelling and acthni<ty of the Holy Spirit. It is difficult to be certain
whether a given reference indicates a song that was improvised in the
service of worship - the words, at least, being completely extempore78 -
or merely a song that had been composed beforehand - by the individual

der Urzeit, die von so starken enthusiasti'schen Schwunge getragen waren, selbst-
verstiindlich heimisch sein." Also, Macdonald, p. II2; Nielen, pp. 283-87; Selwyn,
p. 275, referring to Driver, p. 280.
73. For improvised songs in the O.T., cf. Ex. 15,1-22; Num. 23,19-24; 24,5-9;
Judg. 5· Cf. Kroll, p. 37; E. F. Scott, The Spirit rn the New Testament (New York:
Doran, 1923), p. u6. On the connection between ecstasy and rhythmic utterance,
cf. B. H. Streeter, "Poems of Jesus," Hibbert Journal, XXXII (1933), 14.
74· Cf. Leipoldt, p. 36. Str.-B., Ill, 465, cite a Jewish parallel to this Christian
singing in tongues: "Ueber die als ~~~rt'O bezeichneten Psalmen geht die Meinung
dahin, class sie unter Einwirkung des prophetischen Geistes in einer gottesdienst-
lichen Versammlung enstanden u. durch den Dolmetsch der Gemeinde alsbald kund-
gemacht seien. Raschi zu Ps 88,r gibt <lie Tradition so wieder: 'Ueberall, wo es
~~~rt'O heisst, ist (der betreffende Psalm) durch den Dolmetsch gesagt worden;
denn der Prophet hatte einen Dolmetsch vor sich hingestellt, u. wenn der Geist der
Prophetie zu ihm kam, sagte er die Prophetie dem Dolmetsch, u. dieser gab sie
bekannt.' Diese Annahme griindete sich auf die spatere gottesdienstliche Sitte, nach
der ein Dolmetsch das !aut und iiffentlich vortrug, was ihm der vortragende Gelehrte
im Fliisterton vorsprach.'' In describing the nocturnal festivals of the Therapeutae,
Philo De vita ront. II, writes in part: "Then they sing hyms which have been com-
posed in honour of God in many metres and tunes, at one time all singing together,
and at another moving their hands and dancing in corresponding ·harmony, and
uttering in an inspired manner songs of thanksgiving, and at another time regular
odes" (italics mine). Cf. H. B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the New Testament
(London: Macmillan, 1921), p. 382; Messenger, pp. 8-9, who would associate the gift
of "tongues" with the practice of "poetic improvisation" of antiquity. Nielen, p. 285,
writes: "'Praying and singing with the spirit' signifies charismatic song; 'praying and
singing with the understanding' signifies non-charismatic song.'' Aside from the
questionable subsuming of "prayer" under "song," it seems likely that Paul is not
referring in r Cor. 14,15 to two categories of song- the "charismatic" and the "non-
charismatic'' - but to the use of "spirit" and "mind" together in the one act of
singing.
75. Cf. Cullmann, p. 27; Schlatter, The Churrh, p. 68; E. Schweizer, "Service of
Worship; an Exposition of I Corinthians 14," Interpretation, XIII (1959), 400-408;
B. H. Streeter, The Primitive Church (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p. 52.
76. The extemporaneousness of the composition would not, of course, preclude the
usage of words and phrases made familiar by sacred literature and liturgy. A glance
or drawn from a common repertoire. 77 The finished product in the one
case would probably not differ greatly in essentials from that in the other,
however. I Cor. q,r5, just mentioned in connection with "tongues,'"
clearly indicates the inspiration of the Spi·rit as the source of a musical
utterance in the worship service. 78 Mentioned in the same context of the
profu9ion of spiritual gifts in the worship service is the gif•t of having a
tpaAiu)~ (v. 26). IJia).ll6~ here more than probably indicates an inspired
Christian song rather than a merely "inspired" utterance of an Old
Testament Psalm. 79 The former interpretation is certainly more in
keeping with the scope of the Spirit's work in connection with the other
gifts. The llfaa·ro~ should not be pressed to mean "every one," but only
those having the particular gift in each case. 80 As Grosheide points out,
such a faculty would be a much needed asset in the Gentile church at
Corinth. 81
at the hymns of Lk. 1·2 and the doxologies of the Apocalyps!!, for instance, reveals
their reliance upon language familiar to their composers. On the possibilities con-
cerning the origin of the melodies used, cf. Dohmes, p, 36: "Damit ist nicht gesagt,
jeder neue Text sei mit einer vollig neuen melodischen Weise verbunden warden.
Die melodische Weise kann aus dem alttestamentlichen Kulte oder aus profanen
Brauche iibernommen sein."
77· Cf. Weizsacker, 11, 259. Philo De vita com, 10, mentions the soloist in the
feast of the Therapeutae, who "rising up sings a hymn which has been made in
honour of God, either such as he has composed himself, or some ancient one of some
old poet." Delling, p. 85, points out the parallel between the xaTa Ta~w of
I Cor. 14,40 and the xaTa Ta~et~ of De vita wnt. So. Cf. also, infra, pp. 78-So,
on Eph. 5,18-19. For the genuineness of De vita contemplativa, cf. Colson, in Colson &
Whitaker, IX, ro6-o8.
78. Cf. Stanley, p. 173·
79· The vast majority of commentators understand the term this way, wnlra
Selwyn, p. 276, n. 4· F. W. Grosheide, Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corin-
thians ("NICNT"; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1953), p. 335, and Murray & Young,
p. 6o, leave the question open. RSV translates "hymn." Cf. Dohmes, p. 36; Hasper,
pp. 47·so; Moffatt, p. 227.
So. Nestle (24th ed.) omits the V!lWV of the Koine and Western traditions.
Cf. L. Morris, The Fim Epistle of Paul to thf! Corinthians ("TNTC"; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1958), p. 199. Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 335, comments on the lXet
of the verse: "To have is used here in a special sense; its direct object is an activity
which is at least partly charismatic. This applies to all the activities listed. To have,
therefore, is to have on the basis of a special working of the Holy Spirit. Yet it is
not so much its suddenness of origin as its continuity of possession which is expressed
in the words: to have a psalm, etc. This clarifies our undertanding of the nature of
the charismata. They were not just a certain impartation of certain .words or proverbs,
but also a permanent ability to do a certain thing. This also explains how Paul can
prescribe certain limitations in the use of charismata, which would be impossible if
the charismatic person were suddenly overpowered by the Spirit." (Cf. infra, how-
ever, pp. r66-67.) In the light of I Cor. 12-14 it is quite plain that there were various
gifts and that they were variously distributed. Obviously, not all would have a
tpaA!lo~.
Sr. Grosheide, Corinthians, pp. 335·36. Cf. Marsden, p. 54: "Since the Holy
Spirit blessed the infant Church with apostles, prophets, teachers, miracles, healings,
helps, governments, and tongues ( r 2 : 28) in order to establish it in sound doctrine,
and thus provided so fully for its organization and worship, we might expect that

77
 Eph. 5,18-19 is another passage which relllites the presence and activity
of the Holy Spirit in the believer to ·the utterance of song. The readers are
exhorted: "And do not get drunk with wine, wherein is debauchery, but be
filled with the Spirit," etc. Though the condition of being "filled wirh the
Spirit" or "full of the Spirit" is often mentioned in Luke-Acts, this is its
only occurrence anywhere else in the New Testament. 82 In some cases in
Luke-Acts, the phrase indic3!tes a more or less permanent, persevering
quality (Lk. 1,15; 4,1; Acts 6,3.5; 9,17; perhaps II,24). More often,
however, the phrase is used to describe a condition which was characterized
by intensified emotions - even ecstasy - and effected hy a more or less
momentary and transient activity of the Holy Spirit. In most of the cases in
this latter category the condition of being "filled with the Spirit" results
in original utterances of some sort (cf. Mt. 10,19-20; Acts 10,45-46;
19,6).83 This background of usage, coupled with the analogy here to the
use of wine, 84 and the specific association of the Spirit with musical
utterance, seem to favor understanding the reference to the Spirit in Eph.
5,18 in terms of a kind of special activity on His part in connection with

special provision was made also for song." The remark of Delling, p. 34, in this
connection, however, is well worth bearing in mind: "So ist ·keine scharfe Trennungs-
linie zu ziehen zwischen den sogenannten pneumatischen Ga:ben (im engeren Sinn)
und den scheinbar nichtpneumatischen gottesdienstlichen Aeusserungen: beide sind
Wirkungen des gleichen Gottes, die sich nur in verschiedenen Formen kundtun,
zwischen denen aber sicher die Grenzen manchmal fliessend und deshalb Uebergange
moglich sind."
82. The word usually used to indicate the condition is nLf-l'li:A'YJP,t: Lk. I,I5.41.67;
Acts 2,4; 4,8.31; 9,17; 13,9. The adjective nA~(!'Y/~ also occurs: Lk. 4,1; Acts 6-3-5;
7,55; u,24. In Acts 13,52, 7T:A'YJ(!OW is used as in Eph. 5,18. Of these occurrences,
only in Ephesians is the imperative used; only there and in Acts 6,3 does nvevp,a
occur without flyto~; and only here is ev with the dative of nvevp,a employed,
the genitive without the preposition being used elsewhere. For occurrences outside
the N. T. of B'P with the dative in this connection simply to mean "with," cf. Arndt
& Gingrich, p. 677, t:ontru Candlish, p. IIO, On the possible relation of Ephesians
to Luke-Acts, cf. A. H. Me Neile, An Introduction to the Study of the New Testa-
ment (2d ed. rev.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1955), pp. 169-70.
83. In Acts 13,52, though utterance is not specifically mentioned, it may well be
implied in the xaeO.~. Cf. Acts 2,46-47, and Stanley, p. 173.
84. Again it is interesting to note that only in Luke-Acts elsewhere in the N.T.
is the condition of being filled with the Spirit set over against the use of wine:
Lk. 1,15; Acts 2,13ff. Philo De vita cont. II, describes the ecstasy of the Thera-
peutae: "Like persons in the bacchanalian revels, drinking the pure wine of the love
of God, they join together, .and the two [chorouses of men and women] become one
chorous." On the usage of the metaphor of "sober drunkeoness" to describe spiritual
ecstasy in Philo and others, cf. H. Lewy, "Sobria ebrietas," Beiheft zum ZNW, IX
(1929). Leipoldt, p. 33, relating this passage to the background of heathen cults in
I Cor. 8,4-5; 12,2; 13,1, comments: "Die Nebeneinanderstellung von Weinrausch und
Geist ware eine Liisterung, wenn Paulus nicht ein Heidentum treffen wollte, das die
Trunkenheit als eine Form frommer Verziickung ansieht." It is at least possible,
however, that the writer of Ephesians was influenced by the usage of Luke-Acts in
this usage, rather than by the heathen practices themselves.
the worship of the saints. 85 It is possible that the scope of the Spirit's
activity here does not exceed merely influencing the process of utterance
itself, rather than the words that were uttered. Since the utterance that is
elsewhere specifically connected with the condition of being "filled with
the Spirit" is, however, more or less original as to content, it is quite likely
that the charismatic improvisation of original song is also in view here.ss
In both Eph. 5,19 and Col. 3,16, the saints are admonished to
sing ipdlii' nVBVf1UTt'itaZ,. 87 The word nVBVf.lUTt'it6, occurs twenty-six
times in the New Testament, and only in the Pauline (especially
I Corinthians) epistles and I Peter. Only in Eph. 6,12 is the word used of
evil spirits. It never clearly refers to the human spirit, and generally the
reference is plainly to the Holy Spirit.88 In all probability this latter is the
case in the Ephesians-Colossians passages. This characterization of Christian
song, then, serves not merely to distinguish the sacred from the profane,B9
but the Christian from the pagan. 90 Having said this much about the
meaning of the word, the question arises, does the word nVef1aTtx6~
here indicate that the songs were given directly - inspired - by the Holy
Spirit (I Cor. 2,13), 91 or simply that they were sung by "spiritual" (as over

Ss. Cf. supra, p. 77, n. So.

S6. The o J.oyo, .,;off Xeunov EVOt'itdUJJ lv Vf.ltV which parallels the
nA1Jeova{}e EV nvev f.laTt here, while not deciding the matter as to whether
improvisation or ready-made song is intended, at least argues against the possibility
that the O.T. Psalms and Odes might be indicated. Dohmes, pp. 35-36, writes: "Auf
unserm Sterben und Auferstehen mit Christus im Kultmysterium und dem daraus
erspriessenden Wandel als Kinder des Lichtes (Eph 5,9), der sich nicht einliisst mit
den unfruchtbaren Werken der Finsternis (Eph 5,II ), berubt somit das iWohnen des
Logos Christi [Col. 3,16} in uns und unser Erfiilltsein nrit dem Heiligen Pneuma.
Und in unmittelbarem kausalen Zusammenhang hiermit steht unser Lobpreis Gottes.
Weil uns durch unser Mitsterben und Mitauferstehen mit Christus der Logos Christi
und das Heilige P.neuma geschenkt worden sind, stromt in heiliger Kultfeier Lob und
Danksagung aus unserm pneumatisch gehobenen Innern zu Gott zuriick." E. Schweizer,
nVI':Vf.lU, TJI7NT, VI, 42olrs-16, writes: "Eph 5,1S meint zwar vermutlich ein
ekstatisches Geschehen, aber nach v 17 kaum Glossolalie." Cf. ibid., p. 443/r6.
S7. Cf. supra, p. 61, n. 7, on taking nVeVf.lUTt'itai, with q>t5ai' alone. It is quite
possible that nVBVf.laTt'itair; should not be read in Eph. 5,19. The evidence is rather
well divided. Nestle includes it in the text, and it is translated in RSV and NV,
but not in the text of NEB. G. Zuntz, The Text of the Epistles, A Disquisition upon
the Corpus Paulinum (London: Oxford, 1953), p. 95, writes: "The omission may
well be original; the addition could be made on the model of Go). iii. 16."
SS. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 6S5. The word, as already noted, does not occur in
the LXX. Its usage in profane Greek is generally in a physical sense. Cf. Hasper,
p. 44; Selwyn, pp. 2S1-S5. (It may be noted that nVBVf.lU indicates Satan in Eph.
2,2, and the human spirit in Eph. 4,23; Col. 2,5.)
S9. Cf. Hasper, p. 40; Schlier, p. 164/1S-19.
90. Cf. Delling, p. S5.
91. Cf. M. Dibelius, An die Kolosser Epheser an Phi/emon (3d ed., "HNT";
Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1953), p. 92, who also takes the lv Ta~ 'itaeMat,
V/U'iJV as a reference to pneumatic utterance (cf. infra, however, pp. 165-66, 172);

79
against "natural") men (I Cor. 2,15-3,1), "expressing spiritual thoughts
and feelings" ?92 There is no good reason why both the source and the
nature of the songs cannot be in view here.98 "Spiritual songs," then, may
indicate comprehensively songs given by the Spirit (at least originally),
whose manner of utterance was probably itself influenced by the Spirit,
which were sung by "spiritual" men, and which moved in the realm of
"spiritual" things. 94
Reference to the charismatic production of song is found early oin the
Fathers. Tertullian Adv. Marc. 5,8(PL 11.522 ), challenges Marcion: "Let
him produce a psalm [psalmum], a vision, a prayer- only let •it be by the
Spirit, in an ecstasy, that is, in a rapture, whenever an interpretation of
tongues has occurred to him." 95 In Apologet. 39(PL l.540), he writes
concerning the Agape feast:

They talk as those who know that the Lord is one of their auditors.
After manual ablution, and the bringing in of lights, each [or "one"]

Jenny, p. 101; Kroll, p. 5, n. 2; Murray & Young, pp. 63-64- "indited by the Spirit";
Schlier, p. 164/x8-22; Schweizer, TIVNT, VI, 436/2·4: "Wenn R 7,14 der v6~ot;
als :n;vev~a·rt.1t6t; bezeichnet wird, dann wird er als v6~o; fJeov (v 22.25),
als aus Gottes und nicht des Menschen Welt stammender charakterisiert"; and on
p. 436, n. 709: "Ebs wohl Eph 1,3: z Kol 3,16 = Eph 5,19." The view of Stanley,
p. 175, is considered infra, pp. 166-67. To say that the songs in this case are given by
the Holy Spirit, "inspired," does not mean, however, that they must therefore be a part
of the "inspired'' canon of Scripture (11 Tim. 3,16), contra Murray & Young,
pp. 63-64.
92. Hodge, p. 304; cf. Trench, p. 280.
93· Selwyn, p. 283, affirms that :n:vev,ua-rt1t6t; is used in the two passages in a
mixed sense, "both subjective and objective, applied to things, and arising from the
indwelling of the human spirit by the Spirit of God.'' Delling, p. 85, writes "Er soli
sie als geistgewirkt im allgemeinen Sinn kennzeichnen. Es mogen wohl auch im-
provisierte Lieder im Gottesdienst vorgetragen worden sein.''
94· Dohmes, p. 35, defines the ~<5. :n;vev~. thus: "Pneumatischen Charakter hat
der Kultgesang, wenn er vom Geiste des dreipersonlichen Gottes einschliesslich des
erhohten Gottesmenschen durchhaucht ist, und - da unter dem Begriff des Pneuma-
tischen im weiteren Sinne der gesamte gottlich-iibernatiirliche Bereich verstanden
werden kann - wenn er von dem Geiste beseelt ist, in dem die Engel ihren Lobpreis
vor Gottes Thron verstromen lassen. Unsere Abhandlung wird immer wieder zeigen,
class den Weisen des christlichen Kultgesanges dieser pneumatische Charakter eignet:
Sie sind entstanden in den Herzen von Geistestragern, sie sind als 4> <5a i m·ev~ar:t1tal
pneumatisch zu singen und durch sie schafft sich das Heilige Pneuma Leben und
Wachstum im Innern des Menschen." Cf. Hasper, p. 44. Schweizer, TIVNT, VI,
4431I6. understands Eph. 5,18-19 to refer to the ecstatic, while Hasper, p. 40, seems
not to do so.
95· Difficult to reconcile with the words of this challenge is the assertion by
Cullmann, p. 30, that by the time of Justin, "the free expressions of the Spirit, such
as prophesying. speaking with tongues and interpretation of tongues have disappeared.''
As Kroll, p. 84, writes, the Montanists were characterized by a high degree of
enthusiasm, and would have been likely to produce many hymns. Cf. also, Tertullian
De oral. 27; De anima 9.

8o
 is asked to stand forth and sing, as he can, a hymn to God, either one
from the holy Scriptures or one of his own composing [proprio
ingmio], - a proof of the measure of our drinking.
As Kroll points out, this may or may not refer to improvisation,98 and
the passage does not refer explicitly to the Holy Spirit. Commenting upon
I Cor. 14,26, Chrysostom remarks: "For of old they used to make psalms by
a gift, and to teach by a gift. " 97 As Dohmes points out, the charismatic
conception of song is also expressed in the imagery of the Odes of Solomon :
"Noch manche dieser 42 Oden lassen in ahnlicher Weise das Gli.ick erken-
nen, von dem der Sanger erfullt ist ob des Bewusstseins, dass der Herr oder
Sein heiliges Pneuma in und aus den Erlosten singen (16,1-5; 28,1; 36,
I-3 u.a.)."DB

Liturgical Stim11li
Another force at work in the early church which would have tended to
develop musical performance and probably to stimulate new compositions
was the liturgical. The intimate connection between music - both vocal and
instrumental - and the sacrifice and prayer of the Old Testament cult is
treated elsewhere. 99 Both analogy and the evidence point to a similar
association of music (vocal) with the central cultic act of the New Testament
church, the celebration of the Eucharist. 100 Musical praise was a part of the
celebration of the Supper just by virtue of the relation of the latter to the
Passover meal (Mt. 26,30; Mk. 14,26). 101 Singing at table on special
occasions was not only a custom of the Jews, but was practiced generally
in antiquity.t 02 Acts 2,46-47 103 may associate singing with the Supper or the

96. Kroll, p. 37, n. 3·

97· Chrysostom Hom. XXXVI in I Cor. (PG LXI. 310).
98. Dohmes, p. 38. Ibid. pp. 38ff., also refers to Clement of Alexandria Paed.
3,12; Serapion Eucholog. 13,6·7; Cyril of Jerusalem Cat. mystag. 5,6-7.20, in this
connection.
99· Vide supra, p. 13, n. 64; infra, p. 142.
100. On the centrality of the Eucharist in the early Christian services, vide Cull-
mann, p. 34·
101. Leitner, p 73, writes: "Fiir die Ausgestaltung des spezifisch christlichen
Gottesdienstes war gewiss das Vorbild massgebend, welches der Herr mit seinen
Jiingern beim Passahmahle gegeben hatte. Auch hier bildete des PsQ,lmengesang einen
kultischen Bestandteil, leitete den Vorakt ein, welcher in der Darbringung van Gaben
bestand, und begleitete auch den Haupakt des Brotbrechens als Lob- und Dank-
gesang."
102. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. q8-79.
103. Stanley, p. 173. On the relation of the Eucharist to another meal, cf. I Cor.
II,2I.29; Eph. 5,18-19, and Cullmann, pp. 14ff. With Acts 2,46-47, cf. 16,34.
Of aya).).tac.o (used in Acts 16,34) and aya).).taat.;, Delling, p. 33, writes:
"Die Worter bezeichnen in den lukanischen Schriften auf jeden Fall eine pneuma-
tische Wirkung." The words in Acts appear to be t. t. concerning the working of

SI
Agape meal. Cf., also, Eph. 5,18-19. 104 It is difficult to believe that the
Lord who was commemorated and spiritually present in the Supper did not
also inspire fresh musical utterances ·in honor of His person and work,tO&
The New Testament furnishes several passages which may represent these
earliest hymns inspired by the Eucharist: Phil. 2,5(6)-11 ;106 Col. 1,12-2o;t01
Rev. 5,8-q ;10B 19,6-8. 109 It must be admitted, however, that the realm of
conjecture in this matter is not left until somewhat later in history. The
"Hymn of Jesus" in Acts Jn. 94-95, apparently inspired by Mt. 26,30,
contains references to both sacraments. Tertullian Apologet. 39,18, 110
clearly evidences the singing of fresh musical compositions in connection
with the Agape meal. Various other passages are relevant, but do not decide
the matter .111

the Holy Spirit in the worship service. Lk. 1,14.44·47; 10,21; Acts 2,26.46; 16,34.
Vide supra, p. 22, n. 2. Concerning the prominence of "joy" in Llrke-Acts, vide
A. Harnack, The ANs of the Apostles, trans. J. R. Wilkinson (New York: Putnam's,
1909), pp. 277-79. For the derivation by the Rabbis of ecstatic joy from the out-
pouring of the Spirit on special occasions, vide Str.-8., I, 643; 11, So4ff.
104. Jenny, pp. 9S-99, relates the passage to the Eucharist; J. A. Robinson, St. Paul's
Epistle to the Ephesians (London: Macmillan, 1939), p. 122, to the Agape meal.
ros. Cf. Lang, p. 43; Messenger, p. II; D. M. Stanley, "Liturgical Influences
on the Formation of the Four Gospels," CBQ, XXI (1959), 2S. A. S. Herbert,
Worship in Ancient Israel (Richmond: John Knox, 1959), p. 24, writes of the
worship of the O.T. cult: "Ritual acts are normally accompanied by some recital ...
the characteristic ritual word in Israel's worship was closely related to Yahweh's
historical acts of salvation." On the influence of the Eucharist upon the development
of confessional formulae, cf. Stauffer, p. 237. On the influence of the liturgy upon
the composition of the N.T. books, cf. Cullmann, pp. 37ff.; supra, pp. 25-27.
106. This passage is very generally considered to be a hymn. Vide recent literature
in F. W. Beare, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians (New York:
Harper, 1959), pp. 40-42, and especially, E. Kasemann, "Kritische Analyse von Phi!.
2,5-11," Zeitschrift fiir Theologie und Kirche, XLVII (1950), 313-60. Kasemann,
p. 360, agrees with A. Seeberg, that the passage is more likely related to baptism
than the Eucharist. E. Lohmeyer, "Kyrios Jesus," Sitzungsberichte der Akademie
H eidelberg, IV (I 92S), 65, derives the passage from the Eucharist (cf. infra,
pp. S4-S7, however, on "martyrdom"), as does H. Lietzmann (cited in Kelly).
J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christia11 Creeds (London & New York: Longmans, Green,
1950), p. 1S, opposes a definitely Eucharistic derivation: "This is pure conjecture:
nothing in the language or in the movement of ideas gives the least support to it."
]. M. Furness, "Authorship of Philippians 11 : 6-n," The Expository Times, LXX
(1959), 240-43, and E. F. Scott, IB, XI, 47, think Paul wrote the passage himself.
107. Thorough analyses of the passage are in E. Kasemann, "Eine Urchristliche
Taufliturgie," Festschl'ift R. Bultmann (Stuttgart & Koln: Kohlhammer, 1949), pp.
133-4S, and Lohmeyer, Die Briefe, pp. 41-6S. Kasemann derives the passage from
the baptismal liturgy, but M. Dibelius, Kolosser, Epheser, Philemon, pp. 9-12, and
Bornkamm (cited in Dibelius) relate it to the Eucharist.
roS. Mowry, p. S3.
109. Kraeling & Mowry, pp. 306-07.
no. Vide supra, pp. So-SI.
111. In Pliny Epist. 10,96, the only singing took place before the congregation
dispersed and reassembled for a meal. The Eucharistic prayer in the Didache may not
have been rendered musically. Vide Phillips, pp. 16-17; cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge,

82
 The employment of song in connection with early Christian baptism is
also open to question. Leitner writes: "Dass bei der Taufe in den ersten
Jahrhunderten Psalmen und Hymnen gesungen wurden, llisst sich nicht
nachweisen." 112 Nevertheless, various passages in the New Testament have
been set forth as being hymns, hymn-fragments, or based upon hymns that
were so used. In addition to Phil. 2,5ff. and Col. 1,12ff., noted in con-
nection with the Eucharist, Mt. 11,25-30 ;113 Eph. 5,14 (cf. Rom. 13,II-I2) ;114
II Tim. 2,nff. ;115 Tit. 3>4ff. ;116 I Pet. 1,3-5 ;117 3,18-22 118 are among those
passages which have been nominated as baptismal hymns. It is quite possible
that there are allusions to baptism in the context in which Col. 3,16 occurs
(3,1ff.), thus relating singing to the sacrament. The association of the Holy
Spirit with baptism119 also argues for the likelihood of musical utterance,

pp. 207-oS, on Epht. ad Diog11etum 7· The references to the use of O.T. Psalms at
the Eucharist has already been mentioned.
II2. Leitner, p. 16S. Cf. L. Fendt, "Evangelische Liturgik," ThL, LXXVI (1951),
532.
II3. M. Rist, "Is Matt. II : 25-30 a primitive Baptismal Hymn?" JR, XV (1935),
63-77, argues at some length, especially from the use of the pericope in Clement of
Alexandria P1·otrept. 12, "that this passage was used as a baptismal hymn. Rist
considers the passage to be of Hellenistic rather than specifically Jewish origin.
II4. Among many, vide DOlger, pp. 367-6S; E. J. Goodspeed, The Meaning of
Ephesians (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1933), p. 59; Schneider, p. 35, who
derives the citation from Isa. 26,18 (LXX); B. Noack, "Das Zitat in Ephes. 5,14,"
Studia Theologica, V (1952), 52-65, who labels the verse a "Parusie- oder Auf-
erstehungshymnus," which lent itself to usage as a baptismal hymn. Cf. Rom. 6,1-4.
Warren, pp. 34-35, considers Rom. I3,II-I2 to be a fragment of an Advent Hymn,
and Eph. 5,14 to be a fragment of a hymn on repentance. The concept of "enlighten-
ment" is found often in the ''Hymn of the Initiants" in the "Manual of Discipline"
of Qumran (hereafter abbreviated zQS). Eadie, pp. 3S7-90, gives three pages to the
history of interpretation of the difficult Lltd A.eyet, concluding that it must refer to
the O.T. The verse is quoted in an exhortation to the heathen in Clement of Alexan-
dria Protrept. 9. Edersheim, pp. 300-30I, thinks that just as Eph. 5,S may have
reference to the appearance of the new moon, so 5,14 may refer to the blowing of
the shofar on the first day of the seventh month in connection with repentance. Such
a connection is rather fanciful, however.
II5. E. F. Scott, The Pastoral Epistles (London: Hodder & Stoughton, n.d.),
p. 105. Cf. Lk. 9,26; Rom. 6,3-4; II Tim. 4,1; infra, pp. S4-S7, on "martyrdom."
n6. B. S. Easton, The Pastoral Epistles (New York: Scribner's, 1947), p. 102;
D. Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistle.r ("TNTC"; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957),
p. 204, following J. Jeremias.
117. M. E. Boismard, "Une Liturgie Baptismale clans la Prime Petri," Revue
Bibliq11e, .~:xry (1957 ), _ISI, writes: :·c:e~t une hymne baptismale._.. reprise presque
sans modifiCations (cf. Ttf.. Ill, 5-7; remm1scences en I Jo., Ill, 1-2;· Col., Ill, 1-4;
peut-etre aussi en Gal., Ill, 23 et Rom., VIII, IS)." Various writers derive I Peter
from the liturgy: vide, e.g., F. L. Cross, I Peter, A Pas.hal Liturgy (London: A. R.
Mow-bray, 1954). On the ayaA.A.uiof.lat at the conclusion of this passage (v. 6),
cf. supra, p. 23, n. 2.
uS. H. Windisch, Die Katholischen Briefe (3d ed., "HNT"; Tiibingen: ]. C. B.
Mohr, 1951 ), p. 70. Selwyn, pp. 195, 325ff., thinks that though the passage is not
itself quoted from a hymn, its rests on the credal hymn quoted in I Tim. 3,16.
u9. Acts 2,3S; 9,17-1S; 10,44-4S; 19,1-6.
probably following the administration of the sacrament. The importance
of baptism for the formulation of dogmatic formulae has often been
pointed out. 120 Such formulae would lend themselves to a musical rendition,
as I Tim. 3,16 shows. 121 Cullmann also relates the employment of confes-
sions, especially those involving Kyrios, to exorcism (cf. Acts 16,18)_122
Here again, a musical rendering would be very much in keeping.123 The
Odes of Solomon contain numerous allusions to baptism and are thought
by some to have been composed with the initiates to the faith in mind. 124
The allusions to both sacraments in the "Hymn of Jesus" in Acts of John
have already been mentioned. Clement of Alexandria Protrept. 12, contrasts
the Christian initiation rites with those of the pagan, and gives the text of a
baptismal hymn.t 25 From a later date, the Amherst Papyri furnish the text
of a hymn for the newly baptized. 126 Though the evidence is not conclusive,
the data considered furnish considerable support to the hypothesis that
hymns were in the earliest period sung in connection with the sacrament of
baptism, and that these were, at least in many cases, fresh Christian
compositions.

Martyrdom
One other specific stimulus to the creation of an original Christian
hymnody remains to be mentioned, and that is martyrdom. Beginning with
Jesus' own words (Mt. 5,10-12), the New Testament very definitely relates

120. Vide Kelly, pp. 3off. Stauffer, p. 236, writes: "One of the many places where
dogmatic formulae originated, though perhaps the most important Of all, was in the
baptismal practice of the primitive Church." On p. 237, however, Stauffer emphasizes
·the importance of the Eucharist in this regard. Cf. I Cor. 16,22; Rev. 22,20.
121. Stauffer, p. 237, writes: "The creed has doxological significance and a
liturgical form. The liturgy in turn has dogmatic content and is studded with various
confessional forms .... Many confessions were hymn-like, and many hymns were
creed-Ii'ke." Delling, p. 81, writes: "Mit Recht wird von Maurer betont, dass das
Bekenntnis in Urchristentum (zum mindesten sachlich) von den Sakramenten untrenn-
bar ist. Die Handlung ist nichts ohne das bezeugende Wort .... Leitet Maurer selbst
das Bekenntnis aus dem: Jubelruf der Geisttrager bei der Sakramentfeier ab (12), so
scheint mir das nicht im Wliderspruch zu der unten Gezogenen Linie: Verkiindigung
- Hymnus - Bekenntnis zu stehen. Denn auch das Sakrament hedarf zuvor der es
deutenden Verk:iindigung; der bekennende Lobpreis umschliesst das gesamte Heils-
geschehen, eben auch das im Sakrament sich ereignende Heilshandeln Gottes."
122. Vide 0. Cullmann, The Earliest Christian Confessions, trans. J. K. S. Reid
(London: Lutterworth, 1949), pp. 23ff.
123. Hilary of Poitiers Hom. Ps. 65,4, says that hymnody is useful for putting the
devil to flight. Chrysostom Ham. Ps. 41 (PG LV. 157), would replace the demons
with Christ by singing at the table.
124. Cf. Odes Sol. 15, especially vss. 6 and 8; Diilger, pp. 369-70; J. R. Harris &
A. Mingana, The Odes and Psalms of Solomon (Manchester: University Press, I9I6-
I920), I, 187; Quasten, Patrology, I, 161.
125. Vide on Rist, p. 83, n. 113, supra. Cf. Clement of Alexandria Protrept. 8;
Paed. 3,12.
126. B. P. Grenfell & A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Ambers/ Papyri (London: Froude,
reJOlcmg to suffering for the name of Christ. 127 Therefore, the apostles
rejoiced that they were counted worthy to suffer (Acts 5,41). Paul and
Silas sang and prayed in prison (Acts 16,25; cf. Ps. 42,8).! 28 Paul would
not have the brethren at Caesarea weeping over him, for he was ready to
face not only imprisonment, but death for his witness to Jesus (Acts 21,13).
Trials are to be undergone with joy (Jas. 1,2-3), and the joy in present
suffering is sustained by thoughts of the joy that is to come (I Pet. 4,12ff.;
cf. Rev. 19,6-8). The imprisoned apostle rejoiced and urged the suffering
saints at Philippi to do likewise (Phil. 1,18.26; 3,1.3; 4.4). Since the fact
of death was radically altered by that of the resurrection (I Cor. 15,54ff.),
and even the immediate passing into the presence of Christ (Phil. 1,2off.),
martyrdom itself should elicit joy and rejoicing, both on the part of the
martyr and his fellow-saints (Phil. 2,17-18). Schlier writes:

Auch das NT weiss von einer Freude als Letztem und Hochstem in
diesem und in jenem Leben. Aber die neutestamentliche Freude nimmt
teil an der Umwertung vieler Begriffe und W erte und bekommt
dadurch- fiir diese Weltzeit- einen paradoxen lnhalt. lhr Gegenstand
sind nicht 1;<5ovai 7Wt"lAat (Tt 3,3), sondern 1tBt(!UGf.Wt 1tOt"lAOt,
wie es in dern schonen Gegenstiick zu 2 ·Pt 2,13, in Jk 1,2 heisst:
1taaav zaeav fJy~aaa{}e ... {J-cav 1tBt(!UGftOL~ 1tB(!t1tearp:e 1t0t"{Aot~.
Leiden und Martyrertum in der Nachfolge und in der Gemeinschaft mit
Christus sind hochste Seligkeit fiir den Jiinger, - schon in sich selber,
endlich aber auch darum, weil 1tBt(!UGJ-tOl der Weg zu TBAet67:1J~
(Jk 1,4) und zu der vorn Paradox befreiten, ewigen zaea (Mt 25,21.
23) sind. 129

Against this background it is not surpmmg that references early occur

- possibly within the New Testament itself - which relate singing to the
death of the martyr. Lohmeyer thinks Phil. 2,6-II is a hymn used in its
present context to furnish an example of martyrdom. 130 A martyr's hymn is
also found by some in 11 Tim. 2,II-13. 131 Selwyn thinks I Pet. 3,14 is taken

1900-1901), I, 23-28. The original composition of the 'hymn has berrn dated as early
as the second century. Cf. Metzger, pp. 543-45. ··
127. Cf. rQS X, 15-24, for the idea of praise in the midst of suffering.
128. Cf. "Pionius"' Vita Polycarpi n,18.
129. H. Schlier, fJ<5ov~, TWNT, II, 928/25-35.
130. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe, pp. 90-99. The thought of suffering and martyrdom
pervades the epistle.
131. W. Hendriksen, Exposition of the Pastoral Epistles ("NTC"'; Grand Rapids:
Baker, 1957); H. G. G. Herklots, A Fresh Approach to the New Testament
(London: SCM, 1950 ), p. 90. Most commentators, however, relate the passage to
baptism. Vide supra, p. 83, n. II5.
from a hymn. 132 The connection is quite explicit in the early Fathers.
Ignatius Ad Rom. 2,2, writes in a vein very similar to Phil. 2,q-18:
Pray, then, do not seek to confer any greater favour upon me than
that I be sacrificed to God while the altar is still prepared; that, being
gathered together in love, ye may sing praise to the Father, through
Christ Jesus, that God has deemed me, the bishop of Syria, worthy to
be sent for from the east unto the west. It is good to set from the
world unto God, that I may rise again to Him.
Toward the end of the second century, Tertullian De spec lac. 39, wrote:
Count of these as your circus games, fix your eyes on the courses of the
world, the gliding seasons, reckon up the periods of time, long for
the goal of the final consummation, defend the societies of the churches,
be startled at God's signal, be roused up at -the angel's trump, glory
in the psalms of martyrdom. If the literature of the stage delight you,
we have literature in abundance of our own - plenty of verses,
sentences, songs, proverbs ; and these not fabulous, but true ; not tricks
of art, but plain realities. 1 33

Eusebius Hist. E. 8,9,5, writes of the martyrs in the Thebais, "undis-

mayedly and boldly speaking of the piety towards the God of the universe,
and with joy and laughter and gladness receiving the final sentence of
death, so that they sang [ '1f'UAAetV] and sent up hymns [ fJftVOV~] and
thanksgivings to the God of the universe even to the very last breath."
The matter is also made explicit in Apost. Const. 6,30, in connection with
a deprecation of Jewish and heathen customs concerning the dead: "But
without such observations assemble in the dormitories, reading the holy
books, and singing for the martyrs which are fallen asleep, and for all the
saints from the beginning of the world, and for your brethren that are
asleep in the Lord, and offer the acceptable Eucharist, the representation of
the royal body of Christ, both in your churches and in the dormitories ; and
in the funerals of the departed, accompany them with singing, if they were
faithful in Christ." That Christians from the earliest times sang in con-
nection with martyrdom is, thus, a rather well established fact. It will be
granted that these refer·ence in the Fathers do not explicitly mention what
was so sung, and thaJt there are later explicit references to the use of the
01d Testament Psalms at Christian funerals. 134 Nevertheless, it cannot be
doubted that hymns celebrating martyrdom were among those earliest

132. Selwyn, p. 277, n. 2.

133. Cf. Tertullian Adv. Gnost. Scorp. 7 (PL II. 158).
134. Augustine Conf. 9,12 (PL XXXII. 776). Chrysostom Hom. IV in Heb. 2,
says Ps. rr6 was sung at funerals. Vide Leitner, pp. 172ff., and Quasten, M11sik 11nd
Gesang, pp. 217-31, concerning music at early Christian funerals.

86
Christian compositions to which the Fathers bear testimony (vide pp. 88-89,
infra) .tss

Pagan Influences?
Can it be shown that the hymns of the pagan environment influenced
the composition of hymns within the Christian community ?m This is a
vexed question and cannot be treated at length here. That the pagan
civilization was endowed generously with hymns is a well established fact. 137
Similarities between these hymns and the style and phraseology of the hymn-
like fragments within the New Testament have been pointed out, and some
have concluded a borrowing on the part of the Christians. This has been
especially true concerning the liturgical fragments in the Pastoral epistles
and the Apocalypse. Other wri.ters have just as stoutly denied any direct
relationship. 138 The acclamation and eternity formulae of the New
Testament, especially the Apocalypse, have also been suggested as evidence
of borrowing. But this, too, has been controverted. 130 Probably the best
course to follow in this whole matter is to acknowledge that certain parallels
exist among the hymns of the Hellenized Orient, be they Christian or pagan,
but to proceed with extreme caution in attempting to identify the relation-
ship more closely. Messenger writes: "Lt is difficult, if not impossible,
to trace any connection between the classic Greek hymns or the hymns of
mystery cults, and those of the new faith." 140

135. Cf. Kroll, pp. 23-24; Quasten, Musik. und Gesang, pp. 232ff.
136. The question of pagan influences upon the music for these texts •has already
been treated, pp. 54-57, supra.
137. DeHing, pp. 81-83; Messenger, p. 14. On the hymn in general in classical
antiquity, cf. R. Wiinsch, "Hymnos," Realenr:yclopadie der k.lassisr:hen Altertums-
wissensr:haften, ed. A. Pauly, et al., IX, cols. 140-83. Very few hymns of the mystery
cults are extant.
138. On the Pastorals, vide M. Dibelius, Die Pastoralbriefe (3d ed., "HNT";
Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1955), and Easton, on such passages as I Tim. 1,17; 3,16;
6,15-16; 11 Tim, 1,9-10; Tit. 2,13-14. Dibelius and Easton are opposed generally in
this regard by C. Bouma, De Brieven van den Apostel Paulus aan Timotheus en Titus
("CNT"; Amsterdam: H. A. van Bottenburg [1942)), and quite often by W. Lock,
A Critir:al and Exegethal Commentary on t!Je Pastoral Epistles ("ICC"; New York:
Scribner's, 1924). Kraeling & Mowry, pp. 3ooff., and Mowry, pp. 75-84, also
ma;intain that numerous liturgical passages in the Apocalypse and elsewlhere within
the N.T. were derived from the ruler cults of the pagan Orient. Contra this view,
however, vide supra, p. 70, n. 50, on ?eV(!lO~. E. ]. & L. Edelstein, Asclepius (Balti-
more: Johns Hopkins, 1945 ), I, 199ff., also suggest a relationship between the hymns
of Christianity and those of this cult.
139. Vide Peterson, pp. 176ff., concerning the pagan usage of the a~ w~
acclamation (cf. Rev. 4,II; 5,9.1 2). DelJ.ing, pp. 70-71, contends ·that Peterson' s
examples do not supply a connection, since the usage in Revelation is religious. As
Werner, Sac1·ed Bridge, p. 263, points out, the need for brief acclamation formulae
would have been universal, citing the identical refrain of }er. 33,II and Ps. 136
(cf. I Chron. 16,34.41 ).
