ABSTRACT

History is not mere study of kings and their military exploits. There were
different classes of people as the subjects of king. These were according to their
financial and social status. There were nobles who constituted higher section of
society. Beside which there where merchants, saints and landed aristocracy who
belonged to different class.

The Indian society on the eve of Muslim invasion was a Hindu society. By the
coming of the Muslims the two societies had interaction with each other. As the result
of the Muslim invasions and their impact on society the Hindu order suffered to some
extent. The northern India was conquered and a mighty Muslim power was
established. Political changes made social changes inevitable. The intruders
succeeded in establishing a foundation, which proved strong enough for changing the
social conditions of India.

Thus, the study of the social conditions is an integral part of the study of any
history. When we study the social conditions of any particular age, we cannot ignore
women. The present work is an attempt to study the social aspects of the Sultanate
age, the age in which the activities of the royal ladies as well as common women
seems significant theme.

The 12th century was a period of transition where the ancient Indian society
was overpowered by the Muslim society. It is not possible to make an extensive study
of the social life of the Hindus particularly women. One cannot do correct appraisal of
the social system of ancient India, unless one goes through the original sources of
ancient India which are written in Sanskrit, Apabhramsa, Sauraseni, languages and
other regional dialect respectively.

Women play an important role in society as mothers, sisters, daughters and

wives. A girl child has to pass through all these stages of life. Being an important
section of society particularly family, which is primary unit of society she has to go
through many phases in her life.

1
 Indeed she is an important constituent of society as she reproduces, takes care
and is a helpful hand for her counterpart; she also sustains the family by laying down
the moral, educational foundation of the future generation. A woman deals very
effectively in society; she has to interact with various people in her day to day life and
has many domestic as well as social problems to face. In every social organization
women has been considered as important as men.

The treatment given to females in any particular society reflects the societal
conditions of that particular society. Since times immemorial it has been men that
played a role in deciding the status of women.

My first chapter of the thesis, Position of Women in Pre-Medieval Period-

Changes and Continuities, is an attempt to explore salient features of ancient Indian
society related to women. Position of women in ancient society, system of education,
treatment given to women especially female slaves, practices like sati, purdah, child
marriage are dealt in this chapter.

The law givers like Manu, Yajnavalkya, Yama, Marichi had their own laws
for women. These law givers insisted that girls must marry before they attain puberty.

Education a useful tool in the hands of women which makes her strong and
independent in many ways was how far imparted in ancient India is also discussed in
this chapter.

What were the societal conditions of ancient India regarding the women and
what was the place given to women is the focal concern of this chapter. An important
part of a woman’s life is marriage. How marriages were solemnized, what was the
marriageable age and the important institution of polygamy is discussed in this
chapter. The study of female slavery in ancient India explains how lower class women
were treated by their masters. Beside these the position of widows, the custom of
widow remarriage, institution of divorce, presence of purdah, presence of Sati system,
moral lapses such as adultery and wine drinking, the presence of sex workers and
devdasis in the society, prevalence of women administrators in late ancient India are
also dealt with.

2
 The study of the Vedic age confirms that it was a glorifying age for the
women folk. Women were highly educated they were philosophers, educationalist and
also had knowledge of Vedas. In spite of the patriarchal character of the family, the
position of women was much better in the Vedic period than in subsequent times.
Girls normally married after puberty and there were girls like Ghosha1 who remained
unmarried and grew up in the home of their parents. Woman had liberty through
which they could freely mix with young men and have love affairs. She could take
part in sacrifices with her husband though some unmarried women like Visvavara2
and Apala 3 offered the sacrifice all by themselves.

The institution of marriage seems to have been established. But we have also
some evidence of incestuous relationships. Change comes after 200 A.D. The
formality of upanayana (Sacred Initiation) was continued during the last period down
to 200 A.D. It was completely stopped during this period and the religious status of
women, even of the Brahmin class was universally recognized to as low as that of the
Shudra. The ineligibility for upanayana unfortunately reduced the status of women to
that of shudras and it had prolonged effects on their social status.

It will not be wrong to call the age of Smriti as the Dark Age for the women.
The law givers had proved this by writing such remarks for women ‘In childhood a
woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her husband and in old age on
her son; a woman is never fit for independence’.4

The above statement of Manu proves that a patriarchal system was willingly
enforced and tended to keep the status of women at a low level by curtailing their
freedom.

The rights of women in practically all law books are identified with those of
shudras, slaves and children.5 Manu writes ‘women do not care for beauty, nor is

1
D.N. Jha, Ancient India, Manohar, New Delhi, 2004, p. 48.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Manu, Manusmriti, Eng. Tr., The Laws of Manu, G. Buhler in F. Max Muller ed., The Sacred
Books of the East, in fifty volumes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Vol. XXV. p. 328.
5
P. Thomas, Indian Women through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, New York, 1964, p. 220

3
their attention fixed on age; thinking it is enough he is a man, they give themselves to
the handsome and the ugly’6

Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their
natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however
carefully they may be guarded in this world.

Knowing their disposition which the Lord of Creatures laid in them to be such,
every man should most strenuously exert himself to guard them.

When creating them, the Lord of creatures, allotted to women a love of their
bed, of their seat and of ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad
conduct.

For women no sacramental rite is performed with sacred texts, thus the law is
settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of the knowledge of the
Vedic texts, are impure as falsehood itself, that is the fixed rule.”

This was the thinking of Manu for women; later law givers were harsher in
their thinking for women. A law giver Daksha is of opinion that ‘A good wife was not
born but made.’

Contrary to this in both Manu and Yajnavalkya we find passage using men to
honor women and keep them contended and happy, because they are of the view that
where women are unhappy, neglected and sorrowful misfortunes over take the
household.

The guidelines which the law givers had formulated for treating the women
were based on a harsh and humiliating treatment towards women. According to them
women in a family were to be dealt in strict ways. The question is when a man is
advised to deal with her wife in strict ways how it is possible that the wife will remain
happy and contended?

Up to the Upanishadic age the social position of women was very high7 they
were considered in many respect equal to men. Child marriage was unknown and no

6
The Laws of Manu, op. cit., p. 330.

4
girl could be married against her wishes, they composed Vedic hymns and suffered
from no religious disabilities. After that gradually their social and religious standard
deteriorated and their education was neglected. Both Upanayana and Vedic studies
were denied to them. Their marriageable age was considerably lowered and social evil
like Sati became prominent.

The society where the practices like sati, prevailed, where girls were devoid
of education and were married before puberty, widows, even if a girl of tender age
became a widow she was not allowed to remarry, and they were ill treated, how it is
possible that women in that society would have remained happy and contended.
Manu, asserts that ‘where women are honored there the gods are pleased but where
they are not honored no sacred rite yields any reward. He further says ‘where the
female relations live in grief that family wholly perishes but where they are not
unhappy that family even prospers’. The same venerable Manu regards women by
nature, as of such depraved character that they are sure to go astray if they are not
kept under rigid control.

8
Verses 14 and 15 of chapter IX in Manusmirti depict the licentious and
grossly sensuous character of women in general in such terms as cannot be
reproduced without violating decency and modesty. The creator ‘Implanted in them
carnal passions,9 love for ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and
bad conduct’. In view of their inherent wicked character they must be carefully
guarded, especially by their husbands, to whom they are naturally disloyal. We also
find the view of Manu for wife who has committed fault. According to him she may
beaten with a rope or a spilt bamboo.

If we consider these statements of Manu we find that women were

theoretically honored but practically they were given a subservient position in male
dominant society.

7
B.N.Sharma, Social Life in Northern India(A.D.600-1000), Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1966,
p. 10.
8
Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Great Women of India, Advaita Ashrama,
Almora, 1953, p.19.
9
Ibid.

5
 The second chapter of the thesis, as the name suggests Aristocratic Women,
Sultan and Rulers is about the prominent royal ladies of the sultanate period who
ruled independently and directly (like Razia) and also those who ruled indirectly. The
sources of Sultanate period also have narrations of some prominent ladies who
indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly. This chapter throws light on
Razia, the first ‘lady monarch’ and other ladies of the sultanate period who indulged
deep in the political affairs. Most of the times these royal ladies involved themselves
in intrigues to benefit their son. Without the study of these women personalities the
study of the sultanate period remains incomplete. Focus is on the study of royal ladies,
but while exploring the facts and observation of the historians of the Sultanate age one
cannot ignore the minutest detail regarding the common women. So, an attempt has
been made to explore their place in politics and social conditions of women in a
general way.

Harem which was the residing place of the Royal ladies during the Muslim
rule in India witnessed a lot of influence in the court politics directly or indirectly,
especially during the war of succession. Among the royal ladies mother of the sultan
was titled Makhduma-i-Jahan and chief queen was titled Malika-i-Jahan.

The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah
Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention may be made of two
other royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan
Iltutmish. The daughter of Iltutmish who happened to be the real sister of sultan
Muizuddin Bahram Shah (1240-1242 AD) was first married to the son of Qazi
Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. After that she was married to
Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i-Mulk (regent) after her brother’s accession to the
throne in 1240 A.D 10.

An another widow of Sultan Iltutmish also married a senior noble, Qutlugh

Khan and with the support of her husband and his friends at the court she compelled
Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah (1242-1246) to release from prison the sons of Sultan

10
Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i-Afghanistan,
Kabul, 1963, Vol. I, p. 463; Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain,
Asia Publishing House, Printed at CAS dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh ,
1976, Vol. II, p. 345.

6
Iltutmish, Prince Naisiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and Prince Jalauddin. On the
advice of nobles, her son Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the
territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalauddin was posted as Wali (Governnor) of
Qannauj. She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich because the latter
was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years11.

Daughter of Balban is known for influencing the politics during the Ilbari rule;
Balban had married her to sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1249 AD12. Balban took
advantage of this new relation and became Naib -i- Mumaliqat. People lodged several
complaints against the working of Balban but Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmud did not
take any notice because of the influence of Balban’s daughter. Ultimately her
influence in political matters had strengthened Balban’s position and he succeeded to
the throne after the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud.

During the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji his wife had a lot of interference in court
politics and the wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji too indirectly influenced the life of
Alauddin khilji in his early life and later on also.

The Mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq was a respectable lady at the court.
She was known for her benevolent nature. Khudavandzada sister of Mohammad Bin
Tughlaq indulged in politics and supported the cause of her son Davar Baksh against
Firoz Tughlaq. She was so willing to enthrone her son that she even planned the
murder of Firoz Tughlaq.

Mubarak Shah Sayyid had a daughter Bibi Raji who was married to Mahmud
Sharqi, she is well known for her love for architecture. Jaunpur has many buildings
built by her.

Lodi period had three influential ladies, first was Bibi Matto wife of Islam
Khan Lodi, Shams Khatoon the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and an another wife
of Sultan Bahlol Lodi named Bibi Amba known for her beauty and cherished
manners. Among brave women of the Sultanate period Raziya is of great importance

11
Tabaqat, vol. I, pp. 478-479; Futuh-us-Salatin , Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Vol. II, p. 352.
12
Habib.M, Nizami K.A., A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People’s
Publishing House, New Delhi, Reprint November 2006, Vol. V, part -one, p .275.

7
for the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended
the throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled.

The third chapter, Women in Various Roles in Society during the

Sultanate Period focuses on women in different fields of work. What was the
importance of these women in the society during the Sultanate is the main concern of
this chapter.

A family is the primary unit of the society. Many families combine to make
society. What role women played in her household and how she performed her duties
in society is discussed in this chapter.

Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve

themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity
and winds with a tirade against women of loose character.13

Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing
crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in
Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They
also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their
husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle.14 The Sufis also
employed female slaves in their Khanqahs.15

The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a
separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks.16

Ibn Batuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls
who acted as spies on Amir. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of the
day to day development of the Sultanate.17

13
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi,
1974, p. 195.
14 Ashraf K.M., Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1969, p. 144.
15. Rashid. A, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K.L. Makhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p.
140.
16. Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi,
1974, p. 229.
17. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p. 105.

8
 The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without
permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female
scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services,
who informs the sultan accordingly.

The Poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for suckling a
child.18

After the thorough study of the sources of sultanate period we can conclude that
women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female slavery
took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution been a big
stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In ancient
India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days earning
was collected from them as tax.19 Not any age played a role in the removal of these
institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to women
were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude that women had a special place in society.
They worked as slaves in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There
was a class of prostitutes, female singers and dancers who earned through these means
of recreation. Some references are found were women ran shops, acted as spies and
scavengers.

The fourth chapter Sufi and Bhakti Women is a detailed description of the
Sufi ideas of that time. The views of Sufis on marriage and celibacy as both the ideas
are related to women. Fortunately, in the lives of the Sufis their mothers played an
important role in developing mystic cult, some references are also found where the
wife played an important role in developing and maintaining the spiritual tendencies
of her husband. In case of some Sufis the mother identified the mystic aptitude in
their son and played important role in transforming them into eminent Sufis of the
age. Baba Farid’s first instructor was his mother; he had deep influence of his
mother’s teaching on him. Her name was Qarasum Bibi. She in order to inculcate the
habit of offering regular prayers used to place sugar candies under his prayer carpet.
Mother of famous Chisti saint Nizamuddin Auliya was Bibi Zulaikha, he had great

18
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan , op. cit., p. 156.
19
A.L. Basham, The Wonder That was India, Surjeet Publications, Delhi, 2013, p. 184.

9
impact of the teachings of his mother. Most of the Sufi literature of the Sultanate
period has abundant references of how the mother and son were spiritually related
with each other.

The Sufi saints imparted respect to the women in their family as well as the
women in the society. They came across number of women in their Khanqahs and in
the society too. Their perception, views and attitude towards different kind of females
as a part of society is an important matter to deal with.

The chapter is divided into two parts; the first part deals with eminent Sufis of
the Sultanate period, their views and attitude towards the women folk and their views
regarding marriage and celibacy. The second part of the chapter is a collection of
biographies of the women Sufi saints of the Sultanate period.

Few women of religious attitude find place in the Sufi literature of the period
because they had love and respect towards Sufis and their disciples. These women
were religious minded and kind towards Sufis and very often worked in the khanqahs
in order to render them help.

Men and women both are important part of society and their union results in
the growth of population. The common means of union of a man and a woman is by
the means of marriage in this way marriage forms an important part of the society.
What were Sufi ideas about marriage and celibacy is also discussed with respect to the
traditions (hadith) of the Prophet.

The nature of companion or the selection of proper match for a boy or girl has
been always a problem and the same was the circumstances in the Sultanate period.
Eleventh century Sufi saint Hujwiri speaks on companionship with women and
mentions the following tradition of the Prophet. “Four qualities must be sought in a
woman i.e. beauty, nobility, wealth and religion.”20 The Prophet also stated that, a
married man perfects half of his religion.21

20
A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore city, 1938, Vol. II, p.
503.
21
Ibid., p. 641.

10
 After studying the Malfuzat literature we find that Sufis had an attitude of
deep respect towards womenfolk. Women also respected Sufis and their thoughts.
Their khanqahs were place where women worked and rendered their humble services
to the Sufis and their disciples. We have references of Khanqahs were women swept
the floor, made food for the disciples in the khanqah and washed clothes of some
Sufis. Biographies of the Sufi women inform us that there were presence of spiritually
elevated ladies in the Sultanate era which I think is of rare existence these days.

Thus we see that in the days of Sultanate Sufism was an integral part of
society which respected women and rendered their services to the mankind.

Women had been an integral part of society in every era. The concept of
society is very vast. It is made up of many families, religion, caste, customs and
practices. Every custom and practice has its own relevance and none of the customs
and practices takes place without the intervention of women. From birth to marriage
and till death the females form an integral part of all these.

In the fifth chapter, Society and Women, I have explored all such practices
and customs which were related with the women of the Sultanate period. Attainment
of education which is considered an important part of a woman’s life is discussed at
lengths. How Sultans helped women in providing them education by establishing
maktabs and madrasas is also dealt with curiosity. Marriage the best way through
which the opposite sexes are united and God has blessed women with the ability to
reproduce gives her a special place in society. Different topics related with marriage
such as the types of marriages that took place in Islamic world, how the Sultan, royal
ladies, nobles rendered their help to the poor girls of marriageable age is of great
importance. The customs related to marriage, matrimonial alliance between the
royalty and the Sufis are also dealt with.

After marriage I have also tried to find out facts regarding the practice of
divorce, which is considered something highly detestable in the eyes of God.
Sultanate period has rare references of it.

If a historian works on gender studies and does not find out the place given to
widows in society he does not do justice with his or her work. The position of the

11
widow is one of the most important topics which the historian of the woman has to
discuss and elucidate. The same is done in this chapter. The study of the position of
widow in the sultanate society make it complete. Beside these polygamy, sati, jauhar,
purdah, dresses of women, cosmetics are various topics on which work has been done.

After the study of the social conditions of the society during the Sultanate
period; I found that there was an inevitable line of demarcation between the royal
ladies and the common women. The position of royal ladies was an exception. Poor
women had to work hard for their livelihood. We see royal ladies busy in formation of
cliques and intrigues for the benefit of their sons.

Polygamy strongly existed; Sultans were polygamist due to various reasons

may be because of their sensuous nature or due to the appeasement policies for
various other states. Divorce is rare in Sultanate. Royalty spends a huge amount on
marriage ceremonies of their kith and kin. Female slavery was an integral part of the
society without the study of which the research is incomplete. Purdah is also followed
by the royal ladies and common woman only covered her head with lapel of her
dupatta or sari. Practice like Sati and Jauhar had its roots deep penetrated in the
Hindu society. Cosmetics and ornaments were also a part of society of royal ladies
and poor women were devoid of it.

The above study thus indicates that there was a strong line of demarcation
between the elite class of ladies and common women. We can also discern that
contrary to the existing notions regarding the seclusion of womenfolk our evidence
suggests that women participated in all arenas of society and polity. One does not find
even religion as a privilege of the men counterpart alone. The harem played an active
role in factional politics of the time.

12
 CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY
Prof. Tariq Ahmed DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
Aligarh Muslim University
Aligarh-202002 (U.P) INDIA

Dated: _______________

Certificate
This is to certify that the thesis entitled “Women and High
Culture during the Sultanate Period” is the original work of
Ms. Bushra Abbasi completed under my supervision. The thesis is
suitable for submission for the award of the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy in History.

(Prof. Tariq Ahmed)

Supervisor
 Dedicated
to
My Parents
who rendered every possible
help for this work
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All the Thanks to the Almighty and Merciful.

First and foremost I wish to express immense gratitude to my supervisor

Professor Tariq Ahmad for his able guidance, encouragement and moral support
without which it was difficult to successfully complete my research. It was his
moral support and masterly guidance which helped me in peacefully pursuing and
successfully completing the task.

I also wish to express my special thanks to Prof. Ali Athar, Chairman and
Coordinator, centre of Advanced study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh. I have significantly benefitted from his advice, help and able
guidance.

I feel delighted to express my gratitude to Dr. M. K. Zaman, who never

hesitated in providing any sort of help. I am thankful to him for his support and
motivation.

The constant encouragement of Dr. Sumbul Halim Khan gave me inner

strength due to which I was able to successfully complete my work. Beside moral
support her valuable suggestions, co operation and guidance worked like a blessing
for me.

Deciphering Persian script was something very difficult if I was not helped
by Dr. Abdus Salam Jeelani, the Persian instructor, Mr. Raza Abbas, Assistant
Professor in Shia Theology at Womens’ College and Mr. Azad Husain, employee in
Persian research institute, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. I am thankful for
their help rendered to me in undertaking original Persian source vital for my
research.
 I am also thankful and gratefully acknowledge all those persons who has
been a constant source of moral support and blessings for me. My grandmother, Mrs
Shafiqa Begum who passed away while this work was in progress always used to
encourage me to successfully complete the research work.

I express sincere gratitude towards my parents Mr. Mohammad Ali Asif and
Mrs Nuzhat Ara for their constant encouragement and support throughout my life.
Their fervent prayers have resulted in my happiness and progress. Their affection
and support continuously kept my spirit high throughout my research work.

I am thankful to my only sister Ema Abbasi who inspired me in all the ways
to complete my work.

My special token of reverence is due to my husband Mr. Mujeebul Haque,

whose kind persuasion and unfailing sympathy encouraged me to complete the task.
For all this I am sincerely thankful to him. I am also thankful to my four year old
son Asad for his many innocent smiles which sparked in me a strong desire to
successfully complete my research.

I humbly acknowledge the constant motivation, co-operation, encouragement

and assistance given to me by my family members. My Parent-in-Laws, Mr.
Mazharul Haque and Mrs. Sarvat Jahan gave me constant moral support to
complete my research work. My brother -in-Laws Dr. Mohammad Mohibul Haque,
Assistant Professor at Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University
and Mr Mohd Khursheed Anwar, Ehtesham Gul Khan and sister-in -laws (Ishrat
Fatima, Nazia Aman, Tasneem Kausar and Zeba Afreen) extended plenty of moral
support and care in hours of distress.

Finally, the confederation of my close friends and colleagues who were there
with me throughout include Seema Khan, Samreen Iram, Farhat Kamal, Monica
Sharma, Shamim Bano, Fazeela Shahnawaz, Rakhi, Mohammad Shahnawaz and
Tariq Ahmad Shaikh. They were forthcoming with suggestions and group discussions
to sort my academic queries.

I offer my grateful thanks to the entire staff of the Research Library,

Department of History and Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh for furnishing the requisite facilities.

It is my duty to acknowledge the gratitude to the University Grants

Commission for providing the scholarship which immensely facilitated conducting
smoothly my research work.

Bushra Abbasi
 Contents

Page No.

Introduction 1-14

Chapter – 1 15-44
POSITION OF WOMEN IN PRE-MEDIEVAL
PERIOD- CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES

Chapter – 2 45-82
ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS

Chapter – 3 83-110
WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING
THE SULTANATE PERIOD

Chapter – 4 111-142
SUFI AND BHAKTI WOMEN

Chapter – 5 143-180
SOCIETY AND WOMEN

Conclusion 181-186

Bibliography 187-207

Appendices
Introduction
 INTRODUCTION

The study of the position of women in social sphere is an interesting work and
it is helpful in investigating the actual position held by the women at any particular
age. The historians have worked on gender history and tried to assess the role of
women in various spheres in different periods. There are scholars who tend to look at
the position of women as generally deplorable and same was thought of the women of
Medieval Indian society. The common thought regarding the Muslim women is that
she shares an inferior status in society as compared to her male counterpart.1

My study entails an investigation of the elite or high culture women however

as a comparison a cursory perusal of common women was deemed necessary. The
significance of high culture is crucial as it is an essential segment of any culture.

Women have always been considered as an important and inseparable section

of the society. It has been very correctly observed “Without consideration of women
as subjects of social processes who constitute, reproduce and change social system,
social sciences remain incomplete”.2

As women are called “subjects of social process” one can determine how
civilized a culture is, to gauge how they treat its women. Colonel James Tod also
observes in a similar fashion, he opines “It is universally admitted that there is no
better criterion of the refinement of a nation than the condition of the fair sex there
in”.3 The same view is supported by S. Sen when he states that “One way to judge the
state of a nation is to study the status of women. In reality, the status of women
represents the standard of culture of any age. The social status of the women of a
country symbolizes the social spirit of the age”.4 Thus an attempt has been made to
find out the contribution of women in elevating the caliber of Sultanate society.

1
Reuben Levy, Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge University Press, Second Edition, 1957, Irfan
Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’ in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of Indian
History, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012.
2
Prof Dube in ICHR sponsored seminar on Indian History, Punjab University, Chandigarh,
February 1992.
3
James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Oxford University Press, London, Vol. II, p. 709.
4
S. Ram, ed., Women Through Ages, Commonwealth Publishers, New Delhi, 2004, p. 15.

1
 The purpose of my study is to examine the role of women in the Sultanate of
Delhi. To find out how much involved the elite class ladies were in the politics and
other matters. There was presence of women in various other fields also. The
intention is to explore various fields where women played important roles. She
contributed in the growth of the Sultanate by providing help in various fields. The
position of women was not so in the pre-Sultanate times as it was in the Sultanate age.
As a daughter, a woman lived under the ward ship of her father, as a wife under the
tutelage of her husband and as a widow under the care of her eldest son. Generally,
the idea behind the position of a woman had been a subordinate creature to men. And
she was understood as someone meant for the service of the male and also dependent
upon him in every stage of life.

The change in the political structure by the advent of the Muslims made social
changes inevitable but for most of the historians’ history meant only the study of
kings and their military exploits. Beside political history, economic and social
histories were also studied by various historians. The study of gender history also
gained importance keeping in view the idea of the complete study of social sciences.
The present work seeks to examine the role of royal ladies in the Sultanate and their
contribution in the political sphere and also towards the society.

Significant research has been undertaken keeping in mind various aspects of

the Sultanate period. Such works have focused on military history, court politics,
economy and administrative reforms. Some works have outlined history of all the
dynasties of the Sultanate of Delhi.

The major works which provide an insight on the political aspect of the
Sultanate are A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate5 by Mohammad
Habib and K. A. Nizami. Beside this comprehensive work there are two more works
which deal with the political history of the Sultanate and provide a better
understanding of the political conditions of the Sultanate. These are The foundation of

5
M. Habib, K.A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People’s
Publishing House, New Delhi, Vol. V, 2006.

2
Muslim Rule in India6 by A. B. M Habibullah and Some Aspects of Muslim
7
Administration by R. P. Tripathi. These works are quite descriptive in nature and
provide description as well as offer analysis of the development of political matters.

There are certain works which deal with the history of the particular dynasties.
Among these the work of Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early
Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290) 8 is a detailed work on the history of the slave
dynasty which initially ruled the Sultanate and paved the way for upcoming dynasties.
This work studies the political history and political institutions of the slave dynasty.
Likewise, History of the Khiljis 9(1290-1320), a work by K. S. Lal is a descriptive
work of the Khiljis. Agha Mahdi Husain’s two works are relevant for the study of
10
Tughlaq dynasty, these are namely Tughlaq Dynasty and Rise and Fall of
Mohammad Bin Tughlaq 11 and for the detailed study of the reign of Firoz Tughlaq, J.
12
M. Banerjee’s work, History of Firozshah Tughlaq and Firoz Tughlaq 13, the work
of R. C. Jauhri, fulfills the need of study.

For the study of Lodi dynasty the pioneering works of Abdul Haleem The Lodi
Sultans of Delhi and Agra14 and Awadh Bihari Pandey’s work The First Afghan
Empire in India (1451-1526) serve the purpose.

We find a good amount of work done on the social history of the Sultanate
period. These works provide little information regarding the position of women in
society in the Sultanate. Among these works Society and Culture in Medieval India
(1206-1556)15 by A. Rashid, deals with the position of women in society. K. M.
Ashraf also provides some information about women. Mohammad Habib and K. A.

6
A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Central Publishing House,
Allahabad, 1961.
7
R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959.
8
Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi
(1206-1290),Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1972.
9
K. S. Lal, History of the Khiljis, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1980.
10
Agha Mahdi Husain, Tughlaq Dynasty, S. Chand and Co. Ramnagar, New Delhi, Reprinted, 1976.
11
Agha Mahdi Husain, The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli,
Oriental series, No 9, Delhi, 1972.
12
J.M. Banerjee, History of Firozshah Tughalq, Munshiram Manoharlal Oriental Publishers, Delhi,
1967.
13
R.C. Jauhri, Firoz Tughlaq, Shivlal Agarwal Co., Agra, 1968.
14
Abdul Halim, The Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat –i-Delli, Delhi, 1974.
15
A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K.L. Makhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969.
(pages. 129-148)

3
 16
Nizami’s work Politics and Society during Early Medieval Period also provides a
deep insight into political history as well as social history of the Sultanate period. In
this book we find a beautiful description of the majlis (social gathering) at the court of
Jalaluddin Khilji where we find music and dance by the professional women,
musicians and dancers at its zenith. The historians have covered almost every aspect
of society. The edited work of Kiran Pawar provides good deal of knowledge into
various topics in form of papers related to women.

The work of Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate17 is a

comprehensive work on women of the Sultanate period. It is noteworthy to mention
here, an article of Pushpa Prasad on Female slavery, Female Slavery in 13th Century
Gujarat:Documents in Lekhapaddati18 and two articles of Shadab Bano, first is
Women performers and Prostitutes19and another is Women Slaves in Medieval
India20

It was 1970’s that the gender studies gained attention of the historians. Irfan
Habib observes that ‘gender history is not only about women; it is about them as well
as the society as a whole in which they are placed along with men’.21 Similarly,
famous archaeologist Gorden Childe observes that ‘women were the real originators
of agriculture and of many associated inventions of the ‘Neolithic Revolution’.22

Thus we see that before the initiation of gender studies, women were seen as
an isolated class of society without much attention paid to them. The study of gender
history attempts to treat women as an integral segment of society and as stated earlier
the progress of any civilization depended on the treatment met to women.

16
M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, Politics and Society during Early Medieval Period, Vol. I and II,
people’s publishing house, New Delhi, 1981.
17
Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, 1989.
18
Pushpa Prasad, ‘Female Slavery in 13th Century Gujarat:Documents in Lekhapaddati’, Indian
Historical Review, Vol. XV, No.1-2, 1988.
19
Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes’ in Studies in History, Sage Publications, 2011.
20
Shadab Bano, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 65th
session, Barielly, 2004
21
Irfan Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’ in S. Z. H. Jafri ed., Recording the Progress of
Indian History-Symposia papers of the Indian History Congress (1992-2010), Primus Books,
Delhi,2012, p. 263.
22
V. Gorden Childe, What Happened in History, Cf, Irfan Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender
history’ op. cit., p. 263.

4
 The present work deals with the royal ladies of the Sultanate. The main
purpose of my study is to examine the role of women in the Sultanate of Delhi. To
find out how much involved the elite class ladies were in the politics and different
other matters. There was presence of women in various other fields. The purpose is to
explore various roles in which women contributed towards the society. What was the
extent of her contribution in the political and social growth and development of the
Delhi Sultanate is studied in this work.

II

The Sultanate period has a rich treasure of Persian work. There are number of
primary and secondary sources which acted as a store house of information for my
thesis. These primary sources can be categorized in to chronicles, official histories
and Sufi literature. I have culled information from these Persian sources. One of these
23
sources are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Minhaj us Siraj. This work contains historical
events from the beginning of the world to 1261 A.D. i.e. the sixteenth regnal year of
Nasiruddin Mahmud. The word tabaqat literally means the chapter and this work is
divided into twenty three chapters. The author of this work was the qazi under Sultan
Iltutmish. The accession of Sultan Razia was a political turnover. During her reign
Minhaj us Siraj acted as the in charge of the Nasiriya College of Delhi. Therefore the
information provided by Minhaj for the period of Razia is very reliable. He has
written the events of her reign year wise.

Next to Minhaj is Ziauddin Barani and his work Tarikh-i-Firozshahi24 for

which he himself writes that This is a work of solid worth, which combines several
virtues. If you consider it a history you will find in it an account of kings and maliks.
If you search in this book for laws, government regulations and administrative affairs,
you will not find it without them. If you want precepts and advice for kings and rulers,
you will find them more plentiful and better presented in this book than in any other.
And because everything I have written is true and correct, this history is worthy of

23
Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Vol. I, II, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, 1963.
24
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. I, II, ed., Sheikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh Muslim
UNiversity, Aligarh, 1957.

5
credence. Also as I have put a lot of meaning in very few words, the example of mine
deserves to be followed.25

Barani was the courtier of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq for the time period of
nearly seventeen years. He initiates writing history from Balban’s reign and ends with
the six regnal year of Sultan Firozshah Tughlaq. Barani has given vivid description of
the reigns of Jalaluddin Khilji and his nephew, son-in-law and successor Alauddin
Khilji. The aged Jalaluddin Khilji had been overpowered by his chief queen Malika-i-
Jahan. He used to take her advice in political matters and once when he wished to
adopt the title of Al-mujahid fi Sabilillah he asked Malika-i-Jahan to gather the
support of the nobility. After the death of Jalaluddin Khilji, Malika-i-Jahan affected
the court politics by placing her son Qadr Khan with the title of Ruknuddin Firoz. He
also writes about the relations of the Sultan with his wife and Malika-i-Jahan, we
come to know by him that the relation was not so cordial.

Ziauddin Barani has also dealt with the social aspect of the Sultanate period.
He writes about women dancers and musicians at the court of Jalaluddin Khilji,
emphasizes that music and dance was a regular feature of the court life of the Sultans.
He writes at lengths on slavery, describes the slave market (bazaar-i-bardah) at Delhi.
The description of slave market includes the process of selling of female slaves, their
prices according to the work they performed. The prices were set according to the
nature of work; those who only performed household chores were cheaper than those
who were used as concubines. He also mentions about the brokers of the slave market.

By his work we come to know that when these slave girls went to fill the
pitchers they were often molested by the mewatis. He confirms the authenticity of his
work by writing that incorrect statements lower the prestige of the historian and
reduce the value of his worth. Further, as a punishment for uttering lies, salvation is
denied to him in the world hereafter.26

25
Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, (Bib.Ind. 1860-62), 23, Cf. Mohibul Hasan, Historians of Medieval
India, Meenakshi Prakashan, Delhi, 1968, p. 28.
26
Ibid.,p. 29

6
 Malik Izzuddin Isami was also a contemporary historian of Mohammad Bin
Tughlaq. He composed his work Futuh-us-Salatin27 in five months and nine days. He
began on 9th December 1348 A.D and completed on 14th May 1349 A.D. Isami has
criticized Razia for discarding purdah and appearing publicly unveiled. It is historian
Isami who pen downs his negative thoughts for women in his work and almost
dedicates a page on casting slur on women. According to him, it is women being
inferior in intellect are suited only to work with spindle.28 He also alleges Razia for
her so called relations with her slave Jamaluddin Yaqut.

Ibn Battuta, was an important traveller who visited India in fourteenth century.
He visited the court of Mohammad bin Tughlaq and stayed in India for several years
and wrote his travelogue under the name of Rehla. The work of Ibn Battuta is
considered as a very significant source of information. It gives the information related
to women, the information contains the description of female slaves, beautiful women
of Qarajil, female dancers and singers and social customs like sati, purdah and
description of marriage ceremonies. It is Ibn Battutas’s Rehla which gives a very
poignant description of women taken for being a sati.

