Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
3, 2001
ABSTRACT The research explores the symbolic meanings of the grafti drawn by Israeli
adolescents and youth on the walls around Rabin Square in Tel-Aviv, named after the
Israeli Prime Minister, Izhak Rabin, and following his assassination in the same square.
The assassination occurred during a period in which Israeli society was characterized by
feelings of anomie and crisis due to intensied social and political conicts. The image
constructed and conveyed by the grafti is that of an eclectic leader; and that image is
also the reection of the cultural characteristics emerging from the liminal situation of
youth in Israeli society. In the discourse carried on by means of walls, the main trend
is the attempt to combine polar and/or diverse characteristics, in a holistic manner. Three
spheres of liminality are discussed: liminality of the leader, liminality of youth, and
liminality of Israeli society. The discussion is carried out in the context of the existential
situation of youth in Israel.
Introduction
Grafti as a means of expression has fullled the needs of thousands of youths
and teenagers within the Israeli population, in coping with the assassination of
the Israeli Prime Minister, the late Yitzhak Rabin. The multiplicity of writings
concentrated on the wall near the site of his assassination, at the Tel Aviv town
square, created a multifaceted prism through which one can behold and explore
the phenomena relating to the processes taking place in the Israeli youth cultural
context.
These inscriptions are the visual embodiment of their creators’ perception of
leadership, existential conicts and feelings. The objective of this study is to
examine the interwoven explicit and implicit meanings of these grafti mes-
sages. The ndings show that in the process of constructing the image of the
assassinated prime minister, the grafti weave a picture characterized by contra-
dictions; however, these contradictions are not perceived as antithetical but as
intersecting, mediated and crystallized features into an eclectic gure which
played, and still plays, a symbolic role in the social context of an anomic, liminal
situation among youths in Israeli society.
Dr Diana Luzzatto, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Tel-Aviv University, 69978 Ramat-Aviv,
Tel-Aviv, Israel; e-mail: dianalla@nonstop.net.il
until February 1997. The major research method used was content analysis of the
writings drawn on the walls, oor, steps and banisters around the square, as a
reaction to the assassination. In order to enhance the data and examine the
validity of the ndings, and parallel to their gathering, interviews and observa-
tions were carried out every day for the rst month after the murder, and about
twice a week for the remaining eldwork period. This blending of content
analysis, interviews and participant observations takes into consideration a
critical approach adopted by some researchers. For instance, Smith (1986) claims
that most studies do not pay enough attention to the social and cultural context
in which the grafti occur, while others relate to the context but do not analyze
the writings.
The writings were photographed for qualitative content analysis. Since the
extent of the corpus of data is enormous, and in order to allows systematic
sampling, the walls around the square were divided into 485 area units (1 3 1m)
from which we photographed every fth unit. From these, a set amount of
writings (10 per area unit) were sampled, giving preference mainly to the
clearest and greatest in size. Inscriptions spread over two units (diagonally)
were sampled only once. In summary, about 1000 writings were classied and
analyzed.
An impressionistic review of the writings was performed, for the purpose of
constructing criteria for analyzing the corpus, according to the accepted method-
ology in qualitative content analysis (e.g. Shapira & Herzog, 1984). A set of
criteria emerged, which, at a later stage, was assembled into four main cate-
gories, which will be discussed in this article.
distant past he had been a hard line military leader. His assassination brought
about simultaneous emphasis on diverse aspects of his personality and life
history, according to the various public positions he fullled during his life. The
Israeli media presented documentary aspects of his life from which the image of
Rabin emerged as a puzzling assemblage of a multitude of properties and
ideological positions, thus leaving the task of integrating all these to their
audience
Most adults were already familiar with those different aspects of Rabin’s
image, and had incorporated them into their collective memory. However, for
young people, and particularly the youngest, it was not obvious that the pacist
Rabin they had grown to know had been in the past the hard soldier and
politician they were suddenly discovering through the media. The fact that this
complexity could not be taken for granted among youth is clearly shown in an
article published by Maariv Lanoar (15 October 1998), a popular youth magazine
in Israel:
Yitzhak Rabin was a blushing introvert, adult but youthful, experienced
but naive, stern but paternal, mysterious but unequivocal, and mainly
full of belief in the righteousness of his way.
The same tendency to unify opposed characteristics, herein displayed, is empha-
sized in the grafti.
the middle there can be found an attitude that sees grafti as an artistic medium
(Becker, 1963; Blake, 1981; Raymond, 1989) and/or an institutionalized, con-
trolled safety valve allowing the channelling of social conicts into pre-allocated,
agreed and limited areas (Romotsky & Romotsky, 1973, pp. 16–19).