140. Messenger, p. q. Messenger, pp. 14ff., maintains that the N.T. hymn frag-
 "' * * * * * *
Five phenomena of the New Testament times which have a special
bearing upon the musical praise of the early church have been surveyed:
(I) the centrality of the Lord Jesus Christ in the life and worship of the
church, ( 2) the need for a "new song" to celebrate the work of God in
Christ, (3) the outpouring of the Holy Spirit and the pneumatic gifts,
including some that were specifically musical, (4) the important place in the
worship service of the liturgical actions in connection with the Supper and
baptism, (5) the connection of suffering and martyrdom with song. Taken
all together, these data create an exceedingly strong probability that from
the outset, fresh, more or less original compositions were included in the
musical praise of the Christian church. This probability is confirmed by:
(I) the explicit testimony of the Fathers, ( 2) the existence of hymns and
fragments, including those to be found within the New Testament itself,
and certainly those extant from a slightly later period.

2. Evidential Wit11ess to New Compositions

The Testimony of the Fathers

It is possible that Ignatius Ad Ephes. 4,I, refers to such fresh compositions
honoring Christ. 141 Similarly Martyr. Polyc. I9,2 (cf. Pliny Epist. I0,96142 ).

ments were not patterned after the classical Greek hymns, the influence of the O.T.
upon them being too strong. As for pagan influences upon later Christian produc-
tions, Messenger finds only stylistic traces. "In comparison with Semitic pressure in
its wider implication, as well as the strictly Hebraic, pagan •influence was relatively
slight on Christian hymns." Delling, p. 82, writes: "Einen unmittelbaren Einfluss der
griechischen Hymnodik auf den urchristlichen Gottesdienst kiinnen wir nicht feststellen.
Der Aufbau der Hymnen des Neuen Testaments erinnert freilich manchmal an die
Pmsahymnen der ausserchristlichen Welt." Cf. Hasper, p. 93. A. Deissmann, Light
From the Ancient East (New York: Doran, 1927), p. :'!42, writes in connection with
Phi!. 2,6-n: "The cult of Ghrist goes forth into the world of the Mediterranean and
soon displays the endeavor to rescue for Christ the words already in use for worship
in that world, words that had just been transferred to the deified emperors (or had
perhaps even been newly invented in emperor worship). Thus there arises a polemical
parallelism between the cult of the emperor and the cult of Christ, which makes
itself felt where ancient words derived by Christianity from the treasury of tihe
Septuagint and the Gospels happen to coincide with solemn concepts of the Imperial
cult which sounded the same or similar." ·
141. Quoted supra, pp. 49-50. R. Bultmann, The Theology of the New Testament,
trans. K. Grobel (New York: Scribner's, 1951-1955), 11, 155-56, writes of the
passage: "Ignatius not only figuratively says that concord and the congregation's
harmony of love are a song of praise to Christ . . . but also presupposes that in
worship songs of praise and supplication were sung ( Rom. 2 : 2; 4 : 2). In addition
to (or combined with) hymns in pra•ise of God, there were Christ-hymns. One
example is the hymn which Paul quotes in Phi!. 2 : 6-u." Cf. Kroll, pp. 19-20.
142. Vide supra, p. 40; Kroll, pp. r8-r9; Bousset, pp. 234-35. This passage in
Pliny makes it quite certain that Christ was praised, but it does not indicate the
vehicle of praise. Various theories of identi~ication have been set forth, including
the view that the songs were the O.T. Psalms. Cf. H. Leclercq, "Hymnes," Diet.

88
An unmistakable reference to new composition is Tertullian Apologet. 39·14•
Hippolytus may have composed verses which were sung.144 Eusebius Hist.
E. 5,28,5 cites an early treatise against Paul of Samosata: "And all the
Psalms [ V'a).poi] and hymns [ q'>6al] which were written by faithful
Christians from the beginning sing [ vp'Pofiatv] of the Christ as the
Logos of God and treat him as God." 145 Origin Contra Cels. 8,67(PG XI.
1617C), says that hymns are sung to the Father and to the Son. 146 Hymn
writers of the second and third centuries mentioned by name in the
Fathers are Athenogenes,147 Bardesanes and Harmonios, 148 Nepos of
Arsinoe, 149 and Synesius of Cyrene,150 Testimony to original Christian
composition, then, is both widespread and ancient. tot

New Testament Hymns and Fragments

Even before the advent of modern Form Criticism, various writers
ventured the opinion that the authors of the New Testament have preserved
some of the earliest Christian hymns by incorporating them into the fabric
of their writings. Valid objections can be raised in connection with some of
the New Testament passages thus set forth. Thus the doxologies and
acclamations of the Apocalypse may have been influenced directly by the
Jewish practices rather than Christian, 152 while both these passages and the
hymns of the Lucan infancy narrative are represented as the result of
prophetic inspiration, and thus are quite likely more or less original
compositions of the respective persons,tsa Aside from these, however, and

d' A1·ch., VI, Pt. II, cols. 2837ff.

143. Quoted JtJpra, pp. 80-81.
144. Eusebius Hist. B. 6,20,2.
145. Trans. in "LCL." Cf. Eusebius Hist. B. 7,30,10, where Paul is said to have
replaced "the psalms to our Lord Jesus Christ" with those in honor of himself,
alleging that the former were modern inventions.
q6. Quoted infra, p. 134. In some late MSS of Col. 3,16 (KI. cop. Chrys.
Theodoret), Xetanp is substituted for {}eii). Cf. Bousset, pp. 234-35.
147. Basil De Spiritu Sancto 29. Very l•ittle is known of the martyr, Athenogenes.
Among his hymns was one about the Holy Spirit which ·he bequeathed to friends as
he climbed the funeral pyre.
148. Sozomen Hist. B. 3,16.
149. Eusebius Hist. B. 7,24,4, citing Dionysius. Nepos wmt~ an "abundant
psalmody, by which many of the brethren have till this day been cheered."
150. Altaner, p. 326.
151. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 146, writes: "Immediately after the apostolic
period the element of psalmody is less mentioned than that of the spontaneous hymn.
The entire Eastern Church in particular was partial to hymns from the time of
Marc ion onwards."
152. Vide supra, pp. 25-27; G. Delling, "Zum Gottesdienstlichen Stil der Johannes-
Apokalypse," Novum Testamentum, III (1959), 107-37.
153. Contra Dohmes, p. 37; Quasten, Patrology, I, 158. Vide p. 76, supra. Koole,
p. 6o, also derives the hymns of Lk. 1-2 from the general repertoire of the church
rather than from the spec·ific inspiration of the individuals named by Luke. On the
admitting the subjectivity of judgmenot154 in this matter, there are good
reasons for believing that at least some of the other hymn-like passages of
the New Testament are drawn from the hymnody of the earliest
Christianity. 155
In · addition to those passages noted above in connection with the
sacraments and martyrdom, the following are among those most often
thought to be hymns, parts of hymns, or based upon the earliest Christian

hymns of Lk. I-2, vide ]. G. Machen, "The Hymns of the First Chapter of Luke,''
Prinreton Theologkal Review, X (1912), pp. 1-38, especially pp. 33££.; idem, "The
Origin of the First Two Chapters of Luke," ibid., pp. 212-77. Surveys of relevant biblio-
graphy and the arguments concerning the original language of the hymns and!. the a'ttribu-
tion of them may be found in R. Laurentin, '"Traces iD'Al1usions Etmologiques en Luc I-
2," Biblira, XXXVII (I956), 435-56; ibid., XXXVIII (I957), I-23. Rather than being
drawn from the early Christian liturgy, these hymn-like pieces did much to influence the
growth of the liturgy. Cf. 0. Piper, "The Apocalypse of John and the Liturgy of t'he
Ancient Church," Churrh History, XX ( 1951 ), 10-22; Stauffer, p. 2oo; J. Behm,
Die Offenbarung des Johannes (5th ed., "NTD"; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, 1949) p. 3· Even though the doxological passages of the Apocalypse are not
thought to be derived from already extant Christian hymnody, several of them
demonstrate very clearly the appropriateness which ~he New Testament church felt in
regard to the composition and singing of musical praise to Chr·ist.
I54· Vide supra, pp. 24-25.
I55· Hasper, pp. 87-88, takes a sensible view of -the matter in connection with
Paul's writings: "Uit de brieven van Paulus krijgen wij sterke indruklren van het lied
in den eredienst. Het zou niet juist zijn, in alle stukken van de brieven van Paulus,
welke in verheven en dichterlijken stijl zijn geschreven, terstond brokstukken van
liederen te willen ontdekken. Daartoe is geen grond. Het is echter goed, het oog
niet te sluiten voor de buitengewone schoonheid, de voornaa:mheid, de plechtigheid,
waarin telkens de proza-stijl van den apostel overgaat ... wanneer hij in vel'Voering
komt over Gods genade in de gemeente. Dan is de proza-schrijver in den diepsten zin
dichter .... Meermalen worden dergelijke stukken in den verheven rhythmischen stijl
van de Griekse proza-hymne in de brieven van Paulus ingelast. Zij zijn dan geen
uitvloeisel van eigen inspiratie, maar citaten uit een soort repertoire, dat tot het
geloofsbe2)it der gemeente behoorde, een repertoire, waartoe vele ongenoemden en
onbekenden het hunne zullen hebben bijgedragen. Zie I Kor. I2 : 28-3I en I4: 26."
Cf. Kroll, p. I2, n. I. Messenger, pp. 8-9, is inclined to attribute the hymn-like
fragments in Paul to the Apostle's own gift of poetic improvisation. Leclercq, cols.
2826ff., surveys the hymns and fragments of the N.T. and the early church. Stanley,
CBQ, XX, I78ff., classifies the Christological hymn-like passages of the N.T. on
the basis of three motifs: (I) Jesus' enthronement at the right hand of God, ( 2) the
suffering and glorified Servant of Jahweh, (3) the Son of Man and the Second Adam.
In his approach to the •hymn-like passages of the N. T., the exegete must take into
account that these passages belong to a particular literary genre. This fact is relevant
for the exegesis of the passage itself as well as for the assessment of its relationship
to its context. Cf. Macdonald, p. II8, n. I; Noack, p. 58. It may also explain the
differences between some N.T. citations and the original literary source.
I56. Hasper, pp. 86-87. On the possible ways in which the hymn could have been
rendered - op,ofJvp,aiJov fieav q;wv~v- vide Marsden, p. s6; cf. p. 29, n. 3I, supra.
Kroll, p. 36, n. I. thinks the op,ofJvp,aiJov and ~he language of the passage indicate
the hymn was not improvised, but an already existent piece. Rather than referring
to a separate activity, the IJiop,at of v. 3I probably relates the petition of vss.
29-30 to the outcome in v. 3I, ron/ra Selwyn, p. 275. Interesting in this connection
hymns: Acts4,24-3o; 156 ITim. 1,15;157 3,16 (cf. Acts23,8; Rom. 16,25ff.;
IPet. 3,18ff.); 158 IITim. 1,9-10;159 Tit. 2,13-14;16o IPet. 1,17-21;161
2,4-8 ;162 2,21-25. 163 Among other passages which may also have been
derived from hymns, but perhaps more directly from a pre-Christian back-
ground, are Jn. 1,1-18; 164 I Cor. 2,9; 165 ITim. 6,15-16;1° 6 Heb. 11.' 67

Post-Biblical Hymm and Fragments

Next to these passages in the New Testament, the earliest extant
Christian hymns may be the Odes of Solomon, probably from the earlier
part of the second century and originally in Greek, and perhaps from
Antioch. 168 From about the same period comes the "Hymn of Jesus" in the
Acts of John. 169 Passages which may have been hymns occur in Martyr.
Polyc. 14; Epist. ad Diognet. 11; Melito of Sardes Of Sottl and Body. 110
A Christian hymn is found in Or. Sib. 6, and a hymn to Christ in Clement
of Alexandria Paed. 3,12. Ephraem Syrus Serm. adv. haer. 53, refers to a
book of one hundred and fifty hymns written by Bardesanes (d. 222) and
his son, Harmonios. Three hymns are contained in the Gnostic Acts of
Thomas: the "Hymn of the Soul," 17 1 a hymn about the divine wisdom
personified as a bride, and a song in praise of Thomas. The Oxyrhynchus
Papyri have preserved the conclusion of a hymn. 172 In this doxological
fragment all creation is enjoined to praise the Trinity. Basil De Spiritu
Sancto 29,73 (PG XXXII.2o5), refers to the hymn known as rpwt;

is that in Acts 16,25; I Cor. 14,15-16; Jas. 5,13, where praying and singing are
mentioned together, the former precedes the latter. Cf. p. 174, n. 58, infra ..
157. E. F. Scott, Pastoral Epistles, p. 13.
r58. Hasper, pp. 88-89; Lock, p. 44. Kroll, p. 16, n. 2, thinks the passage may
well be a confession rather than a hymn.
159. Easton, p. 40.
160. Ibid., p. 94.
161. Windisch, pp. 56-57; cf. p. 65.
162. Selwyn, pp. 268ff. The limits of the hymn in view here are difficult to
determine.
163. \X'indisch, p. 65.
164. R. Bultmann, Das Evangelium des Johannes (12th ed., "KKNT"; Giittingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1952), pp. r-58, thinks the prologue is a revis'ion of a
pre-Christian Gnostic hymn. Cf. Stanley, CBQ, XX, 189.
165. Dibelius, Fresh Approach, p. 247; Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 66.
166. E. F. Scott, Pastoral Epistles, p. 79, thinks ~he derivation he(~ is also probably
from a Christian hymn, modeled on the synagogue liturgy. ·
167. 0. Michel, Der Brief an die Hebriier (roth ed., "KKNT"; Giittingen:
Vandenhoeak & Ruprecht, 1957), p. 245.
168. Quasten, Patrology, I, 16off.
169. One extant version, called the "Hymn of the Priscillianists" (in Spain), is
preserved in Augustine Epist. 237 (PL XXXIII. 1034).
170. A. sermon, containing a hymn-like section on the crucifixion.
171. Translations of the "Hymn of the Soul" and that concerning "wisdom" may
be found in James, pp. 4II·15 and 367-68, respectively.
172. B. P. Grenfell & A.. S. Hunt (ed.), The Ox_yrhynchus Papyri (London:
Oxford University, 1922), Pt. XV, 21-25.
Uae&v or buAvxvw, svxaeurrla .173 A twenty-five line hymn of
encouragement and admonition is preserved in -the Ambers! Papyri.m
A long hymn of Biblical sentiment, inspired by the Parable of the Wise and'
Foolish Virgins (Mt. 25,1-13), is given in Methodius Sympos. II,2(PG
XVIII.2o7-I4). Many of the hymns of Ephraem Syrus are extant. Several
Scripturally worded hymns are preserved in Apost. Const. 7-8, and the
Liturgy of St. James. The oldest Latin hymns are those of Hilary of Poitiers
(d. 368), only a few of which are extant. 176

Why So Few Extant Hymns?

The foregoing survey of the Patristic testimony and extant hymns and
fragments indicates that the free composition of hymns flourished in the
early church. 176 These compositions inclu.ded both those for congregational
and those for individual use. Though most of the extant hymns are from
the East, this does not necessarily mean that the West produced relatively
few hymns. Other factors which varied between East and West must be
taken into account. This raises the question, why are there so few extant
hymns from the first four centuries of the church's history, if, as reported
in Eusebius, "psalms and hymns . . . were written by faithful Christians
from the beginning"?
Various reasons have been suggested to explain this paucity. Werner
thinks that ascetic and monastic trends favored the use of the Biblical
Psalms, rather than hymns.m It is obvious that many of the more or less
improvised hymns would have had little literary merit and therefore were
not preserved in writing. 178 Kroll makes a comparison with the similarly
small number of extant hymns from the cults of imperial Rome. The same
writer points out the fluidity of liturgical language, borrowed from a
common repertoire of phraseology, thus tending to make writing unneces-
sary - the inauspicious circumstances in which the Christians lived - the
lack of Christians who could write well, and the pressing needs in other
areas confronting those who were qualified - and the comparative lack of
extant literature even in the matter of apologetics. 179 All these factors may
contribute something to the explanation of the problem. But it is generally

173· Warren, p. 191, thinks the hymn is older than 300 A.D.
174. Grenfell & Hunt, Amherst Papyri, I, 23-28.
175. Cf. J. Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology (rev. ed.; London; John Murray,
1915), p. 522, and Altaner, p. 427.
176. Kroll, pp. 23ff.
177· Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 319-20. Werner also assigns the reaction to
heretical use of song as a reason. On the usage of the O.T. Psalms to further
asceticism, cf. Chrysostom Hom. Col. 3,16.
qS. Kroll, p. 37; Messen,ger, p. 9; E. F. Scott, Colouians, Philemon, EphesianJ,
p. 76. Cf. Leitner, p. 92.
179. Kroll, pp. 35-36.
agreed that the most .important reason for there being so few extant
Christian hymns from the first centuries lies in a Biblicistic reaction in the
orthodox church to the heretical use of hymnody as a propaganda medium.tso
The list of post-Biblical compositions just surveyed indicates that many of
them were less than orthodox in their presentation of the faith, judging by
their authors. Eusebius Hist. E. 7,30,10, refers to the substitution by Paul
of Samosata of hymns to himself in place of those to Christ. In its Canon
LIX, the Council of Laodicea (ea .. 360 A. D.) prescribed: fht ov IJe'i
liJtwTt~ovc; '1/'UAftOVc; UyeaDat B'll -r:fj l~~'),:rJGlq. oviJe a~a'IIO'IItl17:a
{Jt{JA.la aA.A.a pdva -r:a ~avovt~a -r:ijc; ~awijc; ~al naA.atiic; IJtafJ~~'YJc;.
The wording of this canon does not restrict the church to the Biblical
Psalms and Canticles, but would at least proscribe the introduction of new
compositions into the worship service. Presumably, such extra-Biblical
compositions as were already incorporated in the liturgical repertoire of
the church could have been retained. The Fourth Synod of Toledo
reiterated the same proscription nearly three centuries later. In the
meantime, Chrysostom Hom. Col. 3,r6, admonishes the singing of the Old
Testament Psalms as superior to other songs, and various other Fathers
refer adversely to the compositions of the heretics. 181 The polemic use of
hymns by both parties is seen in the opposition of the Homoousians to the
Arians, Socrates Hist. E. 1,9,16. 182 Also indicative of the fixation of the
music of the church in this period is the attachment of the fourteen odes to
the Psalter in the fifth century Codex Alexandrinus. 183 It is apparent, then,

180. Ibid., pp. 37·38, 98; Dibelius, Fresh App1·oach, p. 254, who dates this
reaction from the middle of the second century. This is plausible, but the earliest
evidence of the reaction is somewhat later. Most writers date the reaction from the
mid-third century. The Jidascalia Apostolorum (ed. R. H. Connolly), p. 13,
prescribes: "Si vero canticorum desideras, ha:bes Psalmos," and on p. 179, warns
against the use of heathen songs by Christians. Connolly thinks a date in the early
third century is probable.
181. TertuUian De carne Christi q,20 (PL Il. 781,786), mentions the heretical
psalms of Marcion and Valentinus. Athanasius Epist. de decret. Nicaenae Synodi 16
(PG XXXV. 451), disapproves of the heretical songs of Arios. Epiphanius Haer. 2
(PG XL. q6-77), condemns the heretic psalms of Hierakas. Philostorgius Hist. E.
2,2, writes that Arius set words to music after his expulsion from the church.
Theodoret Hairel. kakomy. 4,7 (PG LXXXIII. 426), condemns the Meletians in
Egypt for various silly musical practices, including the singing of hymns. Sozomen
Hist. E. 3,16 (PG LXVII. 1090 ), tells how Bardesanes and H~rmonios composed a
Gnostic psalter of one hundred and fifty selections. Leitner, P': 95, attributes the
substitution of carmen foe hymn by the Latin Fathers to a reaction against the hymns
of the heretics.
182. Cf. Hasper, p. 98, n. 1.
183. Rahlfs, II, 164ff. Schneider, p. 42, writes: "Seit dem 2. Jh. batten die bibli-
schen Oden ihren Platz zwischen den Lesungen der Ostervigil. Im Gottesdienst des
friihen Sonntagmorgens dagegen wurden nichtbiblische, christliche Hymnen gesungen.
Am Ende des revolutionaren vierten Jahrhunderts war aber auch hier die Lage vollig
veriindert: die altchristlichen Hymnen waren fast ganz aus dem Gottesdienst ver·
schwunden; an ihre Stelle traten die biblischen Oden."

93
that the church was led to proscribe rhe use of newly composed songs in her
worship service, not from the principle that only Biblical passages should.
be sung, but as a defensive measure against the use the heretics were making
of song as a vehicle for their unorthodox ideas,

':14
 CHAPTER IV

SECULAR AND ILLUSTRATIVE REFERENCES

A. SECULAR MUSICAL PRACTICES
References to the employment of music for secular purposes occur in the
Synoptics, I Corinthians, and in Revelation. Taken cumulatively, they afford
considerable insight into the musical practices of the New Testament world.

I. Dancing and Mirth

Dancing in the New Testament is performed by Herod's daughter (Mt.

q,6; Mk. 6,22 - oexiot-tat) ;1 occurs in connection with the homecoming
of the Prodigal (Lk. 15,25- xoe6c;); and is mentioned in a proverb by
Jesus (Mt.II,q; Lk.7,32-oexeof.t(u). It may have also been associated
with the mourning rites for the daughter of Jairus (Mt. 9,2 3 pars.), and was
probably engaged in at the marriage in Cana (Jn. 2,Iff.).

Matthew r 4,6
The presence of music in connection with the dance of Herod's daughter
is not specifically mentioned, as in the other "dance" passages, but may
certainly be assumed. 2 Though there are only two references to dancing in
the Psalms (149,3; 150,4), and the practice is never mentioned in con-
nection with the Temple in the Bible or Talmudic sources, 3 the Jews were
not opposed to dancing per se. On the contrary, they held the ·dance -
especially the more naive folk-dance - in high esteem. 4 Though women
dance on several important occasions in the Old Testament (cf., e. g., Ex.
15,20; Judg. II,34; I Sam. 18,6), there was, as has been noted, a reaction
on the part of Jews and Christians to the pagan use of female entertainers in
general. 5 That a monarch's daughter should so perform semi-publicly,

I. For the influence of Herod's father ("Herod the Great") on secular music in
Palestine, cf. Josephus Ant. ]ud. r5,8,r.
2. On music at pagan and Christian meals, cf. Quasten, Mu.rik und Gesang, pp.
173, 179·
3· ldelsohn, Jewish Music, pp. rs-r6; soo, n. 12.
4· Str.-B., I, 682: "Der Tanz ist eine ·vie! geiibte Kunst gewesen; denn das Rabbin.
hat fiir 'tanzen' eine ganze Reihe von Ausdciicken: ~~n = sich drehen; r~P
hiipfen, springen; ,f} hiipfen, tanzen. Der Tanz. ein Zeichen ''fri:ihlicher Stim-
mung, client vor allem der Belustigung andrer. In erster Linie sind es Manner, die
am Tanz teilnahmen; selbst hochangesehene Rabbinen verschmahen das Tanzen nicht;
auch Engel fiihren Reigentanze auf; sogar von Gott erwartet man, dass er dereinst in
der Vollendungszeit vor den Gerechten einen Reigen anfiihren werde." Cf. }er. 31,
4.13. In Acts Jn. 94-97, Jesus, after the Last Supper, leads the apostles in a ring
dance. Cf. Findlay, pp. 190-91; 225-28. The text is found in translation in James,
pp. 253-54·
s. Vide pp. q, 33-34, supra; cf. Str.-B., I, 682: "Seltener werden tanzende Frauen
95
however, was not without precedent. 6 This banquet of Herod - especially
in connection with its tragic consequences - typifies the pagan employment
of music to which Jews and Christians reacted.

Luke 15,25
A more explicit reference to secular musical performance is found in the
parable of the Prodigal Son (IJk. rs,n-32). The elder son, approaching
home, heard avf.upwt~la, "al xoewv (v. 25). The context is one of
merriment (cf. evrpealvw in vss. 23-24.29.32).1 Other festal elements
in addition to the music and dancing are: "the best robe," a "ring,"
"shoes," 8 and especially "the fatted cal£.'' 9 The text does not identify the
musical performers at the banquet. It is probable, however, that in such an
instance they would be part of the household staff, or others hired for the
occasion. 10

erwiihnt. Den gemeinsamen Tanz beider Geschlechter miteinander scheint man nkht
gekannt zu haben," Cf. BT Berakoth 24 a.
6. Str.-B., I, 682, n.g.: "Lv R 12 (n3d): R. Huna (urn 350) hat gesagt: So Arten
von Tiinzen hat die Tochter des Pharao in jener Nacht (da sie Salomo geheiratet hat)
getanzt." Cf. Grosheide, Matt heus, p. 231: "Oat een prinses bij een feestmaal danste,
mag vreemd schijnen, doch moet we! meer zijn voorgekomen. Herodes' krachtig
beloven doet onderstellen, dat het gezelschap niet geheel nuchter was, waarsc·hijnlijk
was het een echt drinkgelag. Ook 1Jeeaev, dat van zinneli}k behagen spreekt, wijst
in die richting." Others consider such an event to be more of a rarity. Cf., e.g.,
S. E. Johnson, IB, VII, 428: "Oriental parties were usually for men only. While the
Herods were lax ·in their morals, it would have been exceptional for a princess to
dance before such a company. At the time when this occurred, s-he may have already
been married to Philip." Similarly, E. P. Gould, A Critical and Exegetical Commen-
tary on the Go.rpel According to St. Mark ("ICC"; New York: Scribner's, 1896),
p. II3. Cf. V. Taylor, The Gospel According to St. Mark (London: Macmillan,
1952), p. 315, where the views of several commentators are cited. B. H. Branscomb,
The Gospel of Mark ("MNTC"; New York: Harper, n.d.), pp. 109-10, calculates
that Salome would have been "not older than in her late twenties - how much
younger than that we cannot tell." Taylor, p. 314, estimates Salome at this time to
have been not "more than twenty." According to H. B. Swete, The Gospel According
lo St. Mark (3d. ed.; London: Maomillan, 1920), p. 125, Salome, a "O{!aatov, was
not married at the time of her dance. Matthew only mentions Herod's pleasure,
while Mark extends the enjoyment to the entire circle at the banquet.
7· Evrpeatvw also occurs in Lk. 12,19 and 16,19, in both cases referring to
sumptuous living. In most cases elsewhere in the N.T., the word has a more religious
flavor. Cf. N. Geldenhuys, Commentary on the Gospel of Luke ("NICNT'; Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1956), p. 413, n. I5: .. evrpeav{}fjvat is the outward cele-
bration and xaefjvat the inward experience of joy and gladness."
8. A. Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According
to S. Luke ("ICC"; New York: Scribner's, n.d.), p. 376: "None of the three things
ordered are necessaries. The father is not merely supplying the wants of his son, who
has returned in miserable and scanty clothing. He is doing him honour."
9· Cf. ibid.: "There is only one, reserved for some special occasion. But there can
be no occasion better tha·n this." Cf. I Sam, 28,24.
ro. Cf. Plummer, p. 377: "Performed by attendants, not by those at the banquet."
Cf. R. C. Trench, Notes on the Parables of Our Lord (London: J. W. Parker, 1847),
 The translation of the word avprpawla, !]as caused considerable con-
troversy. The word occurs only here in the New Testament, but is also
found in LXX Dan. 3,5.15 (v. /.). In MT Dan. 3,5-15, i1'.l·e~~O
T: l

- a transliteration of the Greek - is found. The Vulgate avoids the issue

by merely transliterating. ASV does likewise, putting "bagpipe" in the
margin of Daniel. RSV (cf. NV) employs "bagpipe" in Daniel and "music"
in Luke. Strack-Billerbeck translate the word "Doppelflote, Sackpfeife." 11
Arndt and Gingrich adduce evidence for two meanings of the word: ( 1)
the "music produced by several instruments," (2) "a single instrument." 12
Barry attempts to prove that the word must mean "bagpipe," 13 but he is
opposed by Moore: "While I think, therefore, that Mr. Barry is right in
taking avprpwvla in Luke 15,25 as the name of a musical instrument,
there is no ground whatever for identifying it with a bagpipe." 14 According
to Sachs - a more recent musicological authority - there was no such thing
as a bagpipe in the time of Dan. 3·

The Aramaic word smnponia, that the writer of Daniel used, came
from Greek symphonia, which never in antiquity meant an instrument
at all, but rather the playing together of instruments. . .. [In the
Middle East until today] at first the leading instruments improvise in
solo cadenzas after each other, and only in a second part the ensemble
with drums joins in.16

p. 417: "It would be alien to the manners and feelings of the East, to suppose the
guests themselves to have been engaged in these diversions: they would but be
listeners and spectators, the singers and dancers being hired for such occasions."
Mention of such professional secular musicians, both men and women, being returned
after the exile is made in Ezra 2,65 and Neh. 7,67. For an enumeration of the
elements of a Jewish banquet cf. Isa. 5,II-I2; Amos 6,4-6. Sirach devotes the first
thirteen verses of his 32d chapter to proper behaviour at a banquet. In 32,3-6, he
advises:
Speak, 0 elder, for it is thy privilege:
But be discreet in understanding, and hinder not song.
In a place of music pour not forth tdk,
And at an unseasonable time display not thy wisdom.
As a signet-stone of carnelian on a necklace ( ?) of gold
Is a concert of song at a banquet of wine.
Settings of fine gold and a seal of carbuncle
Is the sound of mu&ic with the pleasance of wine.
Cf. Sic. 49,1.
II. Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 396. Engel, p. 282, takes both symphonia and magrepha to
mean bagpipe.
12. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 788. Evidence given also in]. H. Moulton & G. Milligan,
The Vocabulary of the Greek Testamellf (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1952), p. 599·
13. P. Barry, "On Luke XV, 25, avfupwv{a : Bagpipe," JBL, XXIII (1904),
180-90; idem, "Daniel 3,5, SU.mp6nyah," fBL, XXVII (1908), 99-127.
14. G. F. Moore, ".Evprpwv{a not a Bagpipe," JBL, XXIV (1905), 166-75.
15. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 48. Cf. idem, History, p. 84. There seems to be no evidence

97
Thus Sachs would understand the word in Daniel and Luke. It is not
unlikely that the halil ( a~.ilO~) was included among the instruments
accompanying the dance, as were certain instruments of percussion to assist
the rhythm. 18
Retlelation 18,2 2-2 3
This is another reference to music employed in secular society. The
context has to do with the destruction of "Babylon" (Rome). Just as the
great stone which the angel drops into the sea (v. 21) disappears from
sight, so the city is doomed to destruction, and in her destruction all signs
of human life will disappear completely. The picture of the cessation of
mirth which accompanies divine judgment is common in the Old Testament
prophets, where the gladness associated with the marriage celebration is
several times especially notedP It is difficult to say whether the first cpwv-IJ
in v. 22 is best rendered "sound" (RSV; NEE) or "voice" (AV; ASV).
The second cpW,'TJ is probably better "sound" ( RSV; NEE, contra AV;
ASV), and the cpwv-IJ of v. 23 best rendered "voice" (AV; ASV; RSV).
This is, however, elevated prose, and "sound" can in no case be certainly
declared preferable to "voice." According to Arndt and Gingrich the
"tffaerp~6~ is a "lyre-player, [or] harpist who plays an accompaniment
to his own singing," in contrast to a "tffaeun:IJ~ who does not sing, but
merely plays.ts
The word f-lOVat"iiw is rather ambiguous and difficult of precise
translation. Especially Charles has argued that the word as used here must
mean "singers." His reasons are: (1) the usage in Ezek. 26,13, which is
apparently the Old Testament passage from which the thought here is
taken, ( 2) only a specific term would fit the inventory of musicians in the
verse. Charles can find no certain example of f-tOVUt"oi meaning "singers,"
however, and writes: "Hence we conclude either that f-lOVf1t"W'JI here =
that allows the possibility of vocal music being meant by the term, contra W. Manson,
The Gospel of Luke (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1955), p. 289: "The Gk word
translated 'music' may mean the sound of a number of instruments playing together
or voices singing together; or it may be, as in Dan 3,5, the name of one musical
instrument somewhat like the bagpipes."
16. Cf. Sachs, History, pp. II9·2o. If the halil were played, then there would
have been at least something of a bagpipe-like sound heard. Cf. infra, pp. 99-100.
17· Cf. Isa. 14,u; 24,7-II; Jer. 7,34; 16,9; 25,1o; 33,u; Ezek. 26,13; Bar. 2,23.
Cf. lsa. 5,12; Amos 6,5. Cf. Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 153: "Das Motiv der fol-
genclen Strophen ist Ez 26,13 entnommen: "al iJ cpwv~ TW'JI 'ljJaAT'f](!lW'JI aov ov
f-l~ a"ovafffj l-rt . Es ist ein Zeichen der Gebundenheit und darin der viilligen
Freiheit und Kraft des Sehers, class er aus diesem vereinzelten Motiv dieses grosse
Gedicht formte." Charles, Revelation, II, 109, emends the verses in view considerably,
a part of :his extreme emendation throughout the book. Gharles has a very low view
of the "editor" of Revelation, and attributes many "mistakes" to him. Contra the
approach of Charles, cf. Torcey, passim.
18. Arndt & Gingrich, p, 433· On the kithara, cf. pp. 43-46, supra.
'singers,' - a meaning difficult to justify, - or that it is an error due to· a
corruption in the source. That is, p,ovrJt'XiiYP = 0''1'~ corrupt for , O'")r.t
= 'singers.' " 19
Lohmeyer also adopts "singers" as the translation here
(cf. NV), but considers Test. Jud. 23,2 as a precedent (as even Charles
seems to concede). 20 Moulton and Milligan do not decide the
matter. 21 Arndt and Gingrich decide for "musicians" (cf. AV). 22 Perhaps
the best that can be done is to render the word by a more general term as
"musicians" or the vaguer "minstrels" (ASV; RSV; NEB). It is arbitrary
for Charles to maintain that the other specific terms in the list demand that
p,ovat-xwv also be specific.
For avA.n-r*·, Arndt and Gingrich give "flute-player." 23 In Mt. 9,23,
however, the term is used for the players of what must have been the
~'~'J .24 Koehler gives "flute" for ~'~r'i .26 Idelsohn thinks the halil
was a "big pipe" a "mono-aulos,'' closely related to the aulos (flute),
but with a sharp, penetrating, oboe-like tone. 28 Sachs, however, identifies
the halil as a kind of double oboe, probably deriving from Syria. The two
members were "loosely held together in the mouth and blown simultaneously,
one sounding a drone to accompany the melody produced by the other one.
The timbre is described as 'sweet.' " 27 Its sounds seem to have been conducive
to trance or prophetic ecstasy. 28 The flute- or oboe-type of instrument was
very popular in the folk-life of ancient peoples in general, and the Jews
did not consider the balil sacred. It was not found in Solomon's Temple,
and though between two and twelve were used in the second Temple,
they were employed only on certain festal occasions, and never on the
Sabbath. 29 The general type of instrument was used in connection with
19. Charles, Revelation, II, no.
20. Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 153.
21. Moulton & Milligan, p. 418.
22. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 530.
23. Ibid., p. 121. Cf. ibid., on avM~.
24. Vide pp. IOI-05, infra.
25. Koehler & Baumgartner, p. 301.
26. Idelsohn, fettJish Music, p. 12.
27. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47· The ha/i/ was thus distinct from the :l),l,',
T
which
Sachs, History, p. 106, thinks was probably a "long, wide, vertical £lute," as played
by shepherds. According to Sellers, pp. 41-42, ~'~n
. T
is equivalent to "flute" in
modern Hebrew, and the Rabbis seem to have understood it that way. He considers
the archaeological evidence to support Sachs, however. The latter authority, History,
p. 120, states that the early cane models were later replaced by those of conical shape, as
pictured on coins minted in the time of the Bar Kochba Revolt (132-35 A.D.).
28. So Thomas was entranced in Acts Thos. 5-9. Cf. I Sam. 10,5; Sachs, History,
p. 120.
29. On the association of the flute with pagan rites, vide Quasten, Musik und
Gesang, p. 105. Cf. Idelsohn, fettJish Music, p. 12; Hasper, pp. 109-10; BT Sukkah
5ob; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 153: "Flote iot vor allem das Instrument der privaten
99
funerals, as well as in connection with festivity.so Stainer is probably correct
when he states :
In all probability the word pipe - the av).o~ of the Greeks, the
tibia of the Romans - included two important divisions of modern
instruments: namely, reed instruments, such as the oboe or clarinet;
or simple flue pipes, such as the flute. That this must have been the
case is evident from the fact, that while there is unquestionable
evidence that many ancient instruments had reeds, no special name is
set apart for them as opposed to open tubes without reeds.s1
Thus, while avM~ is the general term subsuming an instrument such
as the halil, it may not be supposed that the latter is necessarily in view in
Rev. 18,22.
The last class of players in the catalog - O'aA:nw"rwv ,32 "trumpeters"
- gives less trouble than the two preceding. The trumpet had secular as
well as religious associations in both pagan and Jewish society. 33 The
instrument is treated fully in chapter six.
The qJWVfJ p,,';').ov could conceivably refer to the songs of the women
grinding meal, but it is more natural to understand the phrase simply as
the sound made by the grind-stone turning. 34 All industry will cease.
References from Jeremiah and Baruch to the ceasing of the fPWVfJ
-.vp,qJlov "al vVJ-t(p'YJ~ at judgment were given above. 35 There is no
direct reference to music here, but it is certain that the phrase bore musical
overtones to the seer's first readers. "Ein Hochzeitszug ohne Gesang u. Tanz
u. Musik war kaum denkbar, u. erst recht batten Gesang u. Flotenspiel ihre
Statte an der Hochzeits tafel selbst."3° The sound of the bridegroom and
und profanen Musik," Further, Charles, Ret'elation, II, no: "The fluteplayer
(tibicen) was in much request on the Roman stage, and at Roman festivities as well
as at funerals." Arndt & Gingrich, p. 121, give a:vA.rrr:el~ in the plural =
"immoral women w. :n6evat," and = "concubine" in av. 't'OV {3amA.8w~.
30. Vide infra, pp. 101-05; Sellers, p. 41; Hasper, pp. 109-10. Cf. I Ki. 1,40;
Isa. 5,12; 30,29; Mish. Bikkurim Ill, 3·
31. J. Stainer, The Music of the Bible (London: Casseli-Petter-Galpin, 1882),
p. n
32. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 748: "a later form for the older O'ap,m(y)x.,;* ."
Similarly, Swete, Apocalypse, p. 239. The word occurs only here in Biblical Greek.
33· Cf. Charles, Revelation, Il, no: "The trumpeter (tubicen) had his part in the
games, in the theatre and at funerals."
34· Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 878; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 153; Swete, Apoca-
lypse, p. 240. Cf. S. R. Driver, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah (New York:
Scribner's, 1907), p. 147, n.d. Driver says that the turning of the stones "is heard
daily in an eastern village, and is a sign of the presence of life in it .... The hand-
mill (which is here meant) consists of two circular stones, eighteen inches or two
feet in diameter, the lower one being fixed on the ground, while the upper one is
turned round ·by a woman - or often (cf. Matt. XXIV. 41) by two women -
kneeling or sitting beside it." LXX Jer. 25,10 has OO'f.t~V P,V(!OV.
35· P. 98, n. 1.
36. Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 395. On the Jewish wedding, cf. ibid., pp. 504ff.

IOO
the bride was a certain index to the welfare of a people. Strack-Billerbeck
give a petition from a benediction said at the celebration of a Jewish
wedding: "Moge in den Stadten Judas u. in den Gassen Jerusalem gehort
werden ... die Stimme des Brautigams u. der Braut."37 After the destruction
of the second Temple, music in connection with the wedding was severely
proscribed by the Rabbis. 38 In Rev. 18,22-23 it is not simply a matter of
the music associated with festivity coming to an end, or joy being turned
into mourning; it is not only the voice of gladness that has ceased, but
every sound. Destruction is total - the city "shall be found no more at all."
And with her disappearance has gone the music - all varieties of music -
that once sounded in her streets. In this passage, then, the New Testament
is at one with the Old (if it does not go beyond it) in picturing the music
of the people as one of the signs of human life and activity that are to
cease when divine judgment falls.

2. Music at Funerals
Matthew 9,2 3
In Mt. 9,23 (Mk. 5,38-39; Lk. 8,52), the New Testament provides an
explicit reference to music in connection with Jewish funeral customs. 39
Especially Matthew, with his specific mention of the av).rp:dl, links the
ceremonies in the home of the synagogue ruler with what is known of the
usual Jewish practice. 40 (The meaning of the term aVAO!; was discussed

37· Ibid., III, 822. Cf. ibid., I, 507, nn. e., f.; p. 509, n. g.; p. 510, n. h.; p. 513,
n. p.; ·p. 515, nn. x., z.; p. 516, nn. aa., dd., for references to music in connection
with the wedding celebration.
38. Cf. p. 15, supra; Str.-B., IV, Pt. I, 395: "Nach der Zerstorung des Tempels
wurde verordnet, dass der Gesang in der Hochzeitshausern aufhiiren sollte; gleicher-
weise verbot man den Gebrauch der O~i'~ genannten Handpauke bei den Hoch-
zeitsziigen."' For another Rabbinic precept concerning the subject, cf. ibid., p. 396:
"T Sanh 12,10(433): R. e Aqiba (turn 135) hat gesagt: Wer das Hohelied mit
vibrierender (singender) Stimme in Hochzeitshiiusern vortragt u. es zu einer Art
(profanen) Gesanges macht, der hat keinen Anteil an der zukiinftigen Welt." Cf.
Mish. Sotah 48a: "When the Sanhedrin ceased [to function], song ceased from the
places of feasting."
39· Descriptions of Jewish funeral customs in some deta·il may be found in Str.-B.,
I, 521-23; IV, Pt. I, 579ff.; G. Stahlin, ff(!'YJVew, TJ17NT, Ill, 151/27-152/15;
idem, xo:n:e-r6!;, TWNT, Ill, 83 5-43. In the last reference Stiihlin gives an extended
treatment of xo:n:e-r6!; (Totenklage) in connection with pagan, Jewish and
Christian customs. On music and song at pagan and Christian funerals in antiquity,
cf. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 195_.216.
40. W. C. Alien, A Critiral and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According
to S. Matthew ("ICC"; New York: Scribner's, 1925), p. 96, writes: "A touch of
Jewish knowledge for Mk."s vaguer xAa{ov-ra~ xal tf).a).aCov-ra!;." Cf. E. Loh·
meyer & W. Schmauch, Das Evangelium des Matthaus ("KKNT"; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956), p. q8. It must not be thought, however, that the
use of auletai at funerals was a particularly Jewish custom. Cf. A. Plummer, An
Exegetiral Commentary on the Gospel Ac-cording to S. Matthew (London: Robert

IOI
above. In this instance it certainly must refer to the haiii, which Sachs
considers to be the double-oboe. The "flute-players" of ASV, RSV and
NEB is at least to be preferred to the "ministrels" of AV.) The activity
of the flautists is probably subsumed by the language of Mark and Luke,
however. The halil had long been associated with mourning by the Jews
(Jer. 48,36), and the common Rabbinic rule was that even the poorest man
must procure two hali/-players for the funeral of his wife (Mish. Ketubot
46b). 41 In this case they were likely more numerous, considering the
prominence of the bereaved.42
In addition to the avArJ7:at, Matthew mentions the 8z).ov fJo(!vpovp,evov,
"the crowd making a tumult" (cf. Acts 2o,zo). Mark's account of the scene
is particularly vivid and unusually full for his Gospel - fJ6(!vpo~, ").afw,
d).a).aCw, and fJo(!vpew (noUa) all being employed in his description.