A vivid description is given of the court of Makhduma-i-Jahan, the mother of

Mohammad bin Tughlaq. The work Masalik al Absar fi mamalik al Amsar29 can also
be used in deriving information for the Sultanate period especially the period of
Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq. The work was written by Shihabuddin Al umri. The
strange thing about this work is that, the author of this work never visited India and
his source of information were the people who visited India and their narration about
historical events and geographical conditions of India. The work is translated by
Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui and Qazi Mohammad Ahmad under the title A Fourteenth
30
Century Arab Account of India under Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq and also
translated into English by Ottospies, Shaikh Abdur Rashid and S. Moinul Haque.

27
Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, ed., M. Usha, University of Madras, Madras, 1948.
28
Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept.
of History, AMU, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, p. 254.
29
Shihabuddin al Umri, Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al- Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S. A. Rashid
and S. M. Haque, Aligarh, 1943.
30
I. H. Siddiqui, Q. M. Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Sultan
Mohammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqi Publishing House, Aligarh, 1971.

7
 The present research work of mine has utilized many works of Amir Khusrau
for gathering information on the social aspect of society concerning women. Amir
Khusrau, the most dynamic historian of the Sultanate age has almost covered every
aspect of society related to women. Along with Sufi bent of mind he was a historian, a
poet of eminence and an accomplished musician. The works of Amir Khusrau from
which information have been culled are Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Khazianul Futuh, Deval Rani
Khizr Khan, Matlaul Anwar, Hasht Bihisht, Nuh Siphir.

31
Amir Khusrau’s Khazainul Futuh was written when he was the court
historian of Alauddin Khilji and due to this reason we can assert that the work is an
authentic source of information as he must have based his narrative on authentic
official records. Sultan Alauddin Khilji took measures to stop prostitution and
prostitutes were lawfully married.

Nuh Siphir32, the Masnavi by Khusrau was completed in the month of Jamad I,
718 A.H., when the poet was almost 67 years of age and celebrates the glories of
Mubarak Shah Khilji’s reign. The poem is divided into nine parts of unequal lengths
each being named a ‘siphir’ peculiar to one of the nine heavenly bodies, headed by an
introductory verse and concluded by a gazal. The work has beautifully described the
birth celebrations of Prince Mohammad. The description of the jashn contains the
presence of beautiful dancing girls of India and Persia.33

The description of dancing girls is very picturesque, the Indian girls are shown
having sandaled and bejeweled foreheads, pearls filling the parting of their hair,
diamond pendants in their noses, clad in fine garments presents a charming picture of
these dancing girls.34 Beside this kind of description Khusrau also writes about sati.

35
Amir Khusrau’s work Ijaz-i-Khusravi a voluminous work of five volumes
presents a detailed account of the society and deals with almost every issue related
with women. The poet talks about music and musicians and mention one female

31
Amir Khusrau, Khazainul Futuh, ed., Mohammad Wahid Mirza, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1953.
32
Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh.
33
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 187.
34
Ibid., p. 187, footnote.6.
35
Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Vol. I, II, III, IV, V, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1876.

8
singer named as Turmati Khatoon.36 The source also gives a long list of musical
instruments like sarood, chang, dholak, rabaab, damdama, tambora etc. Beside music
and musicians Ijaz-i-Khusravi provides details of cosmetics and apparels of women.
Amir Khusrau has not left any aspect related to women. In volume four and five 37 he
mentions about public women, their activities and the incidents related to the
prostitutes. Maulana Shams Asadi visited a public woman is also informed to the
readers.38

Hasht Bihisht39 (The eight paradises) of Amir Khusrau contains 3,350

couplets. The work provides information about the attitude of Amir Khusrau towards
the fair sex. The long sermons to his daughter and to all women folk in Hasht Bihisht
are an advice of Khusrau to all women to be chaste and pure in morals and follow
purdah. The advices of Amir Khusrau to women in general by the means of his
daughter in Hasht Bihisht and Matlaul Anwar40 are almost the same. The twentieth
and last part of Matlaul Anwar is devoted to the women. Like Hasht Bihisht, it also
contains advices to his daughter , and to women in general. The poet lays great
emphasis on the loyalty of women, advices them to observe purdah, tells them the
way to domestic peace and amity.

Deval Rani Khizr Khan41 a masnavi of Amir Khusrau is also known as Ashiqa
or Ishqiya. The work is the narration of the love story of Prince Khizr Khan and a
Hindu princess Deval Rani, the daughter of King Rai Karan of the conquered
Kingdom of Gujarat by Alauddin Khilji. The work has a beautiful description of the
marriage ceremony of them. The description of beautiful Indian and Iranian dancers,
the female singers, the vivid description of the marriage ceremonies like rukhsati and
Jalwa provide interesting details of those times.

The sources of Amir Khusrau are helpful in providing information till the age
of Tughlaqs. For the Lodi period there are other numbers of sources utilized. The
important Lodi Sultans were Bahlul Lodi, Sikandar Lodi and Ibrahim Lodi. There is

36
Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Vol. II, p. 282.
37
Ibid., Vol. V, p. 130, p. 151.
38
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 206.
39
Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918.
40
Amir Khusrau, Matlaul Anwar, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1302 A.H.
41
Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916.

9
no complete contemporary history of their rule over India and one has to depend on
books written under Akbar and Jahangir.

42
The important source is Tarikh-i-Daudi composed in 1575-76 A.D. by
Abdullah and dedicated to Daud Shah of Bengal.

The next important source is Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui43by Rizquallah Mushtaqui.

It is a collection of detached narrative and anecdotes relating to the period of the Lodi
and Sur dynasties. It contains accounts of the nobles of the Lodi period, description of
their life style particularly their harem is very informative. The Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui is
the only source of the Sultanate period where we find mention of female thugs and
women involved in road side robbery.

The Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani44 by Niamat Allah bin

Khwaja Habib Allah is an important work on the general history of the Afghans in
India from the time of Bahlul Lodi to the death of Khwaja Usman (1612), when
Afghans lost all power and finally submitted to Jahangir. Tarikh-i-Shahi of Ahmad
Yadgar is mainly the history of Lodi and the Sur dynasty.

Near contemporary sources utilized are Tabaqat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin

Ahmad, Muntakab-ut-Tawarikh of Badauni, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya
Sirhindi and Tarikh-i-Ferishta of Ferishta.

Apart from official chronicles and historical works there is Sufi literature
which is a storehouse of information about the society during the period of study. In
the words of K. A. Nizami, the mystic literature has however greater historical value
than any other type of non-political literature produced in India during the medieval
period.45 Thus mystic literature provides a deep insight of the society of the period.
The Sufi literature is of two types (a) Malfuzat and (b) General works on mystic
subjects. Malfuz writing is one of the most important literary inventions of medieval

42
Abdullah, Tarikh-i-Daudi,ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh, 1954.
43
Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqi, Rampur, 2002.
44
Khwaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed., Sayyid Mohammad
Imaduddin, Dacca, 1960, Vol. 1.
45
K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 2000, p. 392.

10
India. These were the records of the conversation of the Sufi saints. Through their
records of conversation we can have an overall glimpse of the medieval society.
Following are some mystic works of the Sultanate age from which I have culled the
information for my work. Among the sources useful for the purpose is the famous
malfuzat, Fawaid-ul-Fuad 46 of Amir Hasan Sijzi which contains the conversations of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya from 707 A.H to 722 A.H. Amir Hasan Sijzi decided to
write down whatever he heard from his master, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.

47
Another important malfuz literature consulted is Khair-ul-Majalis . It is a
compilation of the sayings of Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Dehlavi by his disciple
Maulana Hamid Qalandar.

Akhbar-ul-Akhyar48 of Sheikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlavi is a

biographical work of Indian Sufis of the four main orders which flourished between
the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar becomes more important for
imparting information about women Sufis as it contains a particular chapter on female
Sufis.

Siyar-ul-Auliya is a work of biographies of the Chisti saints by Mir Khurd in

the reign of Firozshah Tughlaq. K.A. Nizami calls this work “a mine of information
for the religious and cultural life of the Sultanate period”. Siyar-ul-Arifin by Sheikh
Jamali is also a biographical work of the Chisti saints; he finished the work in the
reign of emperor Humayun.

Muslim invasions started in India from eleventh centuries onwards but the
thirteenth century witnessed the consolidation of Muslim power in India by the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The influx of the people was of mixed origin
and ruling elite comprised of Muslims who were Turks, Afghans, and Central Asians.

The Turks had a very liberal attitude towards women and they enjoyed a
privileged position. The Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi Sultanate
shared their origin, were for several years in the 12th century, successively ruled in full

46
Amir Hasn Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy,
Delhi, 1992.
47
Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1959.
48
Sheikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i-Mohammadi, Dehli, 1283, A.H.

11
sovereignty by the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his daughter Koyunk Khatoon.
In this way they participated in an active manner in the politics of their country.

Keeping in mind the societal and political conditions of women in these

countries and presence of these races in Indian ruling elite my research work is an
enquiry of the position of the women in the Delhi Sultanate. With this aim the
research work is divided into certain chapters which basically revolve around women
from the thirteenth century to the year 1526 A.D.

III

The first chapter of the thesis Position of Women in Pre Medieval Period-
Changes and Continuities is an attempt to examine the place accorded to women in
the pre-Sultanate India, the practices related to women which prevailed in the pre-
Sultanate era and to find out what were the changes in the condition of women when
the power shifted from the scattered non Muslim states to the centralized Sultanate.

The women have always played an integral part in the political matters
whether it is the ancient Indian society or the establishment of Muslim rule. The
second chapter of my thesis Aristocratic Women, Sultan and Rulers is a research
work of the aristocratic ladies who were involved in politics directly or indirectly.
Razia, the first lady had the opportunity to participate directly in the political matters.
She was the Sultan with her name on the coins and ruled for complete four years. For
the convenience of the study this chapter is divided into two parts. The first part of the
chapter is related to the first empress in the Sultanate period, Razia. The chapter
discusses the conditions when Razia ascended the throne the difficulties she faced
before and after her accession. Her military campaigns and ultimately how her reign
came to an end.

There were ladies in the harem like mother of the Sultan, chief queen and
sometime sisters of the Sultan who exercised considerable influence on the Sultan.
For example the wife of Jalaluddin Khilji and sister of Mohammad bin Tughlaq. Most
of the times, these ladies are found intriguing for the accession of their son to the
throne. The second part of this chapter is a chronological research work of these royal
ladies who indirectly affected the court politics.

12
 The third chapter Women in various roles in society during the Sultanate
period is an attempt to explore what were the roles assigned to women during those
days. The existence of music and dance as source of entertainment was not possible
without the involvement of women musicians and dancers. Ziauddin Barani and Amir
Khusrau have reflected in their work many aspects of music and dance. Among the
practices related with women, prostitution and female slavery are discussed at lengths
in this chapter. Concubines and eunuchs are also dealt in short in this chapter. By the
inquisitive study of sources I have found that women also acted as spies, scavengers,
wet nurse, female daroghas, female clerks and were also shopkeepers.

The fourth chapter Sufi and Bhakti Women proposes the study of the saintly
ladies of the Sultanate age. Among these ladies there were eminent Sufi women like
mother of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya named Bibi Zulaikha, mother of Baba Farid
named Bibi Qarasum Masuma, daughters of Baba Farid and other ladies who had Sufi
bent of mind. The chapter also deals with the views of Sufis regarding marriage and
celibacy and their attitude towards women folk.

The acting force behind Bhaktism was Sufism and hence both these aspects
were related with each other. The Bhakti saints had a liberal attitude towards women
and respected them. Few of the women who were immersed in Bhakti and devotion of
their Lord are mentioned in this chapter.

The fifth and last chapter of my thesis is Society and Women is a detailed
study of the various customs and practices related with the women of the Sultanate
age. Education imparted to the ladies, the marriage and customs related with it,
polygamy, divorce, position of widow in the society, purdah, Sati, Jauhar, are some
topics which are worked out in this chapter. The chapter also throws light on the
apparels of women, cosmetics and the jewellery of that age.

The present study is an earnest endeavor to offer a comprehensive

investigation related with the women. The royalty or lower strata women both have
been studied so as to render completeness to our theme.

13
 Chapter 1

Position of Women in
Pre-Medieval Period-Changes
and Continuities
 Chapter – 1
POSITION OF WOMEN IN PRE-MEDIEVAL PERIOD-
CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES

Indian society is cohesion of Hindu and Muslim culture. India at the eve of
Muslim invasion was basically a Hindu society. As a result of Muslim invasion the
two cultures had interactions with each other. Political changes made social changes
inevitable. When we talk about society the study of the various aspects related to the
women becomes necessary. We get a better understanding of the position of women
in society when we study various practices, traditions, customs and rituals related to
women. The well being and prosperity of a society depends upon the status accorded
to women in that particular society.

A comparative study of these customs and practices of ancient India and

medieval India is necessary to find out what exactly was the place accorded to the
woman, in both the eras. Some historians assert that only in the ancient period women
enjoyed a privileged position and as Muslims invaded India the position of women
deteriorated.1 Altekar opines that the education of women suffered with the coming of
Muslims2. In this way the deterioration in the status of women is attributed to the
coming of Muslims in India.

But when we study the societal conditions of ancient India we find that the
women enjoyed a privileged position in the Vedic period and with the passages of
time their position deteriorated 3 in all aspects. By the coming of the Muslims in the
beginning of the eleventh century the position of women had been already reduced to
the status of the shudras.

The treatment given to females in any particular society reflects the societal
conditions of that particular society. Since Indian society has been patriarchal in
nature. Law givers like Manu, Yajnavalkya, Yama, Marichi prescribed laws for

1
Rekha Pande, Religious Movements in Medieval India, Gyan publishing House, New Delhi, 2005,
p. 248.
2
A.S. Altekar, ‘ Position of women in Hindu Civilization’, in Kumkum Roy, ed., Women in early
Indian Societies, Manohar, New Delhi, 1999, p. 63.
3
Rashmi Upadhaya, ‘The Role of Women in Rajput Policy’ in B. L.Bhadani, ed., Medieval India 3
Researches in the History of India, CAS, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, 2012, p. 9.

15
women. These law givers insisted that girls must marry before they attain puberty.
Law-giver Manu says something very strange regarding the women he is of the view
that ‘in childhood woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her
husband, and in old age on her son, woman is never fit for independence.’4

Education a useful tool in the hands of women which makes her strong and
independent in many ways was how far imparted in ancient India is discussed in this
chapter.

This chapter proposes to investigate what were the societal conditions of ancient
India regarding the women and what was the place given to women is the matter of
concern of this chapter. The most important part of a woman’s life is marriage and
marriages did take place in ancient Indian society too. How marriages were
solemnized, what was the marriageable age and the most important the institution of
polygamy is discussed in this chapter. The study of female slavery in ancient India
explains how lower class women were treated by their masters. Beside these the
position of widows, the presence of widow remarriage, institution of divorce,
presence of purdah, presence of Sati system, moral lapses such as adultery and wine
drinking, the presence of sex workers and devdasis in the society, presence of women
administrators in late ancient period are various other topics which are dealt with in
this chapter.

For better understanding of the position of women, the laws of Manu in

Manusmriti have been studied. This provides a better picture of the place accorded to
women in later Vedic period. Secondly, the accounts of Abu Zaid, an early Arab
geographer and extracts of Chachnama in History of India by its own historians,
Elliot and Dowson, volume one have been studied. Alberuni’s India is a good source
of gaining a better understanding of women in late ancient India, at the time of
Muslim invasion. Along with these primary sources, information is collected from
various secondary sources on ancient India.

4
P.Thomas, Indian Women Through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, New York, 1964, p. 220.

16
Education

The position of women was much better in the Rig-Vedic period than in
subsequent times5. The girls could attend lectures by the gurus and learned the Vedas
as the early age of marriage was not customary. Women could at all time take up a
life of religion though they were not a substitute of male priests. A few Vedic hymns
were ascribed to women seers.6

Some of the hymns in Rik Samhita are actually attributed to women; twenty
such hymn composing ladies are named in the Sarvanukramanika.7

Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar are of the opinion that
there is no valid reason to doubt that some of the Rig-Vedic hymns were actuality
composed by women Lopamudra, Apala, Vishwavara, Sikata Nivavari and Ghosha
are some of the famous women names have been preserved in the literature.8

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad tells of a learned lady and philosopher Gargi

Vacaknavi who attended the lectures of the sage Yajnavalkya.9 She was one of the
most celebrated examples of women’s learning.10 Gargi and Yajnavalkaya were two
philosophers of the Vedic age who were on continuous debate on some topic. The
lady Gargi, for a time so nonplussed him with her searching questions that the sage
could only jestingly reply, “Gargi, you must not ask too much, or your head will drop
off”11 At this stage the sage arbitrarily threatens Gargi with dire consequences if she
persists in questioning him.12 This shows the discomfort of the sage towards her.

The grounds for such higher education were prepared in childhood. The girls
like boys underwent the Upanayana ceremony (sacred initiation) at an early age,
perhaps the age of eight and began the Vedic studies.
5
D. N. Jha , Ancient India, Manohar, New Delhi, 2004, p. 48; Miss Nileshvari. Y. Desai, Ancient
Indian Society, Religion and Mythology as depicted in the Markandaya Purana, The M. S
University of Baroda, Baroda, 1968, p. 42.
6
A. L. Basham, The Wonder That was India, Surjeet publications, Delhi, 2013, p. 178.
7
Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, ed., Great Women of India, Advaita
Ashrama, Mayawati, Almora, 1953, p. 5.
8
Ibid.; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 43.
9
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 178.
10
Uma Chakravarti, ‘Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm:Towards a New Understanding of Gender
Relations in Early Indian History’, in Kumkum Roy ed., Women in Early Indian Society, Manohar,
New Delhi, 1999, p. 76.
11
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 178.
12
‘Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm: Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early
Indian History’, op. cit., p. 76.

17
 An interesting observation made in the Atharva Samhita(11.5.18) that by Vedic
studentship a girl wins a young husband. This shows that high education was regarded
as a necessary accomplishment.13 One can discern by this statement of Atharva
Samhita that girls would have been self-interested in attaining education. When the
practice of early marriage ceremony came into vogue the upanayana ceremony was
reduced to a mere formality and then (upanayana) was dropped altogether putting an
end to her education.14 The discredit for reduction in the age of marriage goes to the
law givers like Manu.

In later Vedic age we hear two classes of women students, Brahmavadinis and
Sadyodvahas. Brahmavadinis were who did not marry and pursued their studies
throughout life.15 They were students of theology and philosophy.16 Sadyadvahas
were those who continued their studies till their marriage. Some of the teachers were
Gargi, Vadava, Pratitheyi, Sulabha, Maitreji.17

Thus we can conclude that the higher education including Vedic studies was
open equally to men and women, and many ladies excelled themselves not only as
Vedic scholars but also as great philosophers, debaters and teachers. It may be
asserted that the general position and status of Indian women in the Vedic Age was
much higher in matters of education

By the time of the smritis, around the beginning of the Christian era, Vedic
knowledge was almost closed to women.18 And early marriages were encouraged and
became obligatory. This directly affected girl education and there was very little
opportunity for women to have higher education. The lack of Vedic knowledge made
them unfit to perform sacrifices and various sanskara. The Vedic studies became very
extensive and lengthy commentaries written on the texts needed many years to
specialize in the subject. As the learning of the Vedas will require about at least nine
years and if a woman begins to learn them at the age of eight by the time she finished
her education, she will be mature and will possess the knowledge which is useless in

13
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 5.
14
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p.43
15
Great Women of India, p. 5.
16
Ancient Indian Society, p. 43.
17
Great Women of India, p. 5.
18
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., pp. 178-179; Ancient Indian Society, pp. 42-43.

18
her future existence as a mother and wife.19 The highest duty which has been
prescribed for her is to serve her husband by which she can attain heavenly bliss.20

The upanayana or initiation into Vedic studies having been stopped, women
lost the status of dwija or twice born and came to be regarded as shudras i.e. creatures
unfit for reciting or even listening to Vedic hymns.21

The formality of upanayana was continued during the last period down to 200
A.D. It was completely stopped from 600 A.D.22

Altekar considers the further lowering of marriageable age proved a setback to

promotion of female education in 8th -9th century, but adds that some primary
education would have been imparted to the girls.23

Still women were still competent enough to become poets like men without
any gender biasness. Rajshekhara (8th century A.D) writes that he had heard and seen
the daughters of kings, nobles and courtesans. Wives of jesters were well versed in
sciences and were accomplished poetess.24.

B.N. Sharma states that education among women flourished during the first
millennium of the Christian era. There were few famous lady scholars and poetesses
during the period. Some of the notable poetesses were Reva, Roha, Madhavi,
Anulakshmi, Rahai etc.25

Vijayanka’s fame was second only to that of Kalidasa. She seems to have
attained a really high position among Sanskrit writer.26 Surprisingly enough some
women were attracted towards medical studies and were also physicians. They had
specialization in medical studies. A treatise on this subject was written by a lady

19
Anjali Chatterjee, ‘Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras’, in Chandrakala Padia, ed., Women
in Dharmasastras, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2009, p.154.
20
Ibid., p.155.
21
Great Women of India, op. cit., p.16.
22
Ibid., p. 40.
23
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present
Day, Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1956, p.17.
24
B. N. Sharma, Social Life in Northern India( A.D.600-1000), Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1966, p. 31.
25
The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from PrehistoricTimes to the Present Day, op. cit., p.
17.
26
Ibid.

19
physician. Her name appears as Rusa in the Arabic garb, it was translated in the eight
century A.D. into Arabic at the orders of Khalifa.27 But the number of doctor was
small and the profession was usually picked up by the widows in some doctors’
families.28

In the 9th Century A.D. higher education of women was confined to those who
belonged to aristocratic and affluent families. Dancing girls were also inclined
towards education.29 Shri Somadeva Suri, who lived in the Rashtrakuta, court also,
declared that discrimination between men and women was justified only in physical
respect but in intellectual sphere women were superior to men.30

More than two thousand and five hundred years intervened between the Rig-
Vedic Age and the close of the ancient period at about A.D. 1200. Many changes
happened in Hindu society during this period. It is inevitable that the status and
position of women too would have undergone many changes.

In the matter of education there was existence of number of women scholars in

different phases of ancient Indian history. Unfortunately, early marriages restricted
the education of girls but there was no restriction or discrimination if a girl was
talented and eager to pursue higher learning.

Altekar is of view that during the Muslim rule the percentage of literacy among
Hindu women declined with great rapidity.31 It can only be asserted for the girls in
aristocratic and affluent families which experienced a setback due to invasion but the
position of education in the common strata of society was very poor and as the
marriageable age was lowered it deprived girls from primary education.

B.N. Sharma opines that in spite of their confinement within four walls of the
house, women were not without education. The entire literary evidences prove that in

27
The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit.,
p. 19; Great Women of India, op.cit, p. 42.
28
Great Women of India, p. 42.
29
Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p. 19.
30
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 31; B.P. Mazumdar, Socio-Economic History of
Northern India, Firma, K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1960, p. 140.
31
Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p. 23.

20
urban areas they were trained in fine arts. Singing, dancing and playing on musical
instrument were suitable subject for a girl born in an aristocratic family.32

Female Slavery

This fact cannot be ignored that slaves, male as well as females were an
important section of society.33 They were the helping hands of the person who
possessed them. The slaves were very important for their owners as all the menial
work of the household was done by them. The treatment for this integral section of
society was very harsh. They were sometimes treated equivalent to shudras and were
provided with difficult living conditions.

Their position can be judged by the fact that they were declared by law to have
no wealth exclusively of their own; the wealth they may earn is regularly acquired for
the man whom they belong.34.

How the institution of slavery came into being has been a matter of concern of
many historians. Basham writes that the Mahabharata declares that it is a law of war
that the vanquished should be the victor’s slave and the captive would normally serve
his captor until ransomed.35. There were several other types of slaves, children born of
slaves normally become the slaves of their parents’ master, and slaves were usually
bought, given away or mortgaged. A text speaks of ten thousand women slaves
captured form various countries and given by Anga to his Brahmana priest; but there
is no mention of male slaves.36 There were certain unusual circumstances like famines
in which a helpless person was compelled to sell him or herself. A person might he
reduced to slavery for crime or debt, All these types of slavery are recognized in the
smriti literature and elsewhere.37

32
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit, p. 29.
33
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p.189.
34
Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p. 222.
35
The wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 152.
36
Ancient India, op. cit., p. 55.
37
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 153.

21
 To steal women was also found in early ancient India and is also a custom
reprehended by Aryan law.38 The purpose of capture of women was to admit them
into slavery. The duty was of the king to prevent the women from being stolen.

Katyayana (3rd century Sanskrit grammarian and Vedic priest) is of the view
that an independent woman on being married to a slave also become a slave and had
to serve her husband’s master. This has been approved by Devannabhatta.39 Female
slaves are mentioned in Khathasaritsagara (11th century work)

These slave girls were married to hired-servants and Brahmans. Thus, they
were used for domestic work as well as fulfilled the sensual desires of males.
Sometimes a wife of king might be made a slave if staked at play.40

We are told by Jimutavahana (12th century Sanskrit scholar) that if a female

slave is inherited by a number of persons, she should serve all the share holders by
turns. It shows that one female slave was property of many people and she had to
serve them turn by turn.41 We can easily judge the miserable condition of female slave
in late ancient India.

The duties of the slave especially female slave included cutting of vegetable,
pulverizing (spices), washing the floor, sweeping, bringing fuel, water etc. Menial
works like cleaning of gutters were also a part of the duties assigned to a female slave
and any negligence of these duties or not following the orders of master were severely
dealt. The punishment, which was to be given for mutation of duty, was also
proclaimed in public before the agreement of slavery was entered into.42

It is advised that the slaves would not be ill treated. The law books have laid
certain codes for kind treatment given to slaves ‘A man may go short himself or stint
his wife and children, but never his slave, who does his dirty work for him’.43 But
whether practically these codes were enforced or not is a matter of doubt.

38
E.W. Hopkins, The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Caste in Ancient India, As
Represented by The Sanskrit Epic, Bharat Bharti, Varanasi, 1972, p. 281.
39
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p. 186.
40
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 292.
41
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p. 186.
42
Ibid., p. 187.
43
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 152.

22
 Some law books have limited the right of a master to give corporal punishment
to his slave. ‘A wife, a son, a slave, a servant or a younger brother may, when they do
wrong, be beaten with a rope or a cane but only on the back and not on the head. If a
man beats them otherwise he should be punished as a thief. 44

Sources also mentioned about slave trade. It was a common practice though
condemned. Those who buy or sell slave women were regarded as sinful.45

The Arthasastra, is more concerned about the chastity of slave girls. It insists
that the chastity of slave girl must be preserved by her master. The master who
assaults a slave girl must set her free and pay her compenSation, and if she has a child
by her master, even with her own consent, both mother and child become free. Thus
slavery existed in ancient Indian society but the treatment given to slaves was not
rigid but considerate.

Alberuni describes the inhumane treatment given to slaves when they escape
from the Muslim countries and reach their own countries and want to embrace their
religion again. The following was the description he has given.

‘The Hindus order that they should fast by way of expiation, and then they bury
them in the dung, stale and milk of cows for a certain number of days till they get into
a state of fermentation. Then they drag them out of dirt and given them similar dirt to
eat.’46

Alberuni informs us that the Brahmins when enquired about this way of the
expiation denied it and are of the view that no expiation is possible for such an
individual. If we notice the statement of Alberuni we see that the female as well as
male slaves were not in a good state in late ancient India at the eve of Muslim
invasion. They were forced to live life of a destitute.

The institution of slavery continued form ancient India to medieval India and
was a well known feature of both the ages. At the same time it was also found in other

44
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 152.
45
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 292.
46
Abu Al Raihan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni, Alberuni’s India, Eng. Tr., Dr. Edward C.
Sachau, Oriental Reprint, 1983, Vol. II, pp. 162-163.

23
parts of the world. Initially, the rulers who ruled India were slaves and hence the
dynasty was also named as slave dynasty. The description of both male and female
slaves is found in the sources of Sultanate period the treatment given to slaves was not
such harsh as sometimes we notice in ancient India.

Marriage

In ancient days the marriage was the source for uniting two souls into one, but
according the Dharmasastras there was no union but only it was means of merging of
the woman into man, as a river merging into ocean.47 Romila Thapar is of the view
that rules of the marriage were rigidly enforced and marriage was primarily a social
institution.48

Marriage had three main purposes: the promotion of religion by the

performance of household sacrifices, progeny, whereby the father and his ancestors
were assured of a happy after life and the line was continued and rati, or sexual
pleasure.49 In marriage while a man’s eligibility was judged by his intellectual and
spiritual accomplishments, the girl’s desirability was solely dependent upon her
physical attractions.50 Marriage was made compulsory for a woman without which
she could not hope to go to heaven. Thus the law givers of the time made marriage a
religious obligation for the salvation 51 of girls.

The reason to believe that marriage was a religious obligation is that the
samhita of the Rig-veda has fortunately preserved one particular hymn (10.85) which
proves that not only the institution of marriage but also the ideals which characterized
it in India in later days were already deeply rooted in the mind of men.52 It is (Rig
Veda) perhaps the oldest written document in the world which gives an ideal picture
of the marriage system with all that it involves in a civilized society.53

47
Indian Women Through the Ages , op. cit., p. 220.
48
Romilla Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1978, p. 72.
49
The Wonder That was India, op. cit, p. 165.
50
Indian Women Through the Ages, p. 221.
51
Ibid., p. 226.
52
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 2.
53
Ibid.

24
 This remarkable hymn is regarded as the earliest expression of human thought
concerning marriage viewed as a sacrament and a willing union of two loving hearts
and also confirms the fact that the institution of marriage was fully developed long
before the end of the age represented by the samhita of the Rig Veda.54 The hymn
holds out before us the pleasant picture of a happy home where husband and wife,
faithful to each other, pass their lives in peace and prosperity, and spend the well
earned rest in old age amid sons and grandsons.55

This hymn of Rik Samhita expresses the high ideals of married life i.e. lifelong
faith, devotion and love between the husband and wife. Institution of marriage is
justified by every religion but when the age of marriage for a girl was reduced it had
its own drawbacks and proved harmful for the girls.

In the Vedic age girls were married after maturity.56 But unfortunately, Manu
and other law givers recommended early marriage for girls.57

From the time of the Dharmasutras we find opinions slowly growing in favor
of an early marriage of girls. Some of them recommend marriage not later than three
years after the attainment of puberty, whereas others shorten the period to three
months.58 The main idea behind this move was to preserve the physical purity, since it
was that one should marry a girl who should not have even dreamt of sexual love.59

But the real intension behind this idea is different. The lowering of the
marriageable of age or marrying girls in childhood effected her education. Girls
married at an early age could hardly achieve proper education beyond the elementary
stage.60 Thus depriving them of higher learning particularly vedic studies. They
lacked knowledge of Vedas which made them unfit to perform the sacrifices and
various samkaras (Sacramnets).61 The women thus lost the status of dwija or twice

54
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 4.
55
Ibid.
56
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 166; Ancient India, op. cit., p. 48; Great Women of India,
p.13; The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 286.
57
Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm: Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early
Indian History’, op. cit., p. 75
58
Great Women of India, op. cit p. 15
59
Ibid.
60
Ibid.
61
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 295.

25
born, and came to be regarded as shudras. Thus the law givers gave women a status of
inferiority. Lowering the age of marriage by the law givers took away the freedom of
girls to choose their husband. As an unmarried girl a woman had to depend on her
father, and being married on her husband and as a widow on her son.62

The childhood marriage had its own drawback. The marriage had been the
turning point in the life of girls. Early marriage devoid them of any education only of
name, regarded as ineligible for any holy sacraments and religious sacrifices, and too
young to exercise any influence on the choice of her husband and the position of wife
steadily deteriorated. Instead of possessing co-ordinate authority and equal
partnership with the husband in dealing with household affairs her status confined to
that of an obedient and humble servant to her lord.63

A very heart moving drawback of the child marriage was marital faithlessness
on the part of the husband.64 Early marriages were naturally followed by early
maternity, which increased the mortality among women between the ages of fourteen
and twenty two.65 The enormous disparity between the ages of the two parties
naturally helped the spread of the practice of having concubines in society.66 To some
extent a polygamous society was also a result of early marriages of girls.

Polygamy

There are clear references in Indian literature to a state of promiscuity in ancient

Indian society. A passage in the Mahabharata describes in detail how such a state of
things existed in Indian society, till it was prohibited by a sage named Shwetaketu,
who was shocked to find his own mother going out with a stranger in the presence and
with the full approval of this own father. 67 Markandaya Purana gives many examples
to prove that polygamy existed. Daksha and Prasuti had twenty four daughters and
Dharma married thirteen out of them.68

62
Ancient India, op. cit., p. 131.
63
Great Women of India, p. 18.
64
‘Position of Women in Hindu Civilization,’ op. cit., p. 64.
65
Ibid.
66
Ibid.
67
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 3.
68
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 28.

26
 Kings were polygamists some were king Kavitra who had three wives, King
Aviksit and Marutta also had many wives. Savarocisa, Manu’s father is also said to
have four wives.69 The popularity of polygamy was well established in ancient India
and cannot be denied70 Kings and chiefs were almost invariable polygamous, as were
many Brahmins and wealthier members of the lower orders.71 But the ordinary
people of India were generally monogamous.72

The presence of co-wives was a discordant factor in the married life of a

woman. Oppression or torment caused by rival wives is referred to in Rik Samhita. By
this we can assert that polygamy prevailed in the age of the Rik Samhita.73 One more
reason for the institution of polygamy was the absence of a son to a woman. Son was
believed to be necessary for spiritual salvation and so absence of a son from a wife
justified the second marriage.74 One Dharmsutra (Apastamba, ii, 5, 11 f) definitely
forbids a man to take a second wife if the first one is of good character and has bore
him son.75

Alberuni has discussed polygamy and states that a man may marry one to four
wives. He is not allowed to take more than four wives but if one of his legitimate
wives dies, he may take another one to complete the legitimate number. However, he
must not go beyond it.76 He also informs that some Hindu think that the number of
wives depends upon the caste; that accordingly a Brahmin may take four, a Kshatriya
three, a vaisya two wives and a shudra one. Man of a caste may marry women of his
own caste.77 Number of wives also depended on the means of a person.78

It is very surprising when we come to know that law giver like Patanjali
considered maid servants and shudra women as mere objects of pleasure for the men
of upper caste.79

69
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 28.
70
R.C. Majumdar, Advanced History of India, Macmillan, Madras, 1981, p. 190
71
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 173.
72
Ibid.
73
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 7.
74
‘Position of Women in Hindu Civilization’, op. cit., p. 68; The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.
173; Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 17.
75
The Wonder That was India, p. 17.
76
Alberuni’s, India, Eng.Tr., Sachau, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 155.
77
Ibid.
78
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 62.
79
Ancient India, op. cit., p. 130.