Some researchers stress the opportunity offered by grafti, as a form of
communication, for interpretation and insight (Hebdige, 1979; Harvey, 1990).
Abel & Buckley (1977) focus on the psychological aspects of the phenomenon,
which they see as a form of communication expressing personal thoughts free
from inhibitions caused by social norms. Blume (1985), too, analyzes grafti as
a model of communication, through which individuals express criticism, protest,
rejection or agreement, and search for contacts. Moreover, on the collective level,
grafti serve as a means of documenting group membership and mass and
reexive communication. A more general view is expressed in Freeman’s (1966)
cultural approach, according to which grafti reect the nature of the society in
which they were produced.
The present study shows a deep interaction and inuence between two levels:
youth tried to express and communicate their feelings individually, while at the
same time the proximity and even intersecting of the writings created a kind of
collective composition. Each of the levels contributed to the constant shaping
and changing of the other, in a owing ‘dialogue’. In that frame, the grouping
of young people in the square created a feeling of ‘communitas’, as is typical to
people who undergo the same rite of passage (Turner, 1969).
false image of teenagers. Giroux (1997) claims that the young in the USA are
ranked particularly low in national priorities, they are neglected by government
and education, they lack public space, and constitute a marginal social group. In
Israel, however, there is a certain amount of respect and consideration for the
young, due especially to the fact that they are seen as a security asset to the state
instead of a burden. While being in a liminal state between childhood and
adulthood, adolescents are also perceived as potential future soldiers. And, one
must bear in mind that the combat soldier symbolizes the ‘New Jew’ after the
Holocaust, an outmost gure in the Israeli ethos (Kaplan, 1999). Nevertheless, a
dimension of duality with regard to youth nds an expression in the public
political discourse. For instance, on the fth anniversary of Rabin’s death, the
Prime Minister, Ehud Barak, referred to young people as ‘the hope of the
country for peace’ and the late Rabin’s widow called them ‘the candles’ gener-
ation’ (meaning ‘peace generation’). It is no wonder, then, that Israeli youth are
used to experiencing a daily dose of contrasting messages about their task as
soldiers/peacemakers, and do not perceive them, in everyday life, as paradoxi-
cal.
A further dimension of duality refers to the tension between collectivism and
individualism. Lieblich (1995), while pointing to an increasing tendency on the
part of youth to individualism and weakening of collectivistic and traditional
Israeli values, questions the possibility of the development of a new individual-
istic culture in the stormy and conictual Middle East. Traditionally, a substan-
tial number of Israeli adolescents (70%) have belonged to institutional youth
movements, as Zom-scouts (Egozi, 1976), and this tendency still exists even if
at a lesser rate. Some of them are very active in youth branches of central
political parties.
In addition to collectivistic values, which stem from the mainstream social and
political culture, Israel is a very ‘familistic’ society, in the Jewish tradition
(Herzog, 1996; Fogiel-Bijaoui, 1999). Ichilov (1984, pp. 61–96, 221) claims that
political disagreement does not lead Israeli youth to rebellion against their
parents. Furthermore, historically, Israeli adolescents and youth tend to organize
along ideological lines similar to those of their parents (Shapira et al., 1979).
According to Clarke et al. (1981, pp. 53–79), although there always exists a
connection between young people’s sub-culture and that of their parents, it can
be tight or loose. It appears that in Israeli society, such connection is particularly
tight. According to Adler (1975), in Israel, youth do not develop protest patterns,
as Israeli society succeeds in sustaining an ideology of ‘revolution yet to be
completed’. In light of the social context described here, it is understandable
why Israeli youth has never developed counter-cultures of the kind depicted, for
instance, by Willis (1977, 1978).
Israeli youth sub-culture characteristics display some central values that are
an extension of the mainstream parent culture. Signicantly, issues of disagree-
ment with the older generation tend to arise on individual bases and less
on ideological ones. Even youth sub-culture symbols like body adornments
(tattoos and piercing), which are considered in literature as counter-culture, are
treated and resolved in the context of family discourse (Jacobson & Luzzatto,
2000).
The grafti made by youth in Rabin Square will be analyzed against the
background that has been depicted, and in the context of the social events
during the period that preceded and followed Rabin’s murder.
Youth Grafti as a Coping Device 357
The girl’s description is loaded with the atmosphere of the anomic situation,
characterized by a sense of helplessness and deep anxiety, which enveloped
most of the nation in the days following the assassination. As Amala (1995)
points out, young people ‘don’t nd a solution in the adults’ world and they
look for a way to a ritual experience that will give them a basis for group
belonging’.