Luke uses only ").a{w and "onTw. Neither Do(!vpew (cf. Acts I7,5)
nor fM(!vpo~ (cf. Mt. 26,5; 27,24; Mk. q,2; Acts 2o,z; 2I,34; 24,I8)
is confined to association with mourning. Both forms are used with reference
to a crowd of people that is in "turmoil, excitement, uproar," or "noisy,"
"clamorous," "restive," "in disorder," "aroused," "troubled." 43 'A).a).aCw
may be rendered "cry ottt loudly," "wail loudly," 44 but neither is this
term confined in its association to mourning. 45 The specifically sad and
sorrowful complexion of the scene is made definite, however, by the ").atw
of Mark46 and Luke, and the "onTw of the latter. K).atw means "[to)
weep, cry." 41 Its New Testament usage is always in connection with grief. 48
In Luke 7,32, it appears in place of the "onTw of Mt. rr,I7. Similarly,
"onTw, except where it means "cut off" (Mt. 2 I ,8 ; Mk. I I ,8), has
specifically to do with mourning. It means "[to) mourn (greatly)." 49
There can be little doubt that dirge-singers were in view in the de-
Scott, I9II ), p. 142: "Flute-players at Roman funerals were so fashionable that the
tenth law of the Twelve Tables restricted the number to ten. Seneca says that they
made such a noise at the funeral of the Emperor Claudius that Claudius himself
might have heard them." Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 333: "Flutes and cymbals
were also in evidence at funerals in all the cults of Asia Minor and even in
Palestine." Also, Quasten, Musik und Gesang, p. 196: "Das spezifische Klageinstru-
ment ist aber sonst bei alien Volkern die Flote." While only Matthew mentions
auletai, Mark and Luke use terms not found in Matthew to describe what was heard.
Cf. Josephus Bel. Jud. 3,9,5.
41. Cf. pp. 1o6-o7, il1fra.
42. Cf. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 152; H. Ridderbos, Het Evange/ie naar Mattheiis
("KV"; Kampen: Kok, 1952-1954), I, 191; Lohmeyer & Schmauch, p. 178.
43· Arndt & Gingrich, p. 363.
44· Ibid., p. 34·
45· Cf. pp. III-12, infra.
46. Swete, Mark, p. 107, remarks: "The "a{ which follows ( fJ6(!vPov] is
epexegetic ... the uproarious crowd within consisted of mourners."
47· Arndt & Gingrich, p. 434.
48. K. H. Rengstorf, s.v., TWNT, Ill, 721/27-28.
49· Arndt & Gingrich, p. 445. Cf. Mt. 24,30; Lk. 23,27; Rev. 1,7; 18,9.
I02
scription of ~he scene by the Synoptists. It was to accompany them, after all,
that the avArrr:a{ were present. 50 This was, moreover, the ancient practice
of the Jews; it was prescribed by the Rabbis and would most probably have
been followed in the household of the synagogue official. 51 Though there
was probably collaboration on the part of family and friends, 52 the burden
of the mourning was borne by a group of individuals who had special skills
in the art of lament, and with whom such a function was more or less a
profession in which they were engaged at least part-time, and for which they

50. Cf. Str.-B., I, 521, cited infra, p. 104, n. 53; Josephus Bel. Jud. 3,9,5:
nAela-rov~ de t.ttafJovafJat -roii~ avA7J-rck, ol fJefrvwv av-rol~ e~iJexov;
Mt. II,17.
51. Cf. ]er. 9,17-20:
Thus saith Jehovah of hosts,
Consider ye,
and call for the mourning women, that they may come;
and send for the skilful women, that they may come:
And let them ma1ke haste, and take up a wailing for us,
that our eyes may run down with tears,
and our eyelids gush out with waters.
For a voice of wailing is heard out of Zion.

Yet hear the word of Jehovah, 0 ye women

And teach your daughters wailing,

And every one her neighbor lamentation. (ASV)
The very poorest Israelite was expected to have at least one wailing woman at his
wife's funeral. Mish. Ketubot 4,4. Cf. BT Berakoth 16b. Concerning the words sung
by the wailing women, vide BT Moed Qatan 28b. Other references in Str.-B., I, 521.
52. Grosheide, MatthetiS, p. 152: "Wellicht waren onder de menigte ook familie-
leden en vrienden. Als Jezus binnentreedt, zijn zij aan het klagen." That both men
(especially) and women among the relatives so participated is well known. Cf.
Stahlin, pp. 836/47-837!I9; 842/zo-14. Female relatives were less prominent in the
more public demonstrations, however. Cf. idem, p. 152/r-5. The more prominent the
deceased, the larger the number of participants and the longer the period of
mourning- thus, thirty days for Josephus (Bel. Jud. 3,9,5). Sir. 38,16-23, advises the
"non-professional" concerning the lamentation for the departed:
My son, let tears fall for the dead;
Show thy grief and wail out thy lamentation.
In accordance with what is due to him bury his body,
And hide not thyself when he expires.
Let thy weeping be bitter and thy wailing passionate;
And make mourning as befits ·him:
A dny or two on account of gossip -
And be consoled on account of (thy) [sorrow}.

And let him no more occupy thy thoughts:

Dismiss the remembrance of him, and remember the end.
The reference to "hiding" is explained on the basis of BT Moed Qatau 27b by
G. H. Box & W/. 0. E. Oesterley, in Apoc .. & Pseud., I, 451, as being a temptation
facing the bereaved due to the "burden of expense entailed by extravagant funeral
fashions, which caused relatives to abandon the dead and take flight rather than face
the requirements."

103
could receive pay. 53 They were, moreover, probably women.54
Strack-Billel'beck sum up the role of the mourning women thus:
Aus den Angaben iiber die Klagefrauen erhellt, dass sie namentlich
auf dem wege vom Sterbehaus nach der Begrabnisstiitte in Tiitigkeit
traten, u. zwar besonders wann der Leichenzug haltmachte, urn die
Triiger der Bahre sich ablosen zu lassen. Dadurch ist nicht ausge-
schlossen, dass sie auch im Sterbehause selbst ihre Klageweisen ver-
nehmen liessen, wie es Mt 9,23 u. Mk 5,38 vorausgesetzt wird. Es
war entweder Chorgesang oder Wechselgesang [cf. Mt. n,q]; die
letztere Weise scheint stark erschiitternd gewirkt zu haben; wenigstens
wurde sie fiir eine ganze Reihe von Feiertagen untersagt, damit die
Festesfreude nicht allzusehr gestort werde. Der Gesang wurde durch
das (rhythmische?) zusammenschlagen der Hiinde u. dutch die Tone
der Handpauke u. der sog. Rebi e ith begleitet. Von den Klageliedern
selbst sind nur diirftige Ueberbleibsel erhalten.55
53· Cf. Jer. 9,17ff.; Amos 5,16; p. 103, n. 51, supra; Josephus Bel. Jud. 3,9,5;
Str.-B., I, 521: "Die Flotenspieler u. die Klageweiber - die letztern sind nach
Mk 5,38 wohl ganz besonders unter <lem ox).o' fJoevflovftl!/110' zu verstehen -
gehi:irten zu den notwendigen Requisiten einer Begrabnisfeier." Cf. H. Ridderbos,
Mattheiis, I, 191; Swete, Mark, p. 102. A. E. J. Rawlinson, St. Mark (2d ed., "WC";
London: Methuen, 1927), p. 71, is correct in his criticism of the insertion of the
word "mmzy" before "weeping" in Mk. 5,38 of ASV. He further reasons, however,
that according to Mark, there would not have been time enough to procure pro-
fessional mourners (as mentioned in Matthew), and that therefore only a small
number of people - those of the household - were present at Jesus' arrival. But any
seeming difference between Matthew and Mark in this matter may be due simply to
the generally compressed style of the latter. Thus, Taylor, p. 295, is probably correct
when he says of Mk. 5,38: "Probably members of the household are to be understood."
Cf. Stahlin, p. 843/2 5ff.
54· In addition to references above, cf. ibid., p. 841/40·41: "Ausgeiibt wurde der
"01CET6, hauptsachlich von gedungenen Klagefratlen ( !'11j~1p~ )." Cf. idem,
p. 152/30-31, on Lk. 23,27-28: "Dass hier die Frauen besonders hervorgehoben
werden, entspricht ihrem allg zu beobachtenden Hervortreten bei der Totenklage."
On the place of women at Christian and pagan funerals, vide Quasten, Musik und
Gesang, pp. 129-32. Cf. E. Peterson, a).a).aCw, TWNT, I, 228; Judg. 11,4o;
Jer. 7,29; 31,15; Ezek. 32,16; Mic. 1,8 (LXX); Ill Mace. 4,6ff.; Acts 9,39.
55· Str.·B., I, 521. Cf. ibid., pp. 521-23. The two manners of executing the
fJefjvo, (dirge) were the ~~)V. (unison), and the MjT~p (response or antiphon).
Cf. Stiihlin, p. 151/31-33· On the "Handpauke" ( tl~'"I~N), cf. Str .. B., I,
508, n. !.; p. 522, n. g. On the n~.v~~1 cf. ibid., n. h.: "Nach den Kommentaren
sind mit n~v~:J'"I zwei mehr als I Elle lange Holzer gemeint, die aneinander ge-
schlagen werden; Levy 4, 419b lasst die Rebi e ith 'aus diinnen, viereckigen Brettern
zus. gesetzt' sein." M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targummim, The Talmud Babli
and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature (Berlin: Choreb, 1926), p. 6o, con·
siders the tl~'"I~N problably to have derived its name from its usage (cf. p. 124:
tl'"l N
- T
= "to bind,
.
ioin, to betroth"), and identifies the instrument as a "drum,
taboret." Jastrow, p. 1443, identifies the n~v~:J'"I as a "musical instrument, sistra."
104
The hands were also used to smite the breast and the forehead (Isa. 32,12;
Lk. 23,48 [Codex DJ). The participants danced, and especially the men
indulged in rather forceful physical demonstrations, as the stamping of
the feet, all the while singing the praises (often exaggerated) of the
deceased. 58
Die eigentliche Totenklage spielt sich in der Zeit vom Tode bis zum
Begriibnis ab; sie hegann bei der Aufbahrung der Leiche im Hause
(vgl Mk 5,38 par) und erreichte ihren Hohepunkt bei den Bestat-
tungsfeierlichkeiten. 57
Bei alien Worten der Klage, die vielfach eine iibertriebene Ruhmung
des To~en enthielten, ist der treibende Hintergedanke der: der Tote
hOrt es ... und zugleich der Glaube, class die Worte der Totenklage
irgendwie erkennen lassen, ob der Verstorbene ein Sohn des O~~,V
N:Ji"T ist oder nicht. 58
Furthermore, since demons or evil spirits were often associated with
death (Mk. 5,5), some of the funeral customs were doubtless geared to
such popular conceptions. This would be especially true of the more
extreme physical manifestations in connection with mourning, and perhaps
also the playing of the halilim.59 Jesus' words to the crowd which had
gathered at the house of the synagogue ruler take on added significance
against the background of a knowledge of the popular funeral customs of
His day, in which musical performance played such a large part.

Luke 2 3,26-49
These verses constitute a second explicit reference to funeral customs in
which music had a part - "6:n:rw, fJerrvew and "A.alw being predicated
of the accompanying women (cf. Jn. 16,2o). In v. 48, the multitudes beat
their breasts (Codex D adds "a£ -ra
f-'hwna: "and their faces"). Thus,
while yet living, Jesus is accorded proleptically the funeral practices
customarily observed in connection with the proce~sion from house to
grave (cf. Jn. 12,7). The canonical Gospels do not mention any further
mourning in connection with Jesus' burial; the silence of the mourners may
well have been due to the celebration of the feast. In Evang. Pet. 12,50ff.,
On the toph and the sistrum, cf. Sellers, pp. 35-36; 44-45, respecti-v~ly. T'he trumpet
was another ·instrument associated with the funeral, used to call to· participation in
the funeral procession. Str.-B., IV, 580, n. 1. On the locality of the mourners within
the house vide Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 152: "Waarschijnlijk waren de klagers in den
voorhof, want elueJ..fJwv, vs 25, zal zien op het gaan in de sterfkamer." Cf. Loh-
meyer & Schmauch, p. 178.
56. Stahlin, p. 152/I-5; Str.-B., I, Pt. I, 522, n. f. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 445·
57· Stahlin, p. 841/12-15. Cf. ibid. further on the duration and divisions of the
mourning period.
58. Idem, p. 152/9-13.
59· Idem, pp. 842/34-843/4; cf. Str.-B., I, 522, n. c.; p. 13, supra.

105
however, Mary Magdalene and friends proceed to the tomb early on the
Lord's Day to weep and lament (x.'.avaat xal XOVJaaDat) as the Jews
had prevented them from doing on the day of the crucifixion. The women
in this case were motivated by love and not acting in any professional
capacity. If still prevented from mourning at the tomb, the women would
at least have wept and lamented on their return home. 60

B. ILLUSTRATION BY REFERENCE TO MUSICAL PRACTICE

Both Jesus and Paul illustrated their discourses by reference to well-known
phenomena which had musical associations. John also referred to familiar
musical phenomena in describing the sounds of the Apocalypse.

1. In the Teachings of Jesus

Matthew 1 I,I6-17
This parable of the Lord (also in Lk. 7,31-32) provides a third New
Testament reference to music in connection with a Jewish funeral. 61 As
already noted, Luke has ex.'.avaa-re for the BXOVJaO'f}e of Matthew.
Otherwise, what is apparently a well-known parable is worded identically
in both Gospels. 62 The verse was probably sung (or chanted) by one group
of children to the other. Grosheide comments: "Het parallelistische versje
wijst er op, dat het achter elkaar gezongen werd in een bepaald spel." 63
Actually, the phenomena of both members of the parable might be under-
stood as pertaining to funeral customs which the children imitated in their
play along the streets. It is more natural, however, as well as more in
keeping with the context to understand the first line as referring to
festivity, such as in connection with a wedding, and only the second line

6o. Cf. Stiihlin, pp. 844/30-845/22; p. 178, infra.

61. These verses are not so simple and obvious as some commentators seem to
think. Cf., e.g., T. W. Manson, The Sayings of Jesus (London: SCM, 1957), p. 70;
T. H. Robinson, The Gospel of Matthew ("MNTC"; London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1951), p. 102. On the other hand, cf. Stiihlin, pp. 154/17-155/I8.
6z. On the use of the question in Rabbinic literature to introduce a comparison,
cf. Str.-B., II, 7ff. On the variant readings for li A.eyu in Lk. 7,32, and the Aramaic
idiom .,~N"'I (found in Palestinian Talmud) corresponding to {:i A.eyu, cf. M.
Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts (2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon,
1954), p. 239. Cf. also de Zwaan, quoted in Hasper, p. 21, n. I: "Zij zijn gelijk de
kinderen, die op de markt zitten en tegen elkaar roepen wat (het rijmpie) zegt."
NV reads: ''en elkander toeroepen het bekende." The same combination of piping,
dancing, mourning and lamenting reappears in Acts Jn. 95,10-II. Arndt & Gingrich,
p. 587, cite the 8-re flBY 1]VA.ovv, ovx (i)exelaf}e of Aesop 27 H.
63. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 180. On the form of the parable, cf. A. C. Coxe in
Roberts & Donaldson, II, 212, n. 8: "In the Peshito-Syriac version, where are
probably found the very words our Saviour thus quotes from children in Nazareth,
this saying is seen to be metrical and alliterative."

106
to pertain to funeral practices. 84 It is not necessary to suppose that the
children were actually in posession of real instruments, though that is not
at all impossible.65 The funeral song presupposed here is apparently the
responsorial type, designated i"'~~p .
86 "Das vorwurfsvolle Wort der
einen Partei (Mt II,q par) beruht auf der Voraussetzung, dass ein Vor-
siinger- im Spiel und in der Wirklichkeit- den iJeijvo~ anstimmt und die
andern mit dem xone-r:6~ einfallen." 87

Matthew 6,2
A second instance of the use of musical phenomena to illustrate discourse
is found in this much discussed passage. 68 Friedrich correctly remarks:
"Der Sinn der Aussage ... ist eindeutig: Man soli nicht eigener Ehre
willen (v 2) alien Menschen sichtbar (vI und 3) Gutes tun." 69 The
question is, how is the 11~ aaA.ntan~ l!!ineoa{Jev aov to be understood?
Three major categories of answers have been given: (I) the figurative,
symbolical, metaphorical, or proverbial view,70 denying that any real salpinx

64. J, Jeremias, The Parables of Jems (London: SCM, 1955), p. 121, cites
BT Yebamoth 121b for an instance of children playing at burying a grasshopper.
Jeremias assigns the first line of the parable to the boys (since men participated in
the round dance at a wedding) and the second line to the girls (women customarily
singing the dirge). Such a division is not necessarily envisioned by the parable,
however.
65. Cf. H. Ridderbos, Mattheus, I, 220. Children did, for instance, blow the
.rhofar. BT Erubin 96b. As Stahlin, p. 844/25-27, points out, neither is it necessary
to suppose that the children at play sang an actual dirge.
66. Cf. idem, p. 151/31-33; Leitner, pp. 20-21.
67. Stiihlin, p. 844/21-23. Cf. tbid., !23·25: "Offenbar ist hier an den xone-r:6~
in urspriinglichen Sinn zu denken, namlich die Bewegungen der Hand, die den
iJeijvo~ rhythmisch begleitet haben mogen." There is no reason, however, why
~on-rw cannot have the meaning of "to wail," done (or not done in this case)
in response to #I]'YJVBW. The parallel ~).a{w. of Luke, moreover, favors this under-
standing.
68. On the general subject of Jewish charity, cf. Str.·B., IV, Pt. I, 536·58. On
Jesus' use of the "antithesis" as an aid to memory, cf. Jeremias, pp. 51,55,75,81;
C. F. Burney, The Poetry of Our Lord (Oxford: Clarendon, 1925), pp. 71-88.
69. G. Friedrich, aaA.my~, T!r7 NT, VII, 85/r8-2o.
70. Diogenes Or. 8,2: lrp'fJ av-r:ov elvat aaA.myya A.ou5oewv av-r:ov ya(! ov~
a~ovew rpiJeyyov11evov 11eyta-r:ov. H. Alford, The Greek Tes14tnent, I (New
York: Harper, 1859), 49; S. T. Bloomfield, The Greek Testament with English
Notes, I (Boston: Perkins & Marvin, 1837), 29; J. Gill, An Exposition of the New
Testament, I (Philadelphia: W. W. Woodward, 1811), 55; C. T. Kuinoel, Com·
mentarius in Libros Novi Testamenti Historicus, I (3d ed.; Lipsiae: ]. A. Barth,
1823}, 187; H. Olshausen, Biblical Commentary on the Gospels, I, trans. S. Loewe
(Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1847 ), 241; !W. Trollope, Analecta Theologica (London:
T. Cadell, 1830-1842), I, 77; W. M. L. de Wette, Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Hmzd.
bur:h zum Neuen Testament, I, Pt. I (4th ed.; Leipzig: Weidmann, 1847), 78; and
more recently in Alien, p. 56; Arndt & Gingrich, p. 748; Grosheide, Matthe11s,
p. 95; ]. P. Lange, Theologkal and Homiletical Commentary on the Gospel
is intended here; ( 2) the view which understands aaAntuv~ literally ;7t
(3) the view which, while denying that a literal trumpet is to be understood,
associates the phrase with a specific activity of the Jews in connection with
alms-giving, rather than understanding it as a more general euphemism for
ostentation and the like.72
The third view is not as popularly held as the other two, and apparently
is not as old a view. It was held by Schoettgen. 73 Essentially, this view
understands Jesus' words here to refer to the alms-boxes in the Temple
which were called "trumpets" ( n1,!:l1W ) because of their shape. 74
T

These would, on this view, "be sounded" when coins were cast into them
(cf. Mk. 12.41-44; Lk. 21,1-4).75 Both the unnaturalness of this inter-
pretation, however, as well as the reference to evpat~ (and perhaps also
of St. Matthew, I, trans. A. Edersheim (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1861), 238;
T. W. Manson, Sayings, p. 165; P. A. Micklem, St. Matthew with Introduction and
Notes ("WC"; London: Methuen, 1917), p. 54; Plummer, Matthew, p. 91; K. L.
Schmidt, "vp{Ja).ov, TWNT, III, 1038, n. 10: "Ein Musikinstrument (aakn:ty~)
ist das Bild eines Menschen, dessen an sich wertvolles iiusseres Hervortreten nicht von
entsprechenden inneren Eigenschaften getragen wird." It does not make for fruitful
exposition of the Scriptures to follow the bifurcation of Johnson, p. 306, who says
the phrase is probably metaphorical, but then remarks: "Matthew may have in mind
an actual Jewish custom, whether Jesus did or not." Johnson then sets forth the
view of A. Biichler (vide succeeding note).
71. A. Barnes, Notes, Explanatory and Practical, on the Gospels (New York:
Leavitt-Lord, 1834), I, 68; J. A. Bengel, Gnomon Novi Testamenti, I (3d ed.;
Tubingae: L. F. Fues, 1850), 54; Friedrich, pp. 85/I7-86/8; H. E. G. Paulus,
Philologisch-kritischer und historischer Kommentar uber das neue Testament, I
(Liibeck: ]. F. Bohn, 18oo), 56o-6r; and more recently in A. Biichler, "St Matthew
VI r-6 and Other Allied Passages," The Journal of Theological Studies, X (1909),
266-7o; E. Klostermann, cited in Arndt & Gingrich, p. 748; C. G. Montefiore, The
Synoptic Gospels, II (2d ed.; London: Macmillan, 1927), 95-96; Delling, Gottes-
dienst, p. 53.
72. Some commentators admit their uncertainty as to how the phrase must be
understood. Cf., e.g., A. H. McNeile, The Gospel According to St. Matthew
(London: Macmillan, 1915), p. 74; H. Ridderbos, Mattheiis, I, 126: "Het woord
behoeft niet letterlijk bedoeld te zijn" (italics mine); A. Schlatter, Erlautel'ungen zum
Neuen Testament, I (Calm-Stuttgart: Vereinbuchhandlung, 1908), 65.
73· C. Schoettgen, Horae Hebraicae et Talmt1dicae in Uni11ersum Novum Testa-
mentum, I (Dresden & Leipzig: C. Hekel, 1733), 51-55. Cf. G. Klein, "Mt 6,2,"
ZNW, VI (1905), 203-04: "(Jesus originally must have said:} Wenn du Almosen
gibst, so lege es nicht in den Schofar. Dem Uebersetzer war aber ·das Wort Schofar
in seiner hebriiischen Vorlage nur in der Bedeutung Trompete bekannt, so schrieb
er dafiir: p~ O'(J.A11:LO''(l~ ." M. R. Vincent, Word Studies in the New Testament
(New York: Scribner's, 1887-1900), I, 42-43,220, also understands the matter in
this way.
74· Cf. Edersheim, pp. 48-49, on these alms-boxes. Edersheim, p. 49, remarks:
"It is probably in ironical allusion to the form and name of these treasure-chests that
the Lord, making use of the word 'trumpet,' describes the conduct of those who, in their
almsgiving, sought glory from men as 'sounding the trumpet' before them - that is,
carrying before them. as it were, in full display one of these trumpet-shaped alms-
boxes (literally called in the Talmud, 'trumpets'), and, as it were, sounding it."
75· Cf. Str.-B., Ill, 450 on I Cor. 13,1b: "eUlla (urn 280) hat gesagt: Das ist es,
was die leute (im Sprichwort) sagen: Der Stater ( ein Geldstiick) in der Flasche

108
ovvaywyai~) are against this view,7o
Among those maintaining the "literal" view in some form, Meyer cites
several commentators (e.g., Henneberg) who associate the blowing of the
trumpet with the custom of beggars in the Near East to sound a trumpet
before those from whom they expected alms. 77 It is not certain, however,
that this custom existed in New Testament times. Furthermore, the passage
clearly associates the salpinx with the giver, and not the recipient of the
alms. 78
Some "literalists" (such as Barnes and Calvin79 ) maintain simply that the
trumpet was blown to assemble the poor that alms might be distributed to
them. Against this position Grosheide comments : "Dan zou de volgorde
moeten zijn: laat niet bazuinen als ge aalmoezen geeft: ook lp:neoat'Mv
aov is daartegen." 80 Moreover, though there might well be hypocrital
ostentation involved in such a practice, it is not likely that Jesus would have
condemned the overall practice per se. 81
A somewhat more sophisticated version of the "literal" view has been
set forth by Biichler. 82 His starting point was the description in Mish.
T aanith 2ff. of public fasting in connection with a drought. At a gathering
in the street, there were prayers, trumpets were sounded, and alms were
given. This Talmudic reference does no more than suggest a possible
association of the several phenomena, however, and does not furnish a
clear basis for connecting the trumpet with the alms-giving. The trumpet
may as well have been connected with the prayers as with the giving of
alms (cf. p. 142, infra). This view also assumes that avvaywyai~ does not
refer to synagogues. This may or may not be the case.83 Furthermore, as the
ruft: Kling! Kling! (Unbedeutende Menschen machen das grosste Wesen urn sich.)"
76. Cf. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 95. The argument of Friedrich, p. S5/24-32,
against the supposition of Klein that the translator of Jesus' words into Greek -
being unfamiliar with this particular connotation of ,£11t7 - employed aaA1tlCw
T

unwittingly, is not valid. Friedrich writes: "Diese Vermutung wird nicht zutreffen,
da die Geldeinlage in den ,£11rd nicht als ein aaAnlCetv missverstanden
T

werden konnte." Jesus may have used such an expression as would only naturally
be .rendered by aaAnlCetv . Cf., e.g., Josh. 6,16: .n1,~1t7~ V~l1 ,
literally
"to strike" or "to blow the trumpets," which the LXX renders by the verb
aa).n[Cew. ·~
77· H. A. W. Meyer, KKNT, I, Pt. I (2d ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, zS44), 151.
7S. Cf. Trollope, I, 77.
79· ]. Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, I, trans. W. Pringle
(Grand Rapids: Eerdman's, 1949), 309.
So. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 95·
SI. Friedrich, p. S5/32-34, also rejects this view, though without assigning any
particular reason.
S2. Montefiore, pp. 95-96, accepts and sets forth Biichler's interpretation.
83. Afford, I, 57, maintains that actual synagogues must be in view here. It is
possible, however, that the word here merely means "gathering."
preceding view, this interpretation does not give an obvious and satisfying
ground for Jesus' condemnation. 84
It is hard to escape the feeling that all of the explanations which have
been offered to support a more or less literal understanding of the phrase
are burdened with an apparent artificiality. There is, moreover, no reason at
aJI why the expression should not be comprehended figuratively. It is readily
understood when translated literally into ancient or modern languages: it
is the hypocrisy of ostentation that Jesus condemns. 85 Such a figurative
characterization of hypocrisy is also found in Mt. 23,13ff. (cf. pp. IJ4-I5,
infra). It makes little difference whether the aal.n{an~ is understood as
what the person himself does, or what he has done (causative).86
2. In Pauline Discourse
I Corinthians 13,1
This is a third passage in which musical phenomena are used to illustrate
discourse. The connotation of yA.cbaaat~ has already been considered. 87
The apostle here states that, the gift of yA.waaa not withstanding,
one so possessed is no more than xaA.:~eo~ 1]:~ewv ij :~evppaA.ov alaA.&(ov
if. he has not aydn1j·ijij XaA.x6~ has been variously interpreted. Some
84. Friedrich, pp. 85/34-86/8, in spite of a lack of a clear connection between
alms-giving and the sounding of the horn in Taanith, derives Mt. 6,2 from this
background. On p. 86/x-5, 'he writes: "Von daher wird die A.ussage ]esu Mt 6,2 zu
verstehen sein. W .ahrscheinlich hat man in den Synagogen, wenn besonders hohe
Spenden gemacht waren, in negativer Entsprechung zum Bann . . . in das Horn
gestossen, urn andere zu ahnlichen Taten anzuspornen und urn Wohltater bei Gott in
Erinnerung zu bringen."
85. On the figurative use of salpinx in literature, t•ide ibid., p. 72/20-27. Cf.
Plummer, Matthew, p. 9r, n. z: "Zahn compares Juvenal's bucina famae (XIV. 152),
and bucinator existimationis meae (Cic. Fam. XVI. 21.2). Some Old Latin texts had
debucinare or bucinare here (Tert. Virg. vel. 13; Cypr. Test. III. 40)." Schmidt,
p. 1038, n. ro, cites Achilles Tat. 8,ro,ro and Marcus A.ntonius 5,6. Cf. Peterson,
TJY/NT, I, 228, n. 8, who mentions Pseud-Callisth, Hist A.lex Magn I p 20,2 Kroll.
The usage in I Sam. 13,3 is also interesting. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 95, writes:
"Jezus zal we! bedoelen; dat de Farizeeen opzettelijk publiciteit aan hun aalmoezen
schenken gaven, en de mensen opmerkzaam op maakten."
86. Cf. Meyer, p. r s r: " l:aA.:rdan~ ist tuba ca11as, nicht tuba cani cures''; and
de Wette, I, 78-79, who is probably correct in remarking: ""Epneoa{}ev aov J bezieht
sich nicht auf die vor den Mund gehaltene Posaune (Meg.), sondern auf den der
Person vorangehenden Schall." Cf. Grosheide, Matthetts, p. 95; Alford, I, s6: "Meyer
remarks that the word aaA.ntan~ is tuba canas, not tuba cani cures, and must
therefore refer to what the person himself does: but all verbs of action may surely
refer to action per altemm, so that this does not decide the point."
87. ViJe pp. 41-42; cf. pp. 75-81, supra.
88. For instances in which men are likened to cymbals, cf. Pliny Hist. N,zt.
praef. 25, where reference is made to Tiberius Caesar's calling the grammatician
Apion the "cymbalum mundi"; and Tertullian De pal/io 4 (PL II. 1098a), where
philosophers are derogatorily spoken of as cymbals. Cf. Robertson & Plummer, p. 289,
on the expression Lfw~owaiov XaAXeLOV, used with reference to an "empty
talker." Cf. also .rupra on Mt. 6,2, concerning the use of aal.nl(w in such a
comparison.
IIO
commentators have said that it denotes no more than a mere piece of metal
- brass, bronze or copper. 89 The word could have reference to (a) metal
coin ( s) ,90 any brass musical instrument (or class of such instruments)
in general, 91 or specifically a trumpet or similar instrument.& 2 It has also
been identified specifically as a kind of gong. 88 'Hxwv may here be
rendered "noisy" (RSV), "sounding" (AV~ ASV; NEB; cf. NV:
"schallend") .84
The kumbalon was the "cymbal." It was always played in pairs. 95
Josephus describes those of Israel as being "large, broad plates of brass." 96
As in the case of other musical phenomena, the Rabbis described its loudness
by the characteristically exaggerated statement that the Temple cymbal could
be heard all the way to Jericho. 97 K-6ttf3aJ.ov is modified by a..la..laCov
- "clanging," "crashing." What is important here is the prominence of
89. Cf. C. Hodge, An Exposition of the First Epistle to the Corinthians (New
York: Robert Cartet, 1857), p. 266: " ... not a musical instrument made of brass,
which has some dignity about it, but ... a piece of chattering brass which makes a
senseless noise"; H. A. lW. Meyer, KKNT, V (GOttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1849 ), 270 - the xaJ.-.:6(,;" is not an actual musical instrument, there is progress
from it to the -xvp.{JaJ.ov; de Wette, · II, Pt. I, 122: "Erz iiberhaupt, nicht ein
ehernes musikalisches Instrument"; Vincent, Ill, 262: "a piece of unwrought metal,
which emitted a sound on being struck." Corinth was famous in antiquity for the
quality of her brass. Cf. Schmidt, p. 1037/40. Vincent, Ill, 262, states that copper
or bronze, rather than brass, is in view. Morris, p. 182, holds that bronze is meant.
Arndt & Gingrich, p. 883, give "copper, brass, bronze" for xaJ.-x6~, and state that
the term may refer simply to "the metal itself."
90. Ibid. Cf. Mt. I0,9; Mk. 6,8; I2,4I. '
91. Cf. Alford, 11, 554: "Brass of any kind, stn~ck and yielding a sound .... No
particular musical instrument seems to be meant"; G. G. Findlay, EGT, 11, 897;
"any instrument of brass"; Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 304: "a sounding brass instru-
ment"; H. Olshausen, Biblical Commentary on St. Paul's First and Second Epistles
to the Corinthians, trans. J. E. Cox (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1851), p. 207:
"xaA'XO(,;" ' brass, signifies brazen instruments, such as trumpets and drums." The
xaJ.-x6~ could denote the genera and -x-6p.{3aJ..ov the spe,·ie.r, a kind of "progressive
parallelism." Cf. Leipoldt, pp. 32-33.
92. Cf. Iiloomfield, 11, I so: "By the XUA'Xt:}(; is meant some brazen wind in-
stmment: and the epithet -IJxwv suggests the idea of a f1·umpet; especially as aes
is so used in the Latin. But probably St. Paul meant another brazen wind instrument,
like our horn mentioned in Virg. lEn. iii. 140." Bloomfield admits other brass
instruments could be in view. Trollope, 11, 4I7, writes: "[ xaJ.-x6~] must be an
instrument of greater noise than harmony, probably of the trumpet, kind."
93· Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 883; RSV; Robertson & Plummer, p. 289; J. Schneider,
-IJxew, TTJ7NT, 11, 958/39·41: "Unter xaJ.-xt:}(; -/jx,wv ( = x,aJ.-xei01') versteht man
allg einen in Tempeln oder an heiligen Bii.umen aufgehii.ngten Gong, auf dem man
im orgiastischen. Kult zur Vorbereitung der Ekstase langhallende und drohnende
Tone erzeugt." .
94· Arndt & Gingrich, p. 350; p. 883. Cf. Lk. 21,25 (v. 1.).
95· A pair of cymbals would be denominated by the singular since both were
necessary to form a unit, and since one man played both members. Str.-8., Ill, 450.
96. Josephus Ant. Jud. 7,12,3: -x-6p.f3aJ.a re ljv n..lada -xal. p.eya..la.
97· BT Tamid 3· Cf. infra, p. 113, n. 104; p. 122, n. 22; p. 129, n. 42.
Ill
the cymbal due to its loudness, much noise, harshness or wildness of tone. us
Apparently Paul had in mind the equivalent of the M,f~.,l') '~~?~9)
of Ps. I 50·5· which the LXX renders ~vp{3aAou;; a).aA.aypov. According
to Sachs these noisy cymbals are held vertically and struck horizontally
and vigorously, in contrast to the .V~~-'~;t~~f - (~vpf3aA.ot~ ev~xot~)
- of the same Psalm, which are held horizontally and struck vertically and
softly. 99
The major question to be asked, however, has not to do with the
identity of the xaA.~o~ and the ~vp{3aAov as such, but is rather, what
musical usage did Paul have in mind? From what background was
he drawing? Reference has already been made to Ps. 150,5. The apostle
only used one member of the verse (and that slightly differing from the
LXX), however, and if he had this reference in mind at the time, it might
seem strange that he substituted xaA~o~ 1Jxwv for the other member of
the verse. The phrase ~vp{3a).ov ala).aCwv, moreover, was probably
common enough, and it is not necessary to suppose any particular literary
reference was in view. 100 The usage of the particular modifier - a).a).aCwv
- is at least very much in keeping with the context, if not actually
suggested by it.
Even though the Psalm passage may not have been in Paul's mind, it is
still quite possible that practices of the Jewish Temple were in view. 101
98. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 34: "wail loudly .... Gener. of shrill tones." Cf. Mk.
5,38; E. ]. Goodspeed, Problem! of New Teiiamenl Traniiation (Chicago: University
of Chicago, 1945), pp. 160-61: "The cymbal as we know it in a modern orchestra
can hardly be said to tinkle [as AV, from Wyclif and Tyndale]; it is reserved for
the wildest moments in the music, when it crashes out, ·the loudest and harshest of
all the instruments. The ancient cymbal was of the same kind and had the same
function .... The wild ·harsh character of its music is confirmed in this passage in
I Corinthians by the adjective that accompanies the word; it is aAaAaCw, which
means 'to raise the war cry,' 'to shout for victory,' or generally 'to cry, shout aloud,'
especially in orgiastic rites. 'A).a).~, from which it seems to come, means 'a war
cry.' All this is a:bout as far from 'tinkle' as it is possible to get. Paul's idea is that,
without love, he would be mere noise. The gentleness and sweetness suggested by
the word 'tinkle' are quite foreign to his thought here. . . . I would translate:
'a clashing cymbal.' "
99· Sachs, VJE, VIII, 47; idem, Hiitory, p. 122. According to Sachs, m1iltayim
may mean the same thing as Iililim. Cf. Str.-B., II, 450, on the two kinds of cymbals;
Stainer, pp. 136-37.
100. Contra Goodspeed, Problem!, p. 160. According to Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47, the
distinction between the "soft" and the "loud" cymbals was one maintained throughout
Asia. Cf. Meyer, V, 271: "aAaAaCov) .... eine ohne Zweifel gewahlte Bezeichnung,
welche der Ansicht von dem leisen und kaum vernehmbaren Wesen der Glossolalie
( JIVinelel') offenbar widerspricht.''
101. Cf. Schmidt, p. 1037/26-29: "Dem Juden Paulus waren diese judischen
Kultdinge ohne weiteres geliiufig, so dass er mit dem wvp{3aAov aA.aA.aCov geg.;.
iiber der ay&.n1J wie ein Prophet des Alten Bundes (cf. Amos 5,23] auf das liirmende,
nichtige, eitle Wesen eines iiusserHchen Kultes hinweisen mochte"; ibid., n. 5:
"E. Peterson in ->aAa.ilaCw I 228 denkt unter Ausserachtlassung des vielleicht vor-
112
The likelihood of this being the case is increased if the za ..heo~ ~ zw'l'
is understood to be a gong, and if this gong in turn is identified with the
Magrepha used late in the second Temple. 102 The same would hold if the
za..tx6~ were taken to refer to metal coins and the sound they made when
cast into the Temple collection-boxes. 103 On either interpretation ot
XaA"6~, then, both the "musical" phenomena of I Cor. 13,1 would have
taken place in the Temple of Paul's day. According to Idelsohn, however,
the Magt·epha was not a gong, and not even brass, but rather a kind of
"organ" made of a skin-covered box with reed pipes. It was, like the
cymbal and the trumpet, used as a signaling device and emitted a very loud
noise. 104 And, with respect to the second possibility, both the vagueness of
the connection between xa..txo~ ~xwv and the casting of money into
the collection-box, and the coupling of this phenomenon with the specifically
"musical" cymbal, argue against understanding za..tx6~ to be metal coins.
The fact that Paul was writing to the Corinthian Christians who were
unfamiliar with the Temple practices makes it probable that at least the (to
them) familiar pagan cultic practices were in view. The cults of Cyble,
Dionysius and others did employ cymbals and other percussion instruments
in their rites. 105 Numerous commentators would derive the terms from this
background alone. 108 On such a view the za..tx6~ could well be under-
handenen jiidischen Hintergrundes nur an der Heidnisch-Griechische."' But, cf. same
author, infra, p. 114, n. 107. C. T. Craig, IB, X, 169, derives the terms from the
Temple worship.
102. Cf. E. C. Scott, Jr., p. 25.
103. Note the specific reference to material benevolence in v. 3·
104. Idelsohn, fewhh Musi•, pp. 14; 496, n. 32. The name Magrepha (M~,~~),
T - : -

according to Idelsohn, comes from the Hebrew grophith, a "reed." Like the cymbals
of the Temple, the Magrepha could be heard all the way to Jericho, and when it was
sounding, conversation was out of the question. Idelsohn says its ten reeds each had
ten holes, each of which was capable of ten tones, so that a thousand different tones
could be made on the instrument. He cites Mish. Ara•hin 2,3.5-6; TamiJ 5,6; BT
Ara•hin 10b in connection with the instrument.
105. Werner, Sa•red Bridge, pp. 334-35; Or. Sib. 8,114; Stainer, p. 139. Con-
siderable literature is cited by Peterson, TW'NT, I, 228; ]. Schneider, p. 958; and
especially Schmidt, pp. 1037-38. Cf. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 51-58, on
enthusiasm, ecstasy and musical instruments in pagan cults.
106. Leipoldt, pp. 32-33; H. Lietzmann, An Die Korinther loll ("HNT", 3d ed.;
Tiibingen: ]. C. B. Mohr, 1931), p. 65; Moffatt, p. 192; Peterson, TWNT, I,
228/23-27: "Hier liegt eine Uebertragung des ekstatiuhen Liirmens ··in den orgiasti·
schen Kulten auf das in diesen Kulten ( speziell Kybele-Kult) gebrauchlich XV{-t{3aAO'I'
vor. Vergleichbar damit ist die Uebertragung des W•ortes aita..taCsw auf das
Gerausch der Dionysischen Weinpresse bei Nonnos Dionys XII 354." Cf. ]. Schnei·
der, p. 958/39-41, cited p. II1, n. 93, supra; F. Dolger, "Der gellende Klingel bei
Paul us," Antike und Christentum, I ( 1929), 185, writes: "Die gellende Klingel am
Bacchantenanzug mit ihrem sinnlosen Geriiusch wiirde die bildhafte Sprache des Apostels
in der angefiihrten Stelle am besten erkliiren. Auch die Rede 'mit Zungen der Engel' ist
dem Apostel nicht mehr als das Schellengeklirr eines Bacchanten wenn die Liebe nicht
hi:ihere Weihe gibt. Bei der reichen Verwendung der Klingel als Kinderspielzeug und
als Instrument der Unheil- und Diimonenabwehr in der Antike ware aber sehr wohl
 stood to be a kind of "gong," used in the rites of such a cult. The whole
epistle, moreover, was written against the background of religious enthusiasm
and other phenomena common to pagan worship (cf. I Cor. 8,4-5; 12,2).