27
 During Vedic period the girls were married after attaining maturity and
marriage was not an obligation but as time passed the law givers stated their own
rules. Lowered the age of marriage for a girl and rules of marriage were rigidly
enforced. The women were not given any propriety right; the intention was to keep
the status of woman at a low level and to develop a patriarchal system in which male
dominance prevailed.80

In ancient India if a daughter was born the worriers of the parents came into
being as if their problems were born. Daughters were unwanted creature in the family.
The Rig- Veda does not say anything direct on this point, but the prayers for ten sons
in the marriage hymn, without any reference to any daughter, seem to indicate that the
girl was less welcomed than the sons.81 The presence of this hymn asserts that sons
were preferred than daughters. The people pray for son which is proved by the two
Rig-Veda hymns in which the prayer for sons is performed82

Widow Remarriage

In early ancient India or Vedic society a widow could generally remarry.83

Evidences show84 that the remarriage of widow was fairly common in earlier times. It
is proved by the story of Nala and Damayanti in which the lady decides to hold a
second swamyvara after she was separated by her husband for many years and
assumes that her husband is dead.

Nileshvari. Y. Desai is of the view that widow remarriage gradually came into
disrepute during the period 300 B.C to 200 A.D 85 and from about 600 A.D the widow
remarriage was considered something wrong and people grew prejudiced regarding
the remarriage of the widow. A.S Altekar goes one hundred years back and asserts
that from 500 A.D the widow remarriages were completely prohibited.86 Both the
historians (Miss Nileshvari.Y.Desai and A.S. Altekar) consider smriti writers
responsible for this prohibition of widow remarriage. Manu writes that ‘no where a

80
Ancient Indian Social History, op. cit., p. 32.
81
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 6.
82
Ibid.
83
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45.
84
Ibid.
85
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45.
86
‘Position of Women in Hindu Civilization’, op. cit., p. 63.

28
second husband is permitted to a respectable woman’.87 In this way the practice of
widow remarriage gradually disappeared among the higher classes. The ksatriya
88
father did not ever think of marrying his daughter whenever the son-in-law died in
the battle field.

Behind not marrying a widow there had absolutely absurd reasons. According
to the Markandaya Purana a man who marries his daughter twice is verily born as a
worm (15.13) and who marries a widow is considered to be a sinner. Moreover, the
good deeds done by the son and daughter of a remarried widow are stated to bear no
fruits for themselves and also the son of the remarried widow is not allowed to attend
the Sraddha89 ceremony of his mother, when she dies. All these ideas clearly state that
the widow remarriage is disapproved in Markandeya Purana.90 Thus, we see that
widows were not remarried and they lived a lonely and destitute life. By reading the
description of Alberuni regarding the widows we see that widows preferred to be
burnt because as a widow they were extremely ill treated as long as they lived.91 The
queens when widowed were usually burnt whether they wished or not the reason
provided was that they would commit something unworthy which would defame the
deeds of their illustrious husbands.92

The life of a widow lady was extremely miserable and painful. The widows
who survived turned into nuns, remained enclosed into their houses, wore white
clothes discarded ornaments and embellishments, performed fasts and austerities.

During Kautilya’s time widows had to earn their living by spinning,93 weaving
and taking to domestic duties.94

She had to live a life of an ascetic, sleeping on the ground and eating one
simple meal a day without honey, meat, wine or salt. She had to regulate her days by
austerity in hope of being remarried to her husband in the next life.95

87
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186.
88
‘Position of Women in Hindu Civilization’, p. 63; Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 18.
89
A ceremony performed for the peace of the departed soul.
90
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45.
91
Alberuni’s India., op. cit., p.155.
92
Ibid.
93
Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p. 23;
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 42.
94
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 18.

29
 The law and epics are of the view that the state should provide pension to the
widows of the soldiers dying on the battle field.96The Arthashastra of Kautilya states
down that the state should provide special facilities to destitute women to help them
earn a living by spinning. [Arthashahtra 11, 23].97

There was a selfish reason behind the idea of engaging women in spinning
work. It is very strange when we notice that the law givers had a better understanding
of the society and the laws were made especially to make use of weaker section of
society like women and shudras. Cloth was much costlier in ancient India98 and
medieval India and was in great demand in the neighboring countries down to the
beginning of the last century.99 The production of cloth in bulk and after that export of
the same would have brought a handsome amount of money to the country and state
would have flourished.

When we study the sources of medieval India we find same stress of the
historians on the spinning activity. Isami and Amir Khusrau insist that women should
engage themselves with spinning wheel instead of casting their looks in different
directions.

We find that the freedom of a widow was curtailed by the prohibition placed
on her remarriage and her happiness took the place of sorrows. Widows were
regarded as in auspicious on occasions of festivals but also had a positive aspect of
their life when they were respected by their sons and controlled their household
affairs.100 A widow was an embodiment of devotion, self sacrifice and service of
humanity. Instead of claiming for the right of remarriage she resigned herself to her
lot and led a life of service and self sacrifice.101

It is noteworthy here to mention about niyoga or levirate system in which an

issue less widow woman could have an off spring from the brother in law after her
husband dies. Only issue less women with their consent could carry out niyoga.

95
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186.
96
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 51.
97
Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, p. 23.
98
Ibid.
99
Ibid., (Cited from, Moreland, India at the death of Akbar.)
100
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 47.
101
Ibid.

30
Divorce

Divorce was not practiced in early societies prior to Kautilya. But in

Arthashastra, Kautilya has elaborately discussed the issue.102 Divorce was allowed in
103
special provocation but it is formally stated that one should not separate from his
104
wife. According to some of the grounds on which divorce could be sought was
absence of compatibility between husband and wife or if apprehensive of actual
physical danger from his or her partner.105

The Arthasharta would allow divorce ever after religious marriage, to a wife
who has been deserted by her husband and lays down waiting periods of from one to
twelve years, which vary according to circumstances and class.106

Position of Mother

Manusmriti the most celebrated and the most ancient of all the Smritis pays a
great tribute to woman. It is stated that a mother excels thousand fathers in glory
(2.145-6).107 In Atri Smrti (14) another ancient smriti, mother is stated to be the
greatest guru or object of veneration on earth.108

One who troubles a mother and gets her curse and is the most unfortunate
person because a mother’s curse is not averted and it has no antidote, although all
other curses may be averted.109.

Lakshmidhara on certain conditions recommends that a son may abandon his

father but must not abandon his mother ever if she is excommunicated.110No doubt,
mother was honored is all the ages and almost by everyone. Amir Khusrau, also
emphasizes the importance of mother.

102
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.173.
103
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 297.
104
Ibid., p. 312.
105
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 20.
106
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 173.
107
Ibid., p.110; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 44.
108
Great Women of India, p. 110.
109
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 314, Ancient Indian Society, p. 44.
110
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p.136.

31
Purdah in Ancient India

Rig-Veda depicts free intermingling of young boys and unmarried girls111 and
gives no evidence that married women were in any way secluded.112 But kings kept
their wives in seclusions. Arthashartra explains the antahpura, or royal harem which
was closely guarded and its inmates were not allowed to leave it freely.113 In the royal
harem, the only attendants allowed to enter were the hunchbacked, dwarfs and
decrepit chamberlains.114

The purpose was to protect the royal ladies from the evil eyes of males and
protect their chastity. Sukra does not allow a young man to be appointed in the inner
apartment even if he be a friend. (Sukra Niti, Sara III, VV, 282-283) 115

Thus, we see that free intermingling of the royal ladies with even intimate
friends was not allowed. The purpose was to maintain a distance from unwanted
males and maintain the chastity of women. Where free mixing of young boys and
girls were allowed in society we find unwanted love affair, illegitimate children and
even elopements.116

The ladies of high families used a piece cloth to veil their faces. By this male
outside the family was not able to get attracted from the beauty of a female of a high
family. Some of the ladies so strictly followed the purdah that they only saw the faces
of their husband.117

In Mahaviracharita of Bhavabhatti, Rama, finding that Parasurama was

coming to see him says to Sita, ‘Dear one, he is our superior, therefore turn aside and
veil yourself.118

Hence there are sufficient examples to conclude that in ancient India veiling of
face from other males was a customary practice. Bimla Sen is of the view that reason

111
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p.179; The Social and Military Position, op.
cit., p. 238; Great Women of India, op. cit., p.10.
112
The Social and Military Position, p. 283.
113
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 179.
114
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 24.
115
Ibid.
116
Great Women of India, p.10.
117
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 24.
118
Ibid.

32
for adoption of this custom was the additional protection it offered to the women, and
there is some evidence that women themselves welcomed the custom at the time.119
Chachnama describes how Ladi, the wife of Dahir uncovered her face and said, I am
Ladi the wife of Dahir, at one more place Janki, the daughter of Dahir is described as
unveiling herself in front of the Khalifa for the purpose of communication. 120

B.N. Sharma’s121 view is that purdah before the Muslim rule in India could
have been partial. Purdah system became fairly well grounded in northern India by
1200 A.D with the advent of Muslims culture.

Sati

The widows had to suffer a great deal of humiliation and misery and the only
way for them to get rid from all this was to immolate them in the pyre of their dead
husbands.122 Fortunately, no reference is found of Sati in Vedic period and Manu and
Yajnavalkaya have forcefully protested the burning of the widow.

The word ‘Sati’ means a woman who is virtuous and truthful and as an
extension of the term, a woman who is chaste and totally devoted to her husband.123
Moreover, the extreme devotion towards the husband impelled them to end their lives
on the pyre of their husbands. The custom gained popularity because of the beliefs,
like Sati is a sure means of reunion with the dead husband and that by performing it
the widow managed to wipe out the sins committed by her husband.124

Smriti writers (Brahaspati and Visnu) 125stated that a woman is devoted to her
husband who died on the funeral pyre of her husband and would enjoy eternal bliss in
heaven.126 Medhatithi admits that the custom has been mentioned by Angirassmriti

119
Bimla Sen, Role of Women in Indian Society, Better Books, Panchkula, 2007, pp. 202-203.
120
H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians-The
Muhammadan Period, Vol. I, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 2008, pp. 210-211.
121
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p.25.
122
Alberuni’s India, Eng. Tr., Sachau, op. cit., Vol. II, p.155;The Wonder That was India, op. cit.,
p.188.
123
Mandakranta Bose, ‘Sati-the Event and the Ideology’, in Mandakranta Bose ed., Faces of the
Feminine in Ancient,Medieval, and Modern India, Oxford University Press, New York, 2000, p.
21.
124
Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p. 231.
125
‘Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras’, op. cit., p.157.
126
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 20.

33
but maintains that it has no authoritative value.127The custom of Sati became
gradually popular and came into general vogue from 400 A.D. 128 Abu Zaid confirms
the practice of Sati and says that wives of a king burnt themselves with the corpse of
their husband but it was voluntarily and they were not compelled to burn
themselves.129 He even informs us of voluntarily burning of old men and women
when they become old and their senses do not response properly.130

Earlier the Brahmin women were exempted from Sati131 and the custom was
more prevalent among the Kshatriyas. Sati from 8th century onwards was also the
outcome of the internal struggle for supremacy. The Palas, Prathiharas and
Rashtrakutas were often at wars with each other. Constant wars inevitably increased
the number of war widows and the widows of the defeated army could never feel
secure under the protection of the conqueror. Thus, they prefer self immolation.132
Manu also opposes the women to be burnt by means of Sati, he considers women as
pujarha grhadiptayah-“worthy to be worshipped and the lamp that lights the
household.”133 Vasistha and Yajnavalkya (3 century A.D) are also silent on this
matter.134 The poet Bana (625 A.D) has the credit of opposing this inhuman custom
and writes that it is a custom followed by the foolish. The women of advance age and
those who had young children were exempted from being Sati.135

Adultery and Wine drinking

People of ancient Indian society were also not devoid of moral lapses.
Adultery and wine drinking were present in the society. Adultery is considered as
severally punishable offence according to Hinduism as well as Islam; still every era
had people who were indulged in adultery.

127
‘Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras’, p.157.
128
Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit.,
p.121; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45.
129
History of India as Told by its own Historians-The Muhammadan Period, op. cit., p. 6.
130
Ibid., p. 9.
131
Ibid., p. 231;‘Sati- the Event and the Ideology’, op. cit., p. 24.
132
‘Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras,’ p. 159.
133
‘Sati- The Event and the Ideology’, p. 25.
134
Ibid.
135
Alberuni’s India, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 155.

34
 A woman was expected to be chaste and pure in her conduct in every stage of
her life. Emphasis was on married ladies who had to be very chaste and lived a life of
obedient wives. Some smritis make the husband liable to pay a heavy fine for
deserting a virtuous wife.136

Adultery was considered greatest evil which undermined the chastity of the
women and shook the very base of the sacred institution of marriage and destroyed
the religious acts and the life of man. It was considered to be the most harmful to a
man’s life than anything.137

When we talk about the adultery of woman a penance is prescribed in most

cases after which a wife is restored to all her ordinary right.138 There are also
references of severe punishment for an adulteress. Although there is a general rule
139
that women are not to be executed yet through a terrible law an adulterous wife
shall be slain in a much worse manner than that implied by simple Vadha or
execution.140

The laws books vary in their attitude towards the adulterous wife. The
criterion of punishment of the adultery committed was decided by that caste of the
person involved. If a woman committed a willful intercourse with a man of low caste
according to Manu and some other sources such woman should the torn by dogs.141
But the adulteress who stayed with a man of higher cast was more fortunate. Most
authorities agree142 that she should be made to wear dirty clothes sleep on the ground
and eat only enough food barely to sustain life until her next menstruation.
Surprisingly, she might due restore to her husband’s bed and her old position in the
household.

The man involved in adultery was to be tied upon an iron couch and roasted.
In the case of adultery with the guru’s wife the stress of punishment is the man’s: and

136
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 23.
137
Ancient Indian Society, p. 40
138
Great Women of India, p. 23
139
The Social and Military Position, p. 280
140
Ibid., p. 310
141
The Wonder That was India., p. 172
142
Ibid., p. 173

35
he is also roasted till death and afterwards reborn as wolf or according to Manu as a
jackal.143

Laksmidhara states that a son should abandon his father who cohabits with a
female of low caste. This shows that rigid caste system prevailed and followed strictly
by the inhabitants. As the same time this statement of Lakshmidhara confirms that
adultery existed in society.

144
There are certain hymns in Rig-Veda which seem to look upon the
existence of the paramours as nothing abnormal. Unmarried girls had affairs with
males and to our surprise we find birth of illegitimate children and even of destruction
of the fetus.145 These moral lapse were due to the free association of grown up boys
and girls in festival and other social gatherings146

The wine drinking was considered as the chief stumbling-block of the ancient
Hindu society.147 Men and Women used to drink freely, there were many kinds of
simple wines, and women preferred a sweeter kind of wine than men.148 Queens also
used to take wine habitually. Hemchandra says that the queen Mayanalladevi (10th -
11th century) had to give up her drinking habit while Siddharaja was in her womb.149

Sex workers in pre-medieval India

In almost all important cities even in the famous city of Pataliputra a seat of
learning lived sex workers. Chandbardai tells us that when; one entered Kannauj one
could see the gambling houses and dances of the prostitutes and rich markets full of
dealers in gold, jewellery and clothes.150 Indeed prostitutes were found in ancient
India too. They were a normal feature of city life.151 Basham says that they were not
bound by the rules and restriction which limited the freedom of the high caste wife,152
these were also known as vesya, or ganika. It was essentially an urban phenomenon.

143
The Social and Military Position., op. cit., p. 311
144
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 9.
145
Ibid., p. 10; Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p. 135.
146
Great Women of India, p.10.
147
The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 62.
148
Ibid., pp. 64-65.
149
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., pp. 360-361.
150
Ibid., p. 249.
151
Ancient India, p. 158; Indian Women Trough the Ages, op. cit., p. 238.
152
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.183.

36
The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of alienated women
who involved themselves in prostitution for their subsistence.153

Vatsayayana regard prostitution as old as human civilization154

Sandhyakaranandi, Dhoyi, Ksemendra, gives a highly interesting list of persons
whose visit was welcomed to the prostitutes as they were like the veritable kalpa tree
(Fulfilling all desire) 155 the list of persons include the only son of a rich man, a young
man whose father is dead, an amatya or minister of a king, son of a merchant,
physician who looks for a ailing minister for a long time, son of a famous guru,
passionate ascetic, irresponsible prince, village official, notable and rich musician, a
merchant who is visiting the city for the first time, an erudite scholar and a hard
drunkard . The list shows that the clients of the prostitutes were drawn from all the
classes of society not excluding an ascetic or an erudite Scholar.156

The existence of this institution speaks of the popularity among the common
man. The prostitutes were protected and supervised by the state, Arthashastra
suggests that the superintendent of prostitutes was responsible for the care and
supervision of palace courtesans, and the inspection of brothels and collected two
days earnings from each prostitute every month as the tax given to the government.157

The courtesans were a different class of prostitute meant for the royalty these
also acted as concubines. These were prostitutes who were maintained by kings and
chiefs in palaces. These were salaried servants who often attended king’s person.
Prostitutes of this type accompanied the king wherever he went and even awaited him
in the rear when he went into battle. Alberuni is of the view that harlotry was
encouraged in the country by the rulers for their own selfish ends158 ‘The kings’ he
remarks ‘make them an attraction for their cities, a bait of pleasure for their subjects;
for no other but fanciful reason. By the revenues which they derive from the business

153
Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham, My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of ancient
Indian History and Culture, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi ,1997, p. 316.
154
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p. 370.
155
Ibid.
156
Ibid.
157
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 184.
158
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 27.

37
both as fine and taxes, they want to recover the expenses which their treasury has to
spend on the army’. 159

Devadasis

The god in the temple was treated like an earthly king. He had wives, his
ministers and attendants and the paraphernalia of the court including his attendant
prostitutes.160 These were often the children of mother of the same profession, born
and reared in temple precincts, but they might be daughter of ordinary citizens.161

These were various situations, when a girl was offered to the temple
authorities. In the time of dire circumstances like famine when the parents had
nothing to eat they sold their daughters to the temple authorities and the beautiful girls
were purchased and brought up and they grew up as devadasis. The daughters of such
pious parents, who were first to be born among all the siblings were given to the
temple in keeping some special vow. A bringer of evil to the family was the
considered, the unfortunate fifth girl. So she was also given to the temple in order to
avoid the coming of evil. Two more cases in which a girl was born at an inauspicious
conjunction of stars or with certain mystic marks portending evil and parent who did
not wish such girls to ruin them gave them to the gods who were capable of
counteracting their evil influence.162

The earliest record of the religious prostitution comes from a cave at

Ramgarh, in the Vindhya hills, some 160 miles south of Banaras, which contains two
significant Prakrit inscriptions which shows that they were written not long after the
days of Ashoka.163

The popularity of the temple depended upon the voluptuous attendants

(devadasis) who attracted the number of pilgrims rather than deity. Right minded
Hindus often protested against the institution.164 There was strong protest of
prostitution by the smriti writers, one source (Gautama, xxii, 27) even mentions that

159
Alberuni’s India, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 157.
160
The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 185.
161
Ibid.
162
Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p. 238.
163
Ancient India, op. cit., p. 159; The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 185.
164
Indian Women Through the Ages, p. 239.

38
the murderer of a prostitute commits no sin and should incur no punishment at law.165
At the same time the Manusmriti (9.232) says that a person killing a woman or a
Brahmin or an infant is to be meted out a capital punishment.166According to
Markandeya Purana those who kill a woman and an infant go to hell (2.19).
Elsewhere also it states that killing a woman, a brahmin, a teacher and a cow amounts
to a great sin. One killing a woman, a cow and a Brahmin is considered to be an
apavidddha (ie, contaminated by people).167

Thus, we see that when a person kills a common woman he is desirable of

severe or capital punishment but when prostitute is killed the murderer is liable to
meet no punishment and is said to have committed no sin. The prostitutes were also a
part of society and to their murderer equal punishment should have been given as in
the case of common women. By this discrimination of punishment given to a
murderer of a prostitute and to a murderer of a common woman we can judge the
social status given to the prostitutes. Prostitutes were considered undesirable elements
in the society and so the person who killed a prostitute was considered not a sinner.
By this we see the double standard of the smriti writers who considered a prostitute no
better than a cow, a brahmin, a teacher and a common woman. By this view of the
Smriti writers that whoever kills a prostitute commits no sin and should not be given
any punishment it is clear that according to them the prostitutes were undesirable and
there was a great discrimination among women if they belonged to a class of sex
workers.

Women Administrators

In early ancient India women as rulers were undesirable and it was said that
‘when a woman is the ruler, men sink like stone boats’168 and women warriors were as
unfamiliar as independent queens but girls in royal families were given both military
and administrative education during the late ancient period. Queens by their own right
were rare; but we have examples of dowager queens like Vijyabhattarika of Chalukya
family (650 A.D) and Sugandha and Didda of Kashmir (10th – 11th) centuries.169

165
The Wonder That was India, p. 186
166
Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 48
167
Ibid.; Great women of India, p. 23; The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 310.
168
Ibid. p. 315.
169
Great Women of India, pp. 42-43.

39
 Strirajya or women kingdom is often mentioned in Indian literature.170 In
seventh century, Chinese traveller, Huien Tsang mentions two Strirajyas.171 The
Vakataka queen Prabhavati Gupta was the daughter of the Gupta emperor
Chandragupta II Vikramaditya (376-414 A.D) of northern India and the chief queen
of king Rudrasena II of the Vakataka dynasty ruling over wide regions of Deccan.
The queen after the death of her husband made her son Divakarsena as crown prince
and she ruled for fifteen years.

In the 8th century Rani Bai the sister of Dahir, vigorously fought against the
Arab general Mohammad bin Qasim, at the head of her soldiers. After the death of her
husband she burnt herself to death when she saw no chance of escape.172

A.S Altekar is of the view that queens reigning independently in their own
rights were few with the exception of queen Didda of Kashmir.173 He blames the
political thinkers of the period who opposed the direct accession of women to the
throne

The study of the Vedic age confirms that it was a glorifying age for the
women folk. Women were highly educated they were philosophers, educationist and
also had knowledge of Vedas. In spite of the patriarchal character of the family, the
position of women was much better in the Vedic period than in subsequent times.
Girls normally married after puberty and there were girls like Ghosha174 who
remained unmarried and grew up in the home of their parents. Woman had liberty
through which they could freely mix with young men and have love affairs. She could
take part in sacrifices with her husband though some unmarried women like
Visvavara 175 and Apala 176 offered the sacrifice all by themselves.

The institution of marriage seems to have been established. But we have also
some evidence of incestuous relationships. Change comes after 200 A.D. The

170
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 285.
171
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 32.
172
Ibid.
173
The Position of women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-historic Times to the Present Day, op. cit.,
p. 185.
174
Ancient India, op. cit., p. 48.
175
Ibid.
176
Ibid.

40
formality of upanayana (Sacred Initiation) was continued during the last period down
to 200 A.D. It was completely stopped during this period and the religious status of
women, even of the brahmin class was universally recognized to as low as that of the
shudra. The ineligibility for upanayana unfortunately reduced the status of women to
that of shudras and it had prolonged effects on their social status.

It will not be wrong to call the age of Smriti as the Dark Age for the women.
The law givers had proved this by writing such remarks for women ‘In childhood a
woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her husband and in old age on
her son; a woman is never fit for independence’

The above statement of Manu proves that a patriarchal system was willingly
enforced and tended to keep the status of women at a low level by curtailing their
freedom.

The rights of women in practically all law books are identified with those of
shudras, slaves and children. Manu writes ‘women do not care for beauty, nor is their
attention fixed on age; thinking it is enough he is a man, they give themselves to the
handsome and the ugly’.(IX,14)177

Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their
natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however
carefully they may be guarded in this world.178

Knowing their disposition which the Lord of Creatures laid in them to be such,
every man should most strenuously exert himself to guard them.179

When creating them, the Lord of creatures, allotted to women a love of their
bed, of their seat and of ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad
conduct.180

177
G. Buhler, The Laws of the Manu in F. Max Muller ed., The Sacred Books of the East, in fifty
volumes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1962-65, Vol. XXV, p. 330; see also Indian Women Through
The Ages, op. cit., p. 220
178
Ibid.
179
Ibid.
180
Ibid.

41
 For women no sacramental rite is performed with sacred texts, thus the law is
settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of the knowledge of the
Vedic texts, are impure as falsehood itself, that is the fixed rule.”181

This was the thinking of Manu for women later law givers were harsher in
their thinking for women. A law giver Daksha is of opinion that “A good wife was not
born but made.”182

Contrary to this in both Manu and Yajnavalkya we find passage using men to
honor women and keep them contended and happy, because they are of the view that
where women are unhappy, neglected and sorrowful misfortunes over take the
household.

The guidelines which the law givers had provided for treating the women were
based on a harsh and humiliating treatment towards women. According to them
women in a family were to be dealt in strict ways. The question is when a man is
advised to deal with her wife in strict ways how it is possible that the wife will remain
happy and contended?

Upto the Upanishadic age the social position of women was very high183 they
were considered in many respect equal to men. Child marriage was unknown and no
girl could be married against her wishes, they composed Vedic hymns and suffered
from no religious disabilities. After that gradually their social and religious standards
deteriorated and their education was neglected. Both upanayana and Vedic studies
were denied to them. Their marriageable age was considerably lowered and social evil
like Sati became prominent.

The society where the practice like Sati, prevailed, where girls devoid of
education were married before puberty, widows, even if a girl of tender age became a
widow was not allowed to remarry, how it is possible that women in that society
would have remained happy and contended. Manu, asserts that ‘where women are
honored there the gods are pleased but where they are not honored no sacred rite
yields any reward’ (111-56). He further says ‘where the female relations live in grief
181
The Laws of the Manu op. cit., p. 330.
182
Ibid.
183
Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 10.

42
that family wholly perishes but where they are not unhappy that family even prospers’
(111-57). The same venerable Manu regard women by nature, as of such depraved
character that they are sure to go astray if they are not kept under rigid control.

184
Verses 14 and 15 of chapter IX in Manusmirti depict the licentious and
grossly sensuous character of women in general in such terms as cannot be
reproduced without violating decency and modesty. The creator ‘Implanted in them
carnal passions,185 love for ornaments, impure desires wrath, dishonesty, malice and
bad conduct’(9.17) In view of their inherent wicked character they must be carefully
guarded, specially by their husbands, to whom they are naturally disloyal (9.15-
6).We also find the view of Manu for wife who has committed fault. According to
him ‘she may beaten with a rope or a spilt bamboo’(8.299).

If we consider this statement of Manu we find that women were theoretically

honored but practically they were given a subservient position in patriarchal society.

Regarding the social practices and customs of ancient India we notice that
certain practices like purdah, polygamy and Sati are found in medieval India also.
Regarding purdah one discerns that it became a common and rigorous practice in the
harem of Sultan where as in ancient India it was not so strictly followed there are few
references where we find women veiling themselves.

It is praiseworthy that the inhumane practice of Sati had no existence in the

Vedic period and no divorces were practiced. These two customs came into being
later on. Divorce was introduced in order to get rid of a partner, if apprehensive of a
danger and absence of compatibility existed among husband and wife. As a part of
human nature divorces are also found in the Sultanate period but the cases are rare.

When we compare the late ancient society and the society in the Sultanate era
we see that there was influx of Muslim population hence the social conditions became
different from the earlier times. The historians of the medieval India have described
the social conditions considering the Muslim population but we get a good description
of Hindu society at the eve of invasion by the work of Alberuni.

184
Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 19.
185
Ibid.

43
 Features of royal class ladies are almost similar; education was imparted to
them by private tutors in the royal apartments. They did not go to a primary school for
education and also no higher education was imparted to them. In Sultanate the
education imparted was religious but for women in Hindu Royalty we do not find
them gaining religious education rather they preferred military education and also
received it. Receiving military education was restricted in Sultanate period on grounds
of purdah. In this way we can conclude that most of the practices like female slavery,
polygamy, Sati, prostitution were a part of society in both the eras. There were rare
women administrators also in some regional kingdoms of Sultanate and the only
woman who ruled at the Sultanate was Razia but ancient society was familiar with
women administrators.

44
 Chapter 2

Aristocratic Women,
Sultan and Rulers
 Chapter – 2
ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS

Beside various examples of the women rulers of the Hindu kingdoms in India
(mentioned in previous chapter) we find the practice of women rulers among
Mongols, Turks and Persians. The idea of female sovereignty was not an innovation
for them and also it was not a novel idea in the contemporary Islamic world. In the
present chapter we gauge the various female sovereigns in the Islamic world in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Interestingly enough the Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi
Sultanate trace their genesis, were for several years in the 12th century, successively
ruled in full sovereignty by women namely the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his
daughter Koyunk Khatoon.1 Minhaj us Siraj gives information of one of the feudatory
rulers of Khwarizm (khiva) who was succeeded by his only child who was a daughter,
she after her marriage retained her sovereign power and title.2

Safia Khatoon (1242) widow of Ayubide prince, Malik-al-Zakir, son of

Salahuddin ruled the principality of Halab in Northern Mesopotamia. She ruled the
principality in full sovereignty till her death in 640/1242.3

The crown of Egypt came to a beautiful slave girl and the widow of Mameluk
Sultan Ayub named Shajarat-ul-Durr. She was unanimously accepted by the nobles as
fully fledged sovereign in 1249. After the death of Sultan Ayub she ruled with the title
of Malikat-al- Muslimin, khutba was read in her name along with the name of
Abbasid Caliph al-Mo’tasim. She also issued coins and edicts.4

An important example in the history of Persia is of the daughters of Khusrau

Pervez of the Sassanian dynasty, names were Purandukt and Arjumandukt.5 These

1
Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, Delhi, 1970, Vol. II, pp. 927-28.
2
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 239; see also A.B.M. Habibullah, ‘Sultanah
Raziah’, in Indian Historical Quarterly, Dec. 1940, p. 752.
3
Ibid.
4
Ibid.
5
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 3.

45
daughters ascended the throne during 7th century. Their rule ended by their death. One
finds the mention of Queen Saba in Holy Quran.6

The Persian political traditions were supplemented by Turks and Mongols.

According to their monarchial theory they can have a female sovereign. Their
monarchial theory had place for a daughter to succeed her father as a female
sovereign. According to this theory, divinity was believed to reside in the person of
the monarch. Since this divinity could not be transferred except through direct
descent, the possibility of a daughter succeeding her father could not be excluded.
Moreover, their racial history had taught them to respect ability and fitness of the
candidate to rule.7

Equally common are the examples of queen regnant in Islamic History.

Alauddin Mohammad of Khwarizm (1200-1220), left the charge of administration to
his mother, Turkan Khatun, the widow of Ogtai Khan, she ruled over the Mongol
empire for four years till the accession of Koyuk Khan.8 Similarly, the queens of the
great Khan of the Golden Horde (nomenclature ascribed to the tribe) held court and
received visitors. Thus by the means of various examples we can discern that women
exercised enormous power in the history of Persia, Turkey and Mongolia.

During the period of our study, since the accession of Razia we find the idea
of female sovereignty entering the politics of India. Ironically existence of female
sovereign did not last long. The state of male dominance prevailed in the Sultanate
amidst which Razia rose to the throne and the same became the cause of her downfall.
Razia ruled the Sultanate directly like a sovereign. Sultanate period also had some
prominent ladies who indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly.

The idea of queen regnant was a novel experiment for the Muslims residing in
India. The chapter is divided in two parts; the first part of the chapter throws light on
Razia, as the first ‘lady monarch’. We shall pursue the conditions when Razia
ascended the throne, what were the difficulties in front of her after accession, her

6
M. Habib, K. A. Nizami,, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People’s
Publishing House, Reprint 2006, Vol. V, Part one, p. 237, footnote. 13.
7
Yogeshwar Tiwari, ‘Influence of Harem on Politics in the Sultanate Period’, in Mahendra Pratap
and S. Z. H. Jafri, ed., Region in Indian History, Anamika Publishers, New Delhi, 2008, p. 131.
8
Ibid., p. 132.

46
campaigns and how her reign came to an end. In the Sultanate a woman in the royal
household enjoyed a privileged position and sometimes, she could be able to change
the course of events. How Razia managed to reach this position and by whom she was
supported is a matter of great importance. This chapter also entails the views of
different historians regarding her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, his trusted slave.

There were also other ladies in the Sultanate period who indulged deep in the
political affairs. Most of the times, these royal ladies involved themselves in intrigues
to promote their son. Without the study of these women personalities the study of the
Sultanate period remains insipid. The aim of the second part of this chapter is to
discuss the position held by important royal ladies and role performed by them in the
politics of the Sultanate of Delhi. This part of the chapter concerns these women of
the Sultanate period.

Sources taken into consideration for this chapter are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of

Minhaj us Siraj, Futuh-us-Salatin of Abdul Malik Isami, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of
Ziauddin Barani, Deval Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Zafar-ul-Walih of Al-
Makki Mohammad Abdullah, Rehla of Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams
Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani of Khwaja Niamatullah,
Tarikh-i-Shahi or Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Daudi of
Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya Sirhindi, Tabaqat-i-Akbari
of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Muntaqab-ut-Tawarikh of Abdul Qadir Badauni and Tarikh-i-
Ferishta of Muhammad Qasim Ferishta

The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah
Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention worthy are two other
royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan Iltutmish.