The incapability of the adults themselves to cope with the traumatic event was
such that some of them had to adopt the rituals devised by the young gener-
ation, as exemplied in the following anecdote. Two women in their forties, who
we met in Rabin’s square, showed us some coloured markers, and one of them
explained, ‘We came here, me and my friend, after my daughter told me she
came here and wrote a dedication to Rabin. We felt that we should do it too,
what else is there to do?’
In contrast with the vision of peace, which provided clear political directions
for both supporters and opposition alike, the assassination created confusion
and uncertainty about Israel’s political future. The breaking of the prohibition of
murder in Judaism, in view of the murder of one Jew by another Jew, seemed
to erase the moral ground on which Israeli Jewish ultimate norms are built. This
confusion was expressed not only in the political area, but also in the workplace
and in family life, as shown by the girl’s words cited earlier. Another liminal
property is apparent: that of the ‘time out’, in which one is allowed freedom
from everyday life, to change regular habits and to play with fantasies made of
elements of the socio-cultural experience and the everyday experience—de-
tached from their context and connected in new, even unreasonable, ways. The
grafti themselves can be seen as a liminal type of writing, between spontaneous
expressions and pre-planned ones.
It seems that the time following the assassination includes two other intercon-
nected properties of rites of passage. On the one hand, it is a liminal period
characterized by a feeling of anomie, in which deconstruction of the cognitive
perception of social–cultural order takes place. On the other hand, simul-
taneously, there is an attempt at reconstruction, of the kind called ‘aggregation’
or ‘reaggregation’ in rites of passage, expressed in, and promoted by, the content
of the grafti presented later in this article. In other words, one can discern
between two hidden aspects of the grafti activity—the rst relates to grafti as
a functional tool, instrumental to an expression of feelings, familiar to youth and
teenage cultures coping with forms of crisis (general, social or other). The other,
essentially related to content, implies the cognitive processing of a social
situation and of the political image of the leader, an image which might cause
perplexity and confusion in those young individuals who are only partially
familiar with the nuances in Rabin’s biography—in fact, the majority. The
content of the grafti shows in the second instance the longing for coherence and
the linguistic expressions of this yearning. This search for coherence is similar to
the one for the aggregation stage in rites of passage, in which the individual
returns to a more coherent social framework.
attempt to unite contrasts and polarities,. Analysis of the messages clearly traces
the bases for the idealization of the image of a leader, bridging between
opposing properties over two time axes: historic time and liminal time.
On the historic axis, Rabin began his social life, in the biographical sense, in
the army, until he reached military leadership serving as chief of staff during the
Six-Day War. During this period, Rabin was perceived as a strong, unrelenting,
omnipotent military leader—a real ‘hawk’. Later, as Israeli ambassador to the
USA, he was perceived as a skilled politician and during his rst term as Prime
Minister, he was considered a brave, courageous leader who executed daring
and heroic operations, including the Entebbe Operation. As Minister of Defence,
he supported a strong-armed policy against the Arabs and only in his last term
as Prime Minister did he turn into a symbol of tolerance and reconciliation after
changing his attitude in the direction of peace—thus turning from a hawk into
a dove.
On the liminal axis, Rabin’s image is not perceived in a linear developmental
fashion, but as a set of diverse properties of personality and character expressed
at the same point in time: he could be, on the one hand, a cool, introvert
politician, protecting his privacy, and could appear, on the other hand, as having
supposedly opposing properties, such as humane warmth, openness, and love
for family life. The awareness about the existence of some of these properties is
the outcome of the revelation of a ‘new’ set of Rabin’s attributes, which had not
been familiar to the media and the Israeli public before his death. For example,
familial properties and human warmth were ascribed to Rabin mainly after his
granddaughter’s eulogy at his funeral.
The gap between the characteristics of Rabin’s image on the two axes de-
scribed here is bridged within the grafti. The realm of the grafti reunites, by
written expression, Rabin’s contradictions, or those aspects of his existence
perceived as being contradictory. The written word and its power to construe
reality allow for the devising of the image of the ‘leader of peace’ as both a
family man and a military leader. The liminal time mobilizes the grafti toward
construction of a positive gure, unlike the cold, strife-stricken image (familiar
from the historical time) that does not suit the perception of Rabin as a victim
of peace.
The bridging of the time axes is expressed within the following examples.
Grafti Bridging the Contradictions on the Life History Axis between the Image of the
Military Leader and the Peace Lover toward the End of His Life
In memory of the peace leader. We will always be with you in re and
water—I salute you, General.