While the Corinthian Christians probably would have so understood the
reference, it is possible, as Schmidt maintains, that to Paul both Jewish and
pagan practices were in view.to7
One last question concerning I Cor. 13 remains. Precisely what is the
tertium comparationis of which the yi.waaa sans ay&n1J and the
xaA.~o~ ?}xw" 1} ~vf.t{Jai.o'JI ai.aA.aCo" all partake? Here again the
commentators are very much divided and some do not decide among several
possibilities. There is certainly no justification for Bengel's assertion that the
xaA.~6~ pertains to the man who speaks with the yA.woaat~ -rw'l' a'JIO(!wnciJv,
while the ~vf.t{Jd). ov pertains to the man who speaks with the yA.waaat~
't'WV ayyeA.w,. 108 Neither is it necessary to seek the basis of comparison
in the notion that the "tongues" sounded like the loud and shrill noises
of the kumbalon, as Findlay does.1° 0 Robertson and Plummer suggest
the "hollowness" of the cymbals as one possibility. 110 This con-
nection is not so immediately apparent, however. Moreover, it does
not include the xaA.~&~. Several commentators suggest the idea that the
instruments are "soulless," "inanimate," or "impersonal" as a possibility. 111
It is true that musical instruments were sometimes deprecated as being
"lifeless" or "inanimate" (cf. I Cor. 14,7-8; p. 52, supra), and it is also
true that Paul is here speaking of the lack of an inner quality - agape. The
fact that these particular instruments were chosen for comparison, however,
rather than, e. g., the autos or kithara which would also be "lifeless" (cf.
I Cor. 14,7), seems to point to a quality which would be more peculiar to the
xaA.~~k 1j ~vf.t{JaA.ov.
Some commentators seek the basis of comparison in the sphere of
"usefulness" or "meaning" rather than in any inner quality. Thus such a
practice of glo.rsola!ia without agape is "valueless," "fruitless," "senseless,"
or "unintelligible," just as the sounds of the xaA.~o~ or ~Vf.t{JaA.ov· 112
denkbar, dass <fer Apostel an das viele sinnlose Hantieren mit der Klingel iiberhaupl
gedacht hatte."
107. Cf. Schmidt's remarks quoted on p. II2, n. 101, supra, with those of the same
author, p. 1037/30-35: "Dabei mag Paulus vor den korinthischen Christen, die in
der Hauptsache friiher Heiden gewesen waren, auch heidnisch-griechische Kultus- und
Kulturdinge ins Auge gefasst haben. Wie schon gesagt, wird neben ~Vf.l'fJaA.ov
Ofters 't'Vf.tnavov genannt. Und dieses ist ein besonders beim Gottesdienst der Kybele
gebrauchliches Instrument, das wie eine Pauke oder Trammel geschlagen wurde."
108. Bengel, II, 154.
109. G. G. Pindlay, p. 897·
IIO. Robertson & Plummer, p. 289.
III. Alford, II, 554; Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 304; Lietzmann, Korinther, p. 65;
Robertson & Plummer, p. 289.
II2. Cf. Craig, pp. 168-69; Hodge, Corinthians, pp. 266-67; Lietzmann, Korinther,
There is a sense in which all these terms can be applied to the use of
YAWO'O'a!;, however, whether agape is present or wanting (cf. I Cor.
q, xff.). Just because this is true of the practice of glossolalia, Paul tends
in I Corinthians to minimize its place in the all-important process of
oluo!Sop.?lv within the church.
Perhaps the best solution to the problem is to be found in such a term
as "ostentation." 113 Though the practice of glossolalia was not edifying
(unless an interpreter was used), it, accompanied by agape, was at least to
be tolerated because God was thereby glorified (cf. I Cor. q,rff.). The
tendency was, however, that the gift would be used merely to attract
attention just as the noisy xaAUO!; I} uvp.{JaAov. The apostle's choice
of these particular instruments and their modifiers may well point in this
direction. The figure appears to be used this way by Ps.-Clement, who
writes that a man is to pray over those possessed with evil spirits, "not with
a multitude of fine words, well prepared and arranged, so that they may
appear to men eloquent and of a good memory. Such men are 'like a
sounding pipe, or a tinkling cymbal.' " 114 Paul's choice of this particular
figure to illustrate the practice of glossolalia without agape, probably does
not have in view, then, any inner quality (as hollowness, soullessness) or
lack of quality (love, life) in the instruments. Neither is a deprecation of
the instruments necessarily implied, 115 even though their connotation would
likely be colo_red by their association with pagan (if not also Jewish) usage.
What is in view is merely the attention-commanding noise made by the
xaAUO!; 1} uvp.{JaAuv. Though the two situations in view vary, essen-
tially the same danger is warned against here as in Mt. 6,2. There a
certain use of the instrument is employed figuratively by Jesus to illustrate
His point, while here Paul metaphorically identifies the hypocrite with the
instruments themselves.

1 Corinthians 14,7-8
This passage is the one remaining Pauline instance of illustration by
reference to musical phenomena. As in I Cor. 13,1 the charismata,
particularly glossolalia, are in view. The op.w!; introducing v. 7 is
exceedingly difficult (cf. Gal. 3,15). A brief discussion of the possibilities
of ( 1) "trajection" (displacement), or ( 2) the influence of Of!:Wt; on the word

p. 65; Robertson & Plum~r. p. 289; A. Schlatter, Paulus, Der Bote fesu. Eine
Deutung seiner Briefe an die Korinther (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1956), pp. 353-58;
Vincent, Ill, 263. Cf. the words of the boy Jesus to His teacher, Levi, who had
struck Him, in Evang. Ps.-Mt. 31. Cf. also Bengel, II, 154: sonus merus.
113. Cf. Schmidt, p. 1037/40-42: "Ueber das Kultische im engeren Sinne hinaus
ist zu beachten, dass eine solche gellende Cymbel die Bezeichnung fiir einer
prahlenden, sich aufblahenden, nichtigen Allerweltsschwatzer abgeben konnte."
114. Ps.-Clement I De virgin. 12.
115. Cf. Hasper, p. 50, n. 1, quoted supra, p. 48.
may be found in Arndt and Gingrich, who decide for the latter (following
Blass~Debrunner § 450,2), rendering the word "likewise, also." 116 The
decision is not crucial for the present consideration of the passage, the
meaning of which is clear in any case.117 It is at least questionable whether
the somewhat periphrastic rendition of RSV can be considered as faithful
to the intended meaning as AV or ASV (cf. NV).
The aulos and the kithara have already been discussed, and the salpinx
is taken up in chapter six. The first two instruments were very much used
in the every-day life of antiquity. The salpinx was also used in civil life,
but Paul obviously had its military role in view here - its use to signal the
movements of the troops in battle. 118 It is more likely that Paul particularly
chose the aulos and the kithara because they were near at hand (being the
most popular instruments or classes of instruments), rather than because
they respectively represented the wind and string families of instruments. 119
"A?pVXO~ occurs only here in the New Testament. In Sir. 13,17; 14,29,
it is applied to idols in a derogatory sense. 120 In Euripides Ion 881, and
Plutarch Moralia 9c, the word is applied to musical instruments (cf. p. 52,
supra), but not necessarily derogatorily. In these two latter cases, the term
merely serves to contrast that which has "life" with that which does not.
The instance in Plutarch is especially similar to Paul's usage - both writers
introducing the term in an a minori ad majus argument.1 21 Rather than
derogate musical instruments as such, the apostle here tacitly assumed their
place in society. As Moffatt remarks: "This happens to be the only definite
allusion of Paul to the power of music over the human spirit." 122 The
particular usefulness of the salpinx in warfare is especially signalized.
L1tci<1To).?] is not a specifically musical term (cf. Rom. 3,22; 10,12),
and it would be hazardous to attempt to specify whether its reference here is
to pitch, volume, or rhythm. Perhaps "differences in pitch" seems to be
most likely in this case, 123 but anything that contributes to a perceptible
n6. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 572.
u7. Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 321, n. 6.
II8. It will not do to say with Vincent, III, 268, that aa..tmy~ is "properly, a
war-trumpet," even though the term refers to such in this passage. For other Pauline
illustrations from military life, cf. I Cor. 9, 7; 11 Cor. 2,14; 10,3ff.; Eph. 6,1off.; Phi!.
2,25; Col. 2,15; I Thess. 5,8; 11 Tim. 2,3; Philem. 2. "Battle,'' rather than "war,"
is found in RSV and NEB, and ·is preferred by Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 321, n. 7;
and Robertson & Plummer, p. 309.
II9. Contra Morris, p. 192. Cf. Robertson & Plummer, p. 308. For the combination
a-b M~ and "d}aea, cf. Arndt & Gingrich, pp. 121, 433. 'Av).6~ occurs in the
N.T. only here, but other forms of the word occur elsewhere in the N.T.
120. The term is also applied to statues of idols. Vide ibid., p. 129, for references.
121. This is the force of Paul's logic, regardless of how the op,w~ is understood.
Cf. G. G. Findlay, p. 904.
122. Moffatt, p. 218.
123. Cf. Alford, 11, 56o; Grosheide, Corinthians, p. 321; contra Lietzmann,
Korinther, p. 7r: "L1ta<1TOA~ ist deutlich bier die Gliederung durch Unterscheide

II6
distinction may be implied by the general term. What "tune" or "melody"
is played is what must be perceived by the hearers. 124
In the New Testament, qr{}oyyot; 125 occurs here and in Rom. xo, 18 (cf.
LXX Ps. 18,5). In the references given in Arndt and Gingrich, it pertains
exclusively to the sounds of musical instruments or the human voice. 128
Perhaps the term can best be rendered "tones" in this case127 - the preceding
qJWV~V being rendered "voice" or "sound." 128 This would at least preserve
a distinction in the translation of the two different words in the event any
such distinction is intended. It is probably best not to be dogmatic about the
repetition of TO in v. 7. 120 At any rate, the distinction to be perceived is
not between the respective tones of two different instruments, but among
the tones of either on which a tune is played. 13°
"Ac5nl.ot; means "indistinct," "inarticulate," and pertains directly to the
audible phenomenon ( qJWV~V) produced by the salpinx. 131 The result,
of course, of such a signal is confusion and uncertainty on the part of the
hearer as to what is intended by it. Distinctions in pitch could possibly be
made on the salpinx, 132 and there were certainly other variations by which
one signal could be distinguished from another. Lietzmann is correct in
observing that in v. 7 a melody is in view, while in v. 8 it is a signal that
is not recognized. 133 It is hardly justifiable to conclude from these verses
that the glossolalia could not refer to foreign languages. 1 34

in (Tonhohe und?) Rhythmus." RSV has interpreted the words, "distinct notes," and
thus confined the reference to mean "pitch;' or "cleaness" of playing. NEB reads:
"unless their notes mark definite intervals."
124. Alford, 11, 56o; Lietzmann, Korinther, p. 71; Meyer, V, 284-85; Moffatt,
p. 218.
125. The reading qJ{}oyyov is not strongly attested (B d Ambst.). It may have
been influenced by the preceding singular genitive, qJWV~V. Cf. Meyer, V, 278.
126. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 865.
127. Thus distinguished from less articulate sound in general. Either "tones" or
"sounds" is, from a more correct musicological standpoint, to be preferred to "notes"
(RSV; NEB), since the primary reference of "notes" is to musical notation, and not
to the sounds produced. ·It is conceded, of course, that the latter term is popularly
used in referring to the sounds. RSV subsumes both qJWVTJV and qJifoyyott; under
the one "notes" in a less literal rendering.
128. For qJWVTJ in connection with musical instruments, cf. Sir. 50,16; I Mace.
5,31. .
129. Cf. Meyer, V, 285: "Der wiederholte Artikel hat ganz seine Richtigkeit: was
gef/otet, oder aber in dem andern angenommenen Falle, was gedthert wird"; Alford,
II, 56o: "the art. being repeated to show that two distinct instances are contemplated,
not necessarily 'one tune, either piped, or ht~rped.'"
130. Cf. Meyer, V, 285; co11tra Riickert, cited in Meyer; RSV paraphrases: "How
will anyone know what is played?"
131. As in the case of c5taa-rol.fJv with respect to cplf6yyott; in v. 7·
132. Contra G. G. Findlay, p. 904. Cf. p. 137, infra.
I33· Lietzmann, Korinther, p. 71.
134. Contra Meyer, V, 285. Cf. G. G. Findlay, p. 904.

117
 3· The /ohannine Usage: Revelation I,Io; 4,1
In addition to Rev. 14,2, which is discussed in chapter five, two other
references in the Apocalypse furnish instances of a musical instrument used in
similie - 1,10 and 4,I. The particle roq
with a substantive is used in both
of these comparisons adjectivally (cf. pp. 132-33, infra). In both
passages the q;wvt} heard by the Seer is described as "trumpet-like." In
both cases it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine whether the voice
is that of Christ or that of an angel,1 35 The impression intended to be
conveyed by the figure is that of awe-inspiring loudness as is appropriate
for a heavenly voice, and as often accompanies theophany.1ae L'a.?.my~
was ready at hand for the purpose, not only because of obvious characteristics
and uses of the instrument (cf. the trumpet-like voice of Isa. 58,1), but
because of its specific association with theophany.1 37 The occurrences of
peya.'.'YJ and other descriptive modifiers with cpwvt} will be noted in the
next chapter. The same emphasis upon volume is made in other ways, in
e.g., Rev. r,rs and 6,r. Such a passage as Ezek. 3,21 may well have been in
the Seer's mind.13S
*******
Seven New Testament instances of illustration by reference to musical
practice have been considered. The instances occurred in the form of simple
comparison (ICor.q,7-8), simile (Mt. rr,r6-q; Rev. 1,10; 4,1; q,2),
and metaphor (Mt. 6,2; I Cor. 13,1). Bases for introducing the particular
musical practice in a given instance were found in the noisy ostentation of
musical instruments (Mt. 6,2; I Cor. 13,1), the intelligibility of sounds due
to distinctions made by the instrumentalists (I Cor. 14,7-8), the perversity
of children playing a musical game (Mt. rr,16-q), and the quality of
sounds made by the instruments (Rev. 1,10; 4,1; 14,2 - the first two
references pertaining to "loudness" of the trumpet). Musical phenomena
are introduced in the New Testament in connection with alms-giving (Mt.
6,2), speaking in "tongues" (I Cor. 13,1; 14,7-8), the fundamental response
of Israel to the Baptist and Jesus (Mt. rr,r6-q), 139 and the description o!
audible phenomena in the Apocalypse (1,10; 4,1; q,2). The restraint
135. It is apparently the same voice in both cases. Attributing it to Christ are:
I. T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John (New York: Macmillan, 1919 ), p. 436;
Charles, Revelation, I, 24; Moffatt, EGT, V, 342; M. Rist, IB, XII, 401; to an angel:
Alford, IV, Pt. Il, 555; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 15; Swete, Apocalypse, p. 13.
136. Cf. Alford, IV, Pt. 11, 555; Charles, Ret,elation, I, 24; Moffatt, EGT, V, 342.
Contra Swete, Apocalypse, p. 13: "the startHng suddenness as from one who,
approaching from behind, is unobserved until he speaks." Moffatt cites the Moscow
MS of Martyr. Polyc. 22,2 for a similar description of voices heard in a trance.
137. Ex. 19,16; Heb. 12,19. It is not necessary to suppose any eschatological
associations in view in this usage of salpinx, as Rist, IB, XII, 374; cf. Lohmeyer,
Offenbarung, pp. 15-16; Swete, Apocalypse, p. 13.
138. I.e., Ezek. 3,21 as the MT reads, and not as emended by RSV.
139. Vide p. 176, n. 72, infra.

118
with which the New Testament employs musical practice for the purpose
of illustration can best be appreciated when a comparison is made with the
musical imagery of early Christian literature in the East (vide pp. 49-52,
Jupra). It should be noted that though several of the passages considered
in the course of this chapter introduce musical phenomena in a rather
unfavorable light, taken altogether it cannot he said that they indicate the
presence in the New Testament of an anti-cultural attitude toward the
various musical practices of society.
 CHAPTER V

ANGELIC MUSIC

It was in the intertestamental period that the subject of angelology was

specially cultivated in Israel. Angels appear without elaboration and in a
straightforward manner in the Old Testament, generally as messengers and
ministers. 1 In later Hebrew literature the subject is greatly expanded and
systematized. 2 Angels are given proper names and assigned specific
functions. Against this expanded background of development in the inter-
testamental period, the angelology of the New Testament appears as a
sober and restrained phenomenon. Though angels appear or are referred
to in seventeen of the New Testament writings, their manner of presentation
is generally not far removed from that of the Old Testament. 8

A. IN JEWISH LITERATURE

The musical function of the angels as conceived in the Old Testament is

brought out clearly in Isa. 6,1-4:

In the year that king Uzziah died I saw also the Lord
sitting upon a throne, high and lifted up,
and his train filled the temple.
Above it stood the seraphims: each one had six wings;
with twain he covered his face,
and with twain he covered his feet,
and with twain he did fly.
And one cried unto another, and said,
Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts:
the whole earth is full of his glory.
And the posts of the door moved at the voice of him that cried,
and the house was filled with smoke. (AV; cf. I Enoch 39,12.)

Similarly, Ezekiel in his vision (3,12) heard "a voice of a great rushing,
saying, Blessed be the glory of the Lord from his place" (AV).
Most significant is the fact that the pattern for the earthly worship of

1. G. von Rad, ayye.lo~, TJIVNT, I, 7'r79·

2. Cf. R. H. Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times, JIVith an Introduction to
the Apocrypha (New York: Harper, 1949), pp. 75ff., concerning angels in Enoch,
and pp. 282-83, on the angelology of Tobit. For Rabbinic references to angels, cf.
Str.-B., I, 781-83, 891; 11, 212 (on Lk. 15,10), 223-25 (in connection with other
N.T. passages). Ginzberg gives almost eight pages of entries on "angel(s)" in his
index volume. Cf. G. Kittel, ayye.lo~, TJIVNT, I, 79-81.
3· Kittel, pp. 81-87.

120
Israel is derived from heaven (Ex.25,9·4o; 26,3o; cf.Acts7,44; Heb.
8,5). 4 The idea of the connection between the worship of the heavenly hosts
and that of Israel in the earthly sanctuary is not elaborated upon in the Old
Testament (cf., however, the cosmic singing of Isa. 44,23; 49,13; Jer. 51,48)
or the Apocalypse, but occurs very often in the Rabbinic literature. "The
rabbinic sources are full of legends and visions in which the heavenly host
itself is stimulated to commence its own songs of exultation by the example
of the Jewish community praising God in the Kedusha and Exodus 15." 5
The angels are pictured as being consulted by God concerning men. 6 They
are concerned about the affairs of God's people - weeping when Abraham
is prepared to slay Isaac. 7 They sing a dirge at Aaron's death, 8 and they are
sorry that Ahaz reigns. 9 Angels and men are fitted to unite in praise
because speech is common to both. 10 The language of the angels, moreover,
is that of Israel, and only Gabriel knows any tongue other than Hebrew.U
Generally speaking, God seems to give priority to the praise of Israel over
that of angels. "Israel is more beloved by God than the heavenly hosts, for
while Israel sings praises to God every hour and at any time, the angels are
permitted to sing in the heavens only when Israel sings here on earth." 12
Other sources consider it a sign of mercy to Israel that the angels only sing
at night so that the song of Israel may be heard in the day. "Maon is that
[one of the seven heavens) in which are bands of ministering angels, who
utter a song in the night but are silent during the day for the sake of the
honour of Israel; as it is said, 'The Lord will command His lovingkindness
in the daytime and in the night His song shall be with me' (Ps. XLII, B) ." 13
At three times in history, God prohibited the angels from engaging in their
daily14 song: at the flood, the Exodus, and the destruction of the Temple. 15

4· Cf. I. Elbogen, Der Jiidiuhe Gdltesdienst (3d ed.; Frankfort: J. Kaufmann,

1931 ), pp, 47-48, 58ff.; cf. Stauffer, p. 310, n. 670, on the early church: "The
worshipping community thought of the heavenly worship of God as a magnified
form of the earthly, and correspondingly conceived of its own worship as an
attenuated copy of the heavenly, and as one element in the worship of the cosmos."
On angelic musical praise ·in Hebrew and Christian writings, cf. Bietenhard, pp.
137-42, "Der himmlische Lobgesang."
5· Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 141, referring to Targum Ps. 148; Midr. Tehillim
Pss. 104; 145. Cf. Ginzberg, I, 17, 334; 11, 373; Ill, 32, 34; V, 24; VI, 12. For
differences of opinion among the Rabbis as to how and when the angels sang, vide
BT Hullin.
6. Midr. Gen. 17,4.
7· Midr. Gen. 56,5; cf. 65,10; Isa. 33,7.
8. Ginzberg, Ill, 327-28.
9· Midr. Gen. 63,1.
10. Midr. Gen. 8,n; 14,3.
II, BT Hagigah 16a; cf. Acts 26,14; A. Cohen, Everyman's Talmud (London:
]. M. Dent, 1937), p. 52; Ginzberg, VI, 45; Str.-8., III, 449·
12. Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy, p, 32, referring to BT Hullin 91b; Yalkut 83b.
13. A. Cohen, p. 32; cf. ibid., p. 33·
14. BT Hullin 91b.
15, Midr. Lam, 24. Cf. Ginzberg, Ill, 32; VI, 12, 165, 397·

121
At the Exodus, when Israel had safely crossed the Sea, the angels, having
been prevented from singing due to the peril of the Israelites, rushed into
the presence of God to sing, but were again prohibited until Moses and the
children of Israel had sung praise.u The heavenly hosts are silent when
Israel recites the Shema, and then they burst into song: "Blessed be the name
of His glorious kingdom from all eternity." 17 God prevents the angels from
singing the Trisagion until He has heard "the songs, praises, prayers, and
sweet melodies of Israel." 18 The praise rendered by the heavenly hosts is
uniformly presented as a group activity, the angels joining together in
concert - a choir.tu
Not only were the angels concerned about the worship of Israel, but the
Israelite was aware of his affinity with the heavenly choirs when he sang.
Melismatic chant in general, as has been noted, was considered to be an
imitation of angelic praise. 20 Both men and angels sang the "allelujah" and
the Halle/.21
.Another angelic musical function in addition to praise, and very much
in keeping with the angels' fundamental character of "messengers," might
be. denominated "heralding" - •the accompaniment of certain significant
events with appropriate music or just sound in general, volume apparently
being the important thing. .Angels are very well qualified for this work
because their voices are exceedingly loud. 22 Musical instruments, especially
the shofar, also served this purpose. 2a
Within ·the literature of Qumran, points of contact with reference to
angeHc musical performance such as already noted are not hard to find. 24

16. Midr. Ex. 23,7; Ginzberg, II, 374- For another version, which replaces the
angels with babies which Pharaoh intended to destroy, cf. Midr. Ex. 23,8.
17. Midr. Gen. 65,21.
18. Ginzberg, I, 17. Cf. ibid., p. 334·
19. Midr. Ex:. 23,7 (Soncino Ed., Ill, 285-86; vide especially p. 285, n. 2.).
20. Werner, Sa(red Bridge, p. 169.
21. Ibid., pp. 138, 169; Ginzberg, I, 331.
22. Str.-B., Ill, 635: "Von der Stimme ~1~ Gahriels wird gesagt, dass sie von
den einen Ende der Welt bis zwn andren gehe." Cf. ibid., Ill, 449· Cf. Midr. Gen.
65,21, where the great volume of angelic praise is likened unto "the voice of a great
rushing." Cf., however, infra, p. 129, n. 42.
23. When Moses was taken up into heaven, his ascension was accompanied by
angelic music and song. Ginzberg, II, 306. When the Shekinah ascended frorn
earth to heaven, it was accompanied by blasts of trumpets blown by myriads of
angels. Ib;d., I, 124. Cf. Ps. 47, :;:
God is gone up with a shout,
the Lord with the sound of a trumpet.
This is apparently a reference to humanly produced sounds, possibly in connection
with the removal of the Ark to Jerusalem. According to BT Sanhedrin 97a, the
advent of the Messiah would be announced by "Heavenly sounds." Cf. note thereon
in ed. Epstein: ''Either Heavenly voices ... or the blast of the great Shofar." ,
24. Cf. ]. Strugnell, "The Angelic Liturgy at Qumran, 4Q Serek Sirat Olat

122
Mention is made several times of the idea of the union of the elect with the
heavenly choir in singing God's. praises. Thus in 1QH Ill, 22-23:

And thou hast apportioned an eternal lot to man amongst the spirits
of knowledge, to praise Thy name (in) exul[ta]tion in community,
and to rehearse Thy wondrous deeds in the presence of all Thy works.ZG

And in 1QH XI,II-15:

(Thou hast cleansed him) from all impure abominations and guilt of
evil-doing, to be united [with] Thy true sons and in the destiny of the
holy one. To lift the worm of men from dust unto [eternal] foundation,
and from a perverted spirit unto the understanding of [God]. And to
stand in array before Thee, with the eternal host and the [true]
spirits, [and] to be renewed with all creatures and with those who
know to rejoice in the Communi;ty. [And 1,] I praise Thee, my God,
I exalt Thee, my Rock.2 6
The heralding function of angels is also present in the literature of
Qumran. In 1QH Ill, 35-36 is found:
And the host of heaven shall utter its voice [and] the foundations
of the world [did] melt and quake and the battle of the mighty ones
of heaven shall be urged abroad in the universe. 27

In the Dead Sea Scrolls, however, angels do not blow the trumpet; the
instrument is sounded by priests and Levites, a respect in which the Scrolls
are nearer th<,> Old Testament than the New.

B. IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

The position of angels in the New Testament is Theocentric or Christo-

centric and utilitarian. "Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to do
service for the sa:ke of them that shall inherit salvation?" (Heb. 1,14; cf.
Rev. 19,10.) They are observant of heaven and earth (I Cor. 4.9; I Tim.
3,16). They are concerned for the church (I Tim. 5,21), looking out
individually for little children (Mt. x8,xo), and carrying Lazarus to heaven
(Lk. 16,22). They were the mediators of the Old Covenant~.(Acts 7,53;
Gal. 3,19; Heb. 2,2; cf. LXXDeut. 33,2). They are especially concerned
with the work of the Messiah (Mt. 4,II; 26,53), and will accompany Him

Hassabat," Supplement to Vetus Testamentum, VII (Leiden: E. J. Brill, r96o),

318-45. In this earthly liturgy the angels are exhorted to praise God.
25. Trans. Mansoor, p. II7. Cf. ibid., n. 7, on the "spirits of understanding" =
angels.
26. Ibid., pp. 168-69.
27. Ibid., p. 121.

123
at the parousia (Mt. I6,27), assisting Him in judging the world (Mt. 13,41;
25,3I; II Thess. I,7). The "innumerable hosts of angels" and "the spirits
of just men made perfect" are joined in praise of God by the worshiping
church on earth (Heb. I2,22ff.). There are, in the meantime, things
unknown to the angels (Mt. 24,36) and things they desire to know (Eph.
3, IO; I Pet. I, 12). Some of the saints, moreover, are apparently overly
concerned with angelology (Col. 2,I8) .2s
It has already been noted (pp. 22-24, supra) that the words .Uyetv,
lf.bet'P, and alYBi'P in the New Testament cannot be pressed for a clear
distinction between the "musical" and the "non-musical." This applies to
the angelic praise as well as to the human. Aeyew is the general term
applied to angelic praise in the New Testament. As has been noted, in
the two instances where 1/.bew is used for an angelic utterance (Rev. 5,8;
14,3), it is immediately conjoined with .Uyew. Thus, in the sphere of
angelic praise in the New Testament, as in the sphere of human praise,
any distinction that is made between the "musical" and the "non-musical"
will depend to a large extent upon a consideration of the particular utterance
and its context. Generally speaking, if an utterance is by ·two or more angelic
beings, it may be presumed to be more or less "musical." 29

I. Spheres of Performance
Three spheres of performance may be distinguished in the musical service
of angels in the New Testament, based on the varying purposes served: (I)
praise, ( 2) heralding, ( 3) teaching.

28. Cf. Kittel, p. 84/I-8: "So ist dem Urchristentum das Handeln der Engel Gottes
wesentlich Handeln fiir den Christus und im Dienste seiner Geschichte .... Sie nehmen
daher lebendigen Anteil an den Vorgangen dieser Heilsgeschichte, was nicht nur in
den Js 6,2ff entsprechenden endzeitlichen (Apk 5,nff; 19,1ff) oder -weihnachtlichen
(Lk 2,14) Lobgesangen beschrieben wird, sondern ebenso als xaea an der heils-
geschichtlichen Entwicklung des einzelnen Menschen (Lk 15,IO)." Cf. A. Kuyper,
The Revelation of St. John, trans. J, H. de Vries (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1935),
p. 71: "The world of angels is always presented in Scripture as being exceedingly
interested in what befalls believers in the earth. They are separate from the fallen
angels which under Satan have conspired against God. Good angels stand
diametrically over against ·demoniac angels. And since the break in the world of
angels had also worked havoc in the world of men, naturally the world of men, as
reflex of the higher world, is of greatest iqterest to good angels." Cf. Swete,
Apocalypse, p. 178; Str.-B., 11, 212, on Lk. 15,10: "Wenn ein Gerechter von der
Welt scheidet, freuen sich die Dienstengel iiber ihn, dass er kommt; urn bei ihnen
zu wohnen" (Midr. Ps. n6 § 7 (239b}); and "freuen mogen sich die Machte des
Himmels" (Targ. Ps. 96,n). T. W. Manson, Sayings, p. 284, says:" 'Joy in heaven'
and 'joy in the presence of the angels of God' are probably just cautious ways of
saying that God is glad." A more literal understanding of Jesus' words, however,
would be very much in keeping with the angelology of the Bible.
29. The examples of angelic music that follow are not to be considered exhaustive
of the N.T. offerings. The instances selected are those most generally considered to
PraiJe
The praise rendered by angels and that rendered by men complement one
another. Likewise, the angelic host is concerned about the praise offered by
men (I Cor. u,1o; Rev. 19,5), and vice versa (Mt. 21,9; Rev. 6,9ff.). Men
are reminded of their union with the angels in worship (Heb. 12,22-23).
It is possible that the y).waaat ... 't'W'JI ayye).aw of I Cor. 13,1 has
some bearing upon the currency of the idea in the New Testament church.so
This concept of union in praise finds especially clear expression in the
cosmic antiphony of Rev. 5,9-14, as well as in 19,1-7 (cf. 18,2o). Its
occurrence in the pre-Christian Jewish writings has already been noted. 31
In Evang. Barthol. 4,49, the apostle prays: "All the choirs of the angels
praise thee, 0 Master, and I that am unwor.thy with my lips."32
In the Apocalypse the angels sing in response or in antiphony. In Rev.
4,8-u, the four living creatures are joined by the twenty-four elders in
antiphony.as

Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God Almighty,

who was and is and is to come !

Worthy art thou, our Lord and God,

to receive glory and honor and power,

be "musical" by the commentators. Some references, moreover, are admittedly less

"musical" than others.
30. Cf. E. F. Scott, The Spirit, pp. 93ff.; idem, The Begim1ings of the Church
(New York: Scribner's, 1914), p. 74: "Under the influence of the Spirit men offered
praise to God in a supernatural tongue, similar to that with which he was wor-
shipped in heaven." Cf. Str.-B., Ill, 449; II Cor. 12,4; Test. Job 48-50.
31, The assertion of Piper, p. 11, that the common participation of men and
angels in heavenly worship was unknown in the O.T. and post-exilic Judaism is, to
say the least, misleading.
32. Trans. James, p. q8. Cf. Heiler, Worship, p. 23: "The local community,
when in public worship it prays and sings praises, knows itself to he one with the
choirs of angels who surround the throne of God . . . . One with the brethren who
have been made perfect, whom the author of the Apocalypse beheld standing before
the throne of the Lamb." Cf. Werner, Sa.red Bridge, pp. 138, 169; Macdonald, p. 38;
Stauffer, p. 310, n. 670, quoted supra, p. 121, n. 4·
33· That these two groups are angelic beings, vide N. B. Stonehouse, "The Elders
and the Living Beings in the Apocalypse," Arcana Revelata, Ben Bundel Nieuw-
Testamentische Studien aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. F. W. Grosheide O<:ampen: Kok,
1951), p. 136: "Both the elders and the living-beings are to be understood as
celestial beings of a rank superior to the angels in general, like the cherubim and
seraphim of the Old Testament •if they are not to be identified specifically with
them." They are "throne-attendants of God" (p. 147). According to Charles,
Revelation, I, I20·2I, the function of the cherubim in the later apocalyptic literature
generally is to sing the Trisagion. Cf. I Enoch 39,12; 6I,II·I2; 71,7; II Enoch 19,6;
2 I, 1. Charles, p. 119, relates the four living creatures to the cherubim of Ezek.
zo,2.20. They "are simply an order of angels, and apparently the highest, or one of
the highest orders." Behm, Offenbarung, p. 32, also considers the living creatures to
be prominent angels.
 for thou didst create all things,
and by thy will they existed and were created.

In Rev. 5,8-13, these two groups are joined by the "ten thousand times
ten thousand, and thousands of thousands" of angels in antiphony, followed
by a universal concert, concluded with "Amen" said by the four living
creatures. 34

Worthy art thou to take the scroll

and to open its seals,
for th~u wast slain and by thy blood
didst ransom men for God
from every tribe and tongue and people
and nation,
and hast made them a kingdom
and priests to our God,
and they shall reign on earth.
Worthy is the Lamb who was slain,
to receive power and wealth and wisdom
and might and honor and glory and blessing!
To him who sits upon the throne
and to the Lamb
be blessing and honor and glory and might
for ever and ever!
Amen!

In 7,12, the angelic praise is linked to that of the redeemed (7,10).

Salvation belongs to our God

who sits upon the throne,
and to the Lamb!

Amen! Blessing and glory and wisdom

and thanksgiving and honor and power and might
be to our God for ever and ever! Amen.

34· Swete, Apocalypse, p. 82, may well make a gratuitous distinction when he
writes of Rev. 5,II: "The voice of this vast concourse - a p,eyaA'Yj q;wv~ indeed -
is a shout rather than a song. There is no mention of "'dJ&.eat or q>!5~ here; the
Angels simply acclaim the Lamb as worthy." The poetic thought that every creature
should render praise to God is common enough in Jewish literature. Job 38,7; Ps.
65.13; Isa. 35,2; 44,23; 49,13; 55,12; Jer. 51,48; cf. Rom. 8,22. A more literal
reference in this connection is found in Midr. Gen. 54,4, where the kine pulling the
Ark of the Covenant sing.

126
In II,q, the twenty-four elders utter praise in response to the proclamation
by the "great voices in heaven" (II,15).

The kingdom of the world has become

the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ,
and he shall reign for ever and ever.

We give thanks to thee, Lord God almighty,

who art and who wast,
that thou hast taken thy great power
and begun to reign.
The nations raged, but thy wrath came,
and the time for the dead to be judged,
for rewarding thy servants,
the prophets and the saints,
and those who fear thy name,
both small and great,
and for destroying the destroyers
of the earth.

In 19,1-3, joyful praise is uttered by "a great multitude in heaven" over

the destruction of Babylon, in connection with "Amen, Hallelujah" on the
part of the elders and the living creatures, and the praise of a "great
multitude." 35

Hallelujah! Salvation and glory and power

belong to our God,
for his judgments are true and just;
he has judged the great harlot
who corrupted the earth with her fornication,
and he has avenged on her the blood of his servants ....
Hallelujah! The smoke from her goes up for ever and ever.

Amen. Hallelujah!

Praise our God all you his servants,

you who fear him, small and great. -.......

35· Charles, Ret'elation, 11, 118, and Swete, npocalypse, p. 242, both understand
o
the XAOV :n;o).A.ov of Rev. 19,1 to refer to angels. Both understand the same phrase
in 19,6 to mean the church. Swete writes of the "Hallelujah" in the passage: "It was
hailed as a connecting link between the worship of the church on earth and the
worship of Heaven; cf. Aug. serm. CCLX." Beckwith, p. 720, considers the second
oxA.ov to refer to the hosts of heaven. Cf. Behm, Offenbartmg, p. 98.

127
 Hallelujah! For the Lord our God
the Almighty reigns.
Let us rejoice and exult and give him the glory,
for the marriage of ;the Lamb has come,
and his Bride has made herself ready;
it was granted her to be clothed with
fine linen, bright and pure.

Thus, the Apocalypse presents the praise of one group in connection with
the praise of (an)other group(s) of angels, or the praise of non-angelic
creatures. 36 Moreover, the praise of the general mass of angels seems to
follow the initiative of the living creatures and elders (5,12-13: the
"centrifugal" movement in 5,8-1 3 has often been noted by commentators),
or the redeemed (7,12), or a heavenly directive (19,1-3)· The twenty-four
elders sing after (4,11) or with (5,8-9) the living creatures, or in response
to "great voices in heaven" (11,16ff.). The four living creatures on the
other hand are represented as singing "day and night" ( 4,8).
In addition to singing the Trisagion (Rev. 4,8), the angels of the
Apocalypse praise God as creator (4,11), acclaim the worth of the Lamb
(5,9-IO.I2-13), 37 bless God (7,12), thank God and praise Him for His
judgment (11,17-18; 19,1-2).

Heralding
Closely related to the musical function of praise by angels is that of
"heralding," and it is not surprising that some passages contain both aspects.
The term "heralding" is used here (cf. supra, p. 122) to denote the pro-
clamation of a momentous event - past or pending - and also any exhortations
or commands which are thereto connected. In Lk. 2,13-14, "a multitude of
the heavenly host" reinforce the natal proclamation of the single "angel
of the Lord" to the shepherds with their doxology and proclamation of
peace.

36. A further connection between the praise of heaven and that of earth is thought
by some to be intimated by the half-hour's silence of Rev. B,r. Charles, Revelation,
I, 223; idem, Lectures on the Apocalypse (London: Oxford, 1923), pp. 25-26; Loh-
meyer, Offenbarung, p. 73. Both Charles and Lohmeyer cite BT Hagigab 12b, and
reason that the praise of the angels in heaven has ceased so that the prayers of the
saints may be heard. Other explanations are equally plausible, however. Cf. BT
Arakin rob, which relates that the Ha/le/ must be sung on the nights of holidays,
except on high holidays, when God sits in judgment of every man.
37· Charles, Revelation, I, 146, thinks only the twenty-four elders sing 5,9-10.

128
 Glory to God in the highest,
and on earth peace among men
with whom he is pleased.ss
Stauffer remarks: "The doxology in Luke 2.14 is in the form of a two
part antiphony." 39 The text does not make explicit, however, how the piece
was rendered.
In I Thess. 4,16 (but not in Mt. 24,31 nor in I Cor. 15,52), the parousia
is accompanied by an angelic voice ( f!JWVfj aexayyEAoV, which is
distinct from the trumpet-sound: vide pp. 156-59, infra). Probably
"some archangel will add his voice to the call which wakes the dead." 40
Milligan considers it doubtful that any particular archangel is in view. 41
The angelic voice is used for proclamation in the Apocalypse. In Rev.
11,15, "great voices in heaven" announce the consummation of the
Kingdom. 42 Cf. I2,10-I2, where the announcement is coupled with an
exhortation to praise and a pronouncement of woe. 43 Following the doom

38. Messiah's advent was expected to be accompanied by heavenly voices or the

sound of the "great J,hofar." BT Sanhedrin 97a.
39· Stauffer, p. 290, n. 462. Cf. Bietenhard, pp. 139-40.
40. L. Morris, The First and Second Epistles to the Thessaloniam (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1959), p. 144.
41. G. Milligan, St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians (London: Macmillan,
1908), p. 6o.
42. The voices in this case are generally identified as belonging to the four living
creatures, or the very first rank of angelic beings. That the voices are described as
''great" or "loud," does not in itself say a great deal. Meyo).'YJ occurs very often in
connection with rpwv~, and in widely diverse circumstances - when the voice is
human as well as when heavenly (cf. II Chron. 20,19). Occasionally, rpwv~ is
modified by other words or the context to emphasize the degree of volume. Rev.
I,IO.I2.I5; 4,1.5; 6,1; 8,5; 10,3-4; 11,19; 14;2; 16,18; 19,6. In 18,2 the voice of an
angel is laxvea. lPwv~ is generally singular. In Rev. 4,5; 8,5; 10,3; 11,9; 16,18, it is
plural, and the context in each case Is one that conveys awe or terror (cf. Heb.
12,19.26). RSV renders the word as "noises" in Rev. 8,5; 11,19; 16,18. It should
probably be so rendered in 4,5. In RSV Rev. 10,3, the thunders "sounded." The only
other plural in the Apocalypse is in II,I5, where the heavenly voices announce the
royal consummation. lPwv~ is a general word used to denote various kinds of sound.
Arndt & Gingrich, pp. 878-79. Thus, the singular rpwv~ may denote the total sound
made by a plurality of voices, as in Rev. 12,1off.; 19,1; et al.
43· Swete, Apocalypse, pp. 154-55, refers the "great voice in heaven" of 12,10 to
the twenty-four elders; Behm, Offenbaru11g, p. 69, and Lohmeyer, Otfenbarung, p.
103, to the martyrs; Kiddle, pp. 234-35, to angels. Charles, Revelatio11, I, 355-57,
considers the reference to be to angels in the "original" text, but as now edited to
martyrs. · AlJe'Arpiiw of vs. 10 is the pivotal word. Schlatter, Briefe und Offenbarung,
p. 243, writes: "Frohlockt die himmlische Stimme, weil die, die unter der Klage des
Satans standen, unsere Briider waren. Denn die Himmlischen und die, die auf der
Erde leben, kommen vom selben Schopfer und Vater und sind deshalb zu einer
Gemeinde vereint .... Nun ist aber von denen, die mit den Himmlischen als Briider
verbunden sind, alle Gefahr a:bgewehrt." It can at least be said that the relating of
angels and men by the term alJe'Arpwv is quite consonant with what has been seen
respecting the union of the two groups in praise. Cf. Rev. 19,10.

129
of Bahylon, an angel, presumably one of the highest orders near the throne,
exhorts the servants of God to praise Him (Rev. 19,5; cf. 21,3-4).44
The angels herald not only with their voice, but also with the trumpet.
Though mentioned in connection with the trumpet in Mt. 24,31 and
I Thess. 4,1645 (not in I Cor. 15,52), angels are probably not to be under-
stood as the trumpeters there (cf. pp. 153, 158, infra). In the Apocalypse,
however, seven angels are used to sound the trumpet, announcing a series
of woes upon the ear.th. These angels are generally understood to be the
archangels or "angels of the presence" - ol lvdmwv 1:ov 1Jeov iaT~­
"aatv .46 As Beckwith observes, the angels do not possess the trumpets
of themselves; rather they are given to them. 47 The angels are only heralds
of the sovereign, divine purpose.