Among brave women of the Sultanate period Razia is of great importance for
the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended the
throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled. Thirteenth century was time
when purdah was a compulsory feature of the harem, in that situation Iltutmish was
bold enough to consider his daughter Razia as the future Sultan of the Sultanate.
Though, it was against the theory of kingship of Ghaznavides and Ghorids.9

9
R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, p.
28.

47
 Contemporary historian Minhaj observes about Razia’s accession that Sultan
Iltutmish used to notice in her signs of sovereignty and high spirit although she was a
daughter and veiled from public gaze.10

Empire of Iltutmish had expanded into a strong, eminent and powerful entity
which needed courageous and powerful successor to safeguard the empire from the
Mongol invasion. Nasiruddin Mahmud was his eldest son and could be a competent
successor but his sudden death decided the succession issue in favour of Razia. Man
proposes but God disposes was once more proved. This premature death of the prince
shook the Sultan’s ambition of having a vast empire and all his dynastic plans met no
expected results.11

Razia was the eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish12. Her mother was
Qutubuddin Aibek’s daughter married to Sultan Iltutmish. She was one of the most
respected and loved wife of the Sultan.13 During her childhood days she lived in
Kushk-i-Firozi (royal palace). She was very good at reciting Quran, and as Iltutmish
was concerned about the education of all his children she must have been well
educated.14

During the lifetime of Iltutmish she used to interfere in the affairs of the state.
As the result of which in 1231 A.D when Sultan left for Gwalior campaign he
entrusted Razia the task of administering the Sultanate and she efficiently carried her
responsibility.15 To nominate his successor was an important question in front of the
Sultan and after returning from Gwalior campaign, Iltutmish unhesitatingly ordered
Mushrif-i-Mumalik to write a decree in favour of his daughter Razia. Compared to his
sons he found Razia more capable to become his successor. The decision of Sultan
was supported by contemporary historian Minhaj as he finds in Razia all attributes

10
Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i-
Afghanistan, Kabul, 1963 A.D, VoI. I, p. 456.
11
A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad, 1961, p. 96.
12
Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 405.
13
Ibid., pp. 457- 458.
14
M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, Oriental Books
Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1972, p. 193 .
15
Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 458.

48
necessary for being a ruler.16 The opposition came from the nobles who asked the
Sultan that instead of young sons why he wanted his daughter to be his heir apparent.

A question was raised by the nobility regarding the eligibility of a daughter to

be a Sultan. The Sultan did not bother about the question raised by the nobility against
his decision of appointing a daughter as heir apparent. Iltutmish justified his decision
by asserting that Razia had the capability and necessary qualities to be a Sultan. He
also at same time condemned his pleasure loving sons and stated them incapable of
managing the affairs of the country.17 Iltutmish had complete faith on his daughter
Razia, as he also says that after my death this decision of mine will be justified.18 This
decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian and Qazi, Minhaj-us-
Siraj as he finds in Razia all attributes necessary for being a ruler.19

Rekha Joshi is of the view that the nobles were perturbed by Iltutmish’s
decision of raising Razia to the throne not because she was a woman but because she
had inherited some of the talents of her father20. It was not that they considered it
inappropriate to take orders from a woman but they anticipated the boldness, courage,
farsightedness and bravery of Iltutmish inherited by her.

A commemorative coin was struck in silver by the orders of Sultan Iltutmish.

The coin had the name of Razia along with the name of reigning Sultan.21 It was a
daring innovation. The Turk nobles could not reconcile with the idea of a woman
ruling over them. This practice also lacked in the history of Ghaznavides and Ghorids
and was opposed to the conception of sovereignty.22

There are some reasons which are against the accession of a woman on the
throne. Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The
free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which
were necessary for the Imamat. But these above mentioned qualifications were not

16
Tabaqat, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 457.
17
Ibid., p. 458.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
20
Rekha Joshi, Facets of Delhi Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1978, p. 17.
21
Thomas Edward, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi,
1967, p. 107.
22
Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28- 29.

49
necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the congregational prayers
were lead by the Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the
congregational prayers and also a woman cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers
was one of the most important duties of an Imam and as a Sultan a lady monarch was
incompetent for it.23 Regarding the accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not
show any disfavour. This is evident from the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer
and qazi at the time of her accession. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason
to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons
Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would
have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was
any.24

Despite certain courtiers who challenged the claim of Razia to the throne, the
Muslim jurist did not question the legality of such a proposal. The change of
sovereign was the privilege of the nobles, of ulema and of the people of Delhi. It
seems, the question of the hereditary was gaining ground but the voice of the nobles,
ulema, and inhabitants of Delhi were the three other factors which were to determine
the fate of the crown.

It was only a later theologian of 16th or 17th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq
Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the
accession of a woman as a Sultan.25

R.P Tripathi asserts that fitness to rule was the most decisive factor not only
in the eyes of Iltutmish but also of the Turkish commanders as well. Also he notices
that if the time period is considered, the selection of Razia was unique effort and
general outlook of Muslim people particularly military and religious classes made it a
daring experiment.26

After the death of Iltutmish, as the nobles could not reconcile themselves with
the idea of a woman ruling over them Shah Turkan was quick to act on the question of

23
‘Sultanat Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 750-751.
24
Ibid., p. 755.
25
Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, p. 237, footnote n. 13.
26
Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28- 29.

50
succession.27 Ruknuddin Firoz was made the king by the consent of provincial
governors and military officers who had joined the late king in his last expedition and
was present at the capital at the time of his death. No doubt, the support was gathered
by Shah Turkan, whose intrigues must have strengthened the objection of the nobles
in placing Razia. It was done on the same night of the demise of Iltutmish. In
medieval India perhaps it was the first instance of the influence of women in court
politics.

Immediately, after the death of Sultan Iltutmish, Ruknuddin Ibrahim was

crowned as Sultan with the title of Ruknuddin Firozshah. After which he immersed
himself in the pleasures of the world, forgot the responsibilities of a Sultan and
entertained musicians and jesters in the court. He opened the door of imperial treasury
(Bait-ul-Maal) and spent it lavishly. Taking advantage of these situations his mother
Shah Turkan started to interfere in the matters of the state.

28
She was a Turkish hand maid and during the life time of Sultan she had
been treated as inferior by her co-wives which resulted in her envy and jealousy
towards them.29 At a place, Minhaj praises her for her benevolent nature towards
ulema, Sayyids and pious people. After her son was made the king she indulged
30
herself in the matters of state by enforcing direct control in politics and decided to
take revenge with the co-wives of the deceased Sultan and their progeny.

The incompetence and sensuality of the Sultan along with cruelty and revengeful
activities of Shah Turkan excited the feeling of disgust and indignation among the
nobility. And the vicious petticoat rule soon led the disillusioned governors, along
with the wazir and other officers of the capital, marching against Delhi to undo, if
possible, their own mistake.31 Extreme anger resulted in an outrage which ran among

27
Anjali Chatterjee, ‘Role of Women in the Early Delhi Sultanate- A Case Study of Shah Turkan’,
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 59th session, Patiala, 1998, p. 405.
28
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 454; see also Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, ed., M.
Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1931, p. 21; Abdul Qadir Badauni,
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Calcutta, 1868, Vol. I, p. 69.
29
Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1875, Vol. I, p. 31. Minhaj is of
the view that she has experienced envy and jealousy from some of the ladies of the harem and
Nizamuddin Ahmad is of the view that she had been jealous of the other ladies of the harem.
30
Tabaqat, op. cit, Vol. I, pp. 454- 455; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21;Mohammad Qasim Ferishta,
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p. 67.
31
‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 757- 58.

51
the nobility when another son of Iltutmish, Qutbuddin was blinded and put to death by
the orders of Shah Turkan. Combined atrocities of mother and son resulted in
outbreak of rebellion by Maliks in different parts of country.32

Malik Ghiyasuddin Muhammad Shah, a son of Iltutmish and younger than

Ruknuddin Firoz displayed hostilities in Awadh and took possession of treasure in
Lakhnauti which was being conveyed to the capital. He also sacked and plundered
several towns of Hindustan. Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari feudatory of Badaun,
Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz feudatory of Multan, Saifuddin Kuji feudatory of
Hansi and Malik Alauddin Jani who held the fief of Lahore united together and began
to act with hostility against Ruknuddin Firoz. It was a formidable combination of
some of the most influential and powerful maliks of the empire.33

Worried with the revolts, Sultan Ruknuddin moved an army from Delhi in
order to deal with the rebellion. The wazir of the kingdom, Nizam-ul-mulk
Mohammad Junaidi became frightened and leaving the army, he fled from Kilu-
gharhi and retired towards Koil from there joined Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari.
Afterwards, Junaidi and Salari joined the company of the rest of the rebellious nobles.
The Turkish nobles and slaves who formed the centre of the army enhanced the chaos
in the country by killing Tajik (of non-Turkish origin) officials.

Taking advantage of this disorderly condition Razia entered in an open

hostility with Shah Turkan with whom she never had cordial relations. Shah Turkan
conspired against Razia to put her to death but all her efforts went vain. Razia
skillfully exploited the general discontent against Shah Turkan’s rule and incited the
people of Delhi to capture her. The populace of Delhi was aware of the high esteem in
which the princes had been held by her father. Before Firuz could reach Delhi, the
people of Delhi supported Razia, they attacked the royal palace and took Shah Turkan
a prisoner. In the meantime, Ruknuddin reached the capital. By the time Razia had
already ascended the throne by the support of common people, army and Turk nobles.
By her orders Ruknuddin was taken prisoner, where after, he died.34 What happened

32
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 455.
33
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 235.
34
Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 457.

52
 35
to Shah Turkan is not known perhaps she also died in the prison. No wonder that
the son and the mother both met out the fate which they deserved.

The throne now belonged to Razia, the daughter of the deceased Sultan. Ibn
Battuta describes the event of the accession of Razia, he writes that on a certain
Friday Ruknuddin was out for prayer. Taking advantage of the situation Razia
pleaded to the Delhi population by mounting the old castle adjoining the great
mosque. She was dressed in the robe worn by a person against whom a wrong has
been done. She addressed the public thus My brother killed his brother and now he is
trying to kill me as well. Then she recalled the days of her father and his good actions
and beneficence to them. This action of her resulted in the seizure of Ruknuddin by
the population of Delhi. They rushed upon the Sultan who was there in the mosque,
seized him and brought him before her and she said to them, the slayer shall be slain,
so they put to death in retaliation for the murder of his brother. As their brother
Nasiruddin (third brother) was still a child the people agreed to ascend Razia on the
throne.36

Mohammad Habib and K. A. Nizami are of the opinion that, the people of
Delhi had for the first time in the history of Delhi decided a succession issue at their
own initiative. The Delhi populace was the main strength behind Razia’s success.37
Razia’s rise to the throne was due to the support of Delhi’s population. This fact is
highlighted by Isami and Ibn Battuta but contemporary historian Minhaj is silent on
this.38

Peter Jackson in his article ‘Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish’ asserts that who
played important role in Razia’s accession were Iltutmish’s slave officers, who at that
moment were identified as powerful part of royal court politics.39 Without the support
of public and nobility, accession to the throne would not be possible for Razia. In this

35
‘Role of Women in the Politics of Early Delhi Sultanate-A case Study of Shah Turkan.’ op. cit., p.
406.
36
Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng.Tr., H.A.R.Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1993, Vol. III, p. 631.
37
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237.
38
K.A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1982, p. 46.
39
Peter Jackson, ‘Sultan Radiyya Bint Iltutmish’, in Gavin Hambley ed., Women in Medieval Islamic
World, Hampshire Macmillan Press, Houndmills, Basingstoke, 1998, p. 185.

53
way, after the imprisonment and death of her brother she vested power in her hand by
winning the confidence of the common man at the capital and nobility at the court.
According to Isami, she treated her accession to the throne as a contract with the
people of the Sultanate who could depose her if she could not fulfill their expectations
of successfully ruling the Sultanate.40

Razia had now achieved what her father desired for her. In spite of the purdah
system which was strictly followed in the royal families Iltutmish had the courage to
nominate her and she was ascended to the throne. She ascended the throne on 18th
Rabi I, 634 A.H / 19th Nov. 1236 AD. She was a crowned sovereign with the official
name and the royal suffix, generally referred in her coins ‘Sultan Raziat al- Dunya-
wal-Din bint al-Sultan. Silver and copper coins weight 47 and 49 gms.41 Later she had
coins issued which had another title Sultan jalalat al Dunya wal- Din, and we also
find this name in non-Muslim accounts and inscriptions.42This was possibly in 1237-
1238, when Razia alone was named on the coins.43

Isami gives a partial description of her first public court. He writes that it is
interesting to notice that the throne on which she was seated “with the consent of the
notables of Hind” was separated from the courtiers and the general public by a screen-
the persons stationed nearest to it being, first the female guard and relatives and then
her own blood relations.44

Condition of the Sultanate on her accession.

Political conditions of the Sultanate were not so peaceful when she ascended
the throne. Her reign marked the beginning of a military setback to the Muslim state
and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The Chauhans not only swallowed up
the whole north eastern Rajputana, but also, with the help of Mewatis, commenced
attacks towards the end of Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign, right into the city of Delhi
too. It was because of them that the Gwalior campaign sent by Razia proved equally

40
Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us- Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept.
of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, pp. 250- 51; see also A
Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237.
41
Chronicles of Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 108.
42
See footnote n. 55 in ‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., p. 761.
43
‘Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish’, op. cit., p. 187.
44
Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, ‘Sultanah Raziah’, p. 760.

54
abortive. There had been always the threat of Mongol invasion on the north-western
provinces of Sultanate.

Besides these problems she had to deal with factional politics. Factional
politics was the result of the creation of forties (Bandagan-i-Chihalgani) by Sultan
Iltutmish. Quoting the views of Habib and Nizami regarding the power of the Turkish
slave officers we can assume how much terrible they proved for Razia, “had
Shamsuddin Iltutmish been told that during the ten years after his death the Turkish
slaves whom he had purchased at a great cost and nurtured with sedulous care,
would put four of his descendants on the throne and then kill them like sacrificial
goats and that thirty years after his death one of his slaves would totally exterminate
all the male members of his dynasty, the great emperor would have been pained but
not surprised” and it happened so that the Turkish nobility emerged as the real threat
for the crown of Razia and ultimately proved fatal for her.

After she ascended the throne of kingdom, all the things became usual. She
followed most of the traditions of her father 45 and renewed the laws and regulation of
her father. A slave of Iltutmish whom Razia showed great favour was Ikhtiyaruddin
Altunia. He was only the sar-chatrdar (head of canopy bearers). After Iltutmish
death, Razia appointed him first as iqtadar of Baran and later on to Tabarhinda (or
Bhatinda). Another slave of Iltutmish on whom Razia showered special favour was
Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin, he was purchased by Iltutmish. She first appointed him as
iqtadar of Badaun and afterwards given the post of Amir-i-Hajib at the court.46

The Sultanate itself was not a peaceful place to rule, her own provincial
governors showed disobedience to her and after sometime, opposition came from the
sides of the provincial governors. The opposition was inevitable to some extent
because the accession of Razia was the collective result of the army, the officers at
Delhi and the people of Delhi. This made the provincial governors humiliated and
consequently they could not reconcile with the reality of her accession. The famous
wazir of Iltutmish, Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi refused to accept her accession and other
eminent Turkish nobles such as Malik Alaudin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji, Malik

45
Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 197.
46
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 241.

55
Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz and Malik Mohammad Salari assembled from different
parts before the gates of Delhi and commenced hostilities against Sultan Razia.

Razia dealt with the formation of this clique tactfully. Malik Nusratuddin
Tayasi marched from his province to assist Razia. After he reached Delhi and crossed
the river, the hostile maliks who were before the city of Delhi unexpectedly advanced
to meet him and took him prisoner and due to suffering he died. This stay of the
hostile Maliks was continued for a considerable time. Razia ordered to pitch a tent on
the banks of river Jun (Yamuna) and conflict took place between the two groups of
Maliks, one group of Maliks was of those who favoured Razia and another one the
recalcitrant group who had pitched the tent before the gates of Delhi. Finally, two of
the Turk nobles Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari and Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-
Ayaz secretly came over to Sultan’s side. The plan was to summon and take Malik
Alauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji and Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi into
custody in order that the sedition might be quelled.

When the hostile Maliks came to know about the deceptive plan they left the
camp and fled. The Sultan’s horsemen followed them and Malik Saifuddin Kuji and
his brother Fakhruddin fell into their hands and were put to death. Malik Alauddin
Jani was killed at a village named Nakawan and his head was brought to the capital
and Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi fled towards the hills of Sir Mir Bardar, where he died.
After crushing the revolts of provincial governors peace was restored in the empire.
Now Razia distributed important offices among the trusted nobles, whom she found
honest towards her. The office of the wazir was given to Khwajah Muhazzabuddin,
with the title of Nizam-ul-mulk. The charge of the army was given to Malik Saifuddin
Aibek-i-Bihaq with the title of Qutluq Khan. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz,
received the fief of Lahore and this was done by the Queen regnant to pacify the
empire.

Minhaj explains the extent of Razia’s empire by writing that ‘her empire
extended from the territory of Lakhnauti to Diwal. All the Maliks and Amirs with full
obedience and respect accepted Razia as their Sultan.’47 By her tactfully breaking the
unity of the hostile Maliks she proved her political capabilities.

47
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 459.

56
 Some of her military campaigns were the evacuation of the fort of Gwalior
and Ranthambor. Her reign marked the beginning of the military set-back to the
Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The first campaign
undertaken after crushing the rebellious nobles was of regaining the fortress of
Ranthambore in order to release it from the Hindus which had been in the control of
them since the death of Iltutmish. A concentrated attack was opened on Ranthambor
under the leadership of Bhagavata.48 Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori marched
towards Ranthambor with a large army successfully conducted the forces to that fort,
withdrew the Musalman Amir from that fortification and returned to the capital again.
The evacuation of the fort of Ranthambor was the virtual surrender to the rising
Chauhans of Ranthambor. After withdrawal of armies from Ranthambor, the
Chauhans emerged as a powerful clan. They in alliance with the mewatis commenced
hostile acts like guerrilla warfare against the Sultanate till the end of the Mahmud’s
reign.49

Similar, was the Gwalior expedition sent against the Jajapella ruler, Chahara
Deva of Narwar.50He had a great army and was known to be the greatest of all the
Rais of Hindustan. This expedition was sent under Tamur Khan towards Gwalior and
Malwa. The position soon became indefensible and after sometime she sent another
force to withdraw the military and civil personal and escort it back to Delhi. The first
attempt became unsuccessful and a second army was sent to reinforce the garrison
and evacuate the fortress.51 Gwalior had thus to be abandoned to Chaharadeva who
therein found the securer base for aggressions against the Muslim dominions.52

About this time Razia promoted Malik-i-Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitkin to the post
of Amir-i-Hajib and Malik Jamaluddin Yakut, an Abyssinian,to the post of Amir-i-
Akhur or Lord of stables.53 Regarding the promotion of Jamaluddin Yaqut, Isami is of
different view. He writes that Jamaluddin Yaqut was made Amir-i-Akhur from the

48
The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127.
49
‘Sultanah Raziya’, op. cit., p. 762.
50
Ibid.
51
Ibid.
52
The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127.
53
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 460.

57
time of Iltutmish and Ruknuddin Firoz.54 Suddenly, the in charge of the army Malik
Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq died and the charge of the army was given to Malik
Qutubuddin Hasan Ghuri. He was appointed as naib-i-lashkar. Only once in the reign
of Razia, we hear the appointment of a naib-i-lashkar. He was made in charge or
placed over the central standing army to which the Sultan delegated her command of
the fighting forces. The office was also a temporary one, and is not heard of again
after her deposition.55 The appointment of the new office of naib-i-lashkar by Razia is
enough to explain her military capabilities.

Isami is critical of Razia, when he writes about the so-called relations of

Jamaluddin Yaqut and Razia. He writes that Yaqut used to stand by her side when she
mounted her horse. He further writes that he (Yaqut) with one hand used to hold her
arm and help her to mount her horse. Similarly, later historian Badauni is of the view
that Jamaluddin Yaqut who was the master of the stables became her confident and
trusted advisor to such a point, that Sultan Razia whenever rode horse or elephant; she
used to rest upon his arm, or shoulder. He became object of envy to the Amirs.56The
Turkish nobles became suspicious of his intensions (Yaqut’s) and political ambitions
and felt apprehensive that he may completely overpower Razia.57

The contemporary authority Minhaj gives testimony to the statement that

Sultan Razia rode an ‘elephant’. Yaqut was the Amir-i-Akhur and it was customary in
those days that Amir-i-Akhur assisted the sovereign to mount, but H. G. Raverty
observes that, what is applicable to male sovereign may not be applicable to female
sovereigns.

Thomas Edward is of the view that “it is not so that a virgin queen was
forbidden to love- she might have indulged herself in a submissive prince consort or
reveled almost unchecked in the dark recesses of the Palace Harem- but wayward
fancy pointed in a wrong direction, and led her to prefer a person employed about her

54
Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 253; see also A Comprehensive History
of India, op. cit., p. 240, footnote. n. 21.
55
The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, p. 220.
56
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 84.
57
Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253-54.

58
Court, an Abyssinian moreover, the favours extended to whom the Turkish nobles
resented with one accord.”58

Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi of Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi writes that Sultan Razia

raised the rank of Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of Amir-i-Akhur but regarding the
intimacy of their relationship the historian is of the same view as the other historians
are. He writes that Yaqut became the constant companion of the Sultan and for this
reason he became the object of jealousy of the nobles and of the Amirs.59Contrary to
this view Isami holds the opinion that the appointment of Jamaluddin Yaqut was not
made by Razia but he was appointed as Amir-i-Akhur by the former Sultan whether
Iltutmish or Firoz.

The act of raising Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian, to the post of Lord of

Stables annoyed the Turkish nobility and they became acting force behind their
downfall.60

The favours given to non-Turks aroused the jealousy of Turkish Amirs and
created an outrage among the Turkish nobility which played important role in
uprooting her and proved their united power against the Sultan. Sultan Raziya
controlled them with her strict determination; she came out of seclusion (purdah) and
appeared in public. The purpose was to have a direct control of affairs. She abandoned
her female attire, wore qabah (cloak) and the kulah (hat). She rode out in public on
the back of an elephant, and acted in the same way as other former Sultans of Delhi.

Shortly afterwards, Sultan Razia ordered her forces to proceed to Gwalior.

Malik Tamar Khan-i-Qiran and Malik Tajuddin Sanjari, the feudatories of Qannuj and
Baran respectively were also directed to join the expedition. Both the maliks rendered
valuable services and were duly rewarded. On the death of Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi,
Awadh and its dependencies were made over to the charge of Malik Tamar Khan-i-
Qiran. Having established himself in Awadh, he led expeditions into the neighboring
parts of the territory as far as Tirhut, several times plundered the territory of
Bhatghura, and extracted tribute from the Rais and Ranas of that part of the country.

58
The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 106.
59
Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26.
60
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 460- 461; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 26; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Vol. I, p.
68

59
Malik Tajuddin Sanjari Qutluq received the territory of Saraswati as his fief for his
excellent service he rendered during the Gwalior expedition.61The author of Tabaqat-
i-Nasiri, Minhaj us Siraj, the Amir-i-dad of Gwalior, Ziauddin Junaidi and other
notable persons in obedience to the royal commands, came out of the fort on March
1238 A.D and started for Delhi. Soon after that, Qazi Minhaj was given the charge of
the Nasiriah College at the capital along with the Qaziship of Gwalior.

These are the events of her reign that clearly show the vigor of her rule and the
uncompromising determination to assert the royal authority. She also showed
relentless pursuit while chasing the rebellious governor of Multan, Malik izzuddin
Kabir Khan –i-Ayaz.

Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz was the governor of Multan at the time of
Iltutmish, the Sultan dissatisfied with his work at Multan and took back the province
of Multan and gave a place pulwal for his livelihood.62 Ruknuddin Firoz appointed
him as the iqtadar of Sunam, inorder to give him once more his lost prestige and a
place among the leading officers. Later on, when he joined Razia, she appointed him
as the officer at Lahore and all its territories. After some time, he revolted, Razia led
an army towards Lahore; he crossed the Ravi and fled to the Sodra. Razia was
determined to pursue him, since the land of Sodra was in the hands of the Mongol he
had no alternative but to submit. The iqta of Lahore was taken by him and the iqta of
Multan which was earlier with him was taken back from Ikhtiyaaruddin Qaraqash
Khan, (the present holder of the iqta of Multan) and again given to Kabir Khan-i-
Ayaz. Sultan Razia then returned to the capital on March 16, 1240 A.D.

By now started the plots and cliques against Razia which ultimately ended her
life. The effective rebellion against Razia now began. When she was away on the
Lahore campaign, the two important nobles, Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin
Altunia on whom she relied upon, planned an effective conspiracy against her. About
the same time, another powerful rebellion came from the side of Ikhtiyaruddin
Altuniah, who had the province of Tabarhindah. Ferishta writes that, he revolted on

61
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng.Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 643-644.
62
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 240.

60
the plea of queen’s partiality towards the Abyssinian.63 Some Turks secretly joined
the revolt of Altuniah. Razia returned to Delhi after settling the affairs of Kabir Khan
on 3rd April 1240. She heard of Altunia’s rebellion on her arrival and started for
Tabarhinda after ten days. She along with Jamaluddin Yaqut led an army towards
Tabarhindah in the month of Ramzan (637 Hijri) for the purpose of putting Malik
Altuniah’s rebellion to an end. When they reached Tabarhinda, Jamaluddin Yaqut was
killed by rebellious Turk Amirs and Razia was sent as a prisoner to the fort of
Tabarhinda. Once again by the support of nobility, Bahram Shah, brother of Razia
was made the king and important offices were distributed among them ignoring the
claims of Malik Altunia. Aitign was appointed naib-i-mamlakat but the new Sultan
after sometime got him assassinated and Altunia had already been deceived by no
reward for his rebellion. While Razia was imprisoned Malik Altunia espoused her,
reached a matrimonial contract with her and brought her out of the captivity. Together
they marched towards Delhi for the purpose of recapturing the throne. In their quest to
regain possession of Delhi they were joined by Malik Izz-u-ddin Muhammad Salari
and Malik Qaraqash. Malik Ikhtiyar uddin Aitigin who was a loyal noble of Razia had
been already killed by the new clique of nobles and Baha-ud-din Sanqar-i-Rumi
succeeded him as Amir-i-Hajib.

In the month of September 1240, Bahram Shah led an army out of Delhi for
the purpose of resisting Razia and Altuniah. They were routed and fled when they
reached Kaithal all their soldiers deserted them and they felt captive into the hands of
Hindus and were killed. Thus, ended the brilliant reign of Razia which was of three
years, six months and six days.64

Ibn Battuta gives the following description of Razia’s death. “Razia was
defeated and compelled to fly. Pressed by hunger and fatigue, she asked a farmer for
some food. He gave her bread to eat. After eating she felt asleep. She was dressed in
the garment of a man but when the peasant looked at her as she slept he perceived
under her upper garment a tunic trimmed with gold and pearls. Seeing that she was a
woman he killed her, stripped her of valuables, drove away her horse and buried her
corpse in the field. He then carried some of her garments to the market for sale. The

63
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 68.
64
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 648.

61
dealers suspected him and took him before the magistrate, who caused him to be
beaten. The farmer then confessed that he had killed Razia and told his guards where
he had buried her. They exhumed her body, washed it and wrapping it in a shroud
buried it again in the same place. A small shrine was erected over her grave which is
situated on the banks of the Jamuna and is still visited by pilgrims in order to obtain
blessings.65

Razia’s enthronement was an important juncture in the history of Sultanate

period. Without the support of Turkish nobility her accession would not be possible. It
indicates the freshness and boldness of Turkish mind in the thirteenth century which
then seemed to be capable of taking such a bold step and open mindedness of
contemporary jurist and ulema who confirmed the accession of a woman.66

Her downfall was the result of the support withdrawn by the nobles. Historians
ascribe different views behind the withdrawal of support by nobles. Contemporary
historian Minhaj says that after Jamaluddin Yaqut started acquiring favours from the
queen, the nobles became an envious threat to her and revolted in different parts of the
Sultanate.67

Minhaj states in praiseworthy tone that she was prudent, just, benevolent, strict
in administering justice and well-being of common people of Delhi was her priority.
She is also credited by Minhaj for extending liberal patronage to the men of letters
and piety68. As a military general she could overpower her enemy, yet, in spite of
these excellent qualities she could not succeed because she was a woman for whom it
was a difficult to deal with male chauvinism.

Like Minhaj, Amir Khusrau also refers to the good qualities possessed by
Sultan Razia when he says that she was accepted as Sultan by her well-wishers
because her brothers were incompetent. That she ruled successfully for three years
and then came out of purdah, and asserted her power, with the result that the nobles
become fearful and turned against her.69

65
The Travels of Ibn Battuta , op. cit., Vol. III, p. 632.
66
Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, op. cit., p. 29.
67
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 461.
68
Ibid., p. 457.
69
Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Cf. I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of
Delhi’ in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision and Venture, Delhi, 1996, p. 89.

62
 Isami, a later contemporary of Amir Khusrau describes her differently.
According to Isami, the nobles became suspicious of her relations with Jamaluddin
Yaqut, the Amir-i-Akhur because he took liberty with the Sultan openly.70 I. H.
Siddiqui when compares the views of these historians regarding Razia’s character
finds the like views of Minhaj and Amir Khusrau authentic because Minhaj was the
contemporary historian and eyewitness of the events and Khusrau must have known
much about the past from his maternal grandfather, Imad-ul-Mulk, the Rawat-i-arz
(pay master general of the army) who had started his career under Sultan Iltutmish as
his slave. Thus we can discern by these views that there was no fault in her character
and she did not have such kind of relation with Jamaluddin Yaqut.71

Satish Chandra writes that there is no evidence that the queen wanted to build
a bloc of non-Turkish nobles. Nor there is any reason to believe that there was any
personal intimacy between Razia and Malik Yaqut. Even, the charge that he had to lift
Razia by her armpit to her horse is a later concoction because it is not mention by any
contemporary historian. It was apparently Razia’s firmness and desire to rule directly
which was the major cause of dissatisfaction of the Turkish nobles with her.72 She
discarded veil and adopted qabah and kulah (‫)
س دان‬73 as a result of it she
emerged as a courageous and brave woman ruler in front of them. In spite of excellent
qualities possessed by her she could not succeed in male as well as Turk dominated
politics. Minhaj asserts that her womanhood was a drawback against her qualities.74

K.A. Nizami is of the view that, Turkish nobles were a powerful part of politics
that time and Razia must have discovered their ambitious nature. She must have felt
them as an obstacle in the maintenance of law and order. So, she decided to create a
nobility of non-Turks as a counterpoise against the Turks.75

It is not clear whether she wanted to divide the nobility or not. If we consider
that she wanted to divide the nobility, it is clear that she lacked the farsightedness of

70
Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253- 54.
71
‘Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi’, op. cit., pp. 89- 90.
72
Satish Chandra, Medieval India from Sultanate to the Mughals, Haranand Publications, New
Delhi, reprint 2001, p. 49.
73
Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26.
74
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 457.
75
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, p. 243.

63
dividing the nobility on racial grounds. Firstly, support extended to an Abyssinian,
secondly appearing unveiled in public aggravated the situation and Turks initiated to
plan her downfall.

Abdul Malik Isami is found writing against Razia in his work Futuh-us-Salatin.
Isami makes silly and scandalous remarks for Razia’s relationship with Jamaluddin
Yaqut. These remarks reveal an abnormal and misogynist strain in him76 and no
contemporary and later historians corroborates this view.

Minhaj says that the noble who enjoyed this post used to be a reliable person to
77
the king and thus was Jamaluddin Yaqut. This must have ignited a feeling of
insecurity among the Turkish nobles which is not even denied by contemporary
historian Minhaj. All the later historians are of the view that the so called relation of
Razia and Jamaluddin Yaqut was baseless and place no reliance on Isami’s remarks
for this relationship and state him a bachelor and write his approach as “misogynist
approach.” K. A. Nizami is of the view that Isami’s presentation of Razia’s character
is damaging and unconfirmed by any earlier evidence.78

Razia was the ablest of the successors of Iltutmish can hardly be denied. Very
soon after her accession she found purdah an obstacle in direct and efficient
administration so she came out of it. She discovered that the ambitions of Turkish
nobles were a serious obstacle to the maintenance of law and order and set about to
create a nobility of non-Turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. The chain reaction
that followed this policy overwhelmed Razia.79

Razia gave example of her excellent wisdom when she in a clever way dealt
with the Khwaramian governor of Ghazni, Malik Hasan Qarligh. It happened so that
in 1238 A.D Hasan Qarligh was disposed of his territory by the Mongols resulting
which he faced towards the western provinces of the Sultanate of Delhi. Malik Hasan
Qarligh sent his son to meet Razia and negotiate for some sort of military help. Razia
received the prince with courtesy and honour and assigned the revenues of Baran for

76
On History and Historians of Medieval India, op. cit., p. 119.
77
Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 460.
78
K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2002, p. 388.
79
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243.

64
his expenses. She politely declined to form a coalition with the Khwarazmian
governor, against the Mongols. This was a very sound political decision in order to
save the Sultanate from a Mongol invasion. Hence she proved herself to be an able
administrator which Iltutmish anticipated when he was alive. A big achievement of
Razia was that after this incident, the western frontier along the river Chinab remained
secure against the Mongol invasion until her reign ended. It seems that the polite
refusal of Razia to the son of Hasan Qarligh pleased the Mongols and in directly it
was an effort to maintain friendly relations with the Mongols who were always a
danger to the Sultanate.80

An important event of the reign of Razia was the revolt of Carmathians (a

secret sect of Islam having faith in the theory of bloodshed of Sunnis) or heretics
under their leader Maulana Nur Turk. It is noteworthy to mention here that Muslim
religious tradition as developed by the Chisti saints avoided the contact with the
ruling power. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya regarded Maulana as an extremely pious
and saintly person. Nur Turk looked down upon contact with the ruling power. His
only source of income was a jital a day which his liberated slave used to give him.
Razia once send to him a bag full of gold coins. He did not touch it but beat the bag
with the stick and asked the people to remove it from his sight.

It happened so that heretics (Ismailis)81 under their leader Maulana Nur Turk
collectively from different part of the country such as Gujarat, Sind and the banks of
Jamuna and Ganga gathered one thousand82heretics and conspired against Islam.
Incited the people to defy the hanafi and shafi’I doctrines and called the Sunni ulema
as Nasibi (the enemies of Ali) and Murji (procrastinators). In March 1237 A.D an
armed body of heretics entered the Jama Masjid from two directions and attacked and
killed a great number of Musalmans who had gathered there to offer Friday prayer.
When confusion spread some persons from the city-Nasiruddin Aitam Balrami and
Amir Nasiri came around armed with spears, steel caps and stones at them from the
roof of the mosque. The account of Minhaj was contradicted by Shaikh Nizamuddin

80
‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., p. 763.
81
For the explanation of Ismailis see, M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of the Early
Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 196.
82
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243.