This address shows the use of Israeli military terminology that rhymes in the
Hebrew language. This grafti saying is borrowed from the military realm. The
prestige ascribed to brave military units and the act of saluting a general also
derives from this world. The bridging is expressed in the combining of the two
sentences, to which the period in between provides rhythm rather than separ-
ation: the rst, presenting the peace leader (the political–civilian world); the
second, presenting the general (the military world).
You were our leader in time of war, a prophet in time of hope and the
Messiah in time of peace—and our dream was murdered.
360 D. Luzzatto & Y. Jacobson
This saying divides Rabin’s image into three different roles on the historic axis:
leader, prophet and Messiah. The meaning is derived from the biblical context
of various biblical eras, thus following the historical–logical sequence of the
Bible in order to achieve the unication of roles in one person.
Role unication and its relation to the diverse missions of mythical biblical
characters is expressed in the following grafti:
Moses wanted to lead us into the land of dreams and you, Rabin, to
peace.
In the three following examples, one can discern sayings that unite the gure of
the warrior (military) and the peace-loving image (civilian–political):
The man who won all the wars fell in the battle for peace.
From the elds of death you returned in peace and from the eld of
peace you did not return.
The man who dreamt, the man who fought, the man who wanted to
unite the nation.
The following sentence adds elements to the military and civilian ones and
renders the description more vivid with the attribution of feelings of physical
pain (the injury and the operation that followed it) and emotional pain (grief).
The man who is both a war hero and a peace hero lay in helpless pain
on the operating table. The man who was staunch on the one hand but
gentle on the other hand did not last. Yitzhak Rabin died of his
wounds. Our state is orphaned. Our father and leader passed away and
we are all in pain.
It should be noted that Rabin himself insisted on being both a military man as
well as a politician who cried for peace, according to the Israeli ethos which
combines militarism and peace, as he stressed in his speech at the American
Congress in 1994. This ethos is internalized by youngsters in a general manner,
but they applied it to Rabin’s gure to a lesser extent, as they knew him mostly
as a man of peace, the way he presented himself in his late years, which
coincided with the youngsters’ growing up.
Grafti Bridging between Contradictions on the Liminal Axis and Ascribing to Rabin
the Properties of a Warm Family Man
The following messages represent their creators’ attempts to create familial
intimacy with Rabin’s image, so it will not be perceived as remote. Furthermore,
they enhance the centrality of ‘familism’, which is one of the ultimate values of
Israeli society (Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui, 1999, p. 113).
He was a leader, a brother, a father and a husband—but most of all he
was a human being—why?!
Yitzhak the warrior leader, the father and the man of peace—I will
continue your way.
Brother, soldier, father, grandfather and friend.
Youth Grafti as a Coping Device 361
Rabin, peace will yet laugh [yitzhak]. [Yitzhak, Rabin’s rst name, in
Hebrew means ‘will laugh’ in the future tense.]
Other grafti try to cope with the conicts on the time axes and Rabin’s passing
into the eternal world, and show the attempt to diminish and blur the distance
between them, sometimes even in the radical means of a meeting after death—
for example:
Yitzhak! I know you feel well up there in the place intended for angels.
And I can’t wait to go to Heaven and meet you—Yours, Yael.
Clinton said ‘Shalom friend’ and we say ‘see you father’.
We want you back, father.
The same attempt is recognizable in the inscription quoting part of a song that
gained popularity in Israel after the assassination:
I am about to cry for you, be strong up there, I will remember you
forever my friend and we will meet in the end, you know.
Within the diminishing of the gaps in the time dimension in these grafti, one
can also discern the symbolic diminishing of gaps ascribed to the distance from
the image that lived in the past, and expectation to get closer to it after death—a
yearning to meet soon (in the future) after the writer, expressing himself in
physical–emotional terms, will end his life.
The need to avoid separation was radically expressed in the perpetuation of
his image and the will to endow it with superhuman holiness. Some addresses
include relating to Rabin as an ‘angel’, ‘immortal gure’, having supernatural
powers—for example, the writing ‘Rabin forever’ (written originally in Hebrew),
paraphrasing the well-known motto about Batman, the human–animal dual
creature, whose supernatural strength stands in that he is but a human being,
touched by tragedy, ‘doomed’ to ght evil at the expense of his own happiness,
and the phrase, ‘Rabin, kings do not die’, including Rabin in the category of
monarchic dynasties that achieve immortality in public awareness.
Writings of this kind exemplify some of the ways in which adolescents, by
constructing Rabin’s image as that of a popular ctional hero, objectify the myth,
making it more real in their eyes. In doing so, ‘popular ction’ (Bennet, 1990)
helps to dene and shape imagined pasts and projected futures.
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