Teaching
What might be termed a third sphere of angelic musical performance
in the New Testament is seen in Rev. 14,3. In this verse, angels are

44· For another instance of the sympathy of men and angels for the praises of
God by one another, cf. Mt. 21,9 pars., where men exhort the angels to praise God.
Cf. the modern Common Doxology. Str.-B., I, 850, cite Targ. tPs. 148,1, in this
connection: "Hallelujah! Preiset Jahven, heilige Wesen, vom Himmel aus; preiset
ihn, alle Kriifte der Engel der Hiihe !"
45· Kittel, p. 86/30-34, writes: "Paulus erwiihnt nur einmal I Th 4,16 die bei der
Parusie ertiinende q)(J)VfJ dexayyiJ.ov; sie wird durch die priipositionale Verbindung
mit dem Kommen des "V£!LO~ (lv der Begleitung) ebenso jeder selbstandigen Be-
deutung beraubt wie die gleichzeitig erschallende O'tiAnty~ 1Jeov. Auch der Erzengel
ist nicht als eine Begleiterscheinung des eschatologisch kommenden Christus."
46. Cf. Tob. 12,15 on the seven throne-angels; Str.-B., Ill, 8os; Kittel, p. 86!29-30.
Charles, Revelation, I, 218-25, considers the first four angels and trumpets an inter-
polation. Regarding the fact that the throne-angels were given the trumpets, cf.
Schlatter, Briefe und Offenbarung, p. 209: "Auch darin kommt die Griisse des
Vorgangs zur Erscheinung, das die Offnung des letzten Siegels nicht irgend einen
aus der grossen Zahl der himmiischen Geister tatig macht, sondern die sieben Engel.
die bei der Ausrichtung des giittlichen Wlillens die erste Stelle haben und als Fiirsten
im Engelheere hervorragen." Swete, Apo•alypu, p. 107, thinks "the conception rests
ultimately on the scene of the Lawgiving (Exod. XIX. 16ff), which Jewish thought
connected with the ministry of Angels (Acts VII. 38, Gal. Ill. 19)." Cf. p. 122, n. 23,
supra. Reference was made on p. 123, supra, to zQH Ill, 35-36, where the "host of
heaven shall utter its voice" in connection with angelic warfare on earth. Cf. Kuyper,
pp. 88-89, who maintains that this heralding is heard only in heaven, in which
opinion he is probably correct.
47· Beckwith, pp. 550-51. The matter of the relation of the three audible pheno-
mena of I Thess. 4,16 is taken up on pp. 157-58, infra. It should be observed here,
however, that Rev. 10,7 does not furnish ground for the identification of the vocal
utterance of the angels and the sound they make by blowing the trumpet. f/Jwvij,
is translated "voice'' in AV; ASV (cf. "stem" in NV), but it could as well be
"sound." RSV, instead of attempting a literal rendition of the idiom, avoids this
possible confusion by rendering the phrase: "In the days of the trumpet to be
sounded by the seventh angel." Cf. NEB. Musical instruments have a cpwv~ in Mt.
24,31; I Cor. 14,7; Rev. 8,13; 18,22.
apparently the teachers of, at leaJt by their example, the 0!5~ "atn}
to the 144,000 redeemed men. 48 This "teaching" role of the angels is not
far removed from the hortatory aspect which has already been noted in
connection with Rev. 12,12; 19,5. Commentators are not generally agreed
as to the identification of the singers in Rev. 14,2-3. The weight of opinion
seems to favor the angels, however. 49 Even if they be thought to include
both angels and the redeemed, it seems most likely that the latter have in
some way learned it from the former. "The angels are probably to be
regarded as composing the song which the believers learn by listening."so
In surveying the musical activities of angels in Jewish literature, no
specific reference to their "teaching" was found. Their "revealing" function
at Sinai has been noted, however, as well as references to their knowledge
or lack of knowledge. 51 Their interest in the redeemed has been seen to
extend to their exhorting the latter to praise. To say the least, the teaching
function of the angels in Rev. 14,3-4 is altogether consonant with this
background. 52 Cf. also, pp. 174-76, infra, on the "manward reference"
of the church's music.

2. Imtrumental Accompaniment?
The question of instruments accompanying angelic praise ts tied to two

48. The reading of Nestle, omitting the roq before 0!5~v, is followed as preferable.
E. W. Hengstenberg, The Revelation of St. John, trans. P. Fairbairn (New York:
Robert Carter, 1852), 11, 121, n., derives the roq of some MSS quite plausibly from
the preceding context. '
49· Beckwith, p. 6sr; Charles, Revelation, 11, 7; Kuyper, p. II4; Lohmeyer, Often-
barung, p. 122; Swete, Apocalypse, p. 178. Behm, Offenbarung, p. 82, thinks the
redeemed may also he included. Kiddle, p. 266, thinks only the redeemed. Schlatter,
Briefe und Oftenbarung, p. 268, thinks both are included. C. B. Cousar, "The
Concept of Newness in the New Testament" (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation,
University of Aberdeen, 1960), p. 261, writes: "Christ with the complete number of
those who are His (14: r) alone can sing the song of praise which is the anthem
of the new order." There is no indication in the text, however, that Christ is
included among the singers. He is, moreover, the one who is praised by the "new
song" in 5,9-10. The fact that only the highest angelic beings sing the "new song" in
5,9-ro may also point in the direction of the exclusively angelic indentification
in 14,3.
so. Harrisville, p. 98, n. 78. Cf. Swete, Apocalypse, p. 178: "Here they [the
angels J lead the Song, which the redeemed themselves have yet b11t imperfectly
learnt." Cf. Kuyper, p. II4. Contra Lohmeyer's contention that flavf)J.vuv in 14,3
means "to hear," cf. Harrisville, pp. 97-98. Cf. ibid. on the relation of heavenly to
earthly worship.
51. Cf. also Ginzberg, Ill, 21o; V, 24, 3o6; VI, 47· In the latter place, reference
is made to the angels being teachers of the chosen few.
52. Cf. Harrisville, p. 98: "The concept of inspiration in 14,3 and 5,9 presupposes
that it is only when men are redeemed, i.e., brought into contact with the new
eschatological reality, that they are able to learn the new song." Cf. r,I.II; 4,1, for
the same concept of "revelation." There are several references in the Qumran literature
to divine influence upon human song (zQH III, 19-23; VII, ro-II; X, 7; XI, 3-6.
33-34), and the concept of "enlightenment" appears often.
passages in the Apocalypse- 5,8 and 14,2. In both these contexts the word
1/.flew is used in conjunction, as has been noted, wirh the usual Uyew.

Revelation 5,8
This passage is an explicit reference to the conception of instrumental
accompaniment in heaven, probably by angelic beings (vide supra, p. 125,
n. 33). Commentators commonly associate xdM.eav with the twenty-four
elders only, though gramatically it may be construed with the four living
creatures as well. 5s Like the incense, however, the harps are only symbolic,
reflecting the Jewish Temple worship. 54 The fact that both hands of the
elder were occupied does not present an insuperable barrier to his prostration
in worship (s,q).&&

Revelation I 4,2
In addition to its appearance in Rev. 5,8 and Rev. 15,2 (where it is held
by the saints), the xtDdea is mentioned in Rev. q,2, again in connection
with angelic beings. 66 The occurrence in 14,2 is made somewhat obscure,
however, by the a,, which introduces the phrase. "In a,, we have to deal
with the most difficult particle in all our author's vocabulary." 67 The
Apocalyptist uses the particle frequently in his descriptions of visual,
auditory and gustatory phenomena. As in other respects, his usage here was
doubtless influenced by that of the Old Testament apocalyptic literature. 58
The particle a,, is used in this genre of literature in an effort to approximate

53· Cf., e.g., Charles, Revelation, I, 146; Swete, Apocalypse, pp. 79·8o; Beckwith,
p. 511. On the kithara, cf. pp. 43-46, supra.
54· Cf. Schlatter, Briefe und 0/fenbarung, p. 191, quoted on pp. 26-27, supra. Cf.
also p. 43, n. 93· Since the O.T. worship service was conceived as patterned after the
heavenly example, it is more than likely that the Jewish conception of the latter
commonly included the use of harps by the angels, at least by the "angels of the
presence," or "throne angels," as here. Cf. Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 56: "Harfe und
Weihrauchschale (s. ]os. Ant. Ill, 10,7) sind bier nur ornamentale Ziige. Weder
wird die Harfe geschlagen noch Weihrauch gespendet, was zusammen vorzustellen
auch nicht gut moglich ist. Sie rufen our die Szene eines himmlischen Gottesdienstes
wach. Dass sie nicht eigentlich gemeint sind, zeigt die parenthetische Deutung des
Weihrauchs."
55· Charles, Revelation, I, 144, refers to an Egyptian picture in which Rameses II
is prostate with both hands full, worshiping Amen-Ra.
56. The phrases f{!OJViJv vc5&rwv noAJI.wv and ff!OJViJv f3eoVT:ij, p.eyal.'f}, used
to describe the heavenly music apparently have reference to its awe-inspiring qualities.
Cf. Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 122: "Stimm:e wie viele Wasser (s. 1,15 IV Esra
6,17 [11 9,5 Violet) und wie starken Donner (s. 6,1; 19,6) ist Zeichen himmlischer
Art." Cf. Ps. 29,~-9; Ezek. 43,2; Rev. 10,3·4. The rendition of the four instances of
ff!OJV-/j in 14,2 by RSV as "voice" - "sound" - "sound" - "voice" - is to be preferred
to the uniform "voice" of AV; cf. four times "stem" in NV. NEB has "sound" -
"noise" - "roar" - "sound."
57· Charles, Revelation, I, 24.
58. Cf., e.g., Ezek. 1,24; 43,2; Dan. 10,6, with Rev. 14,2; 19,6.
meaningful description of heavenly things perceived, using earthly language.
It serves to prevent an overly literal understanding of the descriptive details
related by the seer.
In some of the "auditory" instances in the Apocalypse, the description
has no more than the force of a similie : the cb; , in other words, combines
with the following substantive to become ,a predicate adjective (x,xo.15;
4,1; 6,x). In other cases, cb; and the following substantive constitute
together a substantive, subjective or objective; thus in 6,6; 19,1, where the
sense would virtually be retained if the particle were omitted. 69 The sense
of 5,1 I is for all practical purposes the same, whether the text of Nestle is
followed or the variant reading. In 19,6, w; is used three times with a
substantive to form a predicate nominative: yet a slightly different inter-
pretation of the first substantive phrase seems to be indicated by the sense.
Thus RSV reads : "Then I heard what seemed to be the voice of a great
multitude, like the sound of many waters and like the sound of mighty
thunderpeals" (italics mine). NV is more literal here, the cb; being
rendered each time simply "als."
Similarly in q,2, the sense might seem to indicate a rendering such as:
"And I heard a voice from heaven which sounded like the sound of many
waters and the sound of loud thunder, and the voice which I heard seemed
to be the voice of harpers harping on their harps." 60 The last cb~; construction
is admittedly adjectival, however, and a simple comparison - "was like"
(RSV; cf. NV) - may be as far in the direction of identification of the
sounds as the grammar permits. 61 Perhaps here, too, the Apocalyptist would
guard the reader against the thought that he had ever heard anything quite
like that which the seer was given to hear. The most that can be said of
Rev. 14,2 in this connection, therefore, is that John likens the angelic music
to vocal music accompanied by the kithara.

C. IN THE FATHERS

The angelology of patristic literature is very inela:borate compared with that

of the pre-Christian Jewish literature. 62 A widespread belief in the parti-

:59· Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 906. ·,,

6o. AV goes even further in 14,2d: "And I heard the voice of harpers harping
with their harps." There is only one rpwv~ which John heard, contra T. S. Kepler,
The Book of Revelation (New York: Oxford University, 1957), p. 150.
61. Contra NEB: "it was the sound of ·harpers harping on their harps." Hengsten-
berg, I, 121, n., remarks: "With the voice, too, of the harp-singers the ro~; would
not have been found but from respect to the preceding ro~; ." This may be true.
Charles, Revelation, II, 7, connects 14,2-3: " ... 'harpers harping ... and singing.'
It is another instance of the literal reproduction in Greek of a familiar Hebrew
idiom."
62. The Apocalypse of Paul (mid-third cent) does contain a more developed

133
cipation of angels in musical praise is well attested, however. 63 Clement of
Rome furnishes an early (ea. 96 A.D.) and illustrative passage in I Epist.
34.5-7:
Let us consider the whole multitude of His angels, how they stand
ever ready to minister to His will. For the Scripture saith, 'Ten thousand
times ten thousand stood around Him, and thousands of thousands
ministered unto Him, and cried, Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of
Sabbaoth; the whole creation is full of His glory.' And let us therefore,
conscientiously gathering together in harmony, cry to Him earnestly,
as with one mouth, that we may be partakers of His great and glorious
promises.

Early witness to the Christian concept of the heavenly hosts is also found
in Hermas Vis. 3,4,2; Justin Martyr ;84 and Athenagoras of Athens Suppli-
cation 10. Union with the heavenly choir is an idea found in Clement of
Alexandria Strom. 7,7(PG IX.470):

And his [the Gnostic's] whole life is a holy festival. His sacrifices are
prayers, and praises, and readings in the Scriptures before meals, and
psalms and hymns during meals and before bed, and prayers also again
during night. By these he unites himself to the divine choir, from
continual recollection, engaged in contemplation which has everlasting
remembrance. 85

Tertullian De orat. 3, writes that Christians, as future companions of the

angels, learn the Trisagion here on earth. Origen Contra Celsum 8,67(PG
XLI 61 7C), writes:
For we sing hymns to the Most High alone, and His only-begotten, who
is the Word and God; and we praise God and His only-begotten, as do
also the sun, the moon, the stars, and all the host of heaven. For these
all form a divine chorous, and unite with the just among men in cele-
brating the praises of the Most High God and His only-begotten. 88
In ~he "Cherubic Hymn"' which is executed by the faithful in the Liturgy

angelology. Among other things, the angels worship God at sunset when they come
to report on the activities of men. Quasten, Patrology, I, 146ff., considers the origin
of the Apocalypse probably Egyptian. Cf. the teachings of the heretic Basilides, noted
in Irenaeus Adv. haer. 1,24,3-4, and the Gnostic Carpocrates of Alexandria, mentioned
in ibid., 1,25,1.
63. Cf. Piper, pp. 11-12, 19-20.
64. Quasten, Patrology, I, 212-13.
65. On the concept of the union of men and angels in praise, vide Kroll, pp.
24-25.
66. Cf. Victorinus of Pettau Comm. Rev. 5,8-9, and the Oxyrhynchus hymn
fragment.

134
of St. James, the various kinds of heavenly hosts precede the Christ on His
way to be sacrificed, "crying aloud the hymn, Alleluia, Alleluia, Alleluia."
In the priestly prayer of the same liturgy, reference is made to the propriety
of all creation, including the heavenly hosts, praising God:

With loud voice singing the victorious hymns of Thy majestic glory,
crying aloud, praising, shouting and saying ... [the people cry] Holy,
holy, holy, 0 Lord of Sa:baoth, the heaven and the earth are full of Thy
glory. Hosanna in the highest; blessed is He that cometh in the name
of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest.

In Cyril of Jerusalem Procat. 15; Cat. I, the candidate for baptism is

reminded of the angelic singing of a portion of Ps. 32 in connection with
the sacrament. 67 In Cat. 3,1, the hosts of heaven are exhorted to rejoice as
the candidate for baptism is married to Christ. In Cat. 22,6(PG XXXIII.
uq), Cyril says that the Trisagion was given to men so that they might
join the angels in singing. Socrates Hist. E. 6,8, derives the antiphonal
practice of the church from a vision Ignatius had of angels singing in
alternate chants.
These passages from the Fathers amply demonstrate the prevalence
among the ancient Christians of the ideas of consideration of, imitation of,
and union with, the angelic praise by the singing church. Also, something
of the "heralding" notion may be seen in the "Cherubic Hymn" of the
Liturgy of St. James.
*******
In conclusion, the musical function assigned to angels in the New Testament
follows the broad outlines of the subject presented by Hebrew tradition. The
New Testament treatment is much more restrained and far less elaborate in
this regard, however, than the later Jewish literature. Antecedents of the
New Testament concepts of musical praise, heralding and - less explicitly -
teaching by angels were noted in the Jewish writings. The Fathers were
seen to reflect rather faithfully and in a restrained manner the emphasis
of Jewish literature and the New Testament upon the union of the saints
with the angels in musical praise.

67. In Cyril of Jerusalem Cat. 13,26 (PG XXXIII. 803-04), the singers of psalms
imitate the heavenly hosts. Origen Comm. Ps. (PG XII. 1628B), says men sing
psalms and angels sing hymns. Cf. Gregory of Nazianzus Orat. 4,71 (PG XXXV.
594); Chrysostom Hom. Acts 40,4 (PG LV. 286-87); Hom. Col. 3,9,2.

135
 CHAPTER VI

THE TRUMPET
The New Testament uses only one word to indicate an instrument of the
trumpet variety, aaA.myE. The word occurs eleven times in the New
Testament.t Also in the LXX, aa.ilmyE is the only word for trumpet, occurring
in the canonical books of the LXX seventy-seven times. 2 The LXX adhnyE,
however, translates six different Hebrew words: ,~1rd, l"t~r~O· fj~.
~~1~. ,V1p~ (Ezek. 7.!4), and Ml.!~,r;' (Lev. 23,24). These latter four
terms may all be subsumed under the first, leaving two basic categories of
the trumpet-type instrument in the Old Testament, the shofar and the
hatzotzerah.a

A. THE HEBREW BACKGROUND

The shofar is, fundamentally, the horn of a goat or ram. In later Jewish
practice, however, the horn of any clean animal except the cow (or calf)
could be used. 4 The horn as it came from the animal may have sometimes
been subjected to steam, flattened out, and then bent sharply. 5 It ordinarily
had no other refinements (such as a metal mouthpiece) at all. 8 In translating
,~1rd. f'j~.· or ~~1' (the latter two when they pertain to musical
I. Mt. ·24,31; I Cor. 14,8; 15,52; I Thess. 4,16; Heb. 12,19; Rev. 1,1o; 4,1;
8,2.6.13; 9,14. The verb aa.ilnll;.w is found in Mt. 6,2; I Cor. 15,52; Rev. 8,6.7.8.10.
12.13; 9,1.13; 10,7; n,15. The noun aa.ilntaT1]~ occurs in Rev. 18,22.
2. Occurrences counted in Hatch & Redpath. The LXX and the N.T. writers
could have used such a word as {Jovuwov for trumpet, especially to indicate the
shofar. Cf. the Latin buuina, which was, according to W. Smith & T. D. Hall,
A Copious and Critical English-Latin Dictionary (New York: American Book Com-
pany, 1871), p. 878, "(orig. a couls-horn trumpet, of curved shape)." Josephus, how-
ever, Ant. Jud. 3,12,6, applies {Jvu&.V1J~ to the hatzotzerah.
3· The keren (Josh. 6,5. Cf. Aramaic, N~'")~. Dan. 3.5·7.10.15), when it refers to
a musical instrument, signifies an animal horn as does the shofar. In Josh. 6,5ff., the
two are used synonymously. Cf. Friedrich, pp. 76/43-77/x; Sachs, History, p. no;
Sellers, p. 42. Similarly, the jobel is used for the shofar in Ex. 19,13 (cf. 19,16.19).
Elsewhere (Josh. 6,4·5.6.8.13) jobel occurs with shofar or keren, apparently to
indicate the material of which the horn is made. Cf. Friedrich, p. 771I3-14. Stainer,
p. r 2 5, associates jobel with jubilee, thus indicating the use of the horn rather than
the material from which it is made. Tekua and teruah pertain to the manner in which
the instrument is blown- long or short. Vide p .. 7, n. 22, supra, and p. 138, n. 14;
p. 143, n. 45, infra. They are each translated once in the LXX by aa.ilntyE. In both
cases, the word probably has the shofar in view rather than the hatzotzerah.
4· Friedrich, p. 76/I-6. Not only did shofar come to designate various kinds of
animal horns, but horns and wind instruments in general.
5· Sachs, History, p. IIo.
6. Ibid.; idem, UJE, VIII, 47. At a later period in Israel's history, gold and silver
were used to overlay the mouthpiece of the shofar on special days. Cf. ]. D. Eisen-
instruments), "horn" may be preferable to "trumpet." 7 It is only possible
to produce two or perhaps three tones on the shofar.8 According to Cohen,
the shofar is, next to the ugab (flute), the dldest surviving form of wind
instrument. 9
The second type of trumpet or horn in use by the Jews was the hatzotzerah,
a trumpet in the strict sense of ~he word. "The hatzotzerah was a straight
silver [Num. 10,2] trumpet, about two feet long and ending in a bell."to
Josephus Ant. Jud. 3,12,6 writes of it:
Moses further invented a kind of clarion [pv"&v71 ~], which he had
made for him in silver, on this wise. In length a little short of a cubit,
it is a narrow tube, slightly thioker than a flute, with a mouthpiece wide
enough to admit the brea~h and a bell-shaped extremity such as
trumpets have.
The hatzotzerah is pictured on the Triumphal Arch of Titus in Rome,
along with other trophies taken from the Temple. 11 According to Sachs,
it was capable of producing a "few high notes." 12
Thus, neither ~he shofar nor the hatzotzerah was a very "musical" in-
strument.13 The production of sound was apparently varied pretty largely
stein, "Shofar," JE, XI, 301; Friedrich, p. 83/Io-12; Idelsohn, Jewish Musi&, pp. 9-10.
7· Cf. Friedrich, p. 76/2-4. But this writer (p. 76, n. 29) concedes: "Eine genaue
Definition zur Unterscheidung von Trompete u Horn ist nicht moglich vgl CSachs,
Reallexikon der Musikinstrumente (r913) 189 f. 395· Unter Trompete versteht man
meist Blasinstrumente in zylindrischer Form mit Schalltrichter, unter Horn dgg ge-
krummte mit konischen Gestalt." RSV translates ,~1rd "horn" when it occurs in
T

T : -:
,
association with i1,~·~n which it renders "trumpet." The rendering of the former
by "trombone" in E. Schurer, A History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus
Christ (New York: Scribner's, 1891), 11, Pt. 11, 75, is quite misleading.
8. According to Friedrich, p. 8o/25-27, a fifth and an octave can be produced in
addition to the fundamental. Cf. M. Joseph, "Shofar," UJE, IX, 515: "Individual
Shofars vary as to the notes that they sound, but usually produce two notes, separated
by an interval of a:bout the fifth." Sachs, History. p. no, states that the shofar
produces only two harmonics, the second and third. Hasper, p. no, ·writes: "Zij gaf
slechts een of ten hoogste twee tonen." Idelsohn, Jewish Mush, p. 9, writes: "It
produces a few tones approximating c-g-c, or any other equivalent intervals, e.g. 1-5-1,
or 5-8-8; 1-4-8, an so on. The pitch, naturally, depends on the size of the Shofar and
on the construction of its hollow," Cf. Stainer, p. 128.
9· F. L. Cohen, "Shofar," JE, XI, 301. Cf. Stainer, p. 125.
ro. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47· -..., ·
11. Reproduced in Hasper, p. 107. The hatzotzerah is also pictured (in pairs) on
Jewish coins of the Roman period.
12. Sachs, UJE, VIII, 47·
I 3· The shofar does appear with other instruments (Ps. 1 50,3), including the
batzotzerah, as well as song (I Chron. 15,28; Ps. 98,6). The hatzotzerah is associated
with other instruments and song in I Chron. 13,8; 11 Chron. 5,12-13; 29,26ff. Cf.
I Chron. r6,42. The Aramaic form N~/n occurs with other instruments in Dan.
3.5·7·Io.xs. It need not 'be concluded from these passages, however, that the horn or
trumpet was used to give the melody. Their function, rather, must have been confined

1 37
by varying the rhythm - producing either long, sostenuto tones or short,
staccato tones (Num. ro,3ff.}. 14 Some variety of tone could possibly be
effected by the embrochure and the wind pressure applied.
The word shofar occurs in the Old Testament seventy-two times, hatzotz-
erah twenty-nine times (plural except in Hos. 5,8), and keren (pertaining
to a musical instrument) fourteen times. 15 The occurrences of shofar are
fairly well distributed over ~he Old Testament in twenty-four books from
Exodus to Zechariah. Jewish tradition also traditionally understood Lev.
23,24 and Num. 29,1 to refer to the shofar. 18 Keren pertains to a musical
instrument only in Josh. 6,5ff. and Dan. 3,5·7·10.15. Thus twenty-six of the
Old Testament books (counting Numbers on the basis of the Rabbinic
understanding of 29,1) mention or refer to a shofar-type instrument. In
contrast to the widespread occurrence of shofar, hatzotzerah occurs in only
nine Old Testament books- Numbers, 11 Kings, I-ll Chronicles (especially),
Ezra and Nehemiah, Ps. 98,6 and Hos. 5,8 (its only occurrence in ~he
singular).
The Bible first mentions the shofar in connection with the theophany at
Sinai (Ex. 19,16; 20,18).11 Divine warrant for the use of both the shofar
and the hatzotzerah is found early in the mblical record, the former in Lev.
25,9, and ~he latter in Num. 1o,rff. The use of the trumpet in the Near
to indicating the rhythm, signaling, playing a kind of fanfare, or just contributing to
the noises in general (11 Sam. 6,15; 11 Ki. II,J4; 11 Chron. 15,14; Ps. 47,5).
Cf. Friedrich, p. So/36-42; Stainer, pp. 131-32.
14. Cf. p. 7, n. 22, supra; Friedrich, p. So/27-36: "Man konnte aber durch den
Ansatz einen unterschiedlichen Klang u einen verschiedenen Rhythmus der Tonfolge
erzeugen, je nachdem ob man mit Iang anhaltendem Atem ruhig u gleichmassig in
das Horn blies oder ob man kurze Luftstosse machte. Nu 10,3ff werden verschiedenen

.
Signale unterschieden. Es ist etwas anderes, ob man in die Trompete stosst Nu 10,3f
oder ob tarm geblasen wird Nu 10,5f vgl 10,7. Moglicherweise sind mit den Verben
...
.V~~· ,~? u J.'~., ... verschiedene Arten des Blasens gemeint. .V~.i!' kann das
Blasen in staccato mit kurzen Stossen sein, ':'T~r.:l
., • T
ist mehr das Blasen sostenuto mit
langgezogenen Tonen, ,V.~., konnte der schmetternde Klang der Trompete sein." W. H.
Gispen, Het Boek Numeri, I ("Commentaar op het Oude Testament"; Kampen: Kok,
1959), pp. 151-52, considers "een alarmsignaal blazen" to be the best translation of
terua, while tekia = "'blazen' zonder meer." The latter would then be a "korte
stoot," and the former a "!anger aangehouden toon." Cf. infra, p. 143, n. 45, how-
ever; Eisenstein, JE, XI, 302; F. Mehrtens, Kerk & Muziek (2d ed., 's-Gravenhage:
Boekencentrum, 1961}, p. 67.
15. Occurrences found in S. Mandelkern, Veteris Testammti Concordantiae Hebrai-
(ae atque Cha/daicae (Editio altera tocupletissime Aucta et Emendata; F. Margolin,
1925), ad foe.
16. Eisenstein, JE, XI, 301. ·
17. Cf. F. L. Cohen, JE, XI, 301: "It was the voice of a shofar, 'exceeding loud,'
issuing from the thick cloud on Sinai that made all in the camp tremble ... and for
this reason, while other musical instruments were in each age constructed according
to the most advanced contemporary practice (comp. 'Ar. rob), the trumpet family
itself being represented by the long straight silver 'hazozerah,' the shofar has never
varied in structure from its prehistoric simplicity and crudity."
East was widespread. 18 Jewish tradition associated the use of the shofar with
(among other things) the ram on Mount Moriah which Abraham substituted
for Isaac on the altar (Gen. 22,1 3) .19 It has been supposed that Israel may
have derived the hatzotzerah from Egypt, the metal trumpets of the two
peoples being similar. 2° Friedrich argues against this theory: "Das wird
nicht zutreffen. Die i1' rjl'o
begegnet fast aussGhliesslich in jiingeren
Schriften des A.T. Wahrscheinlich ist sie erst spater von den Israeliten in
Gebrauch genommen worden." 21 Sachs also thinks the Egyptian derivation
theory unlikely, since bhe Egyptian trumpet occurs singly, whereas the
hatzotzerah always (except Hos. 5,8) occurs in pairs as in other non-
Egyptian lands. 22 The argument of Friedrich must assume the truth of the
critical view of Numbers, however. 23 Against the contention of Sachs,
Sellers may be quoted:
Though this gemination of trumpets has been known in other lands
the Hebrews seem to be its originators; in Egypt bhe metal trumpet of
the same pattern is always a single instrument. There is no reason to
believe that the priests played two parts on the trumpets. The priests
often functioned in pairs and the two priests would need two trumpets.
Probably they played in unison, though they may well have given some
passages antiphonally. 24
Thus the Israelites may well have derived the hatzotzerah from Egypt,
while they themselves were responsible for its gemination. Just as the
hatzotzerah is peculiarly the cultic, priestly instrument - in contrast to the
more generally used shofar - so ~he gemination of the instrument may well
owe its origin to the Hebrew cult. It is significant in this connection that
bhe only Old Testament occurrence of the singular is in Hos. 5,8, where the
hatzotzerah is linked with the shofar for the non-cultic purpose of alarm.
It is true that a hard and fast line cannot be drawn between the use of
the shofar and that of the hatzotzerah in Old Testament times. 25 The two
are sometimes used interchangeably or together. A survey of the relevant
OJ.d Testament passages will show, however, that especially the latter was

18. Friedrich, p. 73/!5-30.

19. Midr. Gen. 56,9; Lev. 29,7. Cf. Joseph, p. 514. ..
20. References in Friedrich, p. 76, n. 35; cf. Sachs, History, p. II3;···Leitner, p. 45·
Jdelsohn, Jewish Musi•, pp. 10·II, also derives the hatzotzerah from Egypt, where, as
in Israel, its use was entrusted only to the priests.
21. Friedrich, p. 76/26-28. Cf. Finesinger, p. 210: "We find that with almost no
exception the hazozera is not mentioned in early passages of the Bible at all" (italics
mine).
22. Sachs, History, p. II3. .
23. In opposition to the critical view of the origin of Numbers, cf. G1spen, pp.
10-13. Gispen, pp. 149·50, inclines toward an Egyptian derivation of the hatzotzerah.
24. Sellers, p. 43· Cf. Josephus Ant. Jud. 3,12,6.
25. Cf. Friedrich, p. 76/38-40: "Im Blick auf den Gesamtbestand der at.lichen

1 39
connected with the priestly cult. Its occurrences are found preponderantly
in the later historical books, and it is in most cases blown only by the
priests. 28 Its only occurrence in bhe latter prophets !has already been
mentioned, whereas the shofar appears often, in at least nine of them. The
fact that the hatzotzerah was made of silver might also tend to associate it
(rather than the cruder and inexpensive shofar) with the sacerdotal
functions. After the destruction of the second Temple, the exportation of its
contents, and the decline of the Saducees, the hatzotzerah was replaced
permanently with the primitive shofar.21
The shofar and the hatzotzerah were blown on solemn occasions in Old
Testament times, including:
1. the procession accompanying the return of the Ark (11 Sam. 6,15;
I Chron. 13,8; 15,24.28; 16,6.42; Ps. 47,5[ ?)) ;28
2. the worship service (11 Chron. 20,28; 29,26££.; Ezra 3,10; Pss.
98,6; 150,3) ;29
3· special days (Lev. 23,24; 25.9; Num. 10,10; 29,1; Ps. 81,3);
4· a dedication (11 Chron. 5,12; 7,6; Ezra 3,10 - the Temple; Neh.
12,35.41 - bhe wall) ;so
5· a coronation (11 Sam. 15,10; 20,22; I Ki. 1,34·39·41; 11 Ki. 9,13;
n,q; IIChron.2p3; Pss.47,5[?); 98,5[?)). 31
Both instruments were also used for signaling regarding the movements
of Israel, and especially in battle (Num. 10,2.8.9; 31,6; Judg. 3,27; 6,34;
I Sam. 13,3; II Sam. 2,28; 18,16; 20,1; 11 Chron. 13,12; Job 39,24-25; Jer.
42,14; 51,27). Shofaroth were also employed in the siege of Jericho (Josh.
6,4ff.) and in Gideon's attack upon Midian (Judg. 7,8ff.). Not far removed

Aussagen ist in der Verwendung der beiden Blasinstrumente kein wesentlicher Unter-
schied festzustellen."
26. Cf. Finesinger, p. 208: "[An examination of the occurrences of hatzotzerah in
the O.T. shows] how thoroughly the ritual and priestly use of the hazozera sup-
planted the popular use of the shofar." Cf. Hasper, p. 109; Swete, Apocalypse, p. 239;
Friedrich, p. 79/20-35; 8o/4s-8r!Is. While in the Qumran Scrolls the shofar was
blown by the Levites and people in general, only the priests blew the hatzotzerah.
rQM, passim. Gemination of the hatzotzerah is also maintained in rQM. In the
course of time there may have developed a connection between the priestly preference
for the hatzotzerah on the one hand, and a struggle of the Rabbis on the other to
disabuse the common people of their cruder notions regarding the shofar. On the
latter, cf. Finesinger, pp. 219ff. According to him the history of the shofar is the
history of a struggle between primitive and more refined religious ideas (cf. infra).
27. Cf. ibid., pp. 2II, 228; Friedrich, p. 8r/II·rs. This very unmusical instrument
has been the only instrument (until modern times) retained in the synagogue.
28. Cf. A. Noordtzij, De Boeken der Kronieken ("KV"; Kampen: Kok, 1937-
1938), I, 133-34. Concerning the trumpet in processions among other peoples, cf.
Friedrich, pp. 74/37-75/I7.
29. Cf. Noordtzij, 11, 327.
30. Cf. ibid., pp. 98·99. 120·2!.
31. Cf. C. van Gelderen, De Boeken der Koningen, Ill ("KV"; Kampen: Kok,
1947), pp. 147, 2r8; ibid., I (3d ed., I95I), 39·
from these passages is the employment of the horn by the watchman to
warn of approaching attack (Neh. 4,18.20). It is this figure of the watchman
and the horn which the latter prophets so often employ in their more or
less apocalyptic imagery (Jer. 4·5-19.21; 6,1.q; Ezek. 33.3-6; Hos. s,8;
8,1; }oel2,1; Amos 2,2; 3,6; Zeph. 1,16). Some of these passa:ges have a
more eschatological flavor than others. Some are specifically associated with
the approaching ;:!1i1~-c1~ (Joel 2,1; Zeph. 1,16).
The eschatological note of divine intervention is especially enunciated in
those passages in which God Himself (cf. Judg. 6,34) blows the shofar as
a signal of His activity (Isa. 18,3; 27,13; Zech. 9,14). Related to the
association of the shofar with the complex of eschatological events is bhe
important association of the horn with theophany (Ex. 19,16.19; 20,18),
God Himself sounding the instrument.3 2
The military employment of the horn and trumpet is prominent in the
Qumran treatise, "The War between the Sons of Light and the Sons of
Darkness." The trumpet-type instrument may well have been the only
musical instrument used by the austere sect. 33 As already noted, the hatz-
otzeroth were to be blown by the priests. They were variously inscribed to
indicate their respective uses. The specifications are rather detailed, and
some items seem to contradict others.34 Shofaroth were to be blown in battle
by the Levites and others, and enjoy less prominence in general than the
metal trumpets. The sect's "Thanksgiving Hymns" mention the use of
trumpets in connection with singing praise. 35 In the Zadokite fragment, the
32. Cf. Friedrich, pp. 79/49·80/4, concerning these passages: "Der Hornerschall soli
wahrscheinlich die unbeschreibbare Stimme Gottes andeuten. Das ist aus Ex I9,I9 zu
entnehmen: 'Der Hornerschall wurde je !anger je starker. Moses redete, und Gott ant-
wortete ihm mit !auter Stimme.' Die Richtigkeit dieser Auslegung hestatigt Dt 5,22:
'Diese Worte sprach Jahwe auf dem Berge zu eurer ganzen Gemeinde mitten aus dem
Feuer, dem Gewolk und Dunkel, mit !auter Stimme.'" Friedrich's case is not well
taken, however. Moreover, as he himself states (p. 86/Io-15), the sound of the horn
is considered separate from the voice in Heb. I2,19. Even Philo De spec. leg.
2,188-89 did not "spiritualize away" the trumpet at Sinai. The association of the
trumpet with the giving of the law must have been very strong in the Jewish mind.
C. F. Keil & F. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Old Testament, 11, trans.
J. Martin (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1872), Io3, distinguish between the voice of
Jehovah and "a sound resembling a trumpet blast."
33· Cf. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 28-29; Avenary, col. 228, views the Qumran con-
ception of the shofar and hatzotzerah as magical-mythical. For tht; depreciation (by
another Jewish sect) of instruments, including "the trumpet calling-· to war in wild
tones," cf. Or. Sib. 8,117.
34· Vide rQM Ill, 1-n. Gaster, p. 277, states that the military organization of
rQM "very largely conforms to standard Roman patterns of military organization,
procedure and strategy .... The 'trumpets of assembly' answer to the Roman tuba
roncionis." The regulations concerning the trumpets, however, though much more
detailed, are similar to the O.T. specifications. Friedrich, pp. 81/30-82/31, gives the
terminology as well as the relevant literature. Cf. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 30-31, who
cites the work in Hebrew by Y. Yadin, Megillot Milehemet (Jerusalem, 1955),
which includes three chapters on the Qumran trumpets and their signals.
35· Cf. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 31.
trumpet is used for calling the sect to religious assembly.a'
The ·horn and trumpet appear frequently in Rabbinic literature. They were
used to signal in connection with fasts (cf. Joel2,15), deaths, and the
pronouncement and suspension of bans. In the daily Temple service, the
priests sounded the trumpets in accompaniment of sacrifice, to start the choir,
during the interludes in the singing, and to introduce the prayer. In the
synagogue and in connection with the religious life in general, the horn
and trumpet were · employed to assemble the people, and to herald the
beginning or the ending of special events and days.a1
That the trumpet-type instrument played a large role in the life and
thought of Israel cannot be gainsaid. But the determination of its particular
significance for the Hebrews is a more difficult matter. 38 Its military
significance as a signaling instrument is obvious, this usage being common
to many ancient nations. 30 It was apparently also used in battle to demoralize
the enemy and perhaps to encourage the Israelites. 40 The use of vhe horn or
trumpet on numerous occasions can be simply explained in terms of certain
emotions, to register or elicit such feelings as joy, solemnity, awe and pomp.
On at least certain occasions, the instrument's blast was directed to God
Himself, to get His attention as it were, that He might remember Israel,
favoring His people and perhaps delivering them from their enemies. This
may have been the primary reason for the association of the instrument with
prayer and sacrifice. 41 Finesinger theorizes that this was the more advanced
view, and believes that a conflict between it and a more primitive notion -
that evil spirits were frightened by the blasts - can be traced in Hebrew
literature. 42
Whatever beliefs may have been popular wibhin the cult concerning the
shofar and the hatzotzerah, it is the more obvious usage of the latter
prophets in which a firm point of contact with the eschatological usage of
the New Testament is to be found. In the face of impending doom the

36. Gaster, p. 79.

37· Josephus Ant. Jud. 3,12,6; Bel. Jud. 4,9,12; Philo De spec. leg. 2,188ff.;
BT Perahim 64a; Sukkah IV.5,9; V.4,6; Shabbat 35b; Tamid 7,3-4; Taanith 14a;
Rosh ha-Shanna 16. Cf. Friedrich, pp. 82/32-83/47·
38. Cf. Finesinger, p. 193: "Yet, in spite of its [the shofar's] widespread use, its
purpose and function are nowhere clearly stated in the Jaws prescribing its use.
Consequently it is not surprising to find that many theories have been advanced to
explain why it is used."
39· Cf. Philo De spec. leg, 2,190.
40. Judg. 7,8.16.18.20.22; cf. Finesinger, p. 198. The same usage is found in
Qumran. Vide Gaster, p. 291.
41. Cf. Num. 10,9; II Chron. 13,12ff. (with prayer and shouting); 15,14; I Mace.
3,5off.; 4,4o; 5.33; II Mace. 15,25-26; Sir. 50,16; Midr. Lev. 29,4.6.7; Philo De spec.
leg. 2,192. Cf. Sachs, History, p. 113; Sellers, p. 43; Joseph, p. 514.
42. Finesinger, passim. This writer, p. 198, thinks the difficult Jericho instance
may embody the primitive view. Cf. Sachs, Hirtol'y, pp. III-12; Idelsohn, Jewish
Music, p. 9; Hasper, p. IIo. Neither here, nor elsewhere, however, does the Bible
clearly intimate this belief.
Lord sends forth watchmen who, by blowing the shofar, are to warn the
people. 43 The thus signalized disaster can only be averted by a total
repentance. Finesinger remarks: "The sound of the shofar, like any other
sound, is produced primarily for its effect upon its hearers," and "the out-
standing associations connected with it have been those of fear."44 Just as
the blasts of the shofar contributed to the terror of the Israelites at Sinai,
and as the alarm sounded by the watchmen warned against imminent attack,
so the Lord ordered the prophets to sound and to have sounded the trumpet-
alarm in order to strike fear in the hearts of the people and thereby conduce
to repentance.
It is only a step from this less-than-literal employment of the horn and
watchman to the even more definitely apocalyptic association of the horn
with God Himself. The former is, as it were, a type of the latter. The two
figures represent a progression in the order of events. God sends forth the
watchmen (the prophets) to sound the alarm, to warn of the coming
judgment and, in the light of it, to urge repentance. There is yet time. But
this will not always be so. For in place of the prophets the Lord Himself
will come. And in place of the watchmen the Lord Himself will sound the
shofar. When He does, time has run out, judgment is at hand, the day of
wrath has finally come. God has taken things into His own hands.
While, however, judgment is associated with the divinely blown shofar,
and while its sound will terrify the ungodly, the consolatory significance
of the blasts receives at least equal emphasis in the three Old Testament
passages - Isa. r8,3; 27,13; Zech. 9,14. The blast of the divine shofar
signalizes a complex of divine, eschatological activity. For the enemies of
God and His people, judgment is thereby indicated, and fear cannot but
be aroused. For Israel, however, the blast from heaven portends deliverance
and restoration.45
43· The watchman blowing the shofar expressly serves as a figure for the prophetic
ministry of Ezekiel (33,Iff.).
44· Finesinger, pp. 193, 227. Cf. Philo De spec. leg. 2,188-89.