65
Auliya. He in one of the mystic gatherings said that Maulana Nur Turk was purer than
rain water.

Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The

free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which
were necessary for the Imamat. These above mentioned qualifications were not
necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the prayers were lead by the
Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the prayers and a woman
cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers was one of the most important duties of the
Imam and the Sultan which a lady monarch was incompetent for.83 Regarding the
accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not show any disfavour. This is evident from
the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer and qazi at the time of her accession, later
on he became the chief qazi by Razia. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason
to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons
Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would
have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was
any.84

It was only a later theologian of 16th or 17th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq
Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the
accession of a woman as a Sultan.85

Observing the facts of the reign of Razia and views of the historians we can
conclude that the author of Tabaqat-i-Nasiri counts upon many merits of Razia when
he says that she was a great sovereign, she was just, sagacious, beneficent, the patron
of the learned, a dispenser of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of warlike
talents.86 But these qualities were of no use because she was not a male. Razia was the
eldest of the surviving children of Iltutmish. Although she was a female, her father,
Sultan Iltutmish issued an order according to which she was to be made next heir
apparent after his demise. The decree was unacceptable to the nobles of his court as
his sons were also present who could be the next Sultan. Like Minhaj, the

83
‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 750-751.
84
Ibid., p. 755.
85
Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, footnote. n. 13, p. 237.
86
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty., op. cit., pp. 637-38.

66
contemporary historian her father must have noticed the qualities in her which are
necessary for a Sultan. The accession of Razia was a very courageous act on her part.
It was a bold step of a female because it was a male dominant society where office of
the Sultan was considered a male monopoly. Moreover, purdah which did not allow a
woman of royal family to deal with nobles and common people did not stop her to
snatch the opportunity of getting on the throne.

Amidst chaos and confusion she unhesitatingly caught the attention of the
people of Delhi. The imprisonment of Ruknuddin Firozshah and his mother was the
result of the same. The prestige of Sultan Iltutmish was maintained when his Turkish
nobles accepted the decree issued in his life and placed Razia on the throne. The
opposition came from a non-Turkish noble and his supporters. Razia was not
disturbed by this disturbing situation but crushed the insurgents with courage and
astuteness.

Considering purdah as an impediment in the administration she discarded it.

The main reason of her downfall was her idea of avoiding the concentration of powers
in the hands of a particular section of nobility (Turkish nobility). The inclusion of
non-Turkish nobles was used as one of the means to create a new force to serve her
political ends. Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian slave, received special consideration
for being a non-Turk. This attempt of Razia gathered the opposition of nobles
Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia conspired together and as a result of
their conspiracy Razia lost her life.

When Razia was fighting with the rebellious nobles she gathered an army of
Hindus such as khokhars and jat tribes of Punjab.87 She was such a courageous ruler
that the Hindus of the area did not hesitate to support her. When she marched with
Altunia, whom she espoused when in prison to regain the throne she was supported by
Hindu band of soldiers. But the attempt to regain the throne went vain and both
Altunia and Razia were killed by the Hindus near Kaithal.88

It is evident that the Delhi Sultanate was struggling with various problems
when Razia occupied the throne. Through her capabilities as a ruler and strict

87
Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 219.
88
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 648.

67
perseverance she overcame almost all the difficulties. If on one hand, she was not
successful in occupying Gwalior and Ranthambor, she on the other hand saved the
empire from Mongol invasions. No doubt this was one of the praiseworthy
achievements of Razia which proved her sharp farsightedness. The only reason which
can be attributed for her failure was the idea of diluting the powers of Turkish nobles.
She tried to counter balance the power of the Turkish nobles by encouraging the
nobles of non-Turkish origin. This policy of Razia strained her relations with the
nobility. The support and cooperation of nobility was a necessary feature to run the
Sultanate. The nobles in order to keep themselves as an active force conspired to
bring to an end the regime of Razia. After the end of Razia’s reign we do not find any
woman ruler who would have directly ruled the medieval period so successfully.

The Harem Influence in the Politics

The harem or the residing place of the royal ladies had a special place in the
history. Sultans had large seraglio. It comprised of the mother of the Sultan (called
Sultan Valide by the Turks),89 his chief queen, his wives, sisters and daughters,
concubine and slave girls. Nobles also maintained large harem. The Lodi period is
famous for the harem of Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan, a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi.90
When Muslim rule was established in India, the royal ladies of the harem of the Delhi
Sultans cast an effective influence on contemporary politics. Harem, the residing
place of the Royal ladies witnessed a lot of influence in the court politics directly or
indirectly, especially during the war of succession. The history of Sultanate has many
references where the wife, the mother or the sister of the Sultan used to advice the
Sultans on political matters and had interference in the political matters. These ladies
were also bestowed with gifts, awards and titles reflective of their position and
importance. Among the royal ladies mother of the Sultan was titled Makhduma-i-
Jahan and chief Queen was titled Malika-i-Jahan.

The daughter of Iltutmish who happened to be the real sister of Sultan

Muizuddin Bahram Shah (1240-1242 AD) was first married to the son of Qazi
Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. After that she was married to

89
K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 84.
90
Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng.Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi, 1993, p.
98.

68
Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i-Mulk (regent) after her brother’s accession to the
throne in 1240 AD91.

Another widow of Sultan Iltutmish also married a senior noble, Qutlugh Khan
and with the support of her husband and his friends at the court she compelled Sultan
Alauddin Masud Shah (1242-1246) to release from prison the sons of Sultan
Iltutmish, Prince Naisiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and Prince Jalauddin. On the
advice of nobles, her son Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the
territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalauddin was posted as Wali (Governnor) of
Qannauj. She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich because the latter
was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years92.

Daughter of Balban is known for influencing the politics during the Ilbari rule;
Balban had married her to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1249 AD93. Balban took
advantage of this new relation and became Naib -i- Mumaliqat. People lodged several
complaints against the working of Balban but Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmud did not
take any notice because of the influence of Balban’s daughter. Ultimately her
influence in political matters had strengthened Balban’s position and he succeeded to
the throne after the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud.

During the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji his wife had a lot of interference in court
politics and the wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji too indirectly influenced the life of
Alauddin khilji in his early life and later on also.

The mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq was a respectable lady at the court.
She was known for her benevolent nature. Khudavandzada sister of Mohammad Bin
Tughlaq indulged in politics and supported the cause of her son Davar Baksh against
Firoz Tughlaq. She was so willing to enthrone her son that she even planned the
murder of Firoz Tughlaq.

91
Tabaqat, op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 463; Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi
Husain, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 345.
92
Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 478- 479, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Vol. II, p.
352.
93
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 275.

69
 Mubarak Shah Sayyid had a daughter Bibi Raji who was married to Mahmud
Sharqi, she is well known for her love for architecture. Jaunpur has many buildings
built by her.

Lodi period had three influential ladies, first was Bibi Matto wife of Islam
Khan Lodi, Shams Khatoon the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and an another wife
of Sultan Bahlol Lodi named Bibi Amba known for her beauty and cherished manners

Khilji Period

Khilji period witnessed the presence of the two powerful ladies in the harem.
The first was Malika-i-Jahan and another was Mahru.

Malika-i-Jahan was the wife of Jalaludddin khilji and mother-in-law of

Alauddin khilji.94 According to Barani she was a wise and ambitious lady, he calls her
naqis aqal that is deficient in judgment.95 Immediately after the death of Jalaluddin
Khilji she wasted no time in placing her son Qadr Khan on throne with the title of
Ruknuddin Ibrahim. For this she was supported by some of the nobles at the court.
The queen mother and her son left Khilugarhi and took up residence in the kaushak-i-
sabz (the green palace). She began to rule in his name, received petitions and issued
orders.96Arkali Khan, eldest son of Jalaluddin was the real heir with all the qualities
needed to be a king, but he was greatly perplexed by the actions of Malika-i-Jahan
and decided to remain at Multan.97

Sultan used to take decisions after consulting his wife. Once (as described by
Barani) Sultan wished to adopt the title of Almujahid fi Sabiullah in the khutba read in
the Friday prayers. Sultan asked his wife to instruct about this idea to the chief justice
and other nobles at the court and ask them to request in open court that he should
grant the permission of addressing him with this title, but when they really did it,

94
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 50.
95
Ibid.,p. 76
96
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 69-70 ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p.67 ;Muntakab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p.180
;Tarikh-i- Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 101.
97
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 69-70 ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 67.

70
Sultan confessed to them, that he himself was responsible for the suggestion and
refused to take the title.98

Malika-i-Jahan was a farsighted lady. This can be proved by narrating the

incident, when she warned Sultan Jalauddin Khilji about the intension of Alauddin
Khilji of establishing an independent principality in some remote corner of the
country.

Sultan Alauddin Khilji was dejected by the behavior of his wife and mother-in-
law. Alauddin wished to move far away from the capital and to settle there in order to
get rid of the atrocities of his mother-in-law and wife, who was the daughter of
Jalaluddin Khilji.99 Sultan Alauddin Khilji was afraid of the queen mother and his
wife, as Malika-i-Jahan had a powerful position and had complete control over her
husband. In spite of Malika-i-Jahan and his wife’s humiliating nature towards
Alauddin Khilji, he never tried to complain about this to Sultan.

Due to Jalaluddin’s power and riches he did not even attempt to speak against
the two influential ladies of the harem. Due to this he always remained unhappy. The
daughter of the king oppressed her husband.100 Malika-i-Jahan played treacherous role
in court politics. After the death of her husband, Jalaluddin Khilji, she laid aside the
claims of her eldest son Arkali Khan who was then at Multan and supported and
placed on throne her younger son Qadr Khan with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim.

Contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani writes that she had no patience and
never had she consulted nobles at court, nor she waited for Arkali Khan to reach Delhi
from Multan. Malika-i-Jahan ruled in the name of her younger, inexperienced son
Ruknuddin Ibrahim, she heard petitions and gave orders.101

To gain support of the nobility Malika-i-Jahan provided them with important

offices and assigned territories to them.102

98
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 23- 24.
99
Ibid.,Vol. II, p. 50.
100
Ibid.; The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 638.
101
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 69-70.
102
Ibid., p. 70.

71
 Once again nobility proved its power. Bowed in front of power, a section of
Jalali nobles deserted mother and son and joined new, mighty King, Alauddin Khilji.
Some of the nobles at Delhi already had become against as the result of setting aside
the claims of the elder son, Arkali khan.

At such a juncture when no nobles were at her support, Malika-i-Jahan called

her son Arkali Khan. She wrote a letter to him asking his support.

Malika-i-Jahan wrote “I was wrong in placing your younger brother on the

throne.” She requested Arkali Khan to pardon her for her foolishness. She confessed
blaming herself that “I am a woman and women do not have wisdom. But her
petitions had not any effect on Arkali Khan and he refused to come by answering that
the situation had gone beyond his control and it was not possible to check Alauddin’s
action.103

Taking the advantage of this dispute between mother and son Alauddin
marched to Delhi. After ascending the throne Alauddin ordered the killing of Jalali
104
nobles. Sultan Ruknuddin Ibrahim and Malika-i-Jahan fled towards Multan but
were captured and brought back to Delhi.105

Sultan Alauddin Khilji was Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji’s nephew and son-in-
law.106 About Sultan Alauddin’s wife, who was Jalaluddin’s daughter Barani writes
that his wife oppressed him and he was dissatisfied with her. Due to Jalaluddin’s
riches and power, the son-in-law was reluctant to complain about his wife to his father
in law. She was arrogant towards her husband and her behavior so disgusted him that
he often said in despair: “a beggar’s son is better than the son-in-law of the king.”107

Apart from Jalaluddin’s daughter another lady in the life of Alauddin was
Mahru. She was daughter of Alauddin’s uncle and sister of Alp Khan.108 Haji Dabir in
his work Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar walih writes that Alauddin was in love with his

103
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 76.
104
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 70; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 67.
105
Ibid., see also Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 67 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 101.
106
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 50 ;The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p.
638 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta,Vol. I, p. 68.
107
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 85.
108
Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, Eng.Tr., M.F. Lokhandwala,
The M S University of Baroda, Baroda, 1974, Vol. II, pp. 639- 40.

72
uncle’s daughter, Mahru. This relationship was the cause of the disturbed relations of
the husband and wife as he concealed this from his wife. Jalaluddin’s daughter got
hint of this relation and appointed spies to find out the reality.109 Once, Alauddin’s
wife found her husband sitting in a garden with Mahru. She suddenly appeared and
got enraged seeing them together she took her shoe to beat Mahru. Alauddin became
furious and attacked her with his sword. She escaped with few minor injuries.110

After the death of Jalaluddin, his father-in-law, he married Mahru with the title
of Malika-i-Jahan later on she became mother of prince Khizr Khan. She wanted
Khizr Khan to marry her niece, daughter of Alp Khan. But Prince Khizr Khan refused
as he was deeply involved in a love affair with a Hindu princess Deval Rani. Mother
of Khizr Khan came to know about the relationship of Khizr Khan and Deval Rani
through the ladies of the harem. The ladies advised Malika-i-Jahan to separate the two
lovers and she tried to follow the advice.111 Khizr Khan was forcefully married to the
daughter of Alp Khan by the queen mother. Malika-i-Jahan overpowered her husband
so much that he bowed in front of her will. The forcefully marrying of Prince Khizr
Khan with a girl of her choice explains her ambitious and domineering nature towards
her husband and her son.

Malika-i-Jahan made elaborate preparations and invited rajas from different

parts of Hindustan. According to Isami, Rama Deva of Devagiri was invited to this
function; the marriage took place on 4th February 1312.112

Prince Khizr Khan felt difficult to forget Deval Rani.113 He displayed no

affection towards his wife and remained sad by remembering Deval Rani. Ultimately
Khizr Khan sent an envoy to his mother. The envoy requested Malika-i-Jahan for the
well-being of her son. He narrated the whole situation to Malika-i-Jahan, she felt sad
of her doings and by the consent of Alauddin Khilji, Khizr Khan and Deval Rani were
married.114

109
Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, op. cit., p. 640.
110
Ibid.
111
Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 35.
112
K. S. Lal, History of the Khiljis, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1980, p. 264.
113
Deval Rani Khizr Khan, pp. 36-37.
114
Ibid., p. 44.

73
 Once Mahru was the dearest wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji but as time passed
and Alauddin lived his last days of life, she became careless and arrogant Malika-i-
Jahan.

Habib and Nizami observe that Ferishta on the basis of the originals has
briefly depicted the situation.

………………As Khizr Khan and Malika-i-Jahan were devoting themselves to

interminable feasts and celebrations and did not care about his (Sultan Alauddin)
nursing and treatment, the Sultan attributed his illness to their negligence and his
heart was deeply alienated from them. Khizr Khan had his amusements, feasts,
drinking parties, polo, elephant fights. A lot of undesirable companions had collected
around him and Amir Khusrau has no hesitation in telling that the character of the
hero of his poem had greatly degenerated. His mother also spent her time in
arranging functions so dear to uneducated purdah women-marriage ceremonies,
circumcision ceremonies and the like. The one thing that never drew their attention
was Sultan Alauddin and his illness, and every day they were guilty of some act that
increased his resentment and suspicion.115

Tughlaq Period

Ibn Batuta describes the palace of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq’s mother.
The Sultan’s mother is called Makhduma-i-Jahan.116 He praises her as one of the most
virtuous of women, who is munificent in charity and has founded many hospices and
endowed them to supply food to all travelers. Men and women lived a peaceful life
during her life time.117 Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq never disobeyed her and
always acted on her advice.118 During the transfer of capital Sultan shifted
Makhduma-i-Jahan with other Sufi saints, amirs, nobles, ulema, along with the royal
treasury to Daulatabad.119

115
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, pp. 422-423.
116
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 736.
117
Ibid.; see also Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Syed Ahmad Khan, Cap. William
Nasolies and Maulvi Kabiruddin Ahmad, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1862, p. 483.
118
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p. 506.
119
Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 99 ; Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p. 224 ;Tarikh-i-
Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 136.

74
Mohammad bin Tughlag was deeply respectful towards his mother. Once Sultan
proceeded ahead to receive her and got down from his horse and kissed her feet
publicly in view of all.120

Makhduma-i-Jahan, the wife of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq (1320-25) and

mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq was a virtuous, benevolent and charitable woman.
Barani describes these qualities and call her a pious lady (pak daman).121

Ibn Batuta gives a detailed account of his visit to the court of Makhduma-i-
Jahan. When he visited the Sultanate, Mohammad bin Tughlaq was away at that time.
He was entertained by his mother Mukhdama-i-Jahan. A sumptuous feast was
arranged in his honor. Two dinner carpets were spread on which visitors sat in two
rows, the food was served in utensils of gold. The chamberlain called Bismillah
whereupon they started eating. After Ibn Battuta and his companions took the food
they were given silken and cotton clothes. He also praises her virtuous qualities and
writes that ‘she is one of the most virtuous of the women and munificence of charity,
and has founded many hospices and endowed them to supply food to all travelers.122
Her acts of charity were a boon for several families which survived merely because of
her help.123 Thus, Malika-i-Jahan was a kind and benevolent lady who was known for
her charitable and kind nature. It was her kind disposition and timely intervention that
the marriage of Bibi Rasti, daughter of Mohammad bin Tughlaq with the grandson of
Baba Farid, Sheikh Fathullah was solemnized.124

Ibn Battuta has mentioned that the mother was visually handicapped. The
reason why she lost her eye sight given by Ibn Battuta is very interesting and hard to
believe. According to him when Mohammad Tughlaq was enthroned “she was visited
by all the princesses and daughters of the kings’ and the amirs wearing their finest
apparel. As she was sitting on a golden couch encrusted with jewels and they all made

120
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., pp. 86- 87.
121
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta , p. 483.
122
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,Vol. III, p. 736.
123
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p. 483.
124
S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, pp.
130-131.

75
obeisance before her, her sight went suddenly and although she has been treated in all
kinds of ways it has done no good”.125

Mohammad bin Tughlaq is known for his caring attitude towards his mother
and sisters.126 The way he arranged the marriages of his sisters and the personal
interest he took in their well- being shows his strong family sentiments. But his sense
of discipline was such that his sisters were afraid of him. Ibn Battuta has reported that
once his brother-in-law Amir Ghadda, was convicted in an offence and was
imprisoned. His sister could not send bedding to her husband because she was afraid
of the Sultan and anticipated dire consequences of such an action.127

When in the year 1341 A.D Sultan was busy in crushing the revolt of Sahu
Afghan, the governor of Multan he received the news of the demise of his mother at
Delhi. The news of her death immersed Sultan in grief.128 He immediately left Multan
to perform the burial ceremony of his mother. The Sultan generously distributed the
alms and fed the poor and organized the recitation of Quran. It was intense love and
regard for his mother that he returned to Delhi for performing the funeral rites of his
mother.129

Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq’s death (20th March 1351 A.D) led Delhi
Sultanate into the issue of succession. The deceased Sultan’s sister Khudavandazada
intervened in the matter of succession. She put forward the claims of Davar Malik to
the throne against Firoz Tughlaq.130 This attitude of Khudavandazada infuriated the
nobility and they became against her. Malik Saifuddin Kuju an important noble was
sent to Khudavandzada. He strictly told her that her son is incapable and could not be
given the responsibilities of a ruler. In this critical hour there was need of a competent
person on the throne who could save the Sultanate from disruption. And if she desired
for peace and harmony for the Sultanate she should accept what the eminent nobles
have decided. Finally, Malik Saifuddin Kuju succeeded in pacifying

125
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Vol. III, p. 736.
126
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 86.
127
Ibid.
128
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta, pp. 481- 482.
129
Ibid.
130
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, p.45.

76
Khudavandazada’s stubborn attitude and Davar Malik was assigned the office of Naib
Barbak.131

Firoz Tughlaq was coroneted as Sultan by the hands of Khudavandzada on the

day of 20th march 1327 A.D.132 Since then Firuz Tughlaq made a routine to pay
tribute by visiting his aunt, every Friday after evening prayer. During these visits,
Sultan Firoz Shah and Khudavandazda sat on the same carpet and discussed the issues
of importance.133

After sometime Khudavandazada, aunt of Firoz Tughlaq planned her

assassination. Due to jealousy, Khudavandzada along with her husband planned the
killing of Firoz Tughlaq.134 But their plan could not succeed and Firoz Tughlaq escape
unhurt. Instead of this conspiracy Sultan had a moderate attitude towards his aunt and
granted her a fixed allowance. Her scheming husband was deported while Davar
Malik was ordered to visit the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. All
her property was confiscated by the state and made a part of the royal treasury.135

Shams Siraj Afif mentions about Firoz Tughlaq’s mother who was a Hindu
girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Afif narrates an interesting story behind the
marriage of this girl with Rajab (father of Firoz Tughlaq). After the marriage,
Ranamal Bhatti named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Mohammad bin Tughlaq named
her as Bibi Qadbano

Without the mention of mother of Firoz Tughlaq, the history of women of

Tughlaq period would remain incomplete. Sipah salar Rajab, father of Firuz Tughlaq
was cousin brother of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq. Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq wanted to marry
Rajab to a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Sultan Tughlaq sent envoys to
Ranamal Bhatti to get his daughter married to Rajab. The raja refused the proposal,
resulting which the Sultan forced the raja to submit annual revenues in cash.
Ultimately, Ranamal Bhatti agreed to marry her daughter to Rajab. Ranamal Bhatti
named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Sultan named her as Bibi Qadbano.136

131
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, op. cit., pp. 45- 46.
132
Ibid., p. 96.
133
Ibid., pp. 100- 101.
134
Ibid., p. 101.
135
Ibid., p. 104.
136
Ibid., p. 39; N. N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, Longmans,
Green and Co, London, 1916, introduction, xxii.

77
Saiyyid Dynasty

Bibi Raji was the daughter of Sultan Mubarak Shah Sayyid married to
Mahmud Sharqi, (mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi) the crown prince of Jaunpur, in
accordance with a treaty of peace. This treaty of peace resulted in war between the
Sayyid Sultan and Ibrahim Sharqi in 1427. She is known for her numerous charitable
and beneficent public works during the life time of her husband.137

She was not only associated with numerous charitable and beneficent public
works during the life time of her husband but was the actual ruler of Jaunpur after the
death of her husband till her death in the town of Itawah. Such was her love for power
that she may be compared with Catherine di Medici of France minus her foibles, or
more properly she may be termed the Indian Irene.138

During the conflict of Bahlol Lodi with Mohammad Sharqi, brother-in-law

(Qutb Khan) and brother (Hasan Khan) of Bahlol Lodi were imprisoned by
Mohammad Shah Sharqi. Sultan Bahlol Lodi moved from Delhi and Mohammad
Sharqi from Jaunpur, they both encamped near river Sarsuti and Rabri. Mohammad
Shah Sharqi from there wrote an order to the kotawal at Jaunpur directing him to put
to death to Hasan Khan and Qutb Khan. This came to the notice of Bibi Raji and she
put her efforts in protecting the two resulting that the kotwal could not kill them. The
kotwal sent a representation to inform Mohammad Shah Sharqi that Bibi Raji
protected them in such a way that he was unable to put them to death. Thus Bibi Raji
the mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, who was the daughter of Mubarak
Shah Sayyid also interfered and influenced the politics of those days.139

Lodi Period

According to the authentic history of Lodi period there were three important
ladies in the harem who had a place in history. They were (i) Shams Khatoon, the
chief queen of Bahlol Lodi.140 (ii) Bibi Ambha141, another wife of Bahlol Lodi, a

137
S. A. Halim, ‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, Muslim University
Journal, October, 1938, Vol. V, No-2, pp. 52- 53.
138
Ibid.
139
Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 155.
140
Khwajah Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed., Sayyid Mohammad
Imamuddin, Dacca, 1960, Vol. I, p. 149.

78
goldsmith’s daughter.142(iii)Bibi Matto, the wife of Islam Khan Lodi, famous for her
ingenuity.

In the year 1452 A.D when Sultan Mahmud Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur
143
besieged the fort of Delhi to defeat the Lodis, Bibi Mato played an important role
in that critical situation. It was her ingenuity that outwitted Sultan Mahmud Sharqi.
She made a wise plan to deceive the enemy as Sultan Bahlol Lodi was in Sirhind.144

Sultan Bahlol Lodi was at Sirhind and the soldiers in the fort were less. She
ordered the women in the fort to dress up like men and asked them to take their
position on the rampart of the fort in order to deceive the enemy by a false show of
numbers.

Darya Khan Lodi, the Sharqi commander was won over by the Afghans (Lodis)
who suggested Mahmud Sharqi to postpone the capture of the fort till the defeat of
Bahlol Lodi. Bahlol arrived with a large force and gave battle to the Sharqi forces at
Narela, a village about 28 miles from the then Delhi. The battle resulted in defeat of
the Sharqi and the capture of sharqi commander-in-chief Fath Khan. The beaten
Sharqi army retreated to join their Sultan engage in the siege of Delhi fort. When the
report of the coming of the Sharqi army reached the fort, Bibi Mato asked the soldiers
to watch whether the sharqi army joined the Sultan or went to the camp. When it was
reported that the army went to their camp to pick up their baggage, she ordered the
beating of the drums of victory.145

Though Lodis owed their victory mainly to the treachery of Darya Khan Lodi,
yet it was the action of this heroine which infused courage into the heart of the men
defenders and prevented the early surrender of the fort before the reaching of succor
and maintained the Lodi dynasty against Sharqis.146

141
The author of Tarikh-i-Shahi names her Hema.
142
Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Shahi, ed., Mohammad Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1939, p.17.
143
Abdullah Khan , Tarikh-i-Daudi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Dept of History, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh, 1954, p.132.
144
Tarikh-i-Daudi, p.13 ; see also Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p. 11.
145
Tarikh-i-Daudi, pp. 15-16; ‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, op. cit., p.
52.
146
Ibid.

79
 The exploits of Bibi Mato, the widow of Sultan Islam Shah Lodi, the governor
of Sirhind and uncle147and father-in-law of Bahlol Lodi, are worthy to rank her in the
list of brave women.148

The lady who actively participated in the politics of Lodi period was Shams
Khatoon, the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi 149 and sister of Qutb Khan.150

During Sultan Bahlol Lodi’s struggle with Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur,
his brother-in-law, Qutb Khan was taken prisoner.151 Soon Sultan Bahlol Lodi sought
for peace treaty and after entering into terms with Sultan Mohammad Sharqi, returned
back to Delhi. On reaching Dan Kaour he received a letter from his wife, Shams
Khatoon urging him not to opt for a cease fire and not to relax until and unless her
brother was freed from the clutches of Mohammad Sharqi.152

The words provoked Sultan Bahlol Lodi, who at once retraced his steps back
towards Jaunpur to meet Sultan Mohammad Sharqi with greater force. The Sultan
also started from Jaunpur. Mohammad Shah came to Sarsuti and Sultan Bahlol Lodi
encamped at Rabri near sarsuti, and for some time they fought with each other.

Thus, it was intervention of Shams Khatoon which led Sultan Bahlol Lodi to
march once again to Jaunpur. She became the cause of re-opening the war with Sharqi
ruler, though the Sultan had earlier entered into a peace treaty to end it.

Another wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi was Bibi Amba, daughter of a Hindu
goldsmith. She was known for her charm and pleasant manners.153 Niamatullah and
Ferishta write that due to her beautiful appearance Bahlol Lodi fell in love with her.154

Her role in politics emerged after the death of Bahlol Lodi, when she fought for
the claim of her son. She opposed Isa Khan Lodi and pleaded the nobles to extend
their support in favour of her son Nizam Khan. Nobles especially Khan-i-Khanan

147
Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 149.
148
‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, p. 49.
149
Khawaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, op. cit., p. 38.
150
Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 154.
151
Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p.14 ; Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 17; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p.153.
152
Tarikh-i-Daudi, p. 17 ; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 14 ; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 154
153
Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani, p. 24; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 17.
154
Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani , p. 38 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 179.

80
Farmali extended full support to her, enthroning Nizam Khan under the title of Sultan
Sikandar Lodi.

Sultan Sikandar Lodi had great reverence for Niamat Khatoon, the widow of
Qutb Khan Lodi.155 The Sultan treated her with due respect and honour. To show
reverence to Niamat Khatoon, Prince Jalal Khan (Niamat Khatoon was his his foster
mother) was assigned the jagir of Kalpi. He was provided with a huge sum of
money156, one hundred and twenty horses157, and fifteen elephants158 and was
entrusted by Sultan Sikandar Lodi to take Niamat Khatoon to Kalpi, where she was to
be given all comforts. Sultan made all these special arrangements in consideration and
sympathy for the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi.

Thus, one can conclude that there was considerable influence of royal ladies
on the politics of the Sultanate period. It varied according to their personality and the
circumstances at their disposal. The one who was closer to the Sultan yielded more
influence on him and also on the nobility. These were usually chief queen of the
Sultan or his mother. Other than Sultans mother and wife sometimes his sister was the
dominant and influential character in the court politics.

The influence varied with the connections with the reigning Sultan. The
qualities like virtue, intelligence and diplomacy played as important factors in the
designing of the strategies and intrigues against anyone whom they did not wish to
succeed to the throne. The Sultan sometimes consulted in the political issues the lady
close to him. She advised the Sultan in political matters and advice was accepted.
However the influence of nobility was considerable .

155
Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 62.
156
Ibid.
157
Ibid.
158
Ibid.

81
 Chapter 3
Women in Various Roles
in Society During the
Sultanate Period
 Chapter – 3
WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING
THE SULTANATE PERIOD
Women have always played an affective and important role in the social and
cultural life of any country. It is women who have the most important task of taking
care of their family. A family is the primary unit of the society and many families
combine to make society, so it becomes clearly understood that it is women who takes
care of every one surviving in society. What was the place of women in the society
during the Sultanate is the main concern of this chapter. What role women played in
her household and how she performed her duties in society is also discussed in this
chapter. It was not that she was only homemaker but she has other responsibilities too.
Beside dancers, musicians and slaves she had appeared in the sources of the Sultanate
as a shop keeper, spies, scavenger, guards etc. The sources which are consulted in this
chapter and which depict her in various forms are Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i-
Firozshahi, Ijaz-i-Khusravi and Nuh Siphir of Amir Khusrau, The Travels of Ibn
Battuta, travellouge of Ibn Battuta, Masalik-al-Absar-fi-Mamalik-al-Amsar of Shihab-
al-Din-al Umari, Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi.

Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve

themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity
and winds with an invective against women of loose character.1

Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing
crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in
Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They
also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their
husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle.2 The Sufis employed
female slaves in their Khanqahs.3

1
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 195.
2
K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
1969, p. 144.
3
A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p.
140.

83
 The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a
separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks.4

Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls
who acted as spies on nobles. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of
everyday development of the Sultanate.5

The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without
permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female
scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services,
who informs the Sultan accordingly.

The poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for
suckling a child.6 To our surprise female thugs where also present in the society
during the Lodi period, we find and anecdote in Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui which describes
how a traveller was robbed by a woman. No women painters were found in Sultanate
and further till seventeenth century.7

Music and Dance

In spite of the controversial prohibition of dance and music in Islam the

Muslim rulers in the Sultanate period involved themselves in this sort of amusement.
Dancing and singing were quite popular and the presence of dancing and singing girls
was supposed to enhance the glory of the royal court. It was a regular feature of the
court life of the Sultans of Delhi. The Sultan and their nobles enjoyed the court
musicians and dancers. The official historians like Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i-
Firozshahi and Amir Khusrau in his works has beautifully described the music and
dance of the Sultanate period. Amir Khusrau’s Nuh Siphir, Deval Rani Khizr Khan
and Ijaz-i-Khusravi deal with music, dance, female dancers and different musical
instrument and depicts these means of entertainment in its real sense.

4
Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 229.
5
Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p. 105.
6
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 156.
7
Urmi Kesar, ‘Women and Women Painters’ in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision
and Venture, Patiala and New Delhi, 1996, p. 134.

84
 Music and dance was the main source of recreation at the court. References
are found in the chronicles where Sultan along with courtiers is enjoying majlis
(social gathering) and at certain places common folk is depicted as rejoicing the
marriage ceremonies of princes, birth of heir apparent of the Sultan etc, where music
and dance dominated the environment.

Ziauddin Barani informs about one such gathering at the court of Sultan
Jalaluddin Khilji, where musicians played musical instruments and female singers
added melody in the court environment by their melodious voice. He writes that,
among the musicians of the majlis was Muhammad Shah the Changi, who played the
Chang (musical instrument) while Futuha, the daughter of Fiqai and Nusrat Khatun
sang the song and played the Sarood. Barani, exaggeratingly says that the sweetness
of their voice brought down birds from the air and listeners lost their sense.8
Mentioning about the dancing women he names Dukhtar Khasa, Nusrat Bibi and
Meher Afroz 9. He further adds that their beauty and charm captivated the hearts of
the audience. Their movements were so graceful that the onlookers felt like
sacrificing their lives for them, and never raised their eyes off from the captivating
movements of their feet.10

Amir Khusrau, talks about Turmati Khatoon, a remarkable singer, entrusted

with duties of Amir-i-Murtanin,11 sang and played the Chang so lively that the birds
of paradise sang for her. She was admitted to the royal court by the assistance of Amir
Khusrau.12 Another singer of the Sultanate period was Dilaram13 she always
accompanied to king Bahram, in his hunting trips.14 Prior to Jalaluddin Khilji, Balban
did not allow the singers and even jesters in his court.15 With the accession of Sultan
Kaiqubad, grandson of Balban, musicians, singers, beautiful girls, jesters and jokers
arrived from different parts of the kingdom to Kaiqubad’s court.16 The king tried to

8
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 27.
9
Ibid.
10
Ibid.
11
Society and Culture in Medieval India , op. cit., p. 114; see also Jamila Brijbhushan, Sultan
Raziya – Her Life and Times, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1990, p. 67.
12
The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 218.
13
Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p.
32.
14
Ibid.
15
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89.
16
Ibid.

85
resist himself from this temptation but could not succeed and became a prey to the
‘killing’ eyes of beautiful dancers.17

Barani’s account leaves the impression that music and dance accompanied
with wine drinking at the court proved to be harmful for the ruling class and ruined
many lives of that age. Beautiful women were deep drunk in wine18. Important and
distinguished persons had no work, but to take wine and to join the majlis, listen to
the music and ignore the affairs of the state. These assemblies of the Sultan were
filled with beautiful women and singers.19

Amir Khusrau, the celebrated courtier was not only famous for his poems but
also for his accomplishments in music. Amir Khusrau has made many references to
music in his works like Qiran - us - Sadain and Nuh Siphir 20. Ijaz-i-Khusravi gives a
vivid description of musical instrument like Sarood21, Chang22, Dholak23 Rabaab24,
Damdama25, Tambura26, Shahnai27, Dhol-i-ghazi28,Dastnai29, Dhol-i-zan and Dastak-
i-qawwal 30etc.

He was chief courtier of the Sultan’s majlis, brought new ghazals every day in
praise of moon faced young boys and heart enchanting beauties, and these were
recited along with the drink served to the courtiers amidst the music and blandishment
of graceful beauties and the dancing of the fair girls.31 This was the extent of music
and dance as the form of amusement.

Deval Rani Khizr Khan a masnavi of Amir Khusrau describes the marriage
ceremony of Prince Khizr Khan. Description of beautiful girls playing a kind of

17
The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 74.
18
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89.
19
Ibid.
20
Ibid., p. 111.
21
Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1876, Vol. II, p. 282.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid.
29
Ibid.
30
Ibid.
31
M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, ed., Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, People’s
Publishing House, Delhi, 1981, Vol. II, p. 351.

86
musical instrument (taal) with their fingers is found in the poetical work of Khusrau.
He describes that these songstresses enchanted the surroundings with their melodious
singing.32

Remarkable is the patronage to musician by the fourteenth century Delhi

Court. Ibn Battuta informs of a select class of musicians for whom a separate area
with forty pavilions called Tarabad (city of music) was laid out where the musicians
both male and female, used to live. They had there a market which was one of the
largest in the world. Also a congregational mosque in which the imam recited the
tarawih prayer during the month of ramzan and female singers living there followed
the imam in the congregational prayer in the mosque.33 This seems to have been a
different cultural establishment, with women artist enjoying like their male
counterparts and taking part in the tarawih prayers led by imams.34

Ibn Battuta described Tarabad at Daulatabad as a separate establishment

where the singers and the songstress reside. It had numerous shops and every shop
had a door which led into the house of its proprietor. Inner apartment had a cradle on
which sat or lay the female singer decked out in all kinds of finery, while her female
attendants swung the cradle, these markets had large cupola lavishly carpeted in
which sat the Amir-ul-Murtibin (head musician). After the asr prayer in the presence
of his servants and slaves, female singers came in successive batches and performed.
By this way they paid respect to the head musician. This was a regular practice every
Thursday.35

The Deccan had been a noted seat of music since the Hindu period.
Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s transfer of capital to Daulatabad and establishment of
Tarabad added momentum to the tradition of music and dance.36

According of Al Umri’s description of slave musician, Muhammad Tughlaq

had 1200 musicians beside his slave musicians, numbering one thousand especially

32
Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 39.
33
Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng. Tr., H. A. R. Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Delhi, 1993, p.625.
34
Ibid.
35
S.A.A Rizvi, Tughlaq Kaleen Bharat, Rajkamal Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008, Vol. I, p. 272.
36
S.N. Rizvi, ‘Music in Muslim India’, Islamic Culture, Vol. XV, January 1941, p. 335.

87
for the purpose of teaching music.37 These female slave musicians excelled in music
and can play musical instruments like flute.38 Barani calls Muizuddin Kaiqubad as a
pleasure loving king and we are told by Barani that beautiful slave girls were taught
court etiquette and the art of singing in order to entertain the Sultan.39

Beside music, dance however in the early Sultanate history was seem as a
performance for enhancing seductive pleasures and delight.40 Isami provides the
account of the skills and activities of dancers that lured the commander of the Sultan’s
army. The dancers were described as:41

………….. Dancing girls of rosy cheeks who snatch away openly the hearts of
men; they are delicate in body, like flower buds, but smart enough to make thousand
graceful jumps in each round of dance. In privacy, they are comforts for hearts of
pleasure-seekers on open stage they are enchanters of discerners.42

During Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s reign, Ibn Battuta informs us of the Eid
celebrated at the court of the Sultan, attended by singers and dancers. He writes that
first of all, daughters of rajas captured during the course of the year, came, sing and
dance. Thereafter they are bestowed upon amirs and important foreigners. The Sultan
gave them to his brothers, relatives, sons of maliks etc. On the second day the darbar
is held in a similar fashion after asr. Female singers are brought out and the Sultan
distributes them among the mamluk amirs.43

Firoz Tughlaq who is considered as the orthodox ruler among the Delhi
Sultans, did not discourage music. During his reign, on every Friday musicians and
44
dancers used to gather in the hall popularly known as Chhajai-Choubin and
entertained the Sultan throughout the day and received rewards at the time of their
departure. Afif, informs us about Eid celebration at Firozshah Tughlaq’s court. He

37
Shihabuddin Al-Umri, Masalik- al- Absar Fi Mamalik-al-Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S.A. Rashid
and S.M. Haque, Aligarh, 1943, p. 32.
38
Ibid., p. 46.
39
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 180.
40
Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, Studies in History, Sage
Publications, 2011, p. 42
41
Ibid.
42
Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, p. 42
43
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. II , p. 667.
44
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta, 1891, p. 367.

88
used to hear performances of musicians both male and female, and also enjoyed the
performances of dancers.45

46
About the interest taken by the Lodis we have little information Sultan
Sikandar Lodi gave encouragement to the musicians and singers. His reign witnessed
a huge influx of eminent musicians and singers.47 He also had a troupe of dancing
girls at his court.48 Different types of dances were also popular. In the view of I. H.
Siddiqui, with the arrival of foreign artist, especially in the form of slave girls trained
in the dances of the land of their origin, new forms seem to have been suggested to the
traditional Indian classical dances. Foreign as well as Indian sources bear testimony to
the fact that a slave girl trained in the classical dances fetched a higher price.49 In
fifteenth century A.D, merchants moved from one metropolitan city to another with
dancing girls for sale.50

Both Sultan and their nobles have been reported to have maintained troupes of
well trained dancers at their court. Amongst the Lodi nobles, Khan-i-Azam Ahmad
Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, the governor (muqta) of Jaunpur, had a dance hall built and
named the Talim Khana, where he and his associates were entertained by music and
dance. In particular, the akhara, a group dance in which a group of dancing girls,
decked with jewels, clad in embroidered silken cloth, would dance with quickening
movements holding lit earthen lamps in their palms, held a profound fascination for
Khan-i-Azam.51

Amir Khusrau in Nuh Siphir has given vivid details about the dancing girls.
Writing about them the poet says that mostly the dancing girls had pleasant
personalities. Their long black hair often touched the floor. Big eyes beautiful lips,
charming personality and sweet voice all added charm to their beauty.52 These women
wore costly dress and too many ornaments added to their beauty. Their clothes were

45
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., p. 365.
46
‘Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 336.
47
I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Life and Culture under Lodi Sultans’ in I. H. Siddiqui ed., Composite Culture
under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 83.
48
K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68.
49
‘Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans’, op. cit., p. 84.
50
Ibid.
51
Ibid.
52
Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, folios. 45-47.

89
generally tight and transparent.53 They wrapped silk dupatta. Betel leaves helped
them to redden their lips, while a black spot on their cheeks was placed in the belief
that it would protect them from evil.54

Musk was used by them on their face and armpits as perfume.55 They also
wore earnings and took pleasure in drinking wine.56

These dancing girls were often called by the Sultan on the ceremonial
occasions.57 In these occasions audience from every class was invited irrespective of
social status or class distinction.58

One of such occasion mentioned by Ibn Battuta is marriage ceremony of

Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s sister. In two audience halls a pavilion was erected. The
halls were furnished with fine carpets. Shams-al-Din-Tabrizi, who was the head of the
musicians brought with him male and female singers and dancers. All of them were
Sultan’s slave.

At another instance, he describes a ceremony on his return from a journey. In

the city wooden pavilions were built having several stories high and covered with silk
clothes and in each story there were singing girls wearing the most beautiful dresses
and ornaments, among them were also dancing girls.59 At, one more instance when
Sultan’s entry into the capital is expected wooden pavilions were built covered with
silk curtains and singing girls were found sitting inside it.60 Similar, public
entertainments were also organized on the occasion of the birth and marriage
ceremonies of the royal princes.61

Mubarak Shah Khilji son and successor of Alauddin Khilji also a pleasure
loving king celebrated the birth of his son with great pomp and show. At his instance
Amir Khusrau wrote his masnavi, Nuh Siphir. It has beautiful description of the birth

53
Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio. 45-47.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid.
57
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.
58
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 244.
59
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 686
60
Ibid., p. 744.
61
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.

90
ceremony of the King’s son. It is in this jashn that beautiful Iranian and Indian
dancing girls displayed their skills. Pavilions were erected and decorated with velvet
and brocade curtains. The royal band played at the top of the arch. Persian and Indian
musicians and dancers performed in the function.62

In case of female artist the practice of dancing and singing were confined only
to the woman who appeared openly at the court. Amir Khusrau informs that dancing
and playing of musical instruments by the upper and middle class Muslim women
were tabooed.63

Prostitutes

India, which is justly claimed to be one of the most ancient civilizations of the
world, presents an extensive account of the institution of prostitution in its historical
records. Sachindra Kumar Maity views prostitution as essentially an urban
phenomenon. The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of
alienated women who took to this profession for their subsistence.64

According to Shihabuddin Al Umri prostitution was prevalent in the Sultanate

and they were found in every town of India.65

The prostitutes and courtesans were an important source of entertainment. The

class of courtesans clearly stood apart from the common prostitute.66 The prostitution
in India was inseparably associated with professional entertainers. As far as medieval
India is concerned, the women employed in this profession combined it with a large
numbers of other skills, such as dancing, singing etc.

Though public women were looked down in the society, yet they were
considered to be the main source of entertaining the youth. Ordinary prostitutes were
mainly around to provide sexual service, Ferishta writes about them as ‘they cause

62
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.; see also Life and Conditions of the People
of Hindustan, op. cit., pp. 230-231 foot note; see also‘ Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 334.
63
Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 137.
64
Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham – My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of Ancient
Indian History and Culture, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1997, p. 316.
65
Shihab al din al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik al Amsar, Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, Qazi Mohammad
Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqui
Publishing House, Aligarh, 1971, p.67.
66
Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 41.

91
ruin of soldiers and so many youth’. Still prostitutes might have lured their clients
with singing and dancing to heighten pleasure, in the same way as professional
dancers and singers might bestow sexual favours along with providing cultural
entertainment. These categories seemingly combined together, but the contemporary
accounts also state the differences.67

The prostitutes’ houses in the Sultanate are seen as separate establishments.

The state regulated this profession and earned the revenues. In Alauddin’s reign, as a
result of a joke cracked by a noble, the rates of the prostitutes were fixed and they
were classified as first, second and third, in order to provide to different classes of
men.68 In absence of any restriction imposed by the state the number of these women
suddenly increased by the reign of Alauddin Khilji as if their population will
explode.69

Amir Khusrau writes that during Alauddin Khilji’s reign he made a measure to
stop this offensive profession and prostitutes had appropriately been married.70

Syed Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi71 a saint at the time of Iltutmish opined

that absence of public women would lead to perverted men to encroach upon the
pious women. It was probably due to this reason that he considered it inappropriate to
abolish the institution of prostitution completely and wanted that these women should
carry on their profession in a quite subservient manner.72

Balban is reported to be seriously concerned about men’s sexual nature as men

want to pounce on other men’s wives, and therefore, prostitution was regarded as a
defensive against the passions of uncontrollable men.73

67
‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 42.
68
Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p.
114.
69
S.M. Jaffar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, S. Mohammad Sadiq Khan Publisher,
Peshawar, Pakistan, 1950, p. 188.
70
Amir Khusrau, khazainul Futuh, Tr., Mohammad Habib, The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji,
Madras Diocesan Press, Vepery, 1931, p. 11.
71
S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, p.
194.
72
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 51; see also A History of Sufism in India,
op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 194.
73
‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.

92
 Al Umri’s description of prostitution in Indian society makes a clear distinction
74
between prostitution practiced by families of prostitute and by individual women
who might join the profession. Once they resolved to undertake this profession all
their ties with their families were cut off and they led a life devoid of family love and
emotion.75 The latter are mentioned as low in status as compared to the officially
registered prostitutes whose mothers and grandmothers were also prostitutes. The
latter could serve as witness in the court and were heard and believed in every matter
we also hear from him (Al-Umri) high praise for the professional ethics of
prostitutes.76

Najmuddin Sughra, whom Iltutmish entrusted the office of Shaikh- ul Islam,

was an arrogant and deceitful person. If he ever found any saint or scholar coming
closer to the Sultan or attracting the public eye, he resorted to mean and reprehensible
methods for pulling him down. He had the effrontery to work up a detestable charge
of adultery against Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi, simply with a view to disgrace him in
the eyes of the Sultan.

When Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi reached the suburbs of Delhi, Iltutmish went
out to receive him. As soon as the Shaikh came in view, he got down from his horse
and ran towards him. He brought the Shaikh to his palace with great respect and asked
Najmuddin Sughra to make arrangements for his stay.

He made arrangements for his stay in a house which was thought to be

affected by evil spirit. When the Sultan objected to this arrangement, Sughra replied
that if the guest was spiritually gifted, evil spirit would do not harm to him and it
happened so.

This was intolerable for Sughra and he entered into a dirty conspiracy with
Gauhar, a girl of Delhi who worked as a prostitute. He promised to give her five
hundred gold coins, if on being summoned to some public gathering. She charged
Shaikh Tabrizi of having committed adultery with her. Sughra even advanced half the
promised amount and deposited the other half with Ahmad Sharraf, a baqqal of Delhi.

74
A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67.
75
Ibid.
76
‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.

93
She was presented before Iltutmish who convened a mahzar to investigate the
allegation. About two hundred eminent Sufi and ulema were invited. Najmuddin,
knowing of the rivalry between Shaikh Jalaluddin and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya,
suggested the latter to act as chairman. This recommendation was accepted by the
Sultan, as soon as Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi arrived, however, Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya ran to receive him and carry his shoes. The Sultan said ‘such respect by a
chairman for the accused had made the mahzar useless.’ Nevertheless, the allegation
had been made and Gauhar had to be summoned. When she arrived, the galaxy of
ulema and Sufis so overwhelmed her that she admitted the charge was false and this
was corroborated by the grain merchant. Shaikh Najmuddin was dismissed by the
Sultan.77

Some sort of registration was officially done, without which these women
were forbidden to carry out their profession.78 No doubt, these women were involved
in vices but they did follow certain norms. It was the practice that once they accepted
an amount in advance from an individual they entertained that person only at the
appointed time. No matter how much more money was provided to them, they refused
to accept the proposal of another client.79

Amir Khusrau has dealt with the institution of prostitution in his Ijaz-i-
Khusravi. He narrates an incident when he placed a prostitute named Bibi Tabha on
an ass and took her round the city to investigate as to whom she belonged. He felt
surprised when no one came forth to claim her. Thus Amir Khusrau finally took her to
hakim to punish her for her undesirable acts.80 The poet failed to understand why
these immoral women could not remain satisfy with one man. Instead they claimed
themselves to be favourite of the masses.81 Ijaz-i-Khusravi mentions names of some
of the prostitutes of the period. The poet especially refers to Lang Khatoon an ill
82
reputed woman who refused to entertain her client because she had to maintain

77
K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp 175-176; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol.
I, pp. 200-201.
78
A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67.
79
Ibid.
80
Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit.,Vol.V, p.152.
81
Ibid., p.151.
82
Ibid., p.130.

94
herself for other customers. It is difficult to analyze the cause for the popularity of
prostitution. The account of Amir Khusrau gives an idea about it.

Next name in the list of prostitutes given by Khusrau is Argawan Khatoon83

who was also seen in her attire decked with ornaments and jewels. There was a
necklace around her neck and a bindi on her forehead. She was fond of betel leaves.84
Another prostitute Baghachi Khatoon was devoid of physical charm yet she was
adored by sensuous men. In spite of her swollen body and large teeth, she was very
charming and much in demand.85 Gazacha Khatoon was another public woman who
attracted the poet’s attention. She was short necked, one of her shoulder was higher
than the other but she was not so popular.86 Moreover they applied various beauty
aids to add charms to their personality.

The wishes of some of these public women were strange. Garara Khatoon, a
prostitute, aged ninety years was passionately in love with a youth of eighteen years
and her earnest desire was to marry him. But whenever the boy saw her, he fled. Thus
all her hopes were shattered.87 Mushba Khatoon was fond of eating all the time. She
used to keep the seers of roasted grains in her dupatta and all the time she was busy in
eating it. Her mouth produced sound like that of a grinding machine.88

There is a satirical reference to some bad type of women of the south. One is
the Didi Miskin of Devagiri who made her black face white by coming out of the
flour mill to cast glamorous side dances on people, and the other was Uchhal the
mistress of a brothel, and a typical representative of the Nayakas of India. She and her
followers always looked youthful amongst man; her ears were like water drawing
buckets hanging down in wells, and her lips were like raised hides of a drain. On one
side of her nose a pearl was suspended from the nostril, while on the other the snot
having frozen on account of cold breeze looked like a hanging pearl. Her nose made
her much too self conscious.89

83
Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. V, pp. 127-28.
84
Ibid.
85
Ibid, p. 129.
86
Ibid
87
Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 128-29.
88
Ibid.
89
S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992,
p.57.

95
 The Sufis were not silent on the issue of prostitution. The presence of
prostitute in society served the purpose of its own but their activities were to be
carried on secretly without making much publicity.90 Sayyid Nuruddin Mubarak
Ghaznavi had four principles for the protection of Islam. According to his second
principle ‘the sins, debauchery and adultery should not be openly committed in
Islamic town.’91Complete eradication of prostitution perhaps would have meant a
menace to the pious women who would be exposed to unquenchable human lust. No
doubt, it is an offensive profession, but it served to divert and satisfy lascivious men.

The aim of Sufi saints was to lead a pious and holy life but they were often
made victims of the crafty designs of men who were envious of their fame and
prestige. Such men organized to cast a slur on their fame with the help of public
women.92 The incident of Sheikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi has been narrated before. Saints
like Maulana Shams Asadi, who had acquired respectable position in religious field,
also visited the house of public women.93

Khwaja Zikrullah narrated the account of a man who went from Delhi to
Ajodhan94 to confess his sins before Baba Farid and then to start a fresh pious life. On
his way he met a woman of captivating charm who had earlier lured him on several
occasions. But the man tried his least in securing himself, while travelling on a boat
the woman deliberately sat next to him and almost succeeded in achieving her goal.
As soon as the man extended his hand towards her, a man appeared to him (in a
vision) and slapped him95. Man interfered at the right moment and warned him to
keep off from that wicked woman.96

Shaikh Nizamuddin was not reluctant even to help the prostitute, if they were
found in need. His treatment of the prostitutes casts light on his humanism. Shaikh
Muhammad Gesu Daraz tells us through the authority of the disciples of the Shaikh,
that every time when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya went to visit the Shrine of Shaikh-

90
A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 194.
91
Ibid.
92
A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I p. 200.
93
Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 206.
94
Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1894, pp. 219- 220.
95
K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli,
Delhi, 1998, p. 55.
96
Ibid., pp. 219- 220.

96
ul-Islam, Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, he gave allowance for the prostitute who sat in
the open tents along the route.97 Once he sent someone to tell them in the summer that
the Shaikh would like to take rest under the shade if they moved aside for a while. In
the meantime, all the prostitutes came out as they waited for the Shaikh for Salam.
They stood in the middle of the road. The Shaikh fixed allowance for every one of
them and ultimately it took the form of a regular stipend. On the occasions of urs
celebration he sent for them victuals and money in addition to their stipend some of
them got two silver tankas and two varieties of victuals, while others got one silver
tanka and single variety each.98

The Sufis were also very polite towards this undesirable section of the society
and did not admonish the existence of prostitutes.

Female Slavery

Slavery was an age old institution through which a person or more than a
person were kept as the property by an individual. About its prevalence in ancient
Indian society we have ample evidence in the sources of ancient period.99 Sources of
the medieval period are also valuable in respect of providing information about
slavery in medieval India. Even Sufis in their work have discussed slavery.

Slavery was an institution which had had its roots deep penetrated in society
from ancient times till the end of the nineteenth century. Going back to the time of
Mahabharata, the epic declares that it is the law of war that the vanquished should be
the victor’s slave.100 The law continued later on. The war captives both male and
female became lawful property of the victor and served him as slaves. Females
generally constituted a significant section of the slaves since ancient times till
medieval age.

97
K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1991, p. 85.
98
Ibid.
99
Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life of Northern India, 700-1200, Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1965,
p.71, mentions the period of Mahabharata and Jatakas, references of slavery are also found in
Arthashastra.
100
A. L., Basham The Wonder That Was India, Surjeet Publications, New Delhi, 2013, p. 152.

97
 Beside the prisoners of war there were many ways through which females
entered slavery. Children born of slaves normally became slaves of their parents’
masters. Slaves might be bought, given away or mortgaged. A free man might sell
himself and his family into slavery in times of dire circumstances. Forcible capture
was the major means by which the slave population increased. In Alauddin Khilji’s
reign the pressure of revenue submission also compelled the farmers to sell their
children and women. Barani mentions it, the peasants (were) so submissive and
obedient to him that they sold their women and children to pay the land tax.101 There
were also immigrant slaves and slaves were imported to India. Amir Khusrau speaks
of import and fixing of prices of Turkish slave girls and Firoz Tughlaq’s wazir, Khan-
i-Jahan Maqbul had gathered 20, 000 slave girls brought from Byzantium (Rum) and
China.102 Sometimes slaves were also exported from India, Minhaj sent to his sister in
distress in Khurasan, forty slaves.103

Lekhapadatti document (A thirteenth century document of pre-Sultanate

Gujarat) shed light on various aspects of social life. Lekhapadatti document on
slavery contain deeds prepared in order to sell female slaves. According to this
document, two of the slave girls were captured in raids, the third a famine victim
harassed by the melachhas and abandoned by her family embraces slavery and the
fourth one was sold by her master.

In the accounts of Arab conquest of Sind, we find the description of how

women were captured, distributed among the army.104 Ibn Battuta speaks of the
captive girls taken from infidels. He describes these girls as cheap, dirty and unaware
of the civilized ways.105 Ferishta mentions that Qutub ud Din Aibek’s attack on
Naherwala resulted in capture of slaves which were sent to Mahmud Ghori.106

101
Irfan Habib, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ in D. P. Chattopadhayaya ed., History of
Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, New Delhi, 2011, Vol. VIII, Part-1, p. 105.
102
Ibid.
103
S. A. A. Rizvi, Aadi Turk Kaleen Bharat, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1956, p.6.
104
Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’ Indian History Congress Proceedings, 65th
Session, Barielly, 2004, p. 315.
105
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III. p.741.
106
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 62-63.

98
 Mirat-i-Ahmadi describes as how after the famine roads and bazaars were
flooded with persons to sell their children for one or two rupee.107

These war captives were sold in slave market (bazaar-i-barda). Barani

mentions about the slave market at Delhi.108 Like all commodities, slaves were also
sold at fixed price during the reign of Alauddin Khilji. The sale prices of slaves were
like this. The standard price of a working girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, and that
of a good looking girl suitable of concubinage from 20 to 30 and even 40 tankas. The
price of a man slave (ghulam) usually did not exceed 10 to 15 tankas; the ugly one
could be purchased for 7 to 8 tankas. The price of a child slave (ghulam bacha) was
fixed at 7 to 8 tankas. The slaves were classified according to their looks and working
capacity.109

Irfan Habib is of the view that unluckily, we have few data about women’s
remuneration. He further says that either her work remained practically unpaid as at
home, or heavily underpaid when she worked as a labour outside her house.110 The
lowered prices of the working female slave in comparison to the working male slaves
during the reign of Alauddin Khilji shows the general underestimation of the value of
the female labour.111

The author of Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al Amsar writes that the slave girls
are cheaper in other cities compared to the slave market at Delhi.112 There is an
exception and a female Indian slave with more refined manners and etiquette can
fetch up to 20,000 tankas or even more. He praises the beauty of pretty Indian girls
and regards them superior in beauty with females of countries like Turkey and
Qipchak.113

107
Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Eng. Tr., M.F. Lokandwala ,Oriental Institute, Baroda,
1974, p. 456.
108
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 145.
109
Ibid.
110
Irfan Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’, in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of
Indian History-Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p.
264.
111
Ibid.
112
A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 51.
113
Ibid., pp. 51-52.

99
 Regarding the sale price of slave girl Ibn Battuta says that no rule could be
strictly followed in special cases when the catch was very big. He says that a pretty
kaniz (slave girl) could be bought for one dinar (10 silver tankas).He purchased a
slave girl named Ashura at this price.114

Ziauddin Barani narrates the reign of Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji. He writes

regarding the sale price of a female slave that ‘the strict regulations of Alauddin Khilji
vanished with the accession of the new Sultan. Qutbuddin and the nobles gave
themselves up to a life of luxury and debauchery. In such circumstances the demand
for beautiful slave girls made them a scarce commodity and their prices rose to 500
and sometimes even to 1000 and 2000 tankas.’115 So, in the early fourteenth century
the lowest average price of a slave mentioned by chroniclers was about eight tankas
and the highest two thousand tankas.

Female slave were of two kinds – those employed for domestic and menial
work and other who were, bought for company and pleasure. Those bought for
domestic work lacked education and skill and were often subject to all sorts of
inhuman treatment.

The Lekhapaddati document specifies the kinds of work a female slave had to
do in her master’s house. The duties may be classified into household work and field
work. Household chores included cutting, grinding, smearing the floor with cow
dung, sweeping, fetching water and the fuel, throwing away the excreta of the
master’s family, milking cattle, churning curd, cooking, cleaning the drains and water
tanks of the house, washing the hands and feet of the master and his family, bringing
grass for fodder, weeding and cutting grass.116

Field work included agriculture work sloughing, threshing, going to near and
distant places and doing other unspecified work.117

Women slaves in Sultanate period were put to a variety of tasks within the
household, such as hand milling grain, sweeping the floor118, picking the rice119,
114
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 235.
115
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 213.
116
Pushpa Prasad ‘Female Slavery in 13th Century Gujarat : Document in Lekhapadatti’, Indian
Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, 1988, p. 269.
117
Ibid., p. 270.

100
spinning and preparing food.120 Not only spinning, but cotton seed separation from
cotton as taken off the field was also a woman’s job, women not only helped the
weaver in weaving but were also engaged in dyeing, printing and embroidering
cloth.121 A female slave also had to light the fire, cook the food and lay out the meal
for the master and fetch water. Further we see that women’s work was not only
confined to domestic industry but much of the hard labour in building construction
was allotted to the women’s part. Sixteenth century working women was involved in
breaking stones or bricks, sieving lime and carrying mortar on their heads at building
sites.122

During the reign of Sultan Balban female slaves were molested by the mewatis
when they went to draw water from wells123According to Mirat-i-Ahmadi there was a
regulation from the state which mentioned that ‘if a slave or a concubine of a person
has fled away or someone has induced him or her away, the administrator of the royal
affairs should find them to their rightful owner, nothing should be taken from the
owner for this service.’124

125
Slave girls were also used as concubines since very early times till the
medieval age. Female slaves were considered fully disposable articles of property.
Isami imagined an achievable life of pleasure, in which he could buy a female slave
keep her for a month ‘to satisfy one’s lust’, then sell her and buy another from the
market and go on doing so every month.126 Young women slaves were especially
trained for providing sexual services to the master and their prices were much higher
than ordinary slave girls, as we have seen in the price regulations of Alauddin Khilji.
These slave girls were selected by the brokers and their faces were scanned for the
beauty.127

118
Fawaid-ul –Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148.
119
Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi,1993, p.
266.
120
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 118.
121
‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’ op. cit., p. 264.
122
Ibid.
123
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 47- 48.
124
Ali Muhammad Khan , Mirat-i-Ahmadi, , Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1928, Vol. I, p. 251.
125
Economic Life of Northern India 700-1200, op. cit., p.79, give references from Arthashastra and
Jatakas .
126
Futuh-us-Salatin Cf, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit, p. 106.
127
Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Cf , ‘Economic History of Medieval India’, p. 107.

101
 Concubines had a more honorable and sometimes a dominating position in the
household. Example of Shah Turkan can be cited here. According to Minhaj she was a
Turkish handmaid128 who rose to the status of chief queen of the Sultan’s harem by
dint of her merit and charm and was honored with the title of Khudavanda-i-Jahan.

Women slaves turned concubines could increase Muslim population by leaps

and bounds when captured in large numbers.129 Ibn Battuta had a daughter by one of
his slave.130

Barani informs us that beautiful Indian slaves and slave girls were taught court
etiquette in order to entertain the Sultan and nobles present at the court.131 Female
slaves as they entered youth were taught to play on rubab and sitar. They were
masters of gazal singing and knew the art of coquetry which could even turn away an
ascetic from the virtuous paths.132 The female slaves were also present in the house of
nobles and shouldered many household responsibilities. Sultan Firuz Tughlaq was
reputed to possess 1,80,000 slaves of whom 12,000 worked as artisans. His principal
minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbool was very fond of women and had number of slave
girls in his harem. It is said that his agents searched for the beautiful slave girls in all
countries.133 His harem had two thousand 134
slave girls of all countries from Rum
(Byzantine) to China. Every one of these girls adorned herself with fine dresses and
ornaments.135 Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Malwa had 1600 of female slaves who used to
receive two tankas of silver and two mounds of grain everyday for their services.136
Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi maintained a large harem
full of countless women.137 We find a beautiful description of his harem in Waqiat-e-
Mushtaqui. Jalal khan Lodi, Khan-i-Khanan Nuhani and Dilawar Khan were other

128
Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, Oriental Books, New Delhi,
1970, pp. 630-631
129
K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 150-
51.
130
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit, Vol. III, p. 741.
131
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 157.
132
Ibid.
133
Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, op. cit., Vol. II, p.355.
134
Ibid.; see also Habib Irfan, Medieval India: The Study of Civilization, National Book Trust, New
Delhi, 2008, p. 62.
135
Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, Vol. II, p. 355
136
U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1965, p. 244.
137
Rizquallah Mushtaqui , Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p. 92

102
nobles of the Lodi period who maintained large harem.138 Dilawar khan daily
purchased flowers worth two thousand and five hundred tankas for his harem139

Ibn Battuta writes that the female slaves were generally given and accepted in
the form of gift and narrates an incident when he was gifted by ten female slaves.140
He also tells us that he presented a slave girl to the mother of Mohammad Bin
Tughlaq, who in turn gave one thousand rupees gold jewellery.141 The Delhi Sultans
considered female slaves as one of the most valuable gift given as a diplomatic means
for conciliation. On one occasion, Nasiruddin Mahmud gave forty slaves to Balban142
and similarly Mohammad Bin Tughlaq to a Chinese Emperor. 143

Since these slave girls had access to the royal court, they were well acquainted
with the etiquette of the court. Muslim slave girls knew the Quran and were good
swimmers and riders and they lived a chaste life, performed prayers and observed
fasts regularly.144 Similarly was the case with female musicians.

Sometimes these female slaves acted as spies and provided the minutest detail
to the Sultan.145 They also entertained the royal guest and often graced the occasion of
the royal reception in the court. They were treated gently and often rewarded with
precious gifts by the Sultan which comprised of gold and jewels.146

Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq as a part of Eid celebration freed slaves in

great numbers. On fifth day after the celebration he emancipated female slaves and on
the next day he made arrangements to bring forth their matrimonial alliances with the
male slaves.147 It will be worth to mention here that our Prophet (PBUH) has laid
great emphasis on the treatment met to the slaves by their masters. ‘The Prophet’s
exhortation that a slave owner should feed and clothes his slave in the same way as

138
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 87.
139
Ibid.
140
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,Vol. III, p. 741.
141
Ibid., pp. 740-741.
142
J.M Banerjee., History of Feerozshah Tughlaq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p. 133.
143
The Travels of Ibn Battuta,Vol. III , p. 767.
144
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, introduction, p. xxv.
145
Ibid., p. 105.
146
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 222.
147
Ibid., p. 63; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 668.

103
himself, (Bukhari Book 2, Chapter 22: Muslim Book Al-Iman, Chapter 10)148 Anil
Chandra Banerjee states that in practical way this could not be possible and writes that
it was obviously a principle a law courts could not enforce.149

These female slaves extended their unselfish and devoted services to their
masters served them with sincerity and loyalty and tried to make their life
comfortable. Apart from royalty and nobility, Sufis were also the beneficiaries of their
services. The attitude of Sufi saints towards women was kind and liberal. They
considered them as important section of society.150 Their intelligence and efficient
services often enabled them to get emancipation from slavery on various occasions.
Imam Shafai once happened to be the guest of one of his friend. The latter instructed
his female servant to prepare dishes for the dinner.151 The Imam brought about some
changes in the prescribed menu by adding a few more dishes of his liking. To his
surprise the female slave prepared those meals which were added by the Imam. When
the host enquired about the changes in menu the maid told him about the changes
made by the Imam. The female servant was highly praised by her master for her
efficiency.152 She was eventually emancipated by the Sufi.

Jamaluddin Hasnavi had a female slave; she used to carry his letters to his
master Baba Farid. She was called Umm-ul-Muminin (mother of Muslims) because of
her sincere and sweet nature. Once, Jamaluddin was employed as Khatib while he was
in Baba Farid’s discipleship. Sheikh Farid asked him to give up shughl (government
service) which was a necessary condition of his higher spiritual discipline. Maulana
Jamaluddin resigned his post and with it all his property departed. “From the time the
Khwaja has become a disciple of yours,” the same maid servant of Jamaluddin
Hasnavi informed Baba Farid “he has given up his villages, property and the office of
the Khatib. He is afflicted with starvation and sufferings.” “God be praised”, replied
Sheikh Farid, “Jamal is happy.”153

148
Syed Maqbool Hussain, Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad.(PBUH), Adam Publishers,
New Delhi, 2002, p. 259.
149
Anil Chandra Banerjee, The State and Society in Northern India, K. P. Bagchi and company,
Calcutta,1982, p.207.
150
Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, ed., K.A.Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,1959, p.
219.
151
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p.118.
152
Ibid., p.119.
153
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208.

104
 Jamal died during the lifetime of his master. His maid servant took Maulana
Burhanuddin, son of Sheikh Jamal, to him. He was of tender age at that time, but
regardless of this fact, Sheikh conferred his Khilafatnama on him and instructed him
to benefit from the company of Sheikh Nizamuddin at Delhi. The maid servant who
was taken by surprise at this generosity of the Sheikh, submitted: ‘Khwaja,
Burhanuddin bala hai’ (Burhanuddin is mere a child). Sheikh Farid promptly replied:
‘Ponun Ka Chand bhi bala hota hai.’ (The crescent is also small).154

This anecdote symbolizes the caring nature of the female slaves. They were
not mere service providers but a part of the family or a khanqahs.