45. Hasper, p. no, writes: "In Zacharia 9 : 14 zegt de profeet, dat de Heer
Jahwe, in of met de bazuin zal 'stoten,' waarmede dan het angstaanjagend geluid (stac-
cato) 'bedoeld wordt. Het is een zeer beeldende uitdrukking, dat Jahwe met een
instrument, dat er den 'schrik' inbrengt, zijn vijanden met vervaardheid slaat en onder
hen een paniek aanricht." Friedrich, p. 80/32·36 (quoted supra, p. 138, n. ~.4), also considers
V~J? possibly indicates staccato, etc. Idelsohn, Jewish Music, pp. 9-1~·· (cf. supra, p. 7,

n. 22), however, identifies V~~ with sostenuto, etc. Koehler, in Koehler & Baum-

gartner, pp. 1039 and 881-82 respectively, defines v~.n simply as "blow," however,
and V,, as "give a blast," "shout," "sound an alarm." 1'1J,!,,f;"i is given as
"alarm-signal." At any rate, that fear and alarm could be evoked by the instrument
might be supposed on either understanding of the terms. A long blast could arouse
terror (cf. 1~~ in Ex. 19,13; Josh. 6,5) as well as one or more short blasts. The
 It is significant that the prophets, whether referring to the instrument of
the watchmen or that of God, consistently employ the word shofar. On only
one occasion (Hos. 5,8) does hatzotzerah occur, and then in conjunction
with shofar, both terms being used to designate the instruments of the
watchmen. As already noted, the Hosea occurrence is the only Old Testament
instance of the singular of hatzotzerah.
The association of the shofar with eschatological events is continued and
ela:borated upon in the apocryphal (both Jewish and Christian) and Rabbinic
literature. The trumpet-blasts at the time of the consummation herald:
1. judgment (IVEsdr.6,23; Or.Sib.4,173-74; 8,239; Apoc.Moses
22);
2. salvation (BT Rosh ha-Shanna nb; Midr. Gen. 56,9; Midr. Eccles.
1,8);
3· the specific resurrection and rehabilitation of the dead - in seven
stages, each introduced by a trumpet-blast (Alphabet-Midr. of R.
Aqiba, cf. infra);'&
4· the advent of Messiah. According to BT Sanhedrin 97a, the advent
of Messiah would be announced by "[Heavenly] sounds," which
would be either voices or the blasts of the shofar or both. "After
the Second Destruction of the Temple, the idea of blowing the
'Shofar of Redemption' was transferred to the prophet Elijah, who
is supposed to announce the coming of the Messiah." 47
In some cases the shofar is impersonal, at least the blower is not expressly
named. In the Apocalypse of Moses, Michael and the other archangels
sound forth. Most often, however, the horn is sounded by God Himself. 48

B. THE NEW TESTAMENT ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE

The illustrative and secular employments of the aakuy~ in the New
Testament were discussed in chapter four. The remaining passages are those
in which the instrument has a very definite significance attached to it within
the movement of the Heilsgeschichte. These passages fall into three
categories: ( 1) the seven trumpets of Rev. 8,2ff., ( 2) the instrument in Mt.
24,31; I Cor. 15,52; I Thess. 4,16, (3) the trumpet of Old Testament
theophany in Heb. 12,19.
same signal brings not panic, but comfort to the exiles (Isa. 27,13 ). Cf. the differing
types of blasts in rQM. Soteriological and eschatological concepts associated with the
.rhofar were combined with cultic practice in the blowing of the Jhofar in connection
with New Year's Day (Nurn. 29,1). Cf. Joseph, pp. 514-15; Finesinger, pp. 195-96
on Ps. 47. For a much later conception of the significance of the Jhofar of New
Year's Day, cf. the ten reasons for its being blown then which were given by the
Jewish philosopher, Saadya Gaon, listed in Idelsohn, JewiJh Liturgy, pp. 210-11.
46. Most of the references are given and quoted in Friedrich, p. 84/1-32. R. Aqiba
is also quoted in Str.-B., Ill, 481.
47· Idelsohn, JewiJh MuJic, p. 9·
48. Cf. Friedrich, p. 84/z6-q.

1 44
 I. The Seven Trumpets of the Apocalypse
"And I saw the seven angels ~hat stand before God; and there were given
unto them seven trumpets" (Rev. 8,2 ASV). In the course of the four
chapters following this verse, the seven trumpets are sounded. Each of the
first four blasts introduces, respectively, destruction of a third part of the
earth, the sea, the rivers, and the heavenly bodies. Men were also destroyed
in the process. The last three blasts introduce the three "woes." The first
woe consists of locusts with the power to wound for five months those men
who have not the seal of God on their foreheads. The second woe results in
the death of one-third of all men. The last woe is presumably announced
by the seventh trumpet ( 10,7 ; II, qff.), and is associated apparently with
the consummation of all things.
The blast of the trumpet in each case is integrally related to the actual
catastrophe that follows, and does not serve merely to signalize for John's
benefit the commencement of another vision. In other words, the trumpet is
a real part of the heaven-earth drama, and not an instrument apart from
it which merely announces to the spectator (John) the next scene or act.
It is not necessary, however, to suppose with Schlatter that the trumpet-
blasts serve as signals to men on earth of that which is yet to come. 49 As
Kuyper remarks: "The trumpet was always associated with what takes place
in heaven ... and ... its first application in priestly use was ... on the great
day of Atonement [Lev. 25,9], when likewise the retributive vengeance of
God's justice was in question." 50 It is true that the trumpet-blasts at Sinai
were heard on earth, just as the blasts accompanying the paromia will be
heard, but these are in the category of theophany (or Christophany), which
is not the case here. In the course of the events of chapters 8-rr, men on
earth are warned against continuing in idolatry and immorality. They
should heed the warning and repent (9,20-21). 51 The warning is not given
by the blasts of the trumpets, however, but (as in Egypt) by the plagues
themselves.52 It is reasonable, then, to conclude with Kuyper that the

49. Schlatter, Briefe und 0/fenbarung, p. 209: "[The angels blowing the trumpets}
geben der Menschheit das Signal, das ihr das Nahen ihres Herrn anzeigt. Der
Christus ist bereit zu kommen, und die Posaunen machen es der Welt bekannt, dass
er kommt."
50. Kuyper, p. 88. Cf. ibid., p. 87. "'
51. Cf. Friedrich, p. 86/12-23. Shepherd, p. 83, finds a correspondence between
Rev. 6-8 and the reading of the Law, Rev. 10-II and the reading of the Prophets,
Rev. 12-15 and the reading of the Gospel in the Christian worship service. Thus the
first six trumpets have to do with the Law. The seventh introduces the third woe -
the struggle of Christ and the Antichrist. It was shown in chap. ii, however, that
such an interpretation of the Revelation is open to question. to say the least.
52. Cf. Hengstenberg, I, 414: "Bengel: 'To the angels, who had the seven vials
given them, it is said: Go your ways, XVI.1,2. But the angels with the trumpets do
not go away; and consequently they remain in their state of preparation, and even when
they sound, still stand before God.' The prayers of the saints are a necessary preexist-
ing condition of their preparing themselves. - The angels do not inflict the punish-

145
trumpets are not sounded in the earth, "but in the ear of God in the throne
room of the heavens." 63 Whatever particular significance they have in the
drama is meant for the inhabitants of heaven.
Against the background of the trumpet in Hebrew thought discussed
above, several usages suggest themselves as possible reasons for the em-
ployment of the trumpet in these chapters.

I. The Temple worship - the trumpets being sounded to give signals

in connection with prayer, singing and sacrifice. John does derive
much of his imagery from the Temple and its service. If that is
the case here, he may well have had the priestly hatzotzerah in
mind.
2. Divine judgment - the trumpets signalizing the wrath of God
about to be poured out (a popular symbol in the Old Testament
prophets). 1QM "stresses the motif of the 'trumpet of judgment'
very fully." 54
3· Divine warfare - a usage closely related to that in divine judgment.
In the Old Testament prophets, warfare on earth and the judgment
from heaven were closely connected. Divine judgment may be
conceived in terms of the warfare of heaven against the enemies of
God. Cf. 1QH 111,35-36, cited supra, p. 123.55 Swete says the
seven priests with trumpets at Jericho (Josh. 6) may furnish the
background here.56
4· The Jewish New Year.57
5· The general eschatological associations of the trumpet in Hebrew

ment, they merely announce it." W. Hendriksen, More Than C01zquerors (3d ed.;
Grand Rapids: Baker, 1944), p. 140, confuses the trumpets with what follows the
blasts.
53· Kuyper, p. 88.
54· Werner, Sacred Bridge, p. 262, n. 142. Cf. Kuyper, p. 88; Or. Sib. 4,173-74;
8,239; Apoc. Ps.-Jn. 28; Apoc. Abrm. 31.
55· The inscriptions written on the trumpets of war in rQM indicate clearly the
conception of the "War'' as a means of divine judgment. Cf. Kuyper, p. 88, on the
trumpets in Revelation: "Those trumpets give their signals for the war, whereby God
will destroy the world of men that perversely continues in sin and refuses to repent.
In His anger and under the pressure of His holy wrath God now commands His
angels to proclaim war against His world of men." Cf. Bengel, II, 62 5.
56. Swete, Apocalypse, p. 107. Swete traces this association of the angels and
trumpets ultimately, however, to the Jewish belief concerning the function of angels
at Sinai (Acts 7,38; Gal. 3,19). This connection seems rather dubious, however.
Hengstenberg, I, 405-06, derives the scene in the Apocalypse from Josh. 6, the use
of the trumpets in connection with the year of Jubilee, and their general use in war.
57· Schlatter, Briefe und Ojfenbarttng, p. 209. Somewhat related to this view is that
of Edersheim, pp. 290-91, that the eschatological trumpets in Mt. 24,31; I Cor. 15,52;
I Thess. 4,16; and Rev. 8,2ff. (especially the seventh trumpet) should' be seen against
the background of Num. 10. The blasts of the trumpet, therefore, constitute an
acknowledgment that Jehovah is king.

q6
 thought. Behm and Lohmeyer both give Old Testament references
and Ps. Sol. u,x.68
All of these associations of the trumpet offer a point of contact with
its employment here, perhaps especially the first three named. It is quite
possible, however, that John, rather than choosing to use the instrument
because of any of these specific associations, has employed it because of its
very obvious and fundamental usage as an instrument for announcing,
heralding, and signaling. At any rate, here as in other matters, the
Apocalyptist handles his materials freely to suit his own purpose, and the
details of derivation may not be pressed. There is no very similar combination
of imagery parallel to that found here. As will be seen, the appearances of
the trumpet in the passages of the second category are quite distinct from its
employment here. ·
In Mt. 24,31, I Cor. 15,52, and I Thess. 4,16, reference is made to the
eschatological trumpet. Especially the Matthaean context, like the Revelation,
is of a strongly apocalyptic color. The employment of the trumpet in the
latter is definitely eschatological (using the term in its broader sense), but
what is the relation of the series of the seven trumpets ·here to the one
trumpet of the other passages?
As already observed, the seven trumpets of Revelation were apparently
sounded to be heard only in heaven, whereas the apocalyptic trumpet of the
three other passages is heard to the ends of the earth (as in Jewish
apocalyptic in general). Furthermore, whereas the latter is appar·ently sounded
by God Himself, John assigns his seven trumpets to seven angels. 59 In
keeping with their character as messengers - heralds of the sovereign God -
they are represented not as possessing the trumpets of themselves, but as
being given them. Even then they could not sound them until the prayers
of the saints had been heard. 60
It is plain that only one trumpet would not have served John's purpose
here. In keeping with his presentation of the divine drama in the perspective
of movement, progress, unfolding61 - there must be a plurality of trumpets
to signalize the successive stages. In keeping with the total structure of the
work and the importance of the number seven throughout, it is not difficult
58. Behm, Offenbarung, p. 48; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 73· Behm writes: "Das
alte heilige Instrument fiir Ankiindigung neuer Zeiten, dessen Schall das drohnende
Signal flir den Anbruch endzeitlichen Geschehens bedeutet... ,
59· Cf. Kuyper, p. 88. In IQM, where the spiritual horizon is not as lofty as in
Revelation, eschatology is viewed much more in terms of human warfare - between
the "Sons of Light" and the "Sons of Darkness" - and the trumpets are sounded
by men. As noted supra, p. 141, in 1QM the priests sound the hatzotzeroth and the
Levites and soldiers blow the shofar. Cf. p. 123, supra.
6o. The prayers of the saints and the succeeding series of blasts and the cata-
strophes are commonly viewed as standing in a causal relationship. Cf., e.g., Beckwith,
p. 553; Diisterdieck, pp. 266-67; Hendriksen, Conqueror.r, p. 142; Hengstenberg, I,
413; Kiddle, p. 145; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, p. 74·
6r. Cf. the other "series" of the Apocalypse. The general approach of Hendriksen
to Revelation - "Progressive Parallelism" - has much to commend it.
to understand why the number "seven" was chosen here. At the same time, a
group or series of seven trumpets was common enough in Jewish thought
and history. 62
That the eschatological trumpet in the three passages outside Revelation
is coincident with the very end of this present age is plain. To ascertain the
time(s) at which the seven trumpets of Revelation are understood to be
blown is, however, an exceedingly difficult task. One's answer to this
question will depend upon his answers to others, and, in fact, his under-
standing of the book in general. Kuyper, for instance, writes: "We must
not imagine these several soundings of the trumpet to be centuries apart,
but rather that these seven trumpet blasts closely follow one upon the other,
and so unite in one mighty action that from heaven comes down to the
dweUers upon earth. " 63 Hendriksen, on the other hand, remarks: "These
trumpets of judgment, chapters 8-n, indicate series of happenings, that is,
calamities that will occur again and again throughout this dispensation." 64
At any rate, Friedrich and Hendriksen are correct in giving the significance
of warning to the catastrophes (but not to the trumpets as well, contra
Hendriksen). 65 Some period of time must elapse between the blasts. Those
who survive the catastrophes still have the opportunity to repent (9,20-21).
The various events of the four chapters seem to require at least some interval
of time for their realization. 66
It is apparent then that the first six trumpets bear no more than a general
relation to the eschatological trumpet of Matthew, et al. Is it possible that the
seventh trumpet of John might be specially related or even identified with
the one trumpet of Jesus and Paul? "There are seven trumpet blasts, and,
as always in his literary scheme, the last of the seven is of outstanding
importance. "67 The seventh trumpet might be equated, for instance, with
that of Mt. 24,31. Just as the trumpet-signalized consummation in that verse
62. Friedrich, p. 86/37-40: "Die Zahl 7 hiingt einmal mit der Bedeutung dieser
Zahl fiir den Aufbau der Apokalypse zusammen ... dann aber damit, dass auch sonst
wiederholt gerade 7 Trompetenbliiser genannt werden." Vide Lohmeyer, Offenbarung,
pp. 185f. Cf. Josh. 6,4.8.13; I Chron. 15,24; Neh. 12,41. In zQM VII, 9ff., six
priests, and presumably the seventh as well, have hatzotzeroth, while seven Levites
have shofaroth. Cf., however, Friedrich, p. 81, n. 47· Cf. the seven trumpets of
R. Aqiba 9, used to introduce the successive stages of the resurrection. For the seven
throne angels, cf. Tob. 12,15; Apoc. Mos. 38. Cf. the reference to Charles,
Revelation, I, 218-25, on p. 130, n, 46, supra.
63. Kuyper, pp. 88-89.
64. Henddksen, Conquel'ors, p. 140.
65. Friedrich, p. 87/20-21; Hendriksen, Conquerors, pp. 14off.
66. Cf. Beckwith, p. 582, on Rev. 10,7: "The period ... belonging to, introduced
by, the seventh trumpet is meant." It would be difficult to say of the f}/J,E(!at' here,
however, that it must refer to any extended period of time introduced by the
s~venth trumpet. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 348. Nothing, of course, can be determined
by the ~r:o{p,aatv x.r:. A.. of Rev. 8,6. On the form of aaA.nlawaw L. Radermacher,
Neutestamentliche Grammatik (2d ed., "HNT"; Tfrbingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1925), p. 89.
67. Kiddle, p. 147. Cf. Shepherd, p. 83, on p. 145, n. 51, supra.
is preceded by cosmic catastrophe, so ca:tastrophes (announced by the first
six trumpets) precede the blast that introduces the consummation. Just as
the plagues preceded the Exodus deliverance, so with the final salvation in
Matthew and Revelation.es
What is said to follow the seventh trumpet blast (II,15ff.) confronts the
interpreter with a difficulty, however. Whereas n,q prepares the reader
to expect the introduction of the third woe momentarily, and whereas the
first two woes were introduced by the fifth and sixth trumpets respectively,
it is very difficult to identify the third woe positively with the events fol-
lowing the seventh blast. What is to follow the seventh blast is described
in 10,7 as the fulfillment of the "mystery of God." 69 Accordingly, some
commentators do not find the consummation (in its entirety, at any rate)
in 11,15-I9 (Beckwith, Friedrich, Lohmeyer). Others, however, do (Bengel,
Charles, Kiddle). Hendriksen writes: "Again, the final judgment is not
described but introduced." 10 The solution of the difficulty apparently lies
in an understanding of John's literary method. Just as the opening of the
seventh seal (8,1) introduces not the end, but another series of visions, so
in II,15ff. there is a transition to a new series of visions, and the reader
who is unsympathetic with John's method of presentation may feel some-
what frustrated at not finding what he had anticipated. Even though John
may not in the Apocalypse describe the consummation immediately following
the blast of the seventh trumpet (due to the structure of the book), it is
apparent that in his thought it was viewed as introducing the very last
things, the conclusion of the Heilsgeschichte ( I0,7; cf. Obad. 21).
The seventh trumpet, then, in that it signalizes the very last things in the
drama· of salvation, may be viewed as a kind of Johannine counterpart of
the trumpet of Mt. 24,3I, et al. This is true whether the significance of the
seventh trumpet's blast is considered to be exhausted in II,IS-I9, or to
extend beyond these verses, or simply to be left unexplained due to the
transition to a new vision. If vss. Is- I 9 do fully explain the significance
of the last trumpet-blast, three things may be noted.

r. As in Mt. 24,3I, et al., the stress is upon the "positive" (especially

in vss. IS-17) in what follows the blast; but whereas the
significance of the trumpet in Jesus and Paul is particularistic, the
implications of the Johannine seventh trumpet are unl-\lersalistic and
cosmic.

68. Cf. Schlatter, Briefe u1zd Offenbarung, pp. 212-13; Kiddle, pp. 149-50; Apoc.
Abrm. 3I; Str.-B., IV, Pt. II, 977ff.
69. t/>wvij, in 10,7 is possibly best translated "sound." RSV interpolates: " ... in the
days of the trumpet call to be sounded by the seventh angel." Cf. NV: " ... in de
dagen van de zevende engel, wanneer hij bazuinen zal." NEB reads: "when the time
comes for the seventh angel to sound his trumpet."
70. Hendriksen, Conquerors, p. 46.

1 49
 2. Differing from Mt. 24,31, et al. (as the blast here is heard only in
heaven), what follows is described from the heavenly, rather than
the earthly, viewpoint.
3· Similarly, whereas the trumpet of Mt. 24,31, et al. has especially
soteriological associations, the associations of the seventh trumpet
of John are more theocentric in nature.n

In conclusion, there are points of contact between the Johannine trumpets

(especially the seventh) and the trumpet of Jesus and Paul. After all, the
three of them derived their imagery from a more or less common stock.
John's use of the material is quite free, however, and he combines the
elements to form an original picture. His employment of the familiar
trumpet in chapters 8-II illustrates his method. The Apocalyptist is concerned
with presenting a Christian, spiritual philosophy of history, as it were, and
all is made to subserve his aim of a dynamic, graphic description of the
holy drama's unfolding. His use of the trumpet cannot be forced into the
mould created and used by his predecessors and contemporaries. 72

2. The Tmmpet of Jesus and Paul

Matthew 2 4d I
And he [the Son of Man J will send out his angels
with a loud trumpet call,
and they will gather his elect from the four winds,
from one end of heaven to the other.

The Nestle text reads m1A.myyo~ p,ey&.A.'YJ~· supported by N €) al e sy. A

q;wvij~ between the two words is found in B Koinea/; cf. Wh: and xal tpwv*
in Dal lat. Meyer chooses the second reading, and Alford favors the third,
on the basis of the distinction between the trumpet-sound and the voice of
I Thess. 4,16. 73 Plummet rejects the second as "of doubtful authority." 74
Certainly, bhe MSS evidence for the third is slight. The division of the
evidence supporting q;wvij~ is against its genuineness. It is possible that
q;wvijr; was inserted because it was not understood that a&..buyyor; could refer
to the sottnd of the instrument as well as to the instrument itself, it being
felt necessary that the former be indicated here (cf. Ex. 19,16)?5 It is also
possible that the third reading arose out of a desire to include the "voice"

71. Though the trumpet is highly consonant with the coronation (11,15ff.; cf.
infra on I Thess. 4,16), its significance here is, to say the least, not confined to this
association.
72. Cf. Meyer, V, 349-50. Cf. infra on I Cor. 15,52.
73. Meyer, I, Pt. I, 378; Alford, I, 243-44.
74· Plummer, Matthew, p. 337.
75· Cf. McNeile, Matthew, p. 353·
of I Thess. 4,16 and other passages (cf. Jn. 5,28-29; Rev. 11,12).
On either reading, the passage may be translated "a great sound of a
trumpet" (AV; ASV), or "a loud trumpet call" (RSV; cf. NV).7 8 The
conte~t as well as the parallel passages require thus understanding the
reference as to the activity - the sound produced - rather than to the mere
presence of the instrument. 77 Meya).'YJ can here be translated "great" or
"loud." The latter is probably the better rendering since it is "sound" that
is here modified. 78 According to Jewish tradition, the eschatological
trumpet-blast would be a loud one. IV Ezra 6,23 reads:
And the trumpet shall sound aloud, at whic;h all men,
When they hear it, shall be struck with sudden fear,7 9
R. Aqiba taught that "ihr Ton wird gehen von dem einen Ende der
Welt bis zum andren." 80 So here in Mt. 24,31, the sound would have to
reach to "the four winds, and from one end of heaven to the other."
"Loudness" was to the Jews a particularly impressive quality of music and
sound in general (cf. p. 122, supra), and would naturally characterize
the sounds accompanying any heavenly manifestation (cf. Ex. 19,16ff.;
I Thess. 4,16; Rev. passim). The eschatological trumpet was, moreover, "the
great shofar," (Isa. 27,13: ~1,~ .,£)1~ ),81 and the sound of such an
T T

instrument would naturally be correspondingly great. According to R. Aqiba,

the "great .rhofar" was one thousand elllong. 82
The vast majority of the more recent commentators understand the
events of Mt. 24,31 to be oriented eschatologically in the strict sense of
the word. The trumpet-blast is the (or one of the) sound(s) accompanying
the parottsia. Many of the older expositors, however, understood the
reference in terms of the apostles or the church proclaiming the Gospel, or,
similar to the usage of the Old Testament prophets, in terms of warning of
t;he necessity of repentance in the light of that which was to come. 83
"Ayye).o~ on this view rs understood to be a mere human messenger.

76. Contra ASV margin, ad lo~.: "Many ancient authorities read with a great
trumpet." Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 748.
77· Cf. Friedrich, pp. 72/u-2o; 87/32-34. The majority of modern commentators
so understand it. _
78. Cf. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 498; RSV; and many others. NEB' fails to translate
pey0.).1], reading simply: "a trumpet blast."
79· Apoc & Pseud., II, 576.
So. Str.-B., III, 481.
81. Also in Amida Ben. 10 (cf. infra, p. 152).
82. Str.-B., Ill, 481; cf. ibid., I, 959-6o; Philo De spec. leg. 2, 188-89.
83. E.g., Bloomfield, I, 122; Gill, I, 295; Trollope, I, 297; cf. H. Olshausen,
Biblical Commmtary on the Gospels, III, trans. T. Brown & J. Gill (Edinburgh:
T. & T. Clark, 1849), pp. 271-73. More recently, M. Kik, Matthew Twenty-Four
(Swengel, Pennsylvania: Bible Truth Depot, 1948), pp. 77-79, has defended this
view. On p. 78, he writes: "Thus Christ indicates that the Gospel age is the

151
Though a case can be made for this interpretation, the context of Mt. 24
certainly requires this verse to be understood in a more strictly eschatological
sense. The eschatological role of the trumpet in Hebrew thought (cf . .rupra,
pp. 142-44) also favors this understanding. In the third place, and
decisively against understanding the activity of 24,31 in terms of mere
human agency is the fact ~hat the trumpet is not sounded by the liyydo&
who merely accompany the trumpet-blast, but by God Himself (cf. supra,
pp. 141-44). Grosheide is correct in saying: "MeTa aaJ..myyo~ p.eyaA.17~
verbinde men niet met ayyeJ..ov~, dan moest er bazuinen staan, er zal op
de bazuin geblazen worden en daarbij zullen de engelen roepen en ver-
zamelen."84
The significance of the trumpet in Mt. 24,31 is not difficult to discover
since the passage relates it directly to the gathering ( lmavvayw) of the
elect (cf. Deut. 30,4). The loud sound of the trumpet is heard throughout
the earth and signalizes to the elect that salvation is at hand. The same
significance is attached to the instrument in Isa. 27,13:

And it shall come to pass in that day,

that a great trumpet shall be blown;
and they shall come that were ready to perish
in the land of Assyria,
and they that were outcasts in the land of Egypt;
and they shall worship Jehovah in the holy mountain
at Jerusalem. (ASV)

In such words the Old Testament prophet described the role of the
trumpet - in terms of a signal for the typological restoration of the dispersed
to the earthly Zion. 85 Similarly, the Tenth Benediction of the Synagogue
Amida begins:
Sound the great horn for our freedom
and lift up the ensign to gather all our exiles
from the four corners of the earth to our own land.

beginning of what the year of Jubilee teaches. It is a time of preaching the Gospel
and healing those who were afflicted. With the close of the Old Dispensation, the
signification of the Jubilee was to spread throughout the world. At the sound of the
trumpet the angels were to extend the message of salvation and gather the elect
from the four winds from one end of the heaven to the other. With the destruction
of Jerusalem the tr~mpet sounded to announce the arrival of universal redemption
and freedom."
84. Grosheide, Matlheus, p. 368; cf. McNeile, Matthew, p. 353. Apost. Const.
7,32, apparently referring to I Thess. 4,16, linked the sound of the trumpet to the
archangel.
85. Cf. Grosheide, Mattheus, p. 368.
Ps. Sol. 11, 1-2 voices the same hope of restoration :

Blow ye in Zion the trumpet to summon (the) saints,

Cause to be heard in Jerusalem the voice of him
that bringeth good tidings.
For God hath had pity on Israel in visiting them.
Stand on the height, 0 Jerusalem, and behold thy children,
From the East and from the West, gathered together
by the Lord.
Midr. Gen. 56,9 connects the redemptive trumpet with the use of the
instrument on Rosh ha-Shannah, and also with the ram provided Abraham
by God. The Messiah's advent would be announced by "heavenly voices"
or "the blast of the great shofar." 86 Though some references are not explicit,
others make it plain that God Himself will sound the trumpet. 87 The words
of Jesus in Mt. 24,31 proceed along the same lines as are found in these
passages just cited, the trumpet~blast being connected specifically with the
gathering together of the exiled people of God (cf. the preceding context,
vss. 15ff.).88 There is no explicit connection made with the resurrection of
the dead, nor is the trumpet-blast specifically related to the judgment,
though that idea is present in the context. 89 The blast is here oriented not
to the unbelievers, but to the saints - for their comfort and consolation. 90

I Corinthians 15,52
Lo ! I tell you a mystery.
We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed,
in a moment,
in the twinkling of an eye,
at the last trumpet [blast}.
For the trumpet will sound,
and the dead will be raised imperishable,
and we shall be changed. (vss. 51-52)

86. BT Sanhedrin 97a, n. 8 thereon in ed. Epstein.

87. Zech. 9,14; Midr. Gen. 56,9; Amida Ben. 10; pp. 141-44, supra. Cf. Friedrich,
p. 84/z0-23.
88. In addition to references in the preceeding note, cf. Str.-B. I, 959-60. Contrast
the activity of angels here with their activity in Mt. 24,31. Thete is, of course, no
ground for the assertion of Blass (Biass & Debrunner, § 4 74,4) that the reference
to the trumpet-sound in Mt. 24,31 is interpolated from passages as Rev. 1,10; et al.
89. While it is true that the only aspect of the trumpet's significance in view
here is its connection with "gathering," Alford, I, 225, goes too far when he says:
"This is not the great Trumpet of the general Resurrection (I Cor. XV.52), except
in so far as that may be spoken of as including also the first resurrection." As has
been indicated, the one eschatological trumpet has various associations. The one
emphasized in any given case is determined by the purpose of the speaker or writer.
90. In the parallel passages - Mk. 13,24ff.; Lk. 21,25ff. - the redemptive note is
also prominent. The trumpet-blast is not mentioned, however.

153
 IaA:n:tyyt is in this place better translated in terms of the sound produced,
rather than the instrument itself (NEB; contra RSV; NV. Cf. "trump" of
AV; ASV). 91 The ua).n{uet yae ".T.A.. which follows, is not redundant,
for the explication it makes may have been necessary for the Corinthian
Christians. They were likely more or less unfamiliar with Jewish apocalyptic
in the first place. Moreover, the First Thessalonian Epistle (cf. I Thess.
4,16) may have yet been unknown to them.92
The trumpet is related to the resurrection, which in turn occurs at the end
of this present age, at the coming of Christ (v. 23).93 From these circum-
stances, and not because it is the last of a series of trumpet-sounds, the
blast here is called eaxaTT/ adA:n:tyyt. "EaxaTo, here means the last, "w.
ref. to a situation in which there is nothing to follow." 04
Here, as in Mt. 24,31, the trumpet-blast is oriented toward the believers
only. 95 Its general apocalyptic associations would be reason enough for its
introduction here. 06 Its quality of "instantaneity" or "decisiveness,"
however, may have been especially in view by Paul here, conceiving it as a
fit ~hird member of a triad - lv ch6f1-cp ,97 b emfl ocp{}aAfl-OV, B'll Tfj
laxa't'T/ adA.ntyyt -a literary device common to the apostle (cf. p. 64, supra;
pp. 156-59, infra). Moffatt comments: "Thinking in apocalyptic terms of the
End, where trumpets sounded to awaken the dead or to rally the living
loyalists, he speaks of the last summons from God as sudden and
instantaneous." 98 Whereas in Mt. 24,31, the trumpet-blast is a signal for
the gathering of the elect by the angels, the blast here signalizes the resur-
rection of the "sleeping" believers and, apparently, also the "ohange"
effected in the believers then living. 99 "The point is that the resurrection
of the dead and the transformation of the living will be simultaneous, as
of two companies obeying the same signa1." 100 Whether the apostle actually
believed that such a trumpet-blast would signalize these eschatological

91. Cf. Friedrich, p. 85II-2.

92. Grosheide, Corinthiam, p. 392, n. 43·
93· Ibid.
94· Acndt & Gingrich, p. 314. Cf. Gill, II, 768-69; Hodge, Corinthians, p. 356;
G. Kittel, eaxaTo', TJVNT, II, 695/r 3-17; Friedrich, p. 87/36-39; Lietzmann,
Ko,-inther, p. 87; Meyer, V, 349; Morris, Corinthians, pp. 233-34; Mt. 5,26;
I Cor. 15,26; Rev. 15,1; 21,9; et al.
95· Contra Hippolytus Appendix 37 (Roberts & Donaldson, V, 251); J. Calvin,
Commentary on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians, 11, trans.
J. Pringle (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1849), 59-60.
96. The context of I Cor. 15,52 is "less apocalyptic" than either that of Mt. 24,31
or I Thess. 4,16.
97. For the Rabbinic conception of what constitutes a "moment," cf. Gill, I, 31;
11, 768; Str.-B. 11, 156.
98. Moffatt, Corinthians, p. 266. Cf. Schlatter, Patllus, pp. 444-45.
99· Cf. Friedrich, p. 87/35-36.
roo. Robertson & Plummer, p. 377·

154
events is only a matter of speculation. 101 It is true enough that the instrument
was a part of the imagery of Hebrew apocalyptic literature. On the other
hand though, references to it there and in early Christian literature point
to a definite literal belief in this regard. Thus, if Paul expected an actual
trumpet-blast to be heard at the advent of the Messiah, he would not have
been considered strange by his contemporaries, Jewish or Christian.
Having noted that Paul here goes beyond the words of Jesus recorded
in Mt. 24,31 in associating the trumpet with the resurrection and the
transformation, the question arises: did Paul follow any precedent in his
combination of the ideas? Targ. Jerus. I Ex. 20,15 states: "Das ganze Volk
sah ... die Stimme der Posaune, als ob sie die Toten wiederbeleben sollte." 102
The instantaneity associated with "the last trumpet-sound" of I Cor. 15,52
forms quite a contrast with the phases in the resurrection process succes-
sively introduced by the seven trumpets of R. Aqiba. 103 It cannot be said
with certainty that either of these passages represents a pre-Christian
tradition. Klausner writes:
And although this idea of the blowing of the trumpet for the resur-
rection of the dead is found principally in Hebrew literature later than
the period of Paul, it is not to be thought that it was borrowed from
Christianity. Undoubtedly, such an idea already existed in the time of
Paul, and he borrowed it from his environment; it is only by chance
that it is not mentioned in the earlier Hebrew literature. If the blowing
of the trumpet for the liberation of the exiles were not mentioned in
the Shemoneh 'Esreh, we s-hould be prone to think this idea later also.1° 4
There is as yet, however, no positive evidence of the currency of the idea

101. Cf. ibid.: "We need not suppose that St. Paul believed that an actual trumpet
would awa·ken and summon the dead. The language is symbolical in accordance with
the apocalyptic ideas of the time." Other commentators understanding the reference
to the trumpet here in a less than literal sense are Theophylact (in Meyer, V, 350);
Calvin, Corinthians, 11, 59; Gill, 11, 768; Hodge, Corinthian.r, p. 356; Olshausen,
Corinthians, p. 261.
102. Str.-B., Ill, 481.
103. Ibid.: "Wie wird Gott die Toten in der zukiinftigen Welt wiederbeleben?
Gott wird eine grosse Posaune (,b~~) in seine Hand nehmen, 1000 Ellen lang
T

nach der Elle Gottes, u. er wird hineinstossen .... Beim ersten Posaunenstoss erbebt
die ganze Erde; beim zweiten Posaunenstoss sondert sich der Staub~·ab ( von der ihn
umgebenden Erde); beim dritten Posaunenstoss werden ihre Knochen zusammen-
gebracht; beim vierten Posaunenstoss erwarmen sich die Gliedmassen; beim funften
Posaunenstoss zieht sich ihre Haut dariiber; beim sechsten Posaunenstoss gehen die
Geister u. Seelen in ihre Korper ein; beim siebenten Posaunenstoss werden sie
lebendig u. stellen sich auf ihre Fiisse in ihren Kleidern, wie es heisst: Der Allherr
Jahve wird in die Posaune stossen."
104. ]. Klausner, From Jesus to Paul (New York: Macmillan, 1943), pp. 538-39.
A~ far as the association of the trumpet with the restoration of the exiles is concerned,
Klausner is incorrect in thinking it singular to the Shemoneh 'E.rreh. As already noted,
the testimony for this association is older than the synagogue.

1 55
in Paul's environment, unless it be found in I Thess. 4,15-17a. This passage
indicates that Paul may have derived the association of the trumpet with the
resurrection from Jesus Himself. 105 The verb aa'-nlCew is here used imper-
sonally.106 It is not unlikely, however, that Paul had God in mind as the
trumpeter.

I Thessalonians 4,16
For the Lord himself will descend from heaven
with a cry of command,
with the archangel's call,
and with the sound of the trumpet of God.
And the dead in Christ will rise first ;
then we who are alive, who are-left,
shall be caught up together with them in the clouds to meet
the Lord in the air ;
and so shall we ever be with the Lord.
Therefore comfort one another with these words. (vss. 16-18)

The descent ("a·r:aPalvew) of the Lord from heaven is accompanied by

a triad of audible phenomena- lv "el.evap.an, lv cpawfj de xayyUov "al
lv aailmyyt Deov. 101 Keilevap.a may be rendered "cry of command"
(RSV), "Kommandoruf." 108 •Ev aailmyyt Deov, the third audible accom~
paniment, may be rendered "with the sound of the trwnpet of God"
(RSV), or "with the trwnpet-sound of God." 109 The genitive Deov :ould
have been added to indicate that God Himself would sound the instrument,110
or that the instrument belonged to God- pertained to His service (cf. Rev.
15,2; I Chron. 16,42). 111 It is difficult to be certain which meaning is in

105. Cf. p. 157, n. 112, infra. Interestingly enough, Koran 23,103; 36,51 connect the
trumpet·blast with the resurrection.
106. Cf. Friedrich, p. 85/4-6: "In I K 15,52 wird es auch in der Prof-Graz ...
unpersiinlich gebraucht. Wer der Blasende ist, wird an der St nicht gesagt."
107. On the use of lv with the dative to express accompanying circumstances cf.
C. F. D. Moule, An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek (Cambridge: University
Press, 1953), p. 78; L. Schmid, "eilevap.a, TWNT, III, 657/45-658/3.
108. Ibid., 657/39-40; Arndt & Gingrich, p. 428. The word occurs in the N.T.
only here.
109. Cf. Friedrich, p. 85/I-2.
110. Cf. H. Olshausen, Bib/ha/ Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Galatians,
Ephesians, Colossians, and Thessalonians (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1851), p. 440;
Arndt & Gingrich, p. 748, has "at the call of the trumpet sounded by God's com-
mand." Gill, III, 241, says the genitive designates either that the trumpet was
sounded at God's command, or by Christ, who is God.
I I 1. Cf. Alford, III, 26o; C. J. Ellicott, A Critical and Gt'ammatical Commentary
on St. Paul's Epistle.r to the Thessalonians (Andover: Warren F. Draper, 1893),
p. 77; Milligan, p. 6o. According to Arndt & Gingrich, p. 358, Dt:.o~; occurs with
extreme frequency as a subjective genitive. It is also used with reference to the
view here. The interpreter is not pressed to make a decision, however, since
both notions would probably be involved.
Whereas the trumpet-blast is the only audible accompaniment of the
parousia mentioned in Mt. 24,31 and I Cor. 15,52, in I Thess. 4,16 the blast
of the instrument is only one of three audible phenomena. 112 The question
thus arises: what is the relationship of the one phenomenon to the other
two? Many commentators have opined that no distinction is to be made,
bhe three being one and the same signal, or the second and third members
of the triad being epexegetical of the ~eJ.ev<1p,a .113 Others have said that
at least the second and third members were to be equated. 114 Still others
have contended for three distinct sounds. 115 It naturally follows that there
exists a like diversity of opinion concerning the agent (or agents) involved
in the production of the sound ( s) .
It can be observed that vocal sounds and the sound of the trumpet very
often accompany one another. 'this is true in connection with theophany
(Ex. 19; cf. Heb. 12,19), warfare (Josh. 6,5; Judg. 7,21-22), and prayer
and worship (II Chron. 13,14; Ps. 47,5). Moreover, the combination of
vocal and instrumental sounds in connection with eschatological events

''things, ways, thoughts, or secret purposes of God." The blast of such a trumpet
would, of course, be loud (cf. Bengel, II, 327; R. Aqiba, supra; Philo De spec. leg.
2, 188-89).
II2. J, Jeremias, Unknown Sayings of Jesus, trans. R. H. Fuller (London: SPCK,
1958), pp. 4-5, understands this passage (4,16-qa) as an "independent dominical
saying" (cf. vs. 15: ev ).6ycp "velov). Though the apostle's language is reminiscent
of Mt. 24,30-31, Jeremias points out that Paul's main thrust here - that the quick
and the dead will join together in escorting the Lord at His coming - is absent
from that passage, It can at least be said that the apostle is in these verses alluding
to a particular saying of the historical Jesus. It can hardly be ascertained, however,
to just what extent Paul himself has contributed to the picture, drawing from
current apocalyptic imagery. Cf. ]. E. Frame, A Crithal and Exegetical Commentary
011 the Epistles of St. Paul to the Thessalonians ("ICC"; New York: Scribner's,
1924), pp. 171·72.
113. Ellicott, p. 77; Frame, p. 174; Gill, II, 768; Milligan, p. 59; Olshausen,
Galatians, Ephesians, Colossians, Thessalonians, p. 440. Schmid, p. 658/4-12, thinks
a certain answer to be impossi'ble, but, due to the absence of a definite genitive with
~eJ.evap,a and the absence of ~a{ between the second and third members, takes the
latter two as epexegetical of the first.
II4. Calvin, Corinthians, II, 59; G. G. Findlay, p. 941; W. Hendriksen, Expo-
sition of I & 11 Thessalonians ("NTC"; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1955), p. II6;
W. Bousset, Der Antichrist in der Ueberlieferung des Judentums, des neuen Testa-'
ment und der a/ten Kirche (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecli.t, 1895), p. 166,
writes: "Die Stimme des Erzengels, vollig parallel mit der Trompete Gottes aufzu-
fassen, fiihrt den grossen Tag des Gerichts herbei. - Es ist ein konstanter Zug in
unserer Ueberlieferung, class durch die (vom Erzengel Michael) geblasene Posaune
das Gericht Gottes eingeleitet werde. Mtth. 24,31 liegt eine verblasste Erinnerung
an diesen Zug vor." Cf. Apost. Cons/. 7.32; Irenaeus Adv. haer. 5,13,1; Tertullian
De anima 55·
II5- Bengel, Il, 327: "Gradatio, tria complectens"; Morris, Thessaloniam, p. 144:
''[probably] some archangel will add his voice to the call which wakens the dead."
Cf. Methodius Sympos. 6,4.

1'j7
was also common enough (Ps. Sol. u,r-2; IV Ezra 6,r3-23 - the trumpet
and an exceedingly loud voice; BT Sanhedrin 97a - either heavenly voices
or the sound of the shofar would accompany the Messiah). It is interesting
that a variant reading in Koran 36,5r replaces the eschatological trumpet
with "shout." Both conceptions - that of the trumpet-sound and that of
(a) voice(s) - were apparently current in Jewish eschatological thought.
Jesus Himself spoke of His voice as being operative in the resurrection of
the dead (Jn. 5,25 ff.). Gill quotes Abkath Rocel: "Michael shall shout
with a great 9hout, and the graves of the dead shall be opened at Jerusalem,
and the holy blessed God will restore the dead to life, and Messiah the Son
of David shall come."ue
In the light of the currency of these various conceptions of eschatological
phenomena, it is not unlikely then that Paul has seized upon three of them
and, without any thought of their particular relation to one another, has
strung them together to form this triad. If this is the case, then it is fruitless
to consider what relations might obtain among the three phenomena. In the
light of other passages, it might be most reasonable to assign the three
respectively to the Lord (the Son of Man), 117 an archangel, 118 and God. If
the terms are not understood as coordinate, rather than understanding the
second and third terms as epexegetical of the first, it would probably be
preferable to take only the second as explicative of the first. This would
preserve the two basic categories of vocal and instrumental sound, and would
be more in keeping with common usage.
The trumpet-blast and the other sounds in the passage seem not to be
oriented specifically to the resurrection, but to the parousia and the whole
complex of events accompanying or following it. 119 In keeping with the
subject at hand, however, only the resurrection of those "asleep in Jesus"
and the gathering together of the living believers are specifically mentioned.
Jeremias would derive Paul's language from the procession of Oriental
royalty. 120 Morris writes of the trumpet here: "It fits in as part of the
II 6. Gill, Ill, 2 41.
117. Hendriksen, Theua/onians, pp. II5-17i Milligan, p. 6o; Morris, Thessalo-
nians, p. 143. Cf. Jn. 5,28-29.
118. Cf. Heb. 1,14; 2,2; and numerous references to angelic and heavenly voices
in Revelation.
119. Cf. Friedrich, p. 87/35·41; Schmid', p. 658II7-30. The significance of the
''heavenly sounds" of BT Sanhedrin 97a is quite general, merely announcing the
Messiah.
120. Jeremias, Sayings, p. 66: "The second coming is portrayed with imagery
drawn from the court ceremonial of the ancient East, and particular use is made
of the solemn procession in which the king is escorted to his throne. Three scenes
follow one another in rapid succession. First comes a military image. The Son of
Man (Dan. 7.1 3) appears in the heavens, followed by more than twelve legions of
angels whom he summons to accompany him. Then - here is the second scene -
Jesus gives the word, and an archangel sounds the last trump, calling the dead from
their graves . . . . Then - the third scene, and the most important - those who are
Christ's, both living and d'ead, are caught up together on the clouds, forming a
pageantry, stressing the majesty of the Lord, and the greatness of the
day." 121 The three terms were, according to Milligan, "evidently chosen
with special reference to those who were asleep. " 122 The three terms of verse
16 used to denote audible phenomena need not have been borrowed from
the Oriental court. They (or their equivalents) were ready at hand for anyone
familiar with Hebrew religious thought. And for this same reason, it is
beside the point to try to ascertain the special significance of the terms in
this context. Though they are all highly congruent in connection with the
complex of events signalized, it is likely that Paul chose them not for that
reason primarily, but simply because they were among the stock eschatological
concepts of his environment.

*******
As Friedrich remarks: "Ob von der ftEyaA'fJ aO.A.my~ (Mt 24,31), der
eaxat:'f] aaA.myHI K 15,52) oder der aaA.my~ 8-eov(I Th 4,16) gesprochen
wird: immer ist damit das Trompetensignal am Ende der Zeit gemeint, das
von keinem menschlichen Instrument hervorgebracht wir·d." 123 Though the
aaA.my~ is impersonal in two cases, and though the 8-tov of I Thess. 4,16
does not demand that God be understood as the trumpeter, it is not unlikely,
in the light of the current conceptions of the eschatological trumpet, that
God Himself is conceived to be the sounder of the instrument in each case.
In keeping with the total emphasis of the New Testament, the stress in each
case is upon the redemptive significance of the trumpet-blast (cf. I Thess.
4,18). 124 In Mt. 24,31 there is no advance beyond the Old Testament asso-
ciation of the trumpet with the gathering of God's people (unless it he in
terms of the "elect" rather than the "exiled"). In I Cor. 15,52 the blast is
apparently associated with both the resurrection of the just and the trans-
formation of the saints yet living. In I Thess. 4,16 the blast is one of three
sounds which serve as much to herald the descent of the Lord from heaven
as to signalize the resurrection of the dead in Christ, and apparently also the
gathering of the living believers together with them. 125 The prominence of
the trumpet in New Testament eschatological thought is made quite explicit
by the mention of the instrument in these three key eschatological passages
from Jesus and Paul, as well as in the Apocalypse of John.
bodyguard for the King as he descends from heaven." Cf. Gill, Ill, 241; Edersheim,
pp. 290-91. -,,
· 121. Morris, Thessalonimzs, p. 144. Cf. Olshausen, G<Jiatians, Ephesums, Colossians,
Thessalonians, pp. 439-41. Morris also urges the audibility of the phenomena against
the theory of a "secret rapture."
122. Milligan, p. 59·
123. Friedrich, pp. 87/42-88/3.
124. Cf. Wiley, p. 103: "As the law was given with the trumpet that sounded
long, exceeding loud, so will the final iudgment be with tbe trump of the Judge"
(italics mine).
125. For a mistaken idea of the relation of Paul's thought in I Cor. r 5 to that in
I Thess. 4,16, cf. Klausner, pp. 538-39.

1 59
 3· The Trumpet in Theophany
For ye are not come unto a mount that might be touched,
and that burneth with fire, and unto blackness,
and darkness, and tempest, and the sound of a trumpet,
and the voice of words ; which voke they that heard
entreated that no word more should be spoken unto them ....
But ye are come unto mount Zion. (Heb. 12,18-22a, ASV)

This description of the Sinai experience (vss. 18-21) agrees in substance

with that recorded in Ex. 19-20.

MTEx. 19,16: '1•Nt? Pt''J '1~~ '"P1

LXX Ex. 19,16: cpwv~ 1:ij~ aa..tmyyo~ 1fXet p,iya
Heb. 12,19: ~al aa.lmyyo~ 1fxcp

Alford suggests that the fact that cpw'Vt] was to be used so soon ( cpwvfl
efJp,aT:W'V) may have influenced the substitution of the synonym '1xo~
(cf. Lk. 21,25; Acts 2,2).126
Many of the older commentators preferred to understand the aa.lmy~
here metaphorically or as a similie.1 27 Such efforts are not only gratuitous,
however, but as has been shown, the association of the trumpet-sound with
theophany was common enough in Jewish thought, and the present instance
should occasion no special difficulty.1 28 In the light of Ex. 19,16, et al.,
aa..tmy~ here definitely refers to the shofar.
The context contrasts the new dispensation with the old. Moffatt's words
are typical of commentators generally on the context: "The passage [ 12,18-
24] moves through two phases (vv. 18-21 and 22-24), contrasting the

126. Alford, IV, Pt. I, 251. Arndt & Gingrich, p. 350, give parallels for the use
of '1xo~ with aaAnty~. On the freedom with which the author of Hebrews used the
LXX text, cf. ]. Moffatt, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to
the Hebrews (New York: Scribner's, 1916), p. lxii. On the declension of '1xo~
cf. Blass & Debrunner, § 50.
127. Cf. Friedrich, p. 72/20-27. In Ex. 19,16, however, both "thunder" and
"trumpet-sound" are named. W. Burkitt, Expository Notes with Practical ObJervat;ons
011 the New Testament (7th ed.; Philadelphia: John Ball, 1852), II, 623, and
J. Owen, An Exposition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, VII (2d' ed.; Edinburgh:
J. Ritchie, 1814), 338, both refer aa,lmy~ to the noise made by angels. M. Stuart,
A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (4th ed.; Andover: Warren F. Draper,
1876), p. 484, says: "Probably the meaning is, a voice like that of a trumpet, i.e.
very loud."
128. Friedrich, p. 86/10-15, writes: "Bei der Sinaitheophanie Hb 12,19 ist die
Erwiihnung des Trompetenschalles nicht eine Umschreibung fiir die Stimme Gottes
wie Ex 19,16ff ... d'enn die Worte, die die Hiirenden nicht vernehmen wollten,
werden noch besonders genannt. Der Trompetenklang gehiirt mit Wolkenendunkel,
Finsternis und Sturm den Begleiterscheinungen der Theophanie." Cf. supra on O.T.
references to the trumpet.

r6o
revelation at mount Sinai (2,2; ro,28) with the new lJta-brJ''1J' the one
sensuous, the other spiritual; the one striking terror with its outward
circumstances of physical horror, the other charged with grace and welcome
as well as with awe." 129 The trumpet-sound was one of several visible and
audible phenomena which instilled fear in the hearts of Israel at Sinai.
There is no deprecation of the instrument per se, but the absence of its
terrifying blast in the new dispensation marks an advance in grace and
privilege. 130

*******
The singularly significant place accorded the trumpet-type instrument in
the history of revelation and redemption is commented upon in the next
chapter.

129. Moffatt, Hebrews, p. 214. It cannot be maintained that each element on the
one side of the contrast must have a counterpart on the other side of the contrast.
Nevertheless, if the verses are arranged in the following order, a certain correspon-
dence between the members may he seen:

For you have not come to

what may be touched [Mt. Sinai)
a blazing fire, and darkness, and gloom, and a tempest,
and the sound of a trumpet,
and a voice whose words made the hearers intreat
that no further messages be spoken to them.
For they could not endure the order that was given,
'If even a beast touches the mountain, it shall be stoned.'
(Indeed, so terrifying was the sight that Moses said,
'I tremble with fear.')
But you have come to
Mount Zion and to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem,
and to innumerable angels in festal gathering,
and to the assembly of the first-born who are enrolled in heaven,
and to a judge who is God of all, and to the spirits of just men
made perfect, and to Jesus the mediator of a
new covenant,
and to the sprinkled blood that speaks more graciously
than the blood of Abet.

If this matching of the members of the two sides of the contrast be accepted, the
N.T. counterpart of the O.T. trumpet-blast is, appropriately enough, "the assembly
of the first-born who are enrolled in heaven." As has been noted, one of the chief
functions of the trumpet was to signal for the people to assemble themselves together.
I 30. Even so, the trumpet-blast was not the most terrifying of the Sinai phenomena.
Michel, p. 314, writes: "Der relativische Anschluss (1}~) bezieht sich auf das letzte
Glied ( q;wv~ ewu1:rwv ), also ist dies letzte Glied das wichtigste in der Reihe.
Wahrscheinlich ist der Hinweis auf das personliche Wort der Hohepunkt, auf den alle
anderen Erscheinungen hinweisen."

I6I
 CHAPTER VII

THE NEW TESTAMENT CONCEPT OF MUSIC

A. THE PRAISE OF GOD

According to the New Testament, 'the musical performance of the church

is above all else praise, the worship of God. In this respect the New
Testament is rhoroughly at one with the Old. In the latter, the faithful sing
"unto the Lord" or "unto God." God and God alone is worthy of the song
of praise.t God is the beginning, as well as the end of song. Ex. 15,2 (Ps.
118,14) reads:

Jah is my strength and my song.

Interesting in this regard is the LXX translation of Ps. 65 ( 64) ,2a:
.Eol neenet fJp:vo~, 0 {}eo~.
The (a) hymn is due to (becomes) thee, 0 God. 2
The Old Testament is replete with examples of this sentiment. Hannah's
song (I Sam. 2,1-10) is an especially beautiful embodiment of this theme.
The Magnificat (Lk. 1,46-55), which reflects so much of the Song of
Hannah, and which forms something of a link between the musical praise
of the two dispensations, sets forth the same concept of the God-centeredness
of worship. The strain is taken up in the songs of Zechariah (Lk. 1,68-79)
and Simeon (Lk. 2,29-32). The songs of the church militant (Acts 4,24-30;
16,25; Heb. 13,15) and ~he church triumphant (Rev. 15,3-4; cf. 19,1-8)
partake essentially of the same character of God-directed praise as do the
songs and doxologies of the angels (Lk. 2,14; Rev. 4,8.11; 5,9-10.12; 11,
17-18) .3 That the song of the church is to be directed in the first place to
God is made explicit in the Apostolic precept in Col. 3,16 (cf. Eph. 5,19).4
In the New Testament, song is not presented as the only form of the

1. Cf. Hasper, pp. 21-27.

2. The LXX translators derived the i1~~1 of Ps. 65,2a from i1~1. Cf. F. Brown,
S. R. Driver & C. A. Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1952), p. 189.
3· Cf. H. S. Coffin, "Hymns in the New Testament Church," An address given
under the auspices of the Hymn Society of America at the Bible Hymn Festival in
the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church, New York City, December 6, 1953, p. 4.
4· The MSS evidence favors {}eip, rather than "v(}lqJ, in Col. 3,16. The latter may
well be due to the influence of the reading of Eph. 5,19, which passage was obviously
written in close dependence upon Col. 3,16 (cf. LXX Ps. 26,6). Bruce, in Simpson
& Bruce, p. 285, thinks the "V(}to~ of Eph. 5,19 presumably refers to Christ. The
connection of the title with "Jesus Christ" in 5,20 may point in this direction.
Cf. also, Pliny Epist. 10,96.
praise of God. Indeed, all of life should be an act of worship (Rom. II,3()..;
12,1; I Cor. 10,31). But even in connection with worship in its narrower
sense, song is not conceived in the New Testament as the only expression
suitable for the worshiping spirit. Song is, e.g., several times mentioned
in conjunction with prayer (Acts 4·24-31; 16,25; I Cor. I4,IS; Jas. s,l 3)-
Though this be true, and though, as has been noted, it is often difficult to
distinguish clearly between the "musical" and the "non-musical" in the
New Testament - rhe one shading over into the other in practice - it cannot
be denied that the New Testament presents musical praise as a particular
category of praise. Musical praise, moreover, is the form of worship
employed in heaven now, and in the new heaven and new earth of the
future. 5 On earth, in the meantime, those in whom the Word of Christ
dwells, and who have been filled with His Spirit, join the heavenly ho~ts in
praise of God and the Lamb, singing of the mighty acts of divine
redemption. The koilzonia of the one body of Christ finds also in the
present age its ideal expression in the church's una voce dicentes. When
the church on earth sings "Halleluja:h !" she participates even now, as it
were, in the mighty eschatological anthem which celebrates the ultimate
salvation and judgment, the absolute reign of God, and her marriage to the
Lamb (Rev. 19,1-8) .6 It is, then, especially in her musical praise that the
church manifests that even now she is partaker of the heavenly, eschatological
realities.

B. "SPIRITUAL SACRIFICE"
In the New Testament, the song of worship is conceived as a form of
sacrifice ({}vata) unto God. Heb. 13,15 reads:
Through him then let us continually offer up
a sacrifice of praise to God, that is,
the fruit of lips that acknowledge his name.
As Grosheide points out, this cannot be a sacrifice for sin (cf. Heb. 7,27;
9,26; I0,12.14), but is rather the true thanksgiving, such as had long been

5· Cf. Midr. Tan•huma 55,2, where it is stated that in the days of Messiah,
sacrifices and prayers will cease, but not praise and the sacrifice of thanksgiving.
6. Cf. pp. 68-69, Jupra. "Hallelujah!" occurs in the N.T. only in Rev. 19,1-8,
and in the O.T. only in Bks. iv-v of the Psalms. The word is .often used as an
expression of praise in general. In other places it is evoked b}r the judgments
and the salvation of God (e.g., Pss. 104,35; 105,45; Rev. 19,1-8). Cf. Str.-B.,
Ill, 497: "Midr Ps 104 § 27 (224b): R. Schim e on b. Abba (urn 28o) hat
gesagt: Vom Anfang des (Psalm-) Buchs bis hierher sind 104 Psalmlieder; aber in
ihren steht kein 'Halleluja !' geschrieben, bis die Gottlosen aus der Welt vollig ver-
nichtet werden. Es heisst: Gottlose mogen nicht mehr sein! Preise, meine Seele.
Jahve! Halleluja! Ps 104,35· Und was ist der Grund? 'Wenn die Freuler zugrunde
gehen, herrscht Jubel' Spr 11,1o." Cf. the "Hymn of Victory" in zQM XVIII, 1-15;
Rev. 18,1-19,8.
ptacticed by the faithful in the old dispensation. 7 In this verse, the
evangelical praise of the new dispensation is set over against the Levitical
sacrificial system. As Michel comments, " 'Frucht der Lippen' sind Dank-
lieder, die die Gemeinde an Stelle der Tieropfer darbringt." 8 The same
basic thought is found elsewhere in the New Testament, 9 and is taken up
with great frequency by the Fathers, often as an apologetic form, used against
the Jews as well as the pagans. Justin Martyr I Apol. 13 (cf. Dial. n7),
considers prayer and hymns to be the only honor worthy of the creator. Tertul-
lian De oral. 27 (cf. 28), speaks of prayer as the "choice victim." Hippolytus
Eis Ps. r,r says that David introduced the worship of God by hymns and
acclamations in place of the Mosaic sacrifices.
The concept of praise as the sacrifice acceptable to God is not at all
peculiar to the New Testament and later Christian literature, however. The
ideal is found in later parts of the Old Testament, the Apocrypha and other
Jewish writings. 10 According to the Talmud, thank-offerings will continue
into eternity from the days of Messiah. 11 zQS X, 8-ro contains the same
thought:

As long as I live there is an engraved ordinance on my tongue

for a fruit of praise, the assigned lot of my lips.
I will sing with skill, and all my song is to the glory of God.
The lyre of my harp is (tuned) to the fixed measure
of His holiness, and the flute of my lips
I will play in tune with His justice. 12

In the synagogue ritual, the Temple sacrifice had been replaced by the
Shemoneb 'Esteh. 13 The substitution of praise for sacrifice, therefore, was
well established in Judaism before the Christian era. 14
This process of substitution which took place in Judaism and prepared the
way in this respect for the Christian concept of worship represents what may
be called a "spiritualizing" tendency. 15 Against this background the New
Testament refers to the Christian service of worship as a ).oyt"~ Aar:eela
(Rom. r 2,1 ; cf. I Pet. 2,5 : nPevp,ar:t"~ fJvuta). The term Aoyt"6f; does not

7· Grosheide, Hebreeen en Jakobus, p. 315. Cf. Ps. 50,14.23.

8. Michel, p. 351.
9· Rom, r2,r; Phi!. 2,17; 4,r8; Heb. r3,r6; I Pet. 2,5; Rev. 5,8. Cf. Acts 17,25.
ro. Pss. 27,6; 50; Jer. 33,rr; Hos. 14,2; ]on. 2,9; 11 Mace. ro,7; Josephus Ant.
ft~d. r2,8,5; Or. Sib. 8,n3ff.
r I. Str.-B., I, 246.
12. Trans. P. Wernberg-Mfllller, The Manual of Discipline ("STD]," Vol. I;
Leiden: E.]. Brill, 1957), p. 37· Cf. Ps. Sol. 15,3.
13. F. L. Cohen, JE, IX, 122.
14. Cf. Vriezen, Hoofdlijnen, p. 85; Heiler, Worship, pp. 298-99.
r 5· "Spiritual" is used here as opposed to "material."
occur in the LXX, 10 but had long been exceedingly popular among the pagan
philosophers,t7 and occurs often in Philo. 18 Though Paul may have borrowed
the language of the philosophers, it was not necessary for him to derive the
concept itself from them, for not only was there an essential difference
between his understanding of the term and theirs, but as has been shown,
the idea was popular enough in Judaism. 19
In pagan thought the concept of the .Wytx1} fJvata had gradually been
developed in opposition not only to the bloody sacrifice of the cults, but
also against instrumental music and even song. As a consequence of the
outworkings of this principle, the inaudible, purely internal worship of the
mystic was held up as the ideal. 20 Philo De plant. 126 (cf. De vita Moysis
2,239), exalts the same ideal. 21 There may also be references to "silent song"
in the literature of Qumran. 22 According to Josephus Bel. Jud. I,3,5, the
Essenes offered their sacrifices "internally." Some of the Fathers also seem
to speak of silent song. Thus, Augustine En. in Ps. 86,r (PL XXXVII.
IIor), writes: "Who so desires may sing in his heart, even though his
tongue be mute." 23 And Chrysostom Hom. Ps. 41 (PG LV.159), comments:
"It is allowed to sing psalms without words, as long as the mind resounds
within. For we do not sing for men, but for God who can hear even our
hearts and penetrate into the secrets of our soul." 24
It was noted in chapter two that the New Testament itself gives no
indication of the outworkings of the concept in opposition to instrumental
music in the worship service. It has been suggested, however, that the
~~ov-re~ ev -rai~ xaeMau; vpiiJv up Dsip of Col. 3,16 (cf. Eph. 5.19) has such
mystical, silent song in view. 25 This phrase can just as easily be interpreted

16. Neither does nvevp,a-rtx6~ occur in the LXX.

17. Vide Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 69·72, for the occurrence of Aoytx1}
Dvala in ancient philosophy and its bearing upon musical practice.
18. E.g., Philo De spec. leg. 1,224.277.
19. Cf. Delling, Gottesdienst, p. 22; G. Kittel, Aoytx6~, TWNT, IV, 146/42-
147/2; contra Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 69-77. Cf. idem, Patrology, I, 218.
20. Quasten, Musik und Gesang, pp. 69-77.
21. Cf. Hasper, pp. 51-52.
22. Vide 1QH V, 12-13 ( ?); Werner, MQ, XLIII, 27.
23. Trans. Sendry, p. 51.
24. Trans. ibid., p. 54.
25. N. von Arseniew, "Das 'innere Lied' der Seele," Archiv,,fur Religionswissen-
schaft, XXII (1923-1924), 266ff. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe, p. 151, takes the phrase as
referring to the silent song of the heart, though not to anything mystical: "Der Geist,
der in der Gemeinde waltet, begeistert zu Psalmen und Gesiingen; darum kann der
Einzelne nur mit dem stummen Lied des herzens begleiten, was in diesen Psalmen
des Geistes unter den Briidern !aut wird, Sein einzelnes Lied ist nur der Widerklang
der Gemeindepsalmen auf den Saiten des eigenen Herzens." Cf. Arndt & Gingrich,
p. 681, on ]n. 4,23. Hodge, Ephesians, p. 305, cites several German commentators
who understood a second kind of singing to be meant by the f/.~o'll-re~ x. -r. A.
Cf. Dibelius, Kolosser, Epheser, Philemon, p. 45, who thinks the phrase refers to a

r6s
another way, however (vide infra, pp. 172-73). The suggestion of an
allusion to silent song, moreover, is in conflict with the principles of I Cor.
12-q, that "all llhings be done for edification" (r4,26; cf. 14,13-19) in
the worship service. 28 An "internalizing" of the worship is clearly not the
sense of Rom. 12,1,21 and the musical praise of the Apocalypse is not only
audible, but "loud."2 8
The significance of the concept of A.oyt~'l} IJvala for the musical praise of
the church is not that praise should be silent, internal. It is rather that the
musical part of the worship service, instead of being a mere rendition or
performance, is to be conceived in terms of sacrifice, an offering, and that
not of some mere thing, but of self in the praise of, and thanksgiving to,
God. 29

C. THE DYNAMIC OF THE HOLY SPIRIT

Another aspect of musical praise in the New Testament is that the Holy
Spirit is the dynamic of that praise. The congregation sings because her
members have been filled with the Spirit. This is made explicit in Eph.
5,18-19. Stanley translates vss. 18b-19 thus: "Seek instead to be filled with
~he Spirit, by reciting songs, hymns, inspired canticles, by singing to the
Lord and chanting his praises with all your heart, giving thanks always for
everything in the Person of our Lord Jesus Christ to God the Father." The
same writer comments: "On Paul's view, it is through the liturgical
recitation of such hymns that the community becomes 'filled with the
Spirit.' " 30 But though music may conduce to ecstasy, and though in the Old

·kind of "'pneumatischen' Vorgang." For the views of Zwingli and W. Bieder, vide
Jenny, pp. 103-04. Bieder understands the phrase to indicate a silent accompaniment
in the heart to what another is singing in an improvised, spiritual song. Cf.
Mehrtens, p. 65.
26. Werner, MQ, XLIII, 27, writes of Paul's words in I Cor. 14,16-18: "It is not
unlikely that he had the Essenes in mind," referring to the silent worship of the
Essenes, the Hash-shaim or "silent ones," as they were called. In Sacred Bridge,
p. 306, n. 26, Werner writes: "In my opinion, this passage is an indirect reproach
levelled at Philo because of his enthusiastic description of the silent worship of the
Therapeutae." The context makes it clear, however, that Paul is referring here to the
plainly audible worship of "tongues."
27. H. Ridderbos, Romeinen, p. 273, comments on Rom. 12,1: "Paulus bedient zich
wellicht van een hellenistisch spraakgebruik om het niet-zinnelijke karakter van deze
eredienst aan te duiden. Overigens treedt hier echter bij hem niet de gedachte van de
verinnerlijking of ver-geestelijking naar voren, in de zin van het Griekse denken
( vgl. bijv. de uit de hermetische Iitt. aangehaalde voorbeelden bij Kittel). Want de
aldus aangeduide geestelijke eredlienst bestaat immers in de offerande van 'uw
Iichaam' enz."
28. Cf. I Cor. 13,1. The Jewish stress upon volume in connection with instrumen-
tal and vocal (angelic and human) music has been noted several times. Cf. BT
Tamid, III.
29. Cf. Hasper, p. 53·
30. Stanley, CBQ, XX, 175· Cf. Schlier, I, 164/4o-I65!2: "Das geistliche Lied der

r66
Testament (I Sam. 10,5; II Ki. 3,15) it was so used to conduce to
prophesying, this is probably not the relation of singing to the Spirit in this
instance. As pointed out in chapter three, the phrase "filled with the
Spirit" is, except for this occurrence in Ephesians, peculiar to Luke-Acts. In
every place in the Lukan writings where the condition of being "filled with
the Spirit" is mentioned in connection with utterance of any sort, it is
always the latter which results from the former, and not vice versa. Acts
4,24-31 may seem to be an exception to this rule. In this case, however, the
utterance which precedes the filling with the Spir.it is a petition for the
spirit of boldness, and when this petition is granted in the worshipers being
filled with the Holy Spirit, this condition in turn results in further utterance.
Similarly in I Cor. 12-14, the charismatic utterances are the fruit of the
Spirit, rather than that the latter is in any sense obtained by the former. It
would seem that the Spirit in Eph. 5,18-19 stands in the same relationship
to utterance as does the "Word of Christ" in Col. 3,16, that is, one of
priority. 31 Numerous times in the Hymns of Qumran, reference is made to
the sovereign activity of God in the production of utterance. Thus in 1QH
X,7:

And what can I speak unless Thou openest my mouth?

And how can I reply unless Thou dost enlighten me ?3 2

And in 1QH XI,3-7:

For what am I, that Thou [hast made known J to me Thy true counsel,
and enlightened me by Thy wondrous works. And Thou hast put songs
of praise in my mouth and on my tongue [a supplication J ?
Shape my lips unto a place for rejoicing, so that I may sing the praises
of Thy lovingkindness, and in Thy might I may muse, all hhe day.
Continually, I bless Thy name, and declare Thy glory among the sons
of men, and in the abundance of Thy goodness my soul delighteth. 33

So in Eph. 5,r8-r9, just as wine is to drunkenness, so is the Holy Spirit

to utterance (cf. Acts 2,1-18). The musical praise of God by His people is
a consequence of their being filled with His Spirit. 34

Kirche ist das im Kultus in der Form wechelseitigen und gegens~itigen Zuspruchs
laut werdende Wort Christi. In diesem Sinn erfiillt es die Gemeinde mit Geist."
Cf. Jenny, pp. zoo, 105.
31. Stanley inverts the relationship in Col. 3,16, too. Vide infra, pp. 169-70.
32. Trans. Mansoor, p. 163.
33· Trans. ibid., p. 167. D. Flusser, "The Dead Sea Sect andl Pre-Pauline
Christianity," Aspec-ts of the Dead Sea Sc-rolls, Vol. IV of Sc-ripta Hierosolymitana,
ed. C. Rabin & Y. Yadin (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1958), p. 251, writes: "This passage
clearly states the praise uttered by the Elect to be a direct gift of Divine grace,
granted as a consequence of preordination."
34· Cf. Eadie, p. 398; cf. the xaea ev nvevpaT:t ay{cp of Rom. 14,17 with Jas.
 D. THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE WHOLE MAN
The offering of self in musical praise is in the New Testament conceived
in terms of the whole man: the body, the mind and the "heart" are all
engaged in the activity simultaneously. It has already been shown, that rather
than exalt the silent song of the mystic, the New Testament inculcates the
employment of the tongue in audible praise. Though not argued, the point
is obviously presupposed in the course of the discussion in I Cor. 12-14,
as well as in Col.3,16 (cf. Eph. 5,19). While opposed to pagan devaluation
of the physical, this concept is very much in accord with the Biblical
emphasis upon the whole man, including his body.
Even more explicit is the stress upon the engagement of the intellect in
musical praise. That the song of praise should involve wisdom and under-
standing is indicated in the Old Testament, and is expressed frequently in
the Hymns of Qumran. 35 In I Cor. 14,14-19, the ideal is indicated to be the
employment of the spirit and the mind concurrently,36 the latter functioning
in a rational way which results in the utterance being intelligible to
0 avanA.newv tdv TO:TWV TOiJ l(Ju!Jr:ov without the aid of interpretation.
Wisdom and understanding are also emphasized in the context preceding
Eph. 5,19.37
Col. 3,16 is also quite explicit with reference to the rational use of the
mental faculties in musical praise. This verse, together with Eph. 5,19 (the
loci class. among the New Testament passages pertaining to musical
performance in the church), present questions of syntax to which the inter-
preter is exceedingly hard put to find a certain answer. In several matters in
connection with these two passages no more can be said than that a given
interpretation seems to be the more probable one. 38 On whatever construction

5,13c-d, and vide infra, p. 173-74. Some commentators understand the participles in
Eph. 5,19 and Col. 3,16 to have the imperatival force of their respective main verbs.
Cf. Dibelius, Kolosser, Epheser, Phi lemon, p. 44; J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul's Epistles
to the Colossians a11d to Philemon (London: Macmillan, 1912), p. 222; NEB. This is
possible. Blass & Debrunner, § 468, 2. The relation of Spirit to utterance in the
N.T. argues for a closer relationship of the two in Eph. s, 19, however, than
would be indicated on this understanding. Similarly, the relation of the "word of
Christ" to "teaching and admonishing" argues against such an understanding of
Col. 3,16. It is only those who are filled with the Word and Spirit, i.e., the
redeemed, who can sing the "new song" of the church. Cf. Rev. 14,3, and thereon,
Harrisville, p. 98, quoted supra, p. 131, n. 52.
35· E.g., Ps. 49,2-5. LXX Ps. 46,8 reads: 1f'UABTB O'VVBTW~. Cf. Sir. 15,ro:
E.v yae aocpta enfJ~aeTat alvo~; IQH III, 22-23 (cf. Mansoor, p. II7, n. 7); XI,
27-28; XII, 22.
36. Cf. Origen De princip. 2,8,3; Ps.-Clement De virgin. 2,6,3 (PG I. 432);
Jerome Epist. ad Rust. 15.
37· Cf. Jenny, pp. 98-99, who understands Eph. s,r8 as epexegetical of 5,17. Thus,
just as being "foolish" and being "drunk" amount to the same thing, so to under-
stand what the will of the Lord is" is tantamount to being "filled with the Spirit.''
38. The question of the purview of these verses was discussed supra, p. 59, n. 2.

~68
of Col. 3,16 is accepted, however, the verse clearly indicates the role of the
intellect in the musical praise of hhe church. This appears first of all in the
o
fact that the latter is here closely related to Myo; 1:ov XeuJ7:ov. 89 There is
no necessity for making a distinction between this expression and the more
usual one in which the genitives xvelov or {}sov are found in place of
Xeur7:ov. 40 Neither is there any reason for restricting the genitive to either
objective or subjective. 41 Most interpreters understand the o
it6yo; 1:ov
Xeunov to refer to the Gospel, the Christian message. This would include
"sowohl das Wort, das Christus selber gesprochen hat und durch die Apostel
noch spricht, als auch das Apostelwort, welches von ihm handelt." 42
o
The question arises, just what is the relation between Myo; 1:ov Xeunov
and the song of the church? Some interpreters identify the two. Thus
Stanley writes of the songs:

They are the Voice of the community, the altet· Christtts, and hence
Paul refers to this liturgical hymnody as the Logos tott Chrisfott,
'Christ's Word.' Paul has emphasized the oneness of the community in
the last half of the preceding verse which serves as introduction to this
statement: 'You have also been called in one Body to (the peace of
Christ): hence express your gratitude' (Col. 3,15b). The voice of the
Body is the Logos tou Christo11, which is thus to be distinguished from
the kerygma (Logos tott Kyriou, or Logos tott Theott), as also from
the didache . ... The Logos tott Christou is addressed by the community,
assembled for its liturgical functions, to itself, the Body of Christ, for

39· With the expression 0 it. 7:.Xe. lvotxehm lv vp:iv, cf. Jn. 5.38; I Jn. I,Io;
2,14. In the light of the context, tv vp:iv is generally taken collectively - "in you."
Arndt & Gingrich, p. 258, define the "in" here as "in someone = in his innermost
being."
40. Contra Schlier, I, I64/35-I65/2; Stanley, CBQ, XX, 174, quoted supra.
It is possible that the choice of X (!U17:0V here was influenced by its occurrence in
3,15. For the occurrence of Xeunov with iloyo;, cf. Heb. 6,I; with e~p,a7:o;, Rom.
Io,I7 (v./. fJeov). Arndt & Gingrich, p. 479, identify o o
it. 1:. Xe. with it. 7:.
fJeov (uvelov, p,ov - the latter when spoken by Jesus).
41. Contra Bruce, in Simpson & Bruce, p. 283, n. 1; Lightfoot, Colossians, p. 222.
42. Jenny, p. 98. G. Kittel, .Uym, TWNT, IV, I09/37-39, emph~sizes the dynamic,
o o
existential aspect of it6yo; Tov Xeunov: "Bei Kol 3,16: it6yo; ... :nitova{w;
vollends diirfte dieser Jetztere Ton ['das in der axo~ wirksame Wort des gegen-
wartigen Herrn'] herrschend sein, wenn auch der andre ('die iiberlieferten e~p,aTa
Jesu') dadurch nicht ausgeschlossen zu sein braucht." The substitution in Eph. 5,18 of
nvevp,a for the it6yo; of Col. 3,16 would seem to favor this. Cf. ibid., 11. 24-27,
for the relation of the itoyo; to the work of the ascended, heavenly Jesus and His
nvevp,a. For the substitution of itoyo; for :n;vevp,a, cf. Justin Martyr I Apol.
33; Tatian Pros. Hell. 7; Bousset, Kyrios, chap. ix.
 the purpose of mutual or reciprocal instruction and edification. The
effect of this communal 'Voice of Christ,' singing gratefully to God
with undivided heart and mind, is lthe fuller realization of its complete
oneness with the Head and of its members with one another.4 3

The idea of Chri9t speaking through the song of the church does occur
in Odes Sol. 26. 44 In this Ode Christ sings through the individual believer.
It is doubtful, however, that the specific thought is found in the New
Testament. And though in I Cor. 14, charismatic song is placed in the same
category as prophecy, it does not follow that all the church's song is in that
category. 45 Rather than identifying the "Word of Christ" with the song of
the church, then, it seems preferable to understand the indwelling of the
former (the Christian revelation) as in some way underlying the production
of the latter. This would parallel the relation of being "filled wilth the
Spirit" to the utterance of song in Eph. 5,18-19. It would, moreover, be
very much in keeping with the Biblical concept of worship as response to
revelation. 46 It is precisely this response - specifically, the giving of thanks
unto God - which is the basic motif underlying the musical performance of
Col. 3,16 (cf. 3,15C-17). 47
The involvement of the intellect in musical performance is also apparent
from the EV naan aorpla (cf. Col. 1,28). This phrase is probably best con-
nected with what follows rather 1than what precedes, but in either case the
rational engagement of the mind is indicated. 48 Last of all, the point is also

43· Stanley, CBQ, XX, 174. Cf. the same author, Jupra, p. 166, on Eph.
S,I8·I9. Stanley's understanding of o A.. 7:'. Xe. is substantially that of Schlier, I,
I64/23-I65/2. On p. 165, n. 4, Schlier writes: "Das Singen der Gemeinde wird mit
der Prophetie auf eine Stufe gestellt." Cf. Jenny, pp. 98, 100, 103, 105; Stauffer,
p. 176. RSV introduces the two participial clauses with "as"; Jenny, pp. 99-Ioo,
with "indem." NEB makes three separate sentences of the verse.
44· But not in Ignatius Ad Epher. 4,1, ~ontra Schlier, I, 164/28. Ignatius' language
is not only figurative, but he represents Jesus as the object, and not the subject,
of the "singing" of the church.
45· Co11tra Jenny, p. 103; Schlier, I, 165, n. 4, quoted Jupra, n. 43·
46. Reference has already been made (JUpra, p. 59, n. 2) to Lohmeyer, Die
Briefe, p. ISI, n. 2, who thinks the order of events in Col. 3,16 may have been
suggested by the order of the worship service in the synagogue or early Christian
church.
47· Cf. ibid., p. 150. Chrysostom Hom. Col. 3,16-17, writes: "Having exhorted
them to be thankful, he shews also the way." Against understanding the participles
to have imperatival force, vide Jupra, on Eph. 5,19, pp. 166-67.
48. What is probably the majority of commentators (including Clement of
Alexandria Paed. 2,4) and versions take the phrase with what follows. Though the
question cannot be answered with certainty, this interpretation seems to be favored
by (I) the fact that evot"el-r:w is already modified by n?..ovalwc;, (2) Col. 1,28,
(3) the fact that it is also the manner of execution which is indicated by the
ev -,;aic; "aeMatc;, (4) I Cor. 12,8.
170
implicit in the activities indicated to be coordinate with the song - dtdaamv-
Te' "a i vovt'fe-roiWu,. This phrase is discussed below.
Col. 3,16 is a verse which is pregnant with implications for the music of
the church. It not only indicates that the inJt:ellect of the believer is to be
engaged actively in the church's song, but it also indicates what it is with
which the mind is engaged - the "theater" of the mind's operations. In
relating musical performance to o Myo' -rov Xeta-rov as it does, the verse
makes it explicit that the song of the church has its roots in the objective
facts of divine redemption and revelation (cf. Rom. 15,14). Macdonald
writes:

One of the most decisive services rendered by Worship to Christian

thought lay herein, that the mind of the worshipper was kept stead-
fastly directed outwards, upon Christ and upon concrete acts and deeds
of God. Probably it was because of this that, although the early thinking
was carried through by minds of the 'common people,' yet it bears no
stamp of the peculiar subjectivities which often attach to minds of that
type.4D

The church's musical performance is thus confession, recitation, acknow-

ledgment, proclamation of the mighty acts of God. This concept is seen in
Heb. 13,15, where the name of God is "acknowledged," "confessed," in
song, 60 and in the Old Testament passages applied to Christ in Rom. 15,9
and Heb. 2,12. This is thoroughly in accord with the fact that the church's
song finds its dynamic in the Holy Spirit, whose function, as that of the
c:hurch, is to witness to Christ (Jn. 15,26-27). The fact that the song of the
church is conceived in terms of confession - proclamation - means further
that the intellectual content, the text of the song is primary. It is by virtue
of this fact that the song of the church is accorded a place in the church's
Word of God service. Hasper writes:

De gemeente heeft in haar lied iets te zeggen . ... Bij het zingen der
geme~nte gaat het niet om het voortbrengen van religieuze geluiden,

49· Macdonald, p. 203. Cf. Brodde, col. 763; Stauffer, pp. 225, 255. Delling,
Goltesdicnst, p. 85, writes concerning the relation of the church's song to the accom-
plishment of divine redemption: "Darum haben die urchristlichen Hymnen, die uns
iiberliefert sind, nicht subjektive Gefiihlsergiisse zum Inhalt, sondern fassen das
Heilshandeln Gottes in Christus preisend in gemeinszelte Satze; daher ihr oft he-
kenntnisartiger Charakter." Much of the music of the contemporary church suffers
because it does not embody this cardinal principle.
50. Grosheide, Hebreeen en Jakobus, p. 316, seems to be correct in translating
op,o'Aoyei:v of Heb. I 3,15 as "belijd'en," in keeping with the context of Hebrews and
specifically the t'fvata aiveaew~ of this verse. RSV and NEB translate: "acknow-
ledge." Cf. AV: "giving than•ks." Gontra Arndt & Gingrich, p. 571: "praise."
 maar om op een melodic iets te zeggen. De melodic krijgt geen toegang
tot den eredienst om de Musica te dienen, doch omgekeerd: de muziek
is dienstbaar aan hoofd en hart der gemeente, omdat deze iets te
'zeggen' heeft.51

Omdat de gemeente iets te 'zeggen' heeft (tot God; de mensen tot

elkander; de gemeente tot de wereld), moet de tekst een inho11a
hebben. De Protestantse kerkzang behoort tot den 'dienst des woords' !52

In the church as in the synagogue, the melody is secondary to the words.

And it is only as a medium or vehicle for these words that musical per-
formance gains admittance to the Christian worship service. This being the
case, esthetic considerations are at a minimum in connection with the song
of the church. In her musical performance the church does not serve the
art of music, but she employs music in her service of God. This same
thought is also indicated in other passages (vide infra).
That the "hettrt" is to be engaged in the musical performance of the
church is seen in several passages, including Eph. 5,19 ( lf.~ov-re' )(at
tpaAAO'V't'/3, Tfj 'XU(!/Jtq. vp,i!Jv np i(V(!lcp) and Col. 3,16 ( iv Tfj xaem f!.lJov-
T/3, ev Tai, )(aeMat, vp,aw 't'qJ {}eq> ). 53 As has been noted, these clauses
do not indicate a second kind of singing. 54 There is rather the one musical
activity of the whole man which has both manward and Godward aspects
(cf. infra). If the xaet' of Col. 3,16 is taken to mean "thankfulness," then
this verse delineates the song of the church in terms that are especially con-
sonant with the concept of worship as response to revelation. Thus the
"heart" of man responds in thankfulness to the facts of revelation and
redemption which engage his mind and which his tongue is reciting. The

51. Hasper, p. 37· Cf. ibid., p. 53; Leitner, pp. 6, 25; pp. 48-49, supl'a.
53· Cf. LXX Ps. 26,6: f!.aop,at ual tpa/.w TqJ )(V(!lcp. The MSS of both N.T.
passages reveal attempts to harmonize the singular and the plural of )(ae/Jta.
54· Cf. Augustine En. Il, I in Ps. 18 (PL XXXVI. 157). Whereas Eph. 5,19
has only the dative of 'XaolJta, Col. 3,16 also has an ev preceding the dative. Most
commentators translate "in your heart(s)" in both cases, "in" being understood
locally. Cf. NEB. Jenny, p. 104, prefers "von Herzen," however, at least in Eph.