A qawwal who visited the Khanqah of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya during the
reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud particularly noted the fact that even the slave
girls of the Sheikh were all the time busy in reciting the praises of God.155

Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui a source of Lodi period narrates that none of Khan-i-

Jahan Lodi’s servant of either sex was careless in offering prayer. Whenever a girl or
boy was bought for him from the bazaar he placed him or her under the charge of a
tutor for teaching the slave and duty was assigned to him or her when the education
was over.156

Many Muslim Kings especially Firoz Shah Tughlaq were deeply interested in
the education of slaves.157

Another episode illustrating how the wishes of a poor old working female
(who used to sweep the floor in Abul Sayeed-ul-Khair’s khanqah) were acceded to
her, by her master.158 The old woman performed her duties well and expected its
reward sometime. Once a handsome youth entered the services of the Sheikh, she
expressed her wish to the Sheikh to arrange her marriage with him.159 This was not
proper; still the Sheikh mediated and asked the youth to marry the old woman. She
also insisted that the marriage be performed, with all ceremonies, ‘Nihar, Jalwa’,

154
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208.
155
Ibid.
156
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui , op. cit., p. 74.
157
Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 197.
158
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148.
159
Ibid.

105
‘feast’. Elaborate preparations were made and the marriage solemnized. The maid
servant made the youth swear in front of the Sheikh to remain loyal to her throughout
his life.160

This is how the Sheikh fulfilled the wishes of an old maid servant and also
expressed his gratitude for the long services which she rendered in the khanqah.

The services which the female slaves generally performed for their master
consisted mostly of cooking and serving the food in the Sufi khanqahs. Almost all the
Sufi saints especially Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya considered slavery as inhuman
institution. He appreciated the action of those disciples who set free their slaves.161
Above all, the tradition of Prophet mentioned here is enough to explain that equal
treatment is required by the master towards his or her slave. The Prophet (PBUH)
exhorted that a slave-owner should feed and clothe his slave in the same way as
himself; it was left to the individual conscience. Though it was not possible by the
rulers to act or follow the exhortation.162

Sheikh Rashid Bandet had one such female servant who carried out her duty
well. Being a merchant, Rashid Bandet was always busy in his work. The female
servant once enquired to serve food for him. Again she reminded her master to take
the meals because the food was getting cold but Rashid Bandet refused to come. After
some time, again at night she pleaded politely to have his food and she was told that
he had already eaten it. The maid was quite surprised at his answer and boldly
enquired about the time when he took the food.163 Rashid calmly told her that since he
was too busy in his work he hardly remembered the time when he had the food.164

The incident shows deep concern and sincerity of the female slaves towards
the welfare of their masters.

Thus female slavery was an important institution of the society in the medieval
times. Rulers, nobles and even Sufis were benefitted by this institution. Sufis lived a

160
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148.
161
The Life and Times of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.136.
162
The State and Society in Northern India, op. cit., p. 207, See also The Sayings of The Holy Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH), op. cit., p. 259.
163
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 93.
164
Ibid.

106
very difficult life and in very poor financial conditions they could even afford to have
a female slave165 or even more. Nizamuddin Auliya and his mother living in dire
poverty had a female slave for domestic services.166 Maulana Alauddin himself had an
old woman slave kept for domestic work; she is specifically described as meant for
milling flour in his house in the morning.167

We find that slave girls in the harem were of two categories one that were
ambitious and cunning and exercised ascendancy through beauty and tact and others
were the simple, docile and obedient. Thus the nature of female slavery varied from
the royal harem to the Sufi khanqahs. It has been observed that female slaves in
khanqahs believed in working hard and earned their living by honest means.

Concubines

Although taking concubines is prohibited in Quran (Surah. V, 5), it is

necessary to quote the translation of the verse of the Holy Quran which tells us that
keeping concubines is prohibited in Islam.

And you are permitted to marry virtuous women who are believers, and
virtuous women of those who have been given the scriptures before you, when you
have provided them their portions, living chastely with them without fornication and
not taking concubines.168 (Surah. V.5). The Delhi Sultans gave liberal patronage to
concubines.169 The Sultanate harem had large number of concubines. The practice of
keeping concubine was very common among Muslim royalty and nobility.170 There
was no legal limitation among the Muslims on the number of concubines they could
keep.171 There were thus jealousies, backbiting and much rivalry among the
concubines to win the favour and attention of the master as reported by Al-Umri.172
Among the Muslim rulers children born of concubines were considered equal to

165
Irfan Habib, ‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate,Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from Sufic
literature’, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No. 1-2. ICHR, 1991, p. 252.
166
Khair-ul Majalis, op. cit., pp. 190-91.
167
‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries- Evidences from Sufic Literature’
p. 252.
168
Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paper Backs , London, 1965, p. 247.
169
The Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 53.
170
K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi, 1994, p. 159.
171
Thomas Patrick Huges, Dictionary of Islam, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p. 59.
172
Cf, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India,’ op. cit., p. 316

107
children by marriage, although this is not explicitly laid down in the Quran.173 It
appears that the children born from them were deprived of various privileges and
opportunities. The fact can be well illustrated by the case of Kai Khusrau who could
not ascend to the throne in spite of Sultan Balban’s will. The nobles considered it
improper to extend support to the son of a concubine (Kai Khusrau’s mother
happened to be Sultan Balban’s concubine) and elevate the off spring of such union to
the throne of Delhi.174

Shah Turkan worked hard to gain favours for her son Ruknuddin Ibrahim.
Incident of Kai Khusrau indicates that though the concubines were accepted and
patronized, yet their progeny could not claim certain legal rights. They sometimes
received discriminative treatment in several respects.

The concubines were generally carried on horseback while the more respected
ladies of the harem were perhaps conveyed in covered carriages.175

Eunuchs

A special class of slaves was employed in the service of the royal ladies of the
harem, these were eunuchs.176 As Barani informs that, ‘handsome eunuchs’ fetched as
high prices as beautiful slave girls and served the purpose of looking after the
harem.177 In spite of the prohibition of human castration178 these were usually bought
in childhood and castrated. They were an important part of the harem during the
Sultanate period. The Muslims imported eunuchs from the neighboring countries.

The female quarters were guarded by eunuchs. These were armed eunuchs
under a chief eunuch.179 They also acted as messengers between the inmates of the
harem and the outer world. Minor household posts were given to them and they
served the Sultan as attendants in his private chamber.180

173
Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 159.
174
Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, 1989, p. 221.
175
‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’, op. cit., p.316
176
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.103
177
‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit., p. 108.
178
I. H. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, Oriental Books, New Delhi, 1971, pp. 63-
64.
179
History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, op. cit., p. 229.
180
Administration of the Sultante of Delhi, p. 64.

108
 After the thorough study of the sources of Sultanate periods we can conclude
that women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female
slavery took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution
been a big stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In
ancient India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days
earning was collected from them as tax.181 Not any era played a role in the removal of
these institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to
women, for example keeping concubines were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude
that women had always been allotted a special place in society. They worked as slaves
in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There was a class of prostitutes,
female singers and dancers who earned by these means of recreation. Some references
are found were women ran shops182, acted as spies and scavengers.

181
The Wonder that Was India, op. cit., p.184
182
Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafar ul Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alihi, Eng. Tr., M. F.
Lokendwala, University of Baroda, Baroda, Feb. 1974, Vol. II, p. 71.

109
 Chapter 4

Sufi and Bhakti Women

 Chapter – 4
SUFI AND BHAKTI WOMEN

The beginning of the thirteenth century or probably, a century earlier, saw the
establishment of Sufi orders in India. The Sufi saints participated in the overall
development of the society. They played important part in molding the attitude and
activities of the people and their khanqah was the place where people of all sorts
assembled. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya open heartedly admitted all sorts of people in
his discipleship.1 Sufis were not gender biased; women were given equal importance
as their male counterparts.2 Sufism is fundamentally a religion of love.3 The aim of
the Sufis was to throw open the path of salvation to everyone irrespective of his
status. It was a secular movement which intended to secure the privileges and right for
the lower sections of society. The various Sufi silsilas were initiated by the learned
Sufis and were aimed at spiritual as well as socio religious uplift of the society.4

Almost all the Sufis won the heart of the people by their love and liberal
attitude and social service. The Sufis considered them as an important section of the
society 5 and paid respect to them. The main concern of the chapter is to explore the
attitude of the Sufis towards women and the institution of marriage. The Sufis of the
Sultanate appear to have adopted a genuine attitude towards women which was in
consonance with the tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) and Quranic spirit.

Fortunately, in the lives of the Sufis their mothers played an important role in
developing mystic cult, some references are also found where the wife played an
important role in developing and maintaining the spiritual tendencies of her husband.
6
In case of some Sufis the mother identified the mystic aptitude in their son and
played important role in transforming them into eminent Sufis of the age. Baba
1
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, pp. 175-
177.
2
Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, 1312 Hijri, p. 22.
3
Bimanbehari Majumdar, ‘Religion of Love: The Early Medieval Phase (c. AD 700-1486)’, in N.
N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1989, p. 1.
4
M.S.Ahluwalia, ‘Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim Unity’, in N. N.
Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, p. 74.
5
Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh, 1959, p. 219.
6
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p.76.

111
Farid’s first instructor was his mother; he had deep influence of his mother’s teaching
on him. Her name was Qarasum Bibi. She in order to inculcate the habit of offering
regular prayers used to place sugar candies under his prayer carpet. Baba Farid was
very fond of sugar in childhood, once his mother told him God sends sugar to that
boy who punctually offers his morning prayers, and began to keep small packet of
sugar under his pillow every night. When Baba Farid offered his prayers in the
morning he found that packet under his pillow. Baba Farid, when reached his twelfth
years his mother stopped putting the packet, but the packet continued to reach him
from the divine source. His mother did not know about this. Once, she asked him
whether he was receiving that sugar. She was taken by surprise when she received the
reply in affirmative. She made a careful inquiry and was convinced that the gift came
from the divine source.7 Mother of famous Chisti saint Nizamuddin Auliya was Bibi
Zulaikha, he had great impact of the teachings of his mother. Most of the Sufi
literature of the Sultanate period has abundant references of how the mother and son
were spiritually related with each other.

The Sufi saints imparted respect to the women in their family as well as the
women in the society. They came across number of women in their Khanqahs and in
the society too. Their perception, views and attitude towards different kind of females
as a part of society is an important matter to deal with. The chapter is divided into two
parts; the first part will deal with eminent Sufis of the Sultanate period and their
views, attitude towards the women folk and their views regarding marriage and
celibacy. The second part of the chapter is a collection of biographies of the women
Sufi saints of the Sultanate period.

The sources consulted are Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi, Khair-ul-

Majalis of Hamid Qalandar, Siyar-ul-Auliya of Sayyid Mohammad Mubarak Kirmani
known as Mir Khurd, Siyar-ul-Arifin of Shaikh Jamali and Akhbar-ul-Akhyar of
Abdul Haqq Muhaddis. None of these Sufi literatures is devoid of the sayings of the
Sufi saints for women. By the means of Khair-ul-Majalis we come to know the
method of initiation of female as disciple in Sufi order by the famous saint Nasiruddin
Chirag Dehalvi. The saint would first dip his index finger in a bowl fill with water and

7
K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat- i-
Delli, Delhi, 1998, p. 155.

112
recited prayers. After that the woman who had to be taken into discipleship immersed
her index finger in the same bowl and completed her initiation. This indicates that he
did not consider women inferior than men and did not practice discrimination on the
basis of sex. Similar restriction was placed on both men and women.8

A woman approached to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and she was initiated

among his murids by the way of baiat.9 Initially, there were two disciples in the
service of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya 10. Both men and women could perform chillah
in the khanqah of Sufi saints. Once a man wished to perform chillah in the guidance
of khwaja Zikrullah, the saint explains him the difference of method of performing
chillah by male and female. The process was easy for females and more rigorous for
males. Like Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, his chief successor Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag
Dehlvi treated men and women on equal plane. It is said that the Shaikh used to give
his prayer carpet to the person whom he found sincere in matters of religion. Both
men and women received this favour from him. Before his death, he is reported to
have distributed the relics that he possessed among his four disciples, one of whom
was a woman.11 Shaikh Farid allowed the Hindus to become his murids or spiritual
disciples. In Jamatkhana of Baba Farid no distinction was made between man and
woman on any ground as in his eyes all human being were equal.12

Some of the females of the Sultanate period are well-known for their piety and
religious minded attitude. Among the saintly women in Islam the most prominent one
was Rabia Basri. Later on, in the sources of the Sultanate period, references are found
of many other Sufi women such as mother of Shaikh Farid, Bibi Qarasum, mother of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Bibi Zulaikha, Bibi Auliya, Bibi Sharifa, Bibi Fatima
Sam, Bibi Khadija etc.

As the mother of the Sufi saints helped them achieve the mystic aptitude the
wives of some of the renowned Sufis helped them to maintain their spiritual values.

8
The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 134.
9
Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy,
Delhi, 1992, p. 254.
10
K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi,
1991, p. 30.
11
I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage’, in I. H. Siddiqui, Composite Culture
under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 170.
12
‘Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim unity’, op. cit., p. 76.

113
This can be better analyzed by mentioning the anecdote from the life of Shaikh
Hamiduddin Nagori.

Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagori along with his wife lived a peaceful and self-
sufficient life in a small village of Nagaur. His daily need was a few mounds of grain
and sometimes he needed a few yards of rough hand woven cloth. He produced these
things for himself and his wife. He lived in a mud house and cultivated a single
bighah (unit to measure land) of land, used only two sheets of cloth to cover him. He
kept a cow and milked it. This was how he spent his life peacefully. His wife was a
lady of fervent piety and strong mystic temperament too lived a mystic life, she
cooked and led a simple life like a peasant woman.13

Touched by his penitence and poor living conditions the muqta of Lahore
offered a plot of land and some cash to him. The Shaikh apologized saying that, As
none of his elder saints had not accepted a government gift how can he accept it?
Later on, the muqta of Nagaur informed the Sultan about the matter and the Sultan
sent five hundred silver tankas with a farman conferring a village on him. When the
muqta presented the royal gift to him he informed about it to his wife, who asked her
husband to refuse the offer thus considering the life of material prosperity and
comfort unavailing for them. They were in such a state of poverty that the lady herself
had a tattered dupatta on her head and the saint with a grimy loin cloth on his body. In
such a state of utter poverty the wife was filled with the mystic powers, she spoke to
her husband, Oh, Khwaja do you want to disgrace years of spiritual devotion and
penitence by accepting this gift?14 She then consoled her husband by saying that,
Need not to worry, I have won two seers of yarn that will be sufficient for preparing a
loin cloth for you and a dupatta for me.

Such was the mystic values of the women of that age. She in order to maintain
the mystic values of her husband and of herself asked her husband to refuse the
wealth offered by the Sultan. The Sufis of the Sultanate period considered that the
sainthood could not be reconciled with the possession of material wealth.

13
K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp. 200-201.
14
Ibid., p. 201, see also A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L.
Mukhopadhayay, Calcutta, 1969, pp. 186-187.

114
 Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagori heard his wife patiently and was successful in
preserving his spiritualism. The Sufi saint had a liberal attitude towards women
whether she would be a mother, a wife or even a slave girl. The Sufis had a humble
attitude towards their female slaves sometimes they felt better to emancipate the
female slave. Once Maulana Alauddin Usuli had a newly purchased slave girl who
belonged to the mewas village near Badaun named Kahtehar. She had a son whom she
left and came to the service of Maulana, once all of a sudden remembering her son
she started crying. Maulana Alauddin enquired the reason behind her weeping and she
told the reason of her despair. The Maulana asked her as to whether she would be able
to reach her place if he took her to the water tank which was at a distance of one mile
from the city of Badaun. She replied positively and agreed that she will be able to
reach her house if she was left at the water tank. The next morning the Maulana took
her to the tank and left her there and gave a few loaves of bread for her rest of the
journey15. In this way he helped the woman to reconcile with her separated son.16
Thus, the Sufis paid due regard to women and tried to help them in every possible
way. Maulana Alauddin Usuli considered it his moral duty to help the woman reunite
with her son and bring happiness to her

The Sufis continued to inspire humanism in their followers with regard to the
treatment of slaves. Shaikh Jalaluddin Bukhari, popularly known as Makhdum
Jahanian-i-Jahangasht was critical of people who sold slave girls after they had given
birth to their children. He describes how a female slave was purchased by a young
man for domestic work and when she was brought home, the young man’s father
recognized her and told him that she was his mother whom he had sold after his birth.
Such sale was declared by the Shaikh as undesirable.17 The slave girls were also paid
as the futuh to the Sufis, once the Shaikh himself was presented as futuh, two
charming young slave girls with 500 tankas in cash. The Shaikh accepted the futuh
saying that proper care would be taken of the girls as his son was untrustworthy.18 He
accepted these two slave girls in order to provide them protection from the evil eyes
of his son rather than using them as a means for repress household chores. This also

15
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p. 863.
16
Ibid., p.741; The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamudddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 24.
17
‘Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage’, op. cit., p. 172.
18
Ibid.

115
indicates that how much selfless and humble were the Sufi saints when they dealt with
their female slaves.

Sufi text describes one more such example where Sufi is found kind and
humble towards their female slave. Qazi Hamiduddin’s grandson Sharafuddin lived in
Nagaur. Once, he thought of visiting Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin in order to express
his sentiments and devotion towards him. Qazi Sharafuddin had a slave girl, she asked
her master to convey her sentiments of servitude to Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin and
present to him on her behalf, an embroidered kerchief which she made herself.19
Maulana Sharfuddin reached there and presented himself to Shaikh-ul-Islam in all
devotion. After inquiring about his welfare, he told to Shaikh-ul-Islam about the slave
girl’s devotion towards him and placed the embroidered kerchief before the Shaikh.
On receiving the kerchief the Shaikh spoke these benedictory words May God grants
her freedom.20

For a slave whether female or male emancipation was the most valuable thing
and Shaikh Faridudin prayed for her freedom which was the most important for her.
When Maulana Sharafuddin left back for his house at Nagaur he thought that
whatever the Shaikh has said will certainly take place and the slave girl will be free.
Therefore, he thought of setting free the slave girl by himself. Thus, the man preferred
to get the reward of emancipating her female slave rather than selling her to anyone
else for a handsome amount of hundred tankas.21

The grandson of Skaikh Hamiduddin earned the reward of emancipating the

slave. It was better to free his female slave rather than to sell her and earn a profitable
amount. Service of humanity was the primary concern of the Sufis, they believed in
service of mankind rather than attainment of material wealth.

Eminent Sufi of the chisti silsilah, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya freed a minor
slave girl. He had a male slave Malih, who was freed by him. Once, Malih bought a
minor slave girl at a price of five tankas. After some time the parents of that slave girl
came crying and requested to Malih to return their daughter offering him to take back

19
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p. 819.
20
Ibid.
21
Ibid.

116
ten tankas instead of his five tankas. Nizamuddin Auliya was moved at the sight of
their sad plight.22

Shaikh was a kind hearted man who could not surpass the grief of the parents
who sold their child. He felt disturbed at the sight of weeping parents and paid twice
the amount to Malih so that he could return the minor slave girl to her parents. The
child slave girl was freed by the generosity of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.23

Though, keeping female slaves for the purpose of household chores was a part
of domestic life of the Sultanate period. The Sufis found it their privilege to
emancipate the slaves. They considered it their duty to help the women in distress.

Another anecdote which throws light upon the kind treatment meted out to
women by Sufis happened at Gujarat where a darvesh (mendicant) met a man who
seemed to be divinely inspired and lived a life of heavenly ecstasy.24 These two
shared a small room in a house together. One morning the darvesh visited a reservoir
for ablution which was under strict vigilance by the guards and no one was allowed to
enter into it. The guard and the darvesh were familiar with each other and thus he
allowed the darvesh to use the reservoir water for performing ablution. The darvesh
noticed that few women were standing with pitchers in their hand to fill water but
were not allowed to enter the hauz.

The darvesh noticed an old woman among them; he helped the old woman by
filling her pitcher. The other women standing there also requested the darvesh to fill
their pitchers. He helped them all by filling their pitchers with water from the
reservoir. Now, he returned to the room where he found the other person still asleep.
The darvesh started offering the fajr prayer loudly as the result of which the other
man was awake. The man commented that the service to the mankind is more
important than simply offering the prayers. Helping to those in need must be a
religious man’s primary concern and the real good work you did was filling the
pitchers of those women who needed water.25

22
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p. 863.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid., p. 775.
25
Ibid.

117
 The Islam lays emphasis on the service of mankind. The Sufis along with the
obligatory prayers performed a lot of social service for the betterment of mankind.
One of the primary concerns of the Sufis was to help mankind especially the women
folk. They extended their services to downtrodden and persons in need.26 Sufis were
moved by the pain, suffering and miserable condition of the mankind and they
considered service to mankind more meaningful than simply offering prayers. He was
reported to have said that there were two types of divine worship, t ‘at-i-lazmi
(compulsory) and tat-i-mut ‘adi (voluntary). The former involves praying five times,
fasting, etc. The latter was done for the good of others, and included the distribution
of food or other types of assistance to people. For him, t ‘at-i-muta ‘adi was more
important and had more religious merits. He repeatedly lays stress on the importance
of t ‘at-i-mut ‘adi and places it far above all meritorious deeds as viewed by
religion.27

Once, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya while walking on the banks of the Jamuna
noticed a woman drawing water from the well nearby. Due to inquisitiveness he asked
the woman the reason behind fetching water from the well when the Jamuna was
flowing nearby. That woman replied that, she and her husband were poor people and
the water of Jamuna has the characteristic of increasing the appetite and creating the
hunger. So, to avoid this condition they drink the water after fetching it from the well.
The Shaikh felt sad by the reply of the poor woman and tears appeared in his eyes. He
told Iqbal, In our Ghiyaspur there is a woman who due to fear of increased appetite
does not drink the water of Jamuna ,he asked Iqbal to enquire from her about her
daily expenses and accordingly fix the maintenance allowance for her family.28

Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya has advised the rulers of the kingdom by the means
of quoting a tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) Mohammad. He says that the Prophet
(PBUH) has said that if an old woman goes to bed hungry in any town of a kingdom,
she would hold the collar of the ruler on the Day of Judgment which is sure to come.29

26
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p. 775.
27
‘Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage’, op. cit., p. 170.
28
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 85.
29
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 182.

118
 This narration of the tradition by the Shaikh depicts that how much special
regards Sufis paid to the woes of women. They considered their prime duty to end the
distress of women, be it of any kind. Most of the times Sufis of the chisti silsilah
believed in providing financial help to people in distress from the money they
received in futuh.

Once a poor man named Shams, who belonged to Sunnam was in great
financial crisis and found difficult to meet the daily expenses of his mother and
himself. In desperate circumstances he visited to Baba Farid and pleaded to him to
pray for his welfare. The Shaikh prayed for his prosperity and Shams got an
appointment as dabir in the service of Bughra Khan.30 The Sufis transferred their
message of love and service to humanity from themselves to their disciples and they
adopted these principles very effectively in their lives. Once, it happened that like
Baba Farid, his disciple Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansvi was also kind and humble towards
his slaves. He had a maid servant who took care of his son, Burhanuddin. When
Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansvi died, his son Burhanuddin was a minor. She took care of
the son with great love and affection. She was known by the title of Umm-u’l-
Muminin.31(The mother of Muslims)

The Sufi khanqahs were like a blessing of God for the needy, poverty stricken
and hungry people. The service of mankind was one of their preferred principles.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to consume very little food. Once, Abdur Rahim who
prepared Sahri for him protested by saying that eating less at sahri will be injurious
for his health. The Shaikh replied with tears in his eyes that so many poverty-stricken
people are sleeping without dinner in the corner of the mosque and before the shops.
32
How can this food go down my throat? As too significant feature of Sufism which
cannot be ignored is the quintessence of the mystics feeling of unity of God and
brotherhood of man. The lower strata of Hindu society got impressed by this mystic
feelings and this was the beginning of the Bhakti cult which arose from the lower

30
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 229.
31
Mir Khurd, Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, Sulaiman Collection, 609/6, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, Folio. 95(a); see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India
during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 207.
32
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 216.

119
strata of Hindu society.33 Chaitanya, Kabir, Nanak, Dhana, Dadu are various
examples who belonged to this class. There was hardly a saint of the Bhakti school
who had not passed some of his time in a Khanqah.34

Once a danishmand from Meerut reaches to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and

speaks about his problem caused due to poverty. He told the Shaikh that he has a
daughter but do not possess means to arrange her marriage. The Shaikh gave him a
tanka as a token of blessing. Miraculously, his need somehow came to the notice of
the ladies of the harem of Alauddin Khilji resulting which his needs were fulfilled.35

A thirteenth century Sufi saint, Sharfuddin Yahya Maneri of Bihar, used to

supply grains on credit. When the amount swelled to one thousand tankas the whole
of it was paid off from the income of the futuhat.

Whenever it came of helping the poor or the person in need no discrimination

was made between different classes of people. For example, the financial needs of the
prostitutes were also considered by the Sufis. The urs (anniversary celebration) of
Shaikh Farid was celebrated on a grand scale in the Khanqah of Shaikh Nizamuddinn
Auliya. A special preparation was made to cook variety of food and at the same time
care was taken in the distribution of cooked food. The Shaikh was inquisitive about
the participation of his friends and his disciples in the urs. Food was sent to the
houses of those who could not attend the celebration. May be the Shaikh did not want
the presence of prostitutes in the celebration,36 so the Shaikh sent food and money to
them. On an urs day, Iqbal through Abu sent a tray of food and a tanka to a woman
who was a prostitute. The woman earlier used to get two trays of food and two tankas.
When she received one tray and one tanka she thought that Abu has kept one tray and
a tanka with him. She came to Khanqah and started making fuss for it. The Shaikh
overheard and instructed Iqbal to give one more tanka and a tray of food to her.37 The
Shaikh with his generosity managed to calm down the woman. None of the people in
the city were deprived of the generosity of the Shaikh.

33
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 280.
34
Ibid.
35
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.72.
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid.

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 Widows also got an allowance from Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya if they were
left without any financial support. We will further see in this chapter how the widow
and the two sons of Maulana Badruddin Ishaq were invited to Delhi by Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya, after the demise of Maulana Badruddin Ishaq.

The Sufi saints helped the poor by the material means and also prayed to God
for their betterment. Sometimes Sufis used their miraculous powers for helping the
person in need. An anecdote from Khair-ul-Majalis will asserts the view that Sufis
sometimes used their miraculous powers for the well-being of the person in trouble.
Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin used his miraculous power to reconcile an oil seller to his
separated wife. In a village of Ajodhan lived an oil-seller with his beautiful wife
whom he loved the most. The muqti of village sacked the village and the inhabitants
were taken as captives. Someone caught his wife and disappeared from there. The oil
seller cried a lot, he reached to the Shaikh and narrated the whole incident of plunder
and lost of his wife. The Shaikh listened and asked him to stay with him for three
days. The oil seller was so restless that he could not stay for a moment but respecting
the Shaikh’s advice he stayed there for two days. The third day a man was brought to
the Shaikh. That person was being summoned by the muqti of the village. Shaikh said
to that person not to be worried, he said him to go to the muqti and you will be given
few things from the muqti. He also told him, that you will be given a slave girl which
I want you to give to this oil seller. To the surprise of the oil seller the person got a
slave girl from the muqti of the village who was his separated wife. The oil seller
became extremely happy after obtaining his lost wife.38

This was the miraculous power used by Shaikh Farid to reconcile a lost wife to
his woeful husband, thus making them happy.

As mentioned earlier the Sufis always had a milder attitude towards every
section of society. They took care of women without discrimination on the basis of
their profession. Special care was taken to fulfill the financial needs of any prostitute,
if it comes to the notice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The saint had a routine of
visiting the graves of his mother and khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki. While he

38
Irfan Habib,‘Slavery in the Delhi Sultanate, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from
Sufic Literature’ , Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, 1988-1989, pp. 248-249.

121
came out of the khanqah to visit the graveyard the prostitutes used to come out on the
street. He did not like to be surrounded by them, hence he sent some people to
distribute money to them and ask them to leave the road and sit in the shade.39

Such was the attitude of the Sufi saint for the prostitutes also; he never
admonished them because of their profession and always had a considerable attitude
towards women in matters of poverty.

According to Nizamuddin Auliya human beings are like children of God on

earth and one who is a truly devoted towards god must strive for the welfare of all the
people regardless of any consideration. Shaikh had special respect for women; he
considered women as important as men and gave them equal status with them.
According to his one saying women are known for their virtue and chastity. He
praised the religious devotions of the females. It was the piety rather than the gender
which mattered. The intensity of worship of Almighty matters rather than the
personality of the worshipper. There is no difference among the worshippers on the
basis of sex, it may be a man or a woman all that matters is the extent of piety in one.

He also said that virtuous qualities are always appreciated in a person. By the
example of lion he said if a lion comes out of the jungle, nobody bothers about its
being male or female. This means human being whether male or female were to be
known because of their being righteous and devoted towards God. He also recited the
following couplet on the subject of virtue and excellence of the devout and abstinence
in a person.

The Malfuz literature is a treasure house of the anecdotes of the Sufi saints
who had immense polite and kind attitude towards the women. They won the hearts of
the people by their enormous love, liberalism and deep charitable attitude towards the
poor and the downtrodden. Their social service at the khanqah made these khanqahs
an important place in the history of Sufism. These were a special place where Sufis
worshipped and performed various social work like giving spiritual soothing to the
persons disgusted, frustrated and hearts bleeding with the atrocities of the external
world.

39
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 85.

122
 An open kitchen (langar) was the regular feature of the khanqah life in
medieval India.40And it was a part of the disciplined life of the Sufis to provide
service to the needy and the oppressed.

Sufi views regarding marriage and celibacy

Almost all Sufis entered into matrimonial alliance excepting a few. There is a
tradition of Prophet (PBUH) mentioning that, A married man perfects half of his
religion. During the pre-Islamic period of the Arabs, there was no limit to the number
of wives they could keep, but Islam limited the number to one, with permission to
marry, if necessary, two or three or even four, provided one can treat them with
justice and equality in his relations with them as a husband. It can be extremely
difficult for anyone but not impossible. Thus we can say that Islam permits his
followers towards monogamy. It does not definitely bind a man saying he can take
only one wife.41 By the means of tradition mentioned above we can say that marriage
was encouraged by the Prophet (PBUH) while celibacy was condemned. Sufis
followed the tradition of Prophet (PBUH) and lived a married life and have had large
families.

Women too emphasized remarriage in the early days of Islam, women married
several times after becoming widow or after having been divorced by their husband.
For instance, Khadija, the first wife of the Prophet (PBUH) had been twice married
before accepting the Prophet (PBUH) as her third husband.42

Contrary to the idea of marriage the eleventh century Sufi saint Shaikh Ali
Hujwiri is a staunch supporter of celibacy. He considered relation with the woman as
a diversion from the righteous and religious path. He settled in India in late eleventh
century, was a great supporter of celibacy for Sufis, and himself never married. He
speaks disparagingly regarding the women. In his words, A woman was the cause of
the calamity that overtook Adam in Paradise, and also of the first quarrel that
happened in this world, i.e. the quarrel of Abel and Cain. A woman was the cause of

40
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 221.
41
A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore City, Vol. II, 1938, p.
641.
42
Ibid.

123
the punishment inflicted on two angels (Harrut and Marrut); and down to the present
day all mischief, worldly or religious have been caused by women.43

In spite of this idea most of the Sufi saints embraced married life and rejected
the life of celibacy. With the exception of Nizamuddin Auliya all the early Chisti
mystic saints led a married life. Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti married late in life, around
ninety years of age. Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis of Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar says that
44
Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti had two wives Ummatullaah and Asmatullah. The first
wife was the daughter of Hindu raja; the second was the daughter of Sayyid
Wajihuddin Meshedi.45

Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyaar Kaki also married late in life and probably
married twice. He divorced one of his wives, soon after marriage, as according to him,
her presence had disturbed his daily program of prayers.46

Shaikh Farid had a number of wives and a big family. Shaikh Nasiruddin
Chiraag is reported to have stated on the authority of his master that Shaikh Farid had
many wives and treated them all justly and equitably so far as the marital relationship
was concerned.47 But to provide for this large family was always a problem for him,
particularly in the closing years of his life when no futuh came to him. Very often his
family had to strive. The maid servant would come and report about the starving
conditions of his family but he gave no notice to her talks.48 Khair-ul-Majalis and
Akhbar-ul-Akhyaar, mention an anecdote regarding the poverty stricken days of the
Shaikh. One day a wife of Shaikh told him Khwaja! Today my son is about to expire
49
from starvation The Shaikh rose his head and said what the poor Masud had to do

43
Ali Hujwiri, Kashf-al-Mahjub, Eng. Tr., Reynold Nicholson, Taj Company, Delhi,1982, p. 363;
see also Jhon A. Subhan, Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1999,
p. 126.
44
Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i-Mohammadi, Delhi, 1283 A.H., pp.
112-113.
45
Ibid.; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op.
cit., p. 218.
46
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., Part-III, Majlis-10, pp. 552-54; see also Some Aspects of
Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p. 219; see also, S. A. A. Rizvi, A
History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,1975, Vol. I, p. 134.
47
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p. 219.
48
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 89; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the
Thirteenth Century, p. 219.
49
Baba Farid’s full name was Fariduddin Masud.

124
in this matter? If fate has so decreed and he dies, tie a rope round his feet and throw
him out and come back 50

Shaikh Najibuddin younger brother of Shaikh Fariduddin lived in Delhi with

his wife and two sons.51 A famous anecdote form Khair-ul-Majalis states that Shaikh
Najibuddin lived in days of utter poverty but entertained his guest the best way he
could. Once some qalandars came to visit the Shaikh on the eid day, he had nothing
in his house to entertain the guest. He thought of selling his wife’s dupatta but found
it torn and patched. Then his prayer carpet caught his attention, it was no better.
Lastly he was compelled to offer his guest only cold water.52 This anecdote does not
have any relation with the idea of living a married life it simply represents the
benevolent nature of a Sufi who in order to entertain the guest does not hesitate to sell
the precious items like dupatta of his wife and a prayer carpet. Nizamuddin Auliya
had special regards for the guest who visited the Khanqahs. He used to say that if
someone visits a living man and he is not entertained by some eatable item or at least
water it is like that he visited a dead person.53

A sixteenth century writer says that Shaikh Sadruddin Arif had married a
divorced wife of Price Mohammad, the eldest son of Balban. It happened so that
Prince in a rage of anger divorced his wife. Later he regretted of his behavior and
wanted to remarry her.