5,19, to avoid the possible misunderstanding attaching to "in." Stanley, CBQ, XX,
175, translates "with all your heart," in Eph. 5,19, as does RSV. (The latter
"removes" the singing "from" the heart in both passages.) Hasper, p. 35, prefers
"uit," "van ganser" (not "in uw binnenste"), in both passages. Against the notion
of "with," however, is the fact that it seems to call for the insertion of "all" (cf.
Mt. 22,37). Other references to )(aelJta in Ephesians and Colossians, moreover,
seem to indicate that an activity within the heart is meant. Cf. especially Col. 3,1 5·
Thus Paul indicates by the clause here the inward disposition which is concurrent
with the audible song of the lips. Cf. Abbott, p. 292. In spite of its being liable to
be misunderstood as indicating a kind of "silent song" distinct from audible song,
"in" is probably the best translation in both cases.
word xaet' may here mean "grace," however. 55 In any case, these two
passages show the engagement of the heart of the 'believer in the church's
song. And by this clause specifying the heart's engagement, it is indicated
again that in the church's musical performance, the merely esthetic will not
suffice. Scott writes:

The main thought in this whole passage on Crristian psalmody is

contained in the closing words about praising God with the heart. Paul
is not concerned with the literary or musical merit of the Christian
singing. All that matters is the heartfelt devotion which is present in
the believer and utters itself in his song. 50

The giving vent to emotions through song comes to clear expression in

Jas. s,I 3: one who is "cheerful" ( tfJ'{)vf-tBW) is to sing ( 'ljlaAAW). 57 Calvin
comments:

We ought, then, to keep within due bounds, so that the joy, which
usually makes us to forget God, may induce us to set forth the goodness
of God, and that our sorrow may teach us to pray. For he has set the
singing of psalms in opposition to profane and unbridled joy; and thus
they express their joy who are led, as they ought to be, by prosperity
to God. 58

55· Many commentators at least lean toward understanding xaetr; here as "thank-
fulness." The chief argument against this interpretation is the preceding article, which
favors "grace" as the translation. Abbott, p. 291, thinks the article may be due to the
evxaetar:ot of 3,15. The idea of "thankfulness" is thus explicit in all three verses,
3,15-17, as in RSV; NEB. As Bruce, in Simpson & Bruce, p. 285, comments, xaet'
here may well be the heart's response of "thankfulness" to the grace of God. Cf. 11
Cor. 4,15; Heb. 12,28. "Grace," on the other hand, is favored not only by the article,
but perhaps also by other passages. Thus, grace strengthens the heart (Heb. 13,9);
Paul invokes grace to be with the "spirit" of his addressees (Phi!. 4,2 3; Philem. 2 5);
the same combination of "riches" and grace occurs in Eph. 2,7. Cf. Eph. 3,17; Col.
3,15.
56. E. F. Scott, Colossians, PhiJemon, Ephesi,ms, p. 76. Cf. Quasten, Musik und
Gesang, pp. 78-99: "Es kommt in diesen W 1orten klar zum Ausdruck, class dem
Apostel der Gesang ein wiirdiges Mittel der Gottesverehrung ist. Und doch - es
liegt in diesen Worten zugleich eine Einschrankung, denn bezeichnenderweise fiigt
Paulus an beiden Stellen gewissermassen als Warnung vor rein iisthetischer Freude
am Gesang hinzu, 'im Herzen' zu singen. Die urchristliche Stellung zum Gesange als
Kultelement ist damit deutlich ausgesprochen. Nur insofern der Gesang ein Ausdruck
der inneren Gesinnung und Andacht ist, kommt er als Mittel der Gottesverehrung in
Frage." Cf. Jenny, pp. 105-o6; Chrysostom Hom. Col. 3,16: "Not simply with the
mouth, he means, but with heedfulness. For this is to sing to God, but that, to the
air, for the voice is scattered without result. Not for display, he means."
57· Goodspeed, Problems, p. 157, and Grosheide, Hebreebz en Jakobus, p. 411,
understand the sentences of Jas. 5,13 as conditional. Cf. I Cor. 7,18.21.27.
58. J. Calvin, Commentarie.r on tbe Catholic Epistles, trans. J. Owen (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1948), p. 355. Cf. Selwyn, p. 274: "As the New Testament
shews, the church's ·services were charged with emotion, and in that atmosphere,
The distinction which James makes between the two conditions of the
individual and the respective courses of action taken is very much in
keeping with the association elsewhere in the New Testament of "joy"
with song. The believer sings because he is filled with the Spirit and the
Word of Christ, and therefore with joy and thankfulness. Song is the
natural means of giving expression to this disposition of the heart.'8

E. THE MANW ARD REFERENCE

It has been shown thus far that the New Testament conceives the church's
musical performance in terms of the response of the whole man to the
divine revelation and redemption. The response finds its dynamic in the
Holy Spirit and its telos in the praise of God, being one aspect of the
believer's "spiritual sacrifice." But the New Testament also conceives this
same musical praise of God to have at the same time a manward reference.
The church's song is to God, but also to the church and to the world. 60
This "social" aspect has already been intimated in the discussion of
koinonia, 11na voce dicentes, and the fact that musical praise involves
confession, recitation, acknowledgment, and proclamation (Heb. 13,15).
The social aspect of praise is common enough in the Old Testament
(e.g., Pss. 18,49; 22,22), and is echoed in the Hymns of Qumran. Thus in
1QH XI,6-7 is found:
Continually, I bless Thy name, and declare Thy glory
among the sons of men,
and in the abundance of Thy goodness my soul delighteth. 61

Something of the double reference of musical performance is seen in the

Gloria (Lk. 2,14), and the Palm Sunday anthem (Lk. 19,38). In the New
Testament (Rom. 15,9; Heb. 2,12) the Psalm verses just cited are applied

which might easily degenerate into disorderly excitement, hymns would have been
psychologically the ideal instrument for controlling the religious feelings and sowing
the seed of Christian faith." Though James does not seem to have the worship
service specifically in mind (The order of prayer and singing is, however, the same
as in I Cor. 14,15. Cf. C. Armerd.ing, "Is Any Among You Afflicted? A Study of
James 5: 13-20," Bibliothe~a Sarra, XCV [1938], 195-20r.), what he says applies
to it. Cf. p. 90, supra, n. r 56. If a belief in the therapeutic and magical use of the
Psalms was current in the N.T. church, this would have been an ideal place for
_Tames to refer to it. Cf. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 147-48.
59· Cf. Ps. Sol. 15,3; BT Arakin na: "What type of worship is done with joy
and good heart? You should say: it is song."
6o. Cf. Hasper, p. 38.
6r. Trans. Mansoor, p. 167. Cf. ibid., p. 172, in zQH XII, 3-4:
And I praise Thy name among them that fear Thee
[with psalm of thanksgiving] and prayer prostrating myself
and making supplication continually, for evermore.
to the Messiah, being fulfiJled in His ministry (cf. Jn. q,6).e2
In its reference to man the church's song has a very definitely functional
role. With respect to the church it is a means of edification. With respect
to the world it has possibilities for evangelization.

I. Edification
The combination of praise and edification was characteristic of the
synagogue. 83 Judaism stressed the constant necessity of mutual edification.
According to BT Mish. Aboth 3,3, where three or more were at table the
Torah must be discussed. 84 The same stress in the Christian church is
presupposed in Rom. I5,J4; I Thess. 5,II (cf. Jas. 5,16). In I Cor. 12-14
the apostle lays down the principle that in the ideal worship service, all
things are done unto edification. The song of the congregation is
specifically included (14,15.26). It is not enough that God be praised in
song: it, like all the other parts of the service, must conduce to the building
up of the Body of Christ. The song of the Corinthian church, moreover,
far from being a rather oblique means of edification, was ideally suited
for just that purpose, one member rising to confess the Lord and His
salvation in intelligible song, the others listening attentively and at the
end responding in unison with a loud "amen."
That the song of the church has a manward reference is also shown in
Eph. 5,19. But it is especially in Col. 3,16 that the purpose of addressing
one another in "psalms, hymns and spiritual songs" is made explicit. 85 In
their singing to God the believers are at the same time engaged in
15t!5aaxovTe~ xal vovfJeTOVtJTt~ "teaching and admonishing" one another (cf.
Col. 1,28). Most commentators rightly connect these two participles with
what follows. The parallel construction in Eph. 5,19, where virtually all com-
mentators place the comma after nvevpaTtxai~ rather than before tpaApoi~,
argues for a similar punctuation here. 86 Moreover, the only difficulty felt

62. Cf. Mt. 26,30 par.; Acts Jn. 94-95; Justin Martyr Dial. 1o6; infra, p. 176,
n. 72.
63. G. F. Moore, Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era: The Age
of the Tannaim (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1927-1930), I,
284ff.
64. In Str.-B., II, 185. Cf. Gaster, p. u7, for the idea of singing unto God at
table and elsewhere in IQS X, 13-15.
65. The lavToV in Eph. 5,19 and Col. 3,16 is best and generally understood to be
the equivalent of the reciprocal aAA~AOt~- AOV~. Cf. Col. 3,13; Arndt & Gingrich,
p, 2II.
66. Cf. Jenny, p. 99, n. 2. Bruce, in Simpson & Bruce, p. 284, rejects the
punctuation of Nestle and RSV in Col. 3,16 (comma before tpa.A.poi~ rather than
~!5ovTe~) on the ground that it involves an overweighting of the participial clause
at the end of the verse. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe, p. 151, also prefers to take the three
datives with 15tl5. x. vovfJ. because they are nearer, and because the "three-foldness"
in this interpretation of the verse is a psychological one - the difficulty of
understanding how instruction and admonition are carried on by means of
song. 87 This difficulty exists only in the mind of the modern commentator,
however. The fitness of song for the purpose of edification has just been
noted in connection with I Cor. r2-q. Not only the Jews were accustomed
to this notion, but also in the Church Fathers references to mutual edification
by singing to one another occur often. Tertullian Ad uxor. 2,9 (PL l.qr6-
r 7), is especially interesting in this connection, speaking of the believing
husband and wife mutually edifying, exhorting and encouraging one another
in song. 88 The words of Delling are quite apt in this connection: "So ist
der Gottesdienst auch vor allem abgleiten in eine bloss asthetische oder
ekstatische Selbstseligkeit bewahrt durch seine 'sittliche' Wirkung: er bindet
die Glieder der Gemeinde aneinander zur dienenden Tat, in der man
einander verpflichtet ist."&9

2. A Means of Evangelization?
Nowhere does the New Testament explicitly attach an evangelistic signif-
icance to the song of the church. It can at least be said, however, that the
possibility of such significance is inherent in the fact that the church's
song is "proclamation." 70 The evangelistic possibilities of song are apparent
in connection with Acts r6,25, where it is recorded that Paul and Silas prayed
and sang, and that "the prisoners were listening to them." 71 It is also
significant in this regard that the pagan Pliny's report to Trajan (Epist.
96,ro) concerning the Christians evidences an impression left upon him by
the church's praise of Christ in song.72

of expression accords more naturally with the preceding participles than with (/./Jovr:et;.
Candlish, p. uo, and J. Eadie, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul to the
Colossians (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1957), p. 252, are among the few who would
take the three datives of either passage with what follows. Cf. NEB.
67. C. F. D. Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to
Philemon (Cambridge: University Press, 1957), p. 125, expresses the feelings of
many others when he writes: "On the face of it, it is not obvious how one instructs
and admonishes with psalms, etc.; but there is no denying that Eph. V. 19 leaves
no choice but to 'speak to one another in psalms,' etc.; and presumably the use of
music and utterances of praise may be didactic (cf. I Cor. XIV. 26ff.)."
68. Cf. Clement of Alexandria Paed. 2,4; Cyprian Ad Donatum 1,16; Chrysostom
Hom. Ps. 41 (PGLV. 157); Augustine En. in Ps. 147,5 (PLXXXVII. 1917).
69. Delling, Gottesdienst, p. 159. Cf. Stanley, CBQ, XX, 174-76.
70. Cf. Hasper, p. 53: "Zingen was voor Paulus verkondiging." Ps. 96,1-4 ad-
monishes the believer to sing the glory of the Lord among the nations. Cf. lgnatius
Ad Ephes. 13.
71. This translation (RSV; cf. NEB) is preferable to the more casual "and the
prisoners heard them" (AV).
72. Interesting in connection with the possibilities of song as a means of evan-
gelism is the figurative conception of the ministry of Christ in terms of a musical
proclamation - before the Jews (Mt. rr,16-17; Heb. 2,12), and also before the

n6
 F. MUSIC IN REVELATION AND REDEMPTION
A survey of the Biblical references to musical performance leads to the
conclusion that in Biblical thought it is not instrumental music, but rather
song that is the significant musical form. References to musical instruments
occur chiefly in connection with secular usage, the Levitical musical service
of the Temple, and - borrowed from this latter - the imagery of the
Apocalypse. There is one instrument, however, which is accorded an
exceedingly significant place in the history of revelation and redemption -
the trumpet (shofar). Its blasts were heard at Sinai (Ex. 19) at the initiation
of the Mosaic dispensation. It is the same trumpet-sound that marks the end
of the present age and the beginning of the eternal state (Mt. 24,31; I Cor.
15,52; I Thess. 4,16; cf. Rev. 8,2ff.). As at Sinai, so in the eschaton, the
trumpet partakes of the particularity of the Bible; its blasts are oriented on
both occasions to the people of God. In the Old Testament dispensation
the blasts of the instrument served to signalize the unapproachableness of
God. For just this reason the instrument has no place in the New Testament
church where the believer is exhorted to enter the very Holy of Holies
with boldness (Heb. 12,19). Its retention in the synagogue symbolizes the
rejection of divine grace by the Jew. When man next hears the trumpet
sounded, it will not be by God's priests, nor even by an angel, but as at
Sinai, by God Himself. Whereas, however, the blasts of the divine trumpet
at Sinai elicited fear among Israel, the same sound at the parousia is oriented
toward the redemption - specifically, the resurrection and the gathering -
of the elect. To them, therefore, the expectation of the mighty blasts of the
trumpet of God gives comfort.
The sound of God's trumpet is anticipated in hope by the people of
God because it signalizes the absolute sovereignty of God, and it is in this
sovereignty that their hope of redemption is grounded. During the ministry
of Christ on earth, Israel denied that sovereignty, insisting upon "calling
the tune" herself (Mt. II,16-q). 73 But though the New Testament orients
the sound of the trumpet specifically to the elect, the eschatological blast
will signalize an exercise of divine sovereignty that no creat11re can deny or
flaunt. Barth writes of the mention of the instrument in I Cor. 15,52:

Gentiles (Rom. I5,7·I2). With the servant role of Christ in 'the latter passage,
compare the musical function of angels in heralding, chap. v, supra. The remarks of
Ambrose En. in Ps. II8, are also interesting here: "The hymns, the canticles, and the
psalms should be to us manifestations of God. Thus the Lord's Testament is called
a canticle, because we sing the remission of all sinners, and the just acts of the Lord
in the Gospels, in sweet exaltation of heart. The Lord Himself did not disdain to
say: ''We have sung unto you, and you have not danced' (Matt. II : r6-r7). He sang
for us in the Gospel forgiveness of sins: the Jews should have applied themselves
to it, not in histrionic gestures of the body, but spiritually. They failed to do so,
hence they are to be reprehended" (trans. Werner, Sacred Bridge, pp. 322-23).
73· Stiihlin, pp. I54/26-155/2.
 Das ist das entscheidende Merkmal dieser Krisis. Gott will sie (die
Posaune ist das Befehlszeichen! erstaunliche Dinge iiber diese Posaune
- die 'Taratantara' - sind bei Luther E.A. 19,153 nachzulesen) und
zwar nicht nur vorlaufig, sondern endgiiltig, nicht nur mahnend und
vorbereitend, sondern mit ganzer Autoritat zum sofortigen Aufbruch
und Gehorsam dringend.74

A survey of the Biblical references to musical performance involves to a

very large degree a survey of the history of revelation and redemption, for
the former is significantly related to the latter. Beginning with the Exodus
(Ex. 15), God's mighty acts are celebrated in song by His people. At Sinai
(Ex. 19), the blast of a trumpet is among the sounds marking the theophany
which initiated the Mosaic economy. Though the songs of individuals are
recorded from time to time, it is especially the Levitical song (I Chron. 6,31-
48) which typified and served the old dispensation. In her declining years
the nation sings songs of mourning when divine judgment overtakes her
people in .the form of the exile (Jer. 9,17-20). But her lament is turned into
songs of joy when God restores her to the promised land (Zeph. 3,14).
It is particularly the birth, ministry and death of Messiah which are
marked by various kinds of musical performance. Songs of praise and
thanksgiving by individuals and by angels surround His nativity (Lk. 1-2).
But the inca:rnation also elicits lament (Mt. 2,18), for the rulers of this
world set themselves against His Kingdom, and seek to destroy Him.n
The Messiah "sings" in the midst of the congregation (Heb. 2,22), but
His own people do not respond (Mt. n,16-q). In spi.te of their perversity,
however, moved by wrong motives they sing the praise that is due Him
(Mt. 21,9 pars.). They hear their children, moreover, accord Him praise in
the same language but from sincere hearts (Mt. 21,15-16). Likewise en
route to Golgotha their women sing - proleptically, as it were - the
customary dirges (Lk. 23,2 7). 76 Jesus refuses their lament, however, urging
them to mourn for themselves and their children because of the judgment
that was coming upon them (Lk. 23,28-31). Finally, their true response to
the Messiah comes to expression in the mocking acclamation, "Hail, King
of the Jews!" (Mt. 27,29)
At Pentecost, the "newness" of the new dispensation is brought into
sharp focus, and a new phase in the musical performance of God's people
begins. Instead of an awe-evoking trumpet-blast, the Holy Spirit is given to

74· K. Barth, Die Auferstehung der Toten (4th ed.; Zurich: Evangelischer Verlag
Zollikon, 1953), p. n6. Cf. 0. Cullmann, The Early Church, ed. A.. J. B. Higgins
(Philadelphia: Westminster, 1956), pp. 107, 143, I49·
75· Cf. Stahlin, p. 155h-9.
76. Cf. ibid. Mk. r6,ro (v.J.) mentions the mourning of the disciples after the
crucifixion.

q8
the assembled priesthood of believers, filling the disciples with great joy
and boldness. It is true that in this world the church is acquainted with the
lament. But even her song of mourning is different from that of the world
(Jn. 16,20-22).11 Moreover, because she even now participates in heavenly
things, the church participates in the "new song" of the eternal state.
Impelled by the Spirit, she offers up herself - mind, heart and tongue -
in song, in response to the new revelation and redemption in Christ. This
sacrifice of praise to God is at the same time a means by which the church
edifies herself and evangelizes the world, to the end that all nations might
join in her perfected anthem of praise. The Bible intimates that even Israel
is, in the course of time, to be led by the spirit of repentance to mourn in
sincerity for the crucified one (Zech. 12,1off.). 18
The song of the church on earth continues until the Lord returns, His
parousia being announced by the trumpet of God and voices (I Thess.
4,16). 10 Then all human musical performance is "desecularized," and all
utterance assumes a specifically religious character. The world sings a
lament because the Son of Man comes in judgment (Mt. 24,30). The
church sings the song of her marriage to the Lamb (Rev. 19,6-8). The
music of Babylon is terminated by her utter destruction in judgment (Rev.
18,22-23). The song of Israel and the church, which heretofore has been
only a pale copy of the angelic praise in heaven, is in the consummation
united with that praise in a mighty Hallelujah-antiphony (Rev. 19,1-8) .80
The consummation song of the redeemed is now, like that of the heavenly
hosts, different from anything in previous human experience, so that a
description of it in human language can only be approximated. 81 It would
seem, furthermore, that not even the combined praise of the redeemed and
the angelic hosts is enough, for "every creature in heaven and on earth and
under the earth and in the sea, and all therein" participates in the praise
of God and .the Lamb (Rev. 5,13). 82 The mood of the doxologies of the
Apocalypse is reminiscent of the picture drawn by Zephaniah: the joy in
Zion in that day is so great that even God Himself sings. 83

77· Cf. Stiihlin, p. 155!I2-1S; idem, TWNT, Ill, S51/24-37·

7S. Cf. Rom. rr,23-32; II Cor. 3,14-16.
79· To this event the song of the church in this age is to a large extent oriented.
Cf. Rom. S,1Sff.; I Cor. 16,22; Rev. 22,20. On the "dynamic element" in the N.T.
hymns as manifested in the "and who comes" of Rev. 4,S, Bietenhard, p. 140, writes:
"Gott ist der ewige Herr, aber es ist der zum Gericht und zur 'Hrlosung kommende
Gott, er ist der aktiv handelnde Gott, nicht der ruhende."
So. Cf. ibid. on the union of heaven and earth in praise in the Apocalypse: "Wir
haben hier nicht das starre Verhiiltnis von Urbild und A.bbild, sondern die volle
Entsprechung von Himmel und Erde harrt der Verwirklichung im Endgeschehen."
Sr. On the A.pocalyptist's use of w~ in his descriptions, vide supra, pp. 132-33.
S2. Cf. Phi!, 2,1o-II.
S3. Zeph. 3,17. Midr. Lev. 11,9 pictures God leading the righteous in a dance at
the Last Day.
 "The imagery [of the Apocalypse} is nowhere more splendid than in the
description of sounds, which play a great part in the book, and give to
many passages the effect of organ music. " 8' Foremost among these sounds
are the doxologies sung to the creator by the creature and by all creation in
unison. "At last God has attained the telos of his ways: the revelation of the
gloria dei achieves its end in .the hallowing of his name." 86 In the meanwhile
the life and work of the church on earth is guided by that same principle.
"The mission of the church in history is to give glory to God .... It is in
worship that the church finds the final fulfillment of its mission." 88
"Man's chief end is to glorify God, and to enjoy him forever." 87 It is
precisely in her song that the church on earth fulfills the most heavenly
part of her purpose.

84. E. F. Scott, Revelation, p. 184. On the relation of the "audible" to the

"visual" aspects of N.T. eschatology, vide E. von Dobschiitz, "Die fiinf Sinne im
Neuen Testament," JBL, XLVIII (1929), 405.
85. Stauffer, p. 231.
86. Ibid., pp. 199-200. Cf. p. 202. The same insight is found' in the Fathers:
Clement of Alexandria Strom. 7,7; Augustine En. in Ps. 67,1·5·7 (PL XXXVI.
812-13); Hesychius of Jerusalem Eis Ps. 68 (PG XCIII. 1231).
87. ll"'estminster Shorter Cate&hism, Ans. 1. Cf. Hasper, p. 97, n. 3, quoting
K. H. Miskotte: "De majestueuze conceptie van den Bijbel, en van den Bijbel alleen,
is, dat 'de zin van het !even gesteld wordt in den lof Gods.' "

ISO
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Apoc. & Pseud. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old
Testament, ed. R. H. Charles
ASV American Standard Version
AV Authorized V ersion
BT The Babylonian Talmud, ed. I. Epsteiri
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CHR Catholic Historical Review
CNT Commentaar op het Nieuwe Testament
DAC Dictionary of the Apostolic Church, ed. J. Hastings
Diet. d' Arch. Dictionnaire d'Archeologie chrhienne et de Liturgie,
F. Cabrol & H. Leclercq
EGT The Expositor's Greek Testament, 2d ed.
GDMM Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 5th ed.
HNT Hat1dbuch zttm Neuen Testament, ed. H. Lietzmann
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
IB The Interpreter's Bible, ed. G. Buttrick
ICC The International Critical Commentary
JBL The Journal of Biblical Literature
JE The Jewish Encyclopedia
JR The Journal of Religion
KKNT Kritisch=exegetischer Kommentar uber das
Neue Testament
KV Korte Verklaring der Heilige Schrift
LCL The Loeb Classical Library
LXX Septuaginta, ed. A. Rahlfs
Midr. Midrash Rabbah, ed. H. Freedman & M. Simon
Mish. Mishnah
MNTC The Moffatt New Testament Commentary
MQ Musical Quarterly
MT Masoretic Text
NEB New English Bible
NICNT The New International Commentary on the
New Testament
NOHM New Oxford History of Music
NTC New Testament Commentary
NV N ieuwe V ertaling
Or. Sib. Oracttla Sibyllina, ed. J. H. Friedlieb
PG Patrologiae curs us completrts; series Graeca,
ed. J. P. Migne
PL Patrologiae cursus completus; series Latina,
ed. J. P. Migne
I8l
RGG Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart
RR The Review of Religion
RSV Revised Standard Version
SIDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah,
ed. J. v. d. Ploeg
Str.-B. H. L. Strack & P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament aus T a/mud und Midrasch (Mi.inchen: C.
H. Beck, 1922-1955)
ThL Theologische Literaturzeitung
1NTC The Tyndale New Testament Commentaries
TWNT Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament,
ed. G. Kittel & G. Friedrich (Stuttgart: W.
Kohlhammer Verlag, 1933-)
UJE The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia
WC Westminster Commentaries
ZNW Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

182
 INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS AND EDITORS
The page on which a work is first cited is printed in italics.

Abbott, T. K., 61, 172, 173 Burn, A. E., 47, 51

Albright, W. F., 5, 6, 9, 13, 18 Burney, C. F., 107
Alford, H., 107, 109, no, 111, Burrows, M., 16, 18, 19
114, 117, 118, 150, 153. 156,
16o Cabaniss, A., 26, 46
Alien, W. C., 101, 107 Cabrol, F., 64
Altaner, B., 52, 55, 89, 92 Calvin, J., 46, 109, 154, 155, 157,
Armerding, C., 174 1 73
Arndt, W. F. & Gingrich, F. W., Candlish, J. S., 46, 6o, 78, 176
1, et passim Charles, R. H., 46, 73, 74, 98, 99,
Arseniew, N. v., 165 lOO, II8, 125, 127, I2B, 129,
Avenary, H., 3, 6, 8, 10, 141 130, 131, 132, 133. 148
Coffin, H. S., 162
Barnes, A., 108 Cohen, A., 121
Barry, P., 97 Cohen, F. L., 2, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11,
Barth, K., 17B 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 137. 138,
Bartlet, J. V., 30, 58, 75 164
Beare, F. W., B2 Colson, F. H. & Whitaker, G. H.,
Beckwith, I. T., 1 IB, 127, 130, 5. 77
131, 132, 147. 148 Connolly, R. H., 93
Behm, J., 41, 90, 125, 127, 129, Cousar, C. B., 131
131, 147 Craig, C. T., II 3, 114
Beimel, ]., 12 Cross, F. L., B3
Bengel, J. A., IoB, 114, 115, 145, Cullmann, 0., 25, 30, 58, 69, 76,
q6, 157 So, 81, 82, B4, 17B
Benzinger, 1., I 5
Bietenhard, H., 27, 121, 129, 179 Daube, D., 6o, 69
Black, M., 106 Debrunner, A., 23
Blass, F. W. & Debrunner, A., Deissmann, A., BB
63, 153, 160, 168 Delling, G., 3, B9, et passim
Bloomfield, S. T., 107, 111, 151 Dibelius, M., 25, 79, 82, B7, 91,
Boismard, M. E., B3 93. 165, 168
Bouma, C., 87 Dickinson, E., I, 2, 5, 12, 14, 17,
Bousset, W., 59, 88, 89, 157, 169 38, 42, 53. 55
Box, G. H. & Oesterley, W. 0. E., Dobschi.itz, E. v.. , 64, 1Bo
103 Dohmes, A., 47~'51, 6o, 66, 67,
Branscomb, B. H., 96 71, 77, 7~ So, 81, 89
Brodde, 0., 10, 24, 38, 39, 54, 171 Dolger, F. ]., 40, 41, 83, 84, II3
Brown, F., Driver, S. R., & Briggs, Driver, S. R., 6, 18, 27, 76, 100
c. A., I62 Duchesne, L., I, 19, 38, 41, 70
Bi.ichler, A., 1oB, 109 Dugmore, C. W., I, 2, 7, 16, 31,
Bultmann, R., 23, 25, BB, 91 36, 38, 41, 66, 68
Burkitt, W., 160 Di.isterdieck, F., 46, 147
Eadie, J., 23, 6o, S3, 167, 176
Easton, B. S., 83, S7, 91
Edelstein, E. J. & L., 87
Edersheim, A., 7, 15, 17, 27, S3,
reS, 146, 159
Eisenstein, J. D., 15, 136, 138
Elbogen, I., 121
Elbogen, I. & Galling, K., 3, S,
IO, 13, IS
Ellicott, C. J., 156, 157
Engel, C., j, 97
Fendt, L., 8 3
Findlay, A. F., 40, 95
Findlay, G. G., I l l , xq, n6,
II7, 157
Finesinger, S. B., I3, I39· qo,
142, 143· 144
Flusser, D., 167
Foerster, W., 70
Frame, J. E., I57
Freedman, H. & Simon, M., 3I
Friedrich, G., I07, 108, 109, no,
136, 137, 13S, I39, 140, I4I,
142, 143, 144, 145, 14S, 15I,
153, 154, I56, 15S, 159, r6o
Fuchs, H., I8
Furness, J. M., 82
Gaster, T. H., 38, 14I, I42, 175
Geldenhuys, N., 96
Gill, J., I07, I5I, I54. 155· 156,
157, 158, I59
Gelderen, C. v., I4o
Ginzberg, L., 64, 120, I2I, 122,
I3I
Girardeau, J. L., I4, 49, 54
Gispen, W. H., I38, 139
Goodspeed, E. J., I9, 83, I I2,
1 73
Gould, E. P., 96
Gradenwitz, P., 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, S, 9,
12, 13, 14, 15, I~ 21
Greijdanus, S., 59
Grenfell, B. P. & Hunt, A. S.,
84, 9I, 92
Grosheide, F. W., 38, 47, 6o, 77,
91, 96, 102, 103, 105, 106,
I07, I09, IIO, III, II4, II6,
152, 154, 164, 17I, I73
Guthrie, D., 83
Hackett, Io
Harnack, A., 82
Harris, J. R. & Mingana, A., 84
Harrisville, R. A., 73, 74, I 31
Hasper, H., 2, et passim
Hatch, E. & Redpath, H. A., 62,
136
Hefele, C. J., 37
Heiler, F., 19, 28, 75, 125, I64
Hendriksen, W., 85, 146, 147,
14S, 149, 157, I5S
Hengstenberg, E. W., rp, 133,
145. 146, 147
Herbert, A. S., 82
Herklots, H. G. G., 85
Hirsch, E. G., 17
Hirsch, E. G. & Nowack, W., 6,
9, 12, 16, 17, IS, 21
Hodge, C., 6I, So, I I I , II4, 154,
155. 165
Hommes, N. J., 31
Idelsohn, A., 3, 5, 6, 7, S, 9, 10,
11, I2, 14, 15, I6, I7, 19, 36,
57• 95, 99, II3, 121, 136, 137,
139, 142, I43, I44
James, M. R., 40, 91, 95, 125
Jastrow, M., 104
Jenny, M., 23, 25, 39, 46, 47, 59,
6o, 6r, So, S2, r66, 167, 168,
169, 170, 172, 173, 175
Jeremias, J., Io7, 157, r5S
Johnson, S. E., 96, xo8
Joseph, M., 137, 139, 142, 144
Julian, J., 92
Kasemann, E., 82
Keet, C. C., 9, I5, r6, I9
Keil, C. F. & Delitzsch, F., I 4I
Kelly, J. N. D., 82, S4
Kepler, T. S., I 33
Kiddle, M., 27, 46, 129, 147,
14S, 149
Kik, M., 15I
Kistemaker, S., 67
Kittel, G., 120, 124, 130, I54,
165, 169
Klausner, J., 155, 159
Klein, G., 108, 109
Koehler, L. & Baumgartner, W.,
.23, 44, 71, 99, 143
Koole, J. L., 68, S9
Kraeling, C. H. & Mowry, L., 6,
7, II, 15, 17, 1S, 19, 43, 56,
67, 70, S2, S7
Kraemer, C. J., 40
Kroll, J., 25, 61, 64, 65, 73, 75,
76, So, S1, S7, SS, 90, 91, 92,
93, 134
Kuhn, K. G., 70
Kuinoel, C. T., I07
Kuyper, A., I24, 130, 131, 145,
J46, 147· J4S
Lake, K., 63
Lang, P. H., 53, 55, S2
Lange, J. P., 107
Laurentin, R., 90
Leclercq, H., 88, 90
Leipoldt, J., 2, 3, 4, S, q, 31, 46,
55, 59, 67, 70, 76, 7S, 1II, II3
Leitner, F., 1, et passim
Lewy, H., 78
Liemohn, E., 2, 9, 16, 20
Lietzmann, H., 4, II3, 114, rr6,
1!7, 154
Lightfoot, J. B., 16, 37, 168, 169
Lock, W., 87, 91
Lohmeyer, E., 59, 68, 73, 82, 85,
9S, 99, 100, 11S, 12S, 129,
131, 132, 147, 14S, 165, 170,
175
Lohmeyer, E. & Schmauch, W.,
101, 102, 105
Lund, N. W., 64
Macdonald, A. B., 1, 16, 24, 25,
37, 61, 64, 66, 72, 75, 76, 90,
125, 171
Machen, J. G., 90
Mandelkern, S., I 38
Manson, T. W., I, 3, 17, 31, 106,
10S, 124
Manson, W., 98
Mansoor, M., 45, 123, 167, 168,
174
Marsden, R. S., 29, 72, 77, 90
Mayor, J. B., 47
Me Common, P., 47
·Me Neile, A. H., 78, 108, 150,
152
Mehrtens, F., 138, 166
Messenger, R., 54, 55, 64, 76, S2,
S7, ss, 90, 92
Metzger, B., 55, S5
Meyer, H. A. W., 109, 110, I1I,
II2, 117, 150, 154, 1~i5
Michel, 0., 91, 161, 164
Micklem, P. A., 108
Milligan, G., 129, 156, 157. 15S,
159
Moffatt, J., 42, 69, 77, rr3, rr6,
rr7, 118, 154, 16o, 161
Montefiore, C. G., IoB, 109
Moore, G. F., 97, 175
Morris, L., 77, rr1, n6, 129,
154> 157, 15S, 159
Moule, C. F. D., 156, 176
Moulton, J. H. & Milligan, G.,
97· 99
Mowry, L., 26, S2, S7
Murray, J. & Young, W., 6o, 62,
65, 75, 77, So
Newbolt, M. R., 26
Nielen, J. M., 1, 3, 5, 7, 43, 76
Noack, B., 83, 90
Noordtzij, A., I40
Oesterley, W. 0. E., 1, 4, 46, 66,
70
Olshausen, H., 107, III, 151,
155, 156, 157, 159
Otten, J., 54
Owen, J., 160
Paulus, H. E. G., zoB
Peterson, E., 17, 24, 41, 70, 71,
·87, 104, 110, 112, 113
Pfeiffer, R. H., 120
Phillips, C. S., 2.5, 29, 38, 82
Pierik, M., 12
Piper, 0., 90, 125, 134
Ploeg, J. v. d., 74
Plummet, A., 96, 101, 108, no,
150
Porteous, W., .5, 47
Quasten, J., 5, 1B, 25, et passim
Rad, G. v., 120
Radermacher, L., 14B
Rahlfs, A., 67, 93
Rawlinson, A. E. J., 104
Rengstorf, K. H., 102
Ridderl>os, H., 29, 102, 104, 107,
ro8, 166
Ridderbos, N. H., 6, II, IS
Rist, M., B3, 84, zzB
Roberts, A. & Donaldson, J., 24,
106, 154
Robertson, A. & Plummer, A.,
42, 69, IIO, Ill, II4, II5,
u6, I'54
Robinson, J. A., B2
Robinson, T. H., zo6
Rothmi.iller, A. M., 6, S, I I
Sachs, c., 6, 9· 11, 12, rs, r6, 17,
18, 44, 97, 98, 99, 112, 136,
137. 139. 142
Schaff, P., 24
Schaff, P. & Wace, H., 24
Schippers, R., 31
Schlatter, A., z, 27, 46, 71, 72, 76,
roB, IIJ, 129, 130, I3I, 132,
145. q6, 149. 1 54
Schlier, H., 22, 23, 39, 47, 6I,
62, 65, 68, 72, 74, 79, so, B5,
I66, r69, 170
Schmid, L., 156, 157, 15S
Schmidt, K. L., zoB, no, ru,
112, II3, 114, Il5
Schneider, H., 19, 20, 62, 67, S3,
93
1S6
Schneider, J., I l l , II3
Schoettgen, C., z oB
Schurer, E., 137
Schweizer, E., 76, 79, So
Scott, E. C., Jr., z, 7, 113
Scott, E. F., z, 4, 26, 27, 39, 46,
61, 76, B2, 83, 91, 92, 125, 173,
1So
Scott, R. B. Y., z6, 19, 73
Sellers, 0. R., 4, IS, 44, 99, 100,
I05, 136, 139. 142
Selwyn, E. G., 29, 65, 76, 77, 79,
So, S3, S6, 90, 173
Sendry, A., 4, 24, 37, 42, 45, 52,
57. 165
Shepherd, M., 26, 65, 145, r4B
Simpson, E. K. & Bruce, F. F.,
39, 47, I62, r69, 173, 175
Smith, W. & Hail, T. D., z 36
Stii:hlin, G., zoz, ro3, Io4, I05,
106, ro7, I77• qS, 179
Stainer, J., zoo, rr2, 113, 136,
137, 138
Stanley, D. M., 22, 26, 28, 65, 72,
77, 7S, So, B2, 90, 9I, I66,
r67, 169, qo, 172, q6
Stauffer, E., 6o, 72, S2, 84, 90,
121, 125, 129, 170, 171, r8o
Stonehouse, N. B., 12.5
Strack, H. L. & Billerbeck, P., B,
et passim
Streeter, B. H., _,.r,.....
Strugnell, J., 122
Stuart, M., z6o
Swete, H. B., 27, 66, 76, 96, 100,
102, 104, rrS, 124, 126, 127,
I29, 130, 131, I32, 140, 146
Tasker, R. V. G., 6o
Taylor, V., 96
Thackeray, H. St. J., 62
Torrey, C. C., 46, 98
Tovey, D. F., 9
Toy, C. H., 67
Trench, R. C., 6o, 62, 63, 64, 73,
So, 96
Trollope, W., 107, 109, nr, 151
Vincent, M. R., roB, II1, u5, u6
Vriezen, T. C., 6, 19, 20, 164
Wallenstein, M., 19
Warren, F. E., 51, 83, 92
Weizsacker, C. v., 75, 77
Wellesz, E., 2
Wellhausen, J., 15
Wernberg-Mfllller, P., 164
Werner, E., 1, 2, 9, ro, 14, 15,
69, et passim
Wette, W. M. L. de, 107, uo,
111
Wiley, L. R., 4, 159
Windisch, H., B3, 91
Wolf, ]., 54
Wohlberg, M., 3, 9, 15, 57
Wiinsch, R., 87
Zuntz, G., 79
PROMOTOR: PROF. DR. R. SCHIPPERS
 PROPOSITIONS

I
It is wrong to conclude from the doxologies of the Apocalypse that the
hymns of the church should not deal with "man's moods or feelings, with
his joys or his triumphs."
vs. H. S. Coffin, "Hymns in the New Testament Church," An address
given under auspices of the Hymn Society of America at the Bible
Hymn Festival in the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church, New York,
Dec. 6, 1953, p. 4·
Il
It is more probable that the Apocalypse reflects the practices of the Temple
than those of the early Christian service of worship.
vs. A. Cabaniss, "Liturgy-Making Factors in Primitive Christianity,"
JR, XXIII (1943), p. 50.
Ill
The ad.btty~ of Mt. 6,2 is best understood figuratively.

IV
Eph. 5,18-19 does not teach that believers become "filled with the Spirit''
through singing.
vs. H. Schlier, lf.lJw, TWNT, I, 164/40-165/2; D. M. Stanley,
"Carmenque Christo Deo Dicere .... ," CBQ, XX (1958), 175·

V
Col. 3,16 does not identify the song of the church with the .:!oyo~ ToiJ
X(!tGTOV.
vs. Schlier, pp. 164/23-165/2; Stanley, p. 174.

VI
The Masoretic Text of Ezek. 3,12 does not require conjecture.
vs. RSV.
VII
Gen. 9,6c is better understood as giving the reason why the death penalty
is to be executed rather than why man has the authority to execute it.

VIII
The fact that certain New Testament passages presumably owe their present
form to their usage in the liturgy of the early church must be taken into
account in the exegesis of such passages.

IX
In I Tim. 1,9 Mxatoc; is best understood m the non-theological sense of
"relatively righteous."
vs. G. Schrenk, s.v., TWNT, II, 192/29ff.

X
It is more probable that the Epistle to the Philippians was written from
Rome than from Ephesus.
vs. G. S. Duncan, St. Pattl's Epbesian Ministry. A Reconstruction
(London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1929), passim.

XI
The "Southern" Presbyterian Church was justified in her separation from
the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America in 1861 on both
practical and constitutional grounds.

XII
It is desirable that candidates for the Gospel ministry be duly examined and
approved before they are considered by particular congregations with a
view to calling them.

XIII
The We.rtmi11ster Confession of Faitb (XXXI.5), which very strictly limits
the purview of church courts to "ecclesiastical" business, needs to be heeded
by the Presbyterian Churches of America.

XIV
In decisions having to do with property and funds, a Presbyter serving on a
church court must recognize a sense of stewardship toward donors involved.

XV
The "internal testimony" of the Holy Spirit is more than mere "illumina-
tion."
vs. B. B. Warfield, Calvin and Calvinism (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity, 1931 ), pp. 75 ff.; C. W. Hodge, "The Witness of the Holy
Spirit to the Bible," Princeton Tbeological Review, XI (1913), pp.
41-84.
 XVI
Hodge is quite right in maintaining that there are cases of intentional
deception which are not immoral.
C. Hodge, Systematic Theology, Ill (London: Thomas Nelson & Sons,
I878), 444·

XVII
A danger in contemporary thinking about Missions is that koinonia will be
substituted for the Word and sacraments as the primary means of grace.
cf. L. Newbigin, One Body, One Gospel, One World: The Christimt
Mission Todcl)' (London: Wm. Carling, r959), p. 20; W. C. Lamott,
Revol11tion in Missions (New York: Macmillan, r954), chap. i, paJ.rim.

XVIII
The desire to do "vicarious penance" and to make "atonement" for the
corporate "injustices" of a "capitalistic system" are not sound motives for
the Christian missionary.
vs. D. J. Fleming, Living as Comrades, A Study of Factors Making for
"Cormmmity" (New York: Agricultural Missions, Inc., r95o), pp.
I3I-34.

XIX
Since the major emphasis in the music of the Christian service of worship
is upon the words, priority should be given to the "declarative-style" tunes
of the chorale and plain-song type.

XX
Counseling is especially liable to become problematic 111 the pastoral care
of the aged.

XXI

The funeral services of believers should be conducted by the church alone.