We have examples of Sufis who married their daughters to their disciples.

Maulana Badruddin Ishaq a distinguished khalifa of Shaikh Farid was an eminent
scholar of Delhi Sultanate. Shaikh Farid married his daughter Bibi Fatimah to him.54
Matrimonial relations were established between Suhrawardi saints and members of
ruling dynasty. A famous matrimonial alliance was made between Bibi Rasti, the
daughter of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq and Shaikh Fathullah bin Shaikh
Auhaduddin, the grandson of Shaikh Fariduddin. The Sultan himself sent the proposal

50
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 52; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during
the Thirteenth Century, p. 219.
51
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 214.
52
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 75 ; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 215.
53
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 221.
54
Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 209.

125
 55
to the Shaikh . Initially, Shaikh refused the proposal but when the mother of the
Sultan, Malika-i-Jahan intervened, the proposal was settled.

One more interesting alliance was made between Syed Mohammad Gawas the
founder of Qadiri Silsilah in India and daughter of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Sultan
respected him and became his disciple and also married his daughter to the saint 56

Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya did not marry but once with his advice he managed
to reconcile the strained relation of a husband and wife. Qazi Muhiuddin Kashani’s
relation with his wife was so much unpleasant that he decided to divorce her. He
sought the Shaikh’s advice, who did not approve it resulting which the relations
between the husband and wife were restored.57

Sufis applied innumerable efforts for the marriage of girls whose parents had
poor financial conditions and could not afford the expenses of marriage. The sources
of medieval period have numerous examples when Sufis arranged for the marriage of
the poor girls. Once, a poor man came to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya in connection
with the marriage of his two daughters. The Shaikh wrote a letter to Malik Qir Bak,
who was an eminent noble of Alauddin Khilji. The Shaikh asked the man to give that
letter to him. Qir Bak had made arrangements for the marriage of his own daughter.
After reading the letter of the Shaikh he handed over everything to that poor man sent
by the Shaikh. Thus, arranging for marriage of such girls was considered a good deed
by Sufi saints. Such examples are found in abundance were the marriages were
financially arranged by the Sufis.

Sometimes the Sufi saints helped the people in arranging suitable matches for
their daughters. A man visited Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, he had daughters to marry
but was unable to find the suitable match for his daughters. The man explained the
Shaikh about his problem. The Shaikh advised him to be patient, the man became
dissatisfied with his advice. He said to him that he would only realized my agony if he
would have only a daughter. Listening this, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya enquired the
man that what he want him to do? The man asked the Sufi to recommend someone

55
A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 134.
56
Sufism its Saints and Shrines, op. cit., p. 264
57
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 72.

126
who can act as a suitable match for his daughter. The Shaikh recommended him to a
grandson of Zafar Khan. These anecdotes prove that the Sufis imparted their best in
arranging the marriages of the girls. The help provided by them was of any kind most
of the times they financially helped the poor parents to marry their daughters and
sometimes they helped them in finding out suitable matches for their unmarried
daughters.

Syed Jalaluddin Bukhari took his journey to Delhi in order to gain favours
from the Sultan and other dignified nobles to arrange for the marriage of seven
daughters, fathers of whom have died.58 At the same time Sufis like Shaikh
Nasiruddin could not tolerate extravagance in marriage whether a girl or a boy.
Shaikh Najibuddin protested the extravagance imposed on the marriage of a daughter
of a noble named Aitmar. Shaikh Najibuddin when came to know that he has spent
lavishly on the marriage of his daughter he remarked that it would be better if you had
spent this amount in service of God. Resulting which he lost his job given by him and
all the property was confiscated by Aitmar.59

Sufism has a place for women also. Worship and devotion were not confined
up to men. Women also stood for their religious attitude and fervent piety. The history
of Islam, first of all introduces Rabia Basri as the first woman who indulged in
penance and found a place in mysticism. Likewise, we find many ladies during the
Sultanate period that indulged themselves in prayers and are known for their spiritual
values, worship, abstinence, piety, religiosity, pleasant nature and overall their kind
and humble attitude towards the poor and the helpless. These religious minded ladies
find a special place in the sources of the Sultanate period. These ladies were mothers,
sisters and sometimes wives of the Sufis. Mothers of the eminent Sufi saints helped
their sons to gain spiritualism and inculcated in them the love for the God.

Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya praises the devotion of the Sufi women and
remarks that if a lion appears from the jungle no one bother about its sex (being male
for female). This means that human being whether male or female, were to be known

58
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 185; see also Some Aspects of Religion and
Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, pp. 263-64.
59
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, Part II, Majlis -30, op. cit., p. 452 ; A History of Sufism in India,
Vol. I, p. 151.

127
because of their religious bent of mind and devotion towards God. He also recited the
following couplet on the subject of virtue and excellence of the devout and the
abstinent.

Bibi Zulaikha

The Malfuz literature of the Sultanate period writes a lot about Bibi Zulaikha’s
spiritual outlook. She was the mother of renowned Sufi saint, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. It was his mother who gave him under the guidance of Maulana Alauddin
Usuli, she must have heard about the piety and erudition of Maulana Alauddin
Usuli.60 The three in the family (mother, daughter and son) lived in Badaun in utter
poverty; he lost his father when he was eight years of age.

When Shaikh completed his early education with Maulana Alauddin Usuli,
and finished with a text Quduri, he was asked by his teacher for the ceremony of
dastaarbandi. The text Siyar -ul-Auliya describes how the mother of the Shaikh spun
a dastaar (turban) for him from the yarn present at the home. The final ceremony of
dastaarbandi was performed by the special invitee, Ali Maulana Buzurg, who was not
his teacher. We can explore how the mother of the Shaikh in utter poor circumstances
arranged a dastaar for the son; no doubt she worked hard in order to make the
ceremony of dastaarbandi a happy moment for her son.

K. A. Nizami writes that his mother was the pillar of strength for him when he
was travelling the journey of life with struggle, poverty and hardship as companions.61
In the days of utter poverty, when there was nothing to eat, his mother would say,
Nizamuddin, today we are the guest of God.62 Nizamuddin always derived
inexplicable solace from this remark and always longed to hear this from her. If for so
many days there was no shortage of food in their house, he would get impatient for
the day when his mother would utter these words.63

Bibi Zulaikha had great faith in God and when she prayed it seems that she had
established a direct communion with Allah. Her prayers were quickly granted by God.

60
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 23.
61
Ibid., p. 26.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid.

128
Once happened that the maid servant of her escaped from the house causing difficulty
for her. She prayed to God for her return and vowed that she will not place dupatta on
her head until the maid returns. Surprisingly, her prayers were granted and the maid
was back to her service.64

After the death of his mother, whenever Nizamuddin Auliya faced any problem
he visited the grave of his mother, offered prayers there and asked her mother to pray
to God for the removal of the problem. During lifetime of Bibi Zulaikha, once there
was a drought in Delhi. Everyone started praying for rain. The people asked Shaikh to
pray for the rain. He took a thread from the garment worn by his mother and prayed to
God for rain with the same thread in his hand. Instantly, it began to pour.65 When she
was alive he used to visit his mother every month on the day of new moon, he offered
felicitations to her by placing his head at her feet. Once when he felicitated her
mother, she said Nizam as whose feet will you put your head next month? The Shaikh
burst into tears and asked, to whose care will you entrust me? Tomorrow I will tell
you, replied the mother. She then directed him to go and sleep at the house of Shaikh
Najibuddin. Early in the morning the maid servant came hurriedly rushing and said
that his mother had called him. Nizamuddin hurried to the house. Where is your right
hand? Asked, dying Bibi Zulaikha. He stretched out his hand. She took it in her hand
and said: O,God! I entrust him to thee. So saying Bibi Zulaikha breathed his last.
This sentence of his mother infused in him a great sense of satisfaction to his
bereaved heart. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to say that if my mother would have
left a house full of wealth, it would have not given me the same pleasure and
consolation which these words gave to my bereaved heart.66

The practice of visiting his mother’s grave on the day of every new moon
became a regular feature of his life. He visited the grave and recited prayers there.
The following anecdote will present the picture of the spiritual powers of Bibi
Zulaikha. Once Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji ordered Nizamuddin Auliya and
others to come and pay obeisance to him on every first day of the new moon.67 This

64
Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, folio. 75(b)-76(a).
65
Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 294; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 401.
66
Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, op. cit., folio. 76(a); see also The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, op. cit., p. 272.
67
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 282.

129
order of Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji enraged Nizamuddin Auliya because it
clashed with the regular visits to his mother’s grave.68 He refused on these occasions
to visit the King and offer the customary greeting. This was looked upon as a
disobedience to the King, who in consequence threatened to take severe measure
against Nizamuddin if he absented himself at the next moon. The Shaikh when got
information about this threat, visited his mother’s grave and after offering the usual
prayers, pleaded his mother for the solution of this problem.69 By a strange
coincidence, at the time of appearance of the new moon, as a result of a political
turmoil the king was put to death by Khusrau Khan. Khusrau Khan inaugurated a
reign of terror but Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq got him removed from the political scene and
restored order hence founding a new dynasty. Even so the relation between the new
king and the saint continued to be strained.70

In A.D 1325 when Sultan, was returning from a successful Bengal expedition
he ordered the saint to quit Delhi. The saint on receiving the royal command uttered
these words Hanoz Delhi dur ast. The king however was not destined to enter Delhi,
and so could not summon the saint to his court, for he died an unexpected death by the
fall of the pavilion which was erected in his honor.

This conspiracy is generally believed to be planned by Mohammad Bin

Tughlaq who then ascended the throne. It is however believed that the cause of
tragedy is to be sought not in Mohammad bin Tughlaq but in the hostility that existed
between the King and Nizamuddin Auliya.71 And indeed the pavilion was erected by
Ahmad son of Malikzada Ayaz, the inspector of buildings, a man who was known to
be an overzealous disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.72

These events demonstrate Bibi Zulaikha’s spiritual powers. Whenever Shaikh

Nizamuddin Auliya found himself in difficulty he visited the grave of his mother and
prayed for recovery and finally he was rescued.

68
Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, op. cit., folio. 76(b); see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 282.
69
Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, op. cit., p. 223.
70
Ibid.
71
Ibid.,p. 224.
72
Ibid.

130
 Whenever Bibi Zulaikha fell ill, she asked her son to go to the graves of saint
and martyrs and pray for her recovery.73 Her continuous fasting and struggle to keep
body and soul together shattered her health and she met her end. She prophesied
looking at the feet of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Nizamuddin I see signs of bright
future in you. You will be a man of destiny someday. The young Nizamuddin asked,
but when will this happen? To this Bibi Zulaikha replied, when I am dead.

It is said that Bibi Zulaikha had a dream when her husband, Syed Ahmad fell
ill. She dreamt that a voice was asking her to choose between her husband and son.
With the eternal instinct of the Indian mother, Bibi Zulaikha preferred to save her son
and as destiny would have it Syed Ahmad Ali died soon after.74

Bibi Zulaikha lies buried a mile away from the Qutb Minar in a small village
known as Udhchini. Bibi Zulaikha was born in an affluent family. It was her
circumstances which forced her to face hardships of life. She was brave enough to
bear the pangs of hardships. Instead of complaining to god about all these she adopted
an attitude of patience and involved herself in prayers and recited durood whenever
found herself in distress. She was one of the pious ladies who resigned to the will of
God and so she molded the thoughts and the personality of her son, Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya.

Bibi Qarasum Masuma

Baba Farid’s first teacher whose influence was most lasting on him was his
mother Bibi Qarasum Masuma.75 She was a religious minded lady who kept herself
awake at nights and indulged her body and soul in offering prayers76. Qarasum Bibi
77
was the daughter of Shaikh Wajihuddin Khojendi and married to Jamaluddin
Sulaiman who was the son of Qazi Shuaib of Kahtwal. He was a man of mystic
indifference.

Bibi Qarasum got the privilege of being the mother of three sons; among them
two were the eminent Sufis of the Sultanate period. Baba Farid and his younger
73
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 46.
74
Mohammad Habib, Hazrat Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p. 26.
75
The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 8.
76
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 298.
77
The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, p. 3.

131
brother Shaikh Najibuddin were the eminent Sufis mentioned in Malfuz literature. In
the Sufi literature of the Sultanate we find numerous anecdotes relating to piety and
devotion of Bibi Qarasum Masuma. Due to her exceeding pious nature and unending
penance she attained the heights of spiritual powers. This can be well justified by
below mentioned anecdote which is illustrated in Fawaid-ul-Fuad.

Once a thief entered a house where he found a woman deeply immersed in

prayers. As soon as the thief glanced at her he lost his eyesight and could not
managed to go out. He took no time to understand that it was the spiritual powers of
the lady which made him blind. The thief cried for forgiveness and repented for his
act. The Shaikh’s mother prayed for him and he regained his eyesight. After this
incident the thief along with his family members embraced Islam.78

Pious old mother of Shaikh Najibuddin was anxious to see Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. Shaikh Ruknud-din, the well known saint of Delhi invited Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya who had recently arrived at Ghiyaspur, to attend the majlis. He
was pointed out from behind and the saintly lady predicted the future greatness of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.79

The anecdote related to the death of Bibi Qarasum is very strange and explains
the high levels of her spiritual grandeur. When Baba Farid settled at Ajodhan he asked
his younger brother to bring their mother to Ajodhan. He went and took her along
with him on journey back to Ajodhan. On the way she felt thirsty and asked Shaikh
Najibuddin to bring water. They halted under a tree; Shaikh Najibuddin leaving her
under that tree went in search of water. On his return he was surprised to see that his
mother was missing. He looked for her and made frantic efforts in all directions to
find her but his efforts went vain. There was no trace of her. He felt greatly disturbed
and in distress he went to Ajodhan and narrated the whole incident to Baba Farid.80
After some time Shaikh Najibuddin again passed from the same route, his
inquisitiveness took him under the same tree in order that if he could find something
related to his mother. He found some human bones there, assuming those bones of his
mother he collected them in bag and went to his brother at Ajodhan. When the bag

78
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., pp. 603-604; see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 298.
79
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p.140.
80
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p. 604.

132
was opened by the two brothers they were surprised to see that there was no trace of
bones in the bag.81

It was the strength of her spiritual powers which made the bones disappears
from the bag. These kinds of miracles do not occur to a common man.

Bibi Auliya

According to Abdul Haq Muhaddis, the author of Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Bibi

Auliya was among the pious ladies of those days. She lived during the days of Sultan
Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. The Sultan was a great devotee of Bibi Auliya.82 She had a
saintly and withdrawn life free from all worldly desires. She kept herself in constant
state of near starvation. She had a number of children who were inclined towards
Sufism and owed their leaning to mysticism from their mother. Among his many
sons, the famous Sufi saint was Shaikh Ahmad.83

Bibi Fatima Sam

Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya spoke a good deal about the reward of the virtue
and chastity of women. He further told the audience that in Indrapat there was a pious
lady known for her fervent piety, she was Bibi Fatima Sam.84 Due to her generosity,
helping nature and religious bent of mind Bibi Fatima Sam occupied a place among
the pious ladies of the Sultanate period. Baba Farid and his younger brother had deep
respect for Bibi Fatima Sam, both the saints had sisterly love for her.85

Shaikh Najibuddin had deep regards for her. Once, Shaikh Najibuddin and his
family had starving circumstances during eid festival. Shaikh Najib had nothing to
entertain his guest. He thought of selling some household articles in order to arrange
for money. Then he considered his wife’s dupatta; it was torn and patchy thus was
useless to fetch any money. He then considered his prayer carpet, it was no better.
Failing to provide anything for the visitor, he offered cold water to them.86

81
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p. 604; see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp. 298-299.
82
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 298; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 403.
83
Ibid.
84
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p. 254.
85
Shaikh Jamali, Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, Habibganj Collection. 22/11, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, folios. 134(b)-135(a).
86
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 215.

133
 When Bibi Fatima came to know about the starving conditions of his family
she helped the family by sending someone with a bread made of one or a half mound
of flour.87 Beside a generous and God fearing lady Bibi Fatima was an accomplished
poetess.88 Bibi Fatima Sam dedicated herself to the service of mankind. She used to
say that feeding the hungry and giving water to the thirsty was meaningful than
hundreds and thousands of namaz and many days spent in fasting.89

After the death of Bibi Fatiam Sam, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to go to
her tomb and obtained spiritual satisfaction. Bibi Fatima’s tomb is in old Indraprastha.
It was a meeting place for the men of fourteenth and fifteenth century, but by the last
years of the sixteenth century it was deserted. Gradually, the memory of Bibi Fatima
fell into obscurity and she became known to the local people only as Bibi Saima or
Bibi Sam.90.

Bibi Fatima

There was another lady known as Bibi Fatima known for her religious bent of
mind. She is well known for her fasting and prayers. She had great love for God and
her faith in prayers can be accessed from the anecdote given below.

Once after her evening prayer she was about to have her meal, when it occurred
to her that “ if it happened to be her last night it would be rather improper to die with
full belly” means it would be improper to satisfy one’s material need. She rolled the
bread and satisfied her hunger by merely drinking water, and again engaged herself in
offering prayers. The next day that bread was given to the beggar. Now, sleep
overpowered her and again it occurred to her that if it be the last night of my life I will
repent that I wasted it in sleeping, she awoke and passed the night in devotional
prayers.91 The idea overpowered her for whole forty days and she did not eat or slept
for forty days. The fourteenth day was the last day of her life. When MalkulMaut (the

87
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p.1017 ; see also The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin
Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 135 ; Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the
Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 215.
88
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 280.
89
Ibid., pp. 295-296; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 402.
90
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 295; see also A History of Sufism in India, Vol. I, p. 403.
91
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 138; see also Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, op. cit., folios. 135(a)-135(b)

134
angel of death) appeared she asked him to spare her sometime so that she can renew
her ablution and place her head in procrastation.92

This was the extent of her piety that she kept herself involved in penance
without having food and sleep and every day the food was given to derveshes. Shaikh
Nasiruddin Chirag Dehlavi calls Bibi Fatima, Ibnul-waqt, that is a Sufi who
understood the importance of human life.93

Bibi Fatima had a slave girl who worked hard and from earnings she prepared
food for her master. The food was only two cakes of barley each day.94 These two
cakes of barley and a glass of water were placed beside Bibi Fatima’s prayer carpet by
the maid.

Bibi Sara

Bibi Sara was the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Abdul Muid.95 She is known
for observing strict purdah. It is believed that no man had ever seen her in her private
life.96 Her devotion towards God followed by devotional prayers and religious
pursuits resulted in attainment of mystic powers by her.

Once it happened that it did not rain in Delhi for long period of time and the
inhabitants of the city prayed for rain. The Shaikh was asked by the inhabitants of
Delhi to pray for the rain, and he holding the daman of his mother prayed to the God
for rain and his prayers were answered.97

Bibi Rasti

Bibi Rasti was the wife of Shaikh Sadruddin Arif and mother of Ruknuddin
Abdul Fath. She was a pious lady with religious bent of mind. It is mentioned in
Siyar-ul-Arifin that she used to read whole Quran every day.98 She was a disciple of
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. Once, when she was pregnant she visited Shaikh

92
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 138.
93
Ibid.
94
A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 403.
95
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp. 294-295.
96
Ibid.
97
Ibid.
98
Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, folio. 17(a).

135
Bahauddin Zakariya, the Shaikh treated her in an extra ordinary manner than ever
before. Bibi Rasti was quite surprised at this behavior of the Shaikh and asked him the
reason of the special respect. In return Shaikh explained to her that it was a humble
tribute to her because she was going to be the mother of a great saint too.

Bibi Rasti (daughter of Mohammad bin Tughlaq)

Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughalq had a daughter named Bibi Rasti whom he
married to a grandson of Baba Farid. The grandson of Baba Farid was Shaikh
Fathullah bin Shaikh Auhaduddin.

Daughters of Baba Farid

Baba Farid had three daughters, Bibi Masturah, Bibi Sharifa and Bibi Fatima.
Bibi Sharifa became a widow when she was young and she did not marry again. She
was intensely religious minded that Baba Farid used to say, if it had been allowed to
give the khilafatnama of a Shaikh and his Sajjahdah to a woman, I would have given
them to Bibi Sharifa.99 Such was the extent of her piety and religious mindedness.
Further, the Shaikh reported that if other women had been like her, women would
have taken precedence over men.

Bibi Masturah was devoted to prayers and penitence. She had two sons, both of
them had Sufi bent of mind and passed their lives in the Jamatkhana of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya.

Bibi Fatimah was married to a disciple of her father. She had two sons. At the
time of death of Maulana Ishaq, the family was passing through poor financial crisis.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya sent Sayyid Mohammad Kirmani to Ajodhan to bring Bibi
Fatima to Delhi for the purpose of settling there. It was in order to provide assistance
to Bibi Fatima and her sons. It was unfortunate that Bibi Fatima’s arrival to Delhi
gave people an opportunity to create rumor that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya wanted to
marry her. Shaikh, when heard this became hurt and left Delhi for Ajodhan and
returned back when the lady passed away.100

99
The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p.76.
100
Ibid., p. 77.

136
Bibi Jamal

Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti had three sons and a daughter named, Bibi Jamal.
Bibi Jamal had strong mystic leanings but her sons were not inclined towards
mysticism.

Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti had two wives. His first wife was Ummatullah, who
was the daughter of a Hindu raja of Ajmer.101 The second wife of Shaikh Muinuddin
Chisti was Asmatullah, the daughter of Sayyid Wajihuddin Meshedi. His first wife,
Ummatullah gave birth to a daughter named Bibi Jamal.102 Bibi Jamal became
renowned for her piety and austerity. She was one of the successors to Muinuddin and
was authorized by him to make women as her disciples.

She is one of the very few women saints of Islam to whom this privilege is said
to have been granted. She was married to Shaikh Riyazuddin, by whom she had two
children both of them died in infancy. Bibi Jamal lies buried near the tomb of Shaikh
Muinuddin.103

Bibi Rani

When Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya reached Ajodhan, his clothes were so grimy
that a woman washed his clothes; she was a pious and devoted lady at the Jamatkhana
of Shaikh Farid and was named Bibi Rani. Bibi Rani gave him a chadar (sheet of
cloth) with which he covered his body, washed his clothes and patched them.104 Bibi
Rani had a wealthy husband who had a flourishing business at Kirman. Her husband
was a rich merchant and was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. Bibi Rani was the
daughter of his (her husband’s) uncle at Multan whom he often visited. He was also in
habit of visiting Ajodhan at the khanqah of Shaikh Farid in order to pay him respect.
One day he came to Jamatkhanah and found such spiritual solace in that tumbling hut
that he decided to take up permanent residence there. He gave up all his property and
preferred a life of simplicity and piety. He ignored the appeal of his father- in- law to
engage himself in some material pursuit. His heart was now set on things beyond

101
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp. 112-113.
102
Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, op. cit., p. 207.
103
Ibid.
104
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 217.

137
material world. He drove pleasure in simple things like plucking pelu and delah with
his hands. At the same time his wife Bibi Rani assisted him in these kinds of simple
work at Jamatkhana and looked after the comforts of the inmates of the khanqah as a
sister looks after her brother.105

Few women of religious attitude find place in the Sufi literature of the period
because they had love and respect towards Sufis and their disciples. These women
were religious minded and kind towards Sufis and very often worked in the khanqahs
in order to provide help to them.

One of these women was grandmother of Amir Khurd, she was known for her
kindness and charitable disposition, when Baba Farid died she gave a white sheet to
cover his coffin.106 There was a pious and religious minded woman at Ghiyaspur who
earned her living by spinning. Once it happened that Shaikh Nizamudddin along with
his disciples had nothing to eat for four days. She came to know about their
starvation, immediately she purchased flour by the money she earned after selling the
thread she spun. By that flour she baked bread and took to the Shaikh and his
disciples.107

Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Delhvi had deep love and affection for his mother.
After his death he looked after his two sisters with great love and affection. The two
sisters were Bibi Bua Abdi and Bibi Lahiri.108 Shaikh Nasiruddin not only looked
after his sisters but also imparted spiritual guidance to them. After the death of his
sisters he looked after his nephew, Zainuddin Ali, son of Bua Abidi and Kamaluddin
Hamid, son of Bibi Lahiri.109

Offering five times prayers a day, reciting Kalima, fasting, offering zakat, and
hajj, i.e., visiting the holy places of Mecca and Medina are the pillars of Islam. Islam
asks the followers to perform hajj, if their finances allow them. The women of those
days were involved in the religious activities such as visiting the holy cities of and
Medina for performing hajj. Once, a woman came to Khwajah Zikrullah. She was

105
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 228.
106
The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 66.
107
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 30.
108
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., introduction, pp. 45-46.
109
Ibid.

138
back from hajj pilgrimage and came to visit the Shaikh with a tray full of vegetables,
carried by a maid.110 Shaikh was requested to break the fast by those eatables. This
indicates that the women often visited to the Sufis and were respected by them.

Shaikh Ahmad Maghribi was a distinguished saint of Gujarat. He lived up to

the patriarchal age of 111 years (1336-1447).111 Born in a noble family of Delhi he
was separated by his parents due to a cyclonic disorder. During the days of his
adversity a poor old lady Bibi Bhuri of ghosi family had helped him by offering milk
and pudding. The Shaikh never forgot Bibi Bhuri. When he was very popular at
Sarkhej, a man came to see him and told him that he is the grandson of Bibi Bhuri and
had come from Khattu, a world of memories glowed in his mind, he enquired about
each and every member of Bibi Bhuri’s family and entertained him with profound
affection.112

Women also offered namaz in congregation in the days of Sultanate rule. We

have one such reference of a congregation which included women. If Imam leading a
prayer makes a mistake the ladies in the congregation were allowed only to make a
sound by striking the back of a palm with that of another. This type of clapping was
allowed in order to avoid the woman from speaking and secondly the proper clapping
sound resembles a sort of play and amusement.113 It is important to mention here that
the female voice distracts the attention of the people offering prayer.

Bhakti Movement

The Bhakti movement has had a long history in India.114 During the Sultanate
period there were bhakti saints namely Ramananda, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Chatainya,
Amardas. Most of them belonged to north India. Like Sufi saints the bhaktas also
propagated the existence of one God and feeling of brotherhood. The origin of
bhaktism is hidden in mysticism. The time when Sufis emerged in the Sultanate the
Hindu society was struggling with the rigid caste system. The khanqahs of these Sufis

110
Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., pp. 232-233.
111
K. A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1980, pp. 196-197.
112
Ibid.
113
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 95.
114
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 240.

139
sheltered everyone.115 According to K.A. Nizami almost all these saints passed some
time in these khanqahs.116 It is noteworthy that the Khanqah of Baba Farid made no
distinction between man and woman on any ground and allowed Hindus to become
his murids or spiritual disciples.117

The mystical philosophy of Baba Farid had conscious or unconscious effect

upon the philosophical mind of such eminent mystic and saints as Namdeva, Kabir,
Guru Nanak and Ramananda. They exhibited a happy and harmonious blend to
Sufism and Bhaktism, insisted on oneness of God and denounced idolatry. Opposed
the caste system and laid stress on human brotherhood. Hamid Afaq qureshi writes
that “ they not only made their worldly and spiritual lives pious and devotional but
also dedicated that whole lives for preaching others to do that and it was this
systematic and effective attempt on their part to free the masses of India from the
clutches of indignity, injustice, inequality, unrighteousness and various other
bottlenecks of caste, creed, birth and colour which set others in motion to do the same
in a roundabout way in the form of various Bhakti movements.”118 The medieval
mystic brought about a remarkable synthesis between some of the basic elements of
Bhakti and of the Sufism. The profounder of Bhaktism struggled to bring change
through love and devotion to the Almighty.

Like Sufis, bhaktas also touched various aspects of life. Women did not
escape their attention. The already deteriorated condition of women provoked them to
help the women folk in improving their lot.

Ramananda threw open the spiritual teaching for women and entered them
into the circle of his disciples. Some of his disciples were Kabir, Pipa, Ravidas,
Anantanada, Suka, Sursura, Padmavati, Narahari, Dhana. Among them the female
disciples were Padmavati, Sadhana and Surasari the wife of Sursura.119 He also
admitted among his disciples a Rajput queen.120

115
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit, Vol. II, pp. 345- 346.
116
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 280.
117
‘Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim Unity’, op. cit., p. 77.
118
Hamid Afaq Qureshi, ‘Nature and Roots of Islamic Bhakti Movements and Syed Ashraf Jahangir
Samnani’ ,in N.N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, op. cit., p. 86.
119
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 242.
120
Ibid., p. 243

140
 Kabir considered motherhood, the most important phase of a woman’s life.
Kabir talks about the contribution of the women towards building the good elements
in society and regards her as being responsible for molding the character of her
children especially son.121 It is interesting to know that Kabir had strained relations
with his mother due to his involvement in bhakti stream. Kabir write about his mother
that she cries and hides her tears; the reason of her sorrow is Kabir himself who has
left weaving and become involved in bhakti and she alone could not take care of
financial matters.122 Kabir’s writings show that he had many expectations from
woman and he wants the woman to be a devoted and obedient wife.123

There is similarity of thoughts between Kabir and Nanak when they talk
regarding the virtuous wife. Guru Nanak, was of the opinion that it was upon women
that the growth and welfare of the society rests.

Women give birth to great men and are responsible for prosperity in society.
Keeping these views in mind he took up the task of providing women the rights and
privileges they were deprived of. Thus, the bhakti saints tried to upgrade their social
and spiritual status.

Women Saints

There were various women saints who survived in different parts of India
during the Sultanate rule in India. Lal Ded or Lalla of Kashmir, the queen of Pipa,
Janabai of Maharashtra, Mira Bai of Rajasthan are shining examples of women saints
in medieval India.

In the history, Lal Ded is popularly known as Lal Deo, a Shaivaite yogi.124 She
roamed about in scantiest dress, dancing and singing rapturous songs. Lal Ded lived
during the fourteenth centuries during the reign of Alauddin. Like, bhakti saints of
other parts of India, Lal Ded is also critical of rituals, idol worship, false show of
religiosity and animal sacrifice. She has a large number of vakyas which speak of

121
Rekha Pande, Religious Movements in Medieval India, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2005,
p. 252.
122
Ibid.
123
Ibid., p. 255.
124
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 256; see also Religious Movements in Medieval
India, op. cit., p.195.

141
tolerance.125 Her sayings are still looked upon in Kashmir as being the words of holy
woman imbued with mixed sentiments and spirits of Hinduism and Islam.

Sita, the youngest queen of Pipa, after putting coarse garment of a mendicant
accompanied her husband.126 Pipa was a Rajput ruler who became a disciple of
Ramananda. Kabir’s mother and wife were also saintly ladies of their time.127 Mirabai
is one of the greatest exponents of the bhakti movement of Gujarat. Mira Bai was the
daughter of Raja Ratan Singh and daughter- in- law of Maharana Sanga of Mewar.
She was devoted to Krishna whom she used to call Giridhar Lalla128 or Giridhar
Gopal.129 She is said to have been initiated into the doctrine of pure bhakti by saint
Ravidas who was one of the twelve principle followers of Ramananda. She began her
life as an ordinary housewife and lived in mundane happiness for a period of about
ten years. After the death of her husband she suffered by the hands of her in laws. She
first took refuge in her father’s home, but finally she denounced worldly life and
settled in Dwarka at Gujarat. Numerous devotional songs of Mira are sung all over
India even today. The hymns of Mira reveal her deep sincerity, rapturous, devotion
and passionate yearning for Krishna.

Thus, we see that the purpose of Sufism and Bhaktism was more or less same.
Both the Sufis and the Bhakti saints worked for the betterment of the poor and needy
class of the society. In their attempt to improve the social conditions they did not
forget to provide assistance to the women too. Sufis as well as Bhakti saints had a
very kind attitude towards women. Many of them fought against the inequality given
to women in society and tried to bring them on equal footing with the other sections
of the society.

125
Religious Movement in Medieval India, pp. 196-197.
126
Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 256.
127
Ibid.
128
Manjula Bhattacharyya, ‘Medieval Bhakti Movements in Gujarat’, in N. N. Bhattacharyya, ed.,
Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, op. cit., p.100.
129
Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 257.

142
 Chapter 5

Society And Women

 Chapter – 5
SOCIETY AND WOMEN

The concept of society is very vast. Society always has been a combination of
people of different nature and temperament. It is made up of many families, religion,
caste, customs and practices. Every custom and practice has its own relevance and
none of the customs and practices takes place without the intervention of women.
From birth to marriage and till death the females form an integral part of all these.
This chapter is an attempt to deal with all those customs and practices of the Sultanate
period in which women played a significant role. These were marriage, divorce,
polygamy, customs related with marriage, education of girl child, position of widows
in society, sati, jauhar and purdah .A description of the dress, ornaments and
cosmetics is also dealt with.

The sources studied for exploring such practices related to women are Tarikh-
i-Firozshahi of Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams Siraj Afif, Rehla of
Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Shahi of Ahmad Yadgar, Masalik-ul-Absar-fi-Mumalik-ul-
Amsar of Shihab-al-Din-al Umari, Khair-ul-Majalis of Hamid Qalandar, Fawaid-ul-
Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar of Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Hasht Bihisht,
Matlaul Anwar, Nuh Siphir and Ijaz-i-Khusravi of Amir Khusrau, Waqiat-e-
Mushtaqui of Rizquallah Mushtaqui and Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdullah Khan Daudi.

Education

The followers of Islam are guided by the Quranic injunctions. Quran contains
the God’s words which were revealed to the Prophet (PBUH). Quran lays much
emphasis on acquiring ilm or knowledge. Incidentally, the first Revelation begins with
the verse Iqra Bismi rabika lazi khalaq which means read in the name of Thy Lord,
who has created. Similarly, another verse of the same chapter tells that is ‘He who
taught the use of pen’-Allazi allama bil qalam. And also, ‘He who teacheth man what
he knowth not’-allamal insana malam yalam. Thus, by the means of these verses it is
enjoined upon the believers to acquire, disseminate, and transmit all knowledge to
others.1

1
S. Z. H. Jafri, ‘Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India’ in S. Z. H. Jafri, ed.,
Recording the Progress of Indian History, Primus books, Delhi, 2012, p. 134.

143
 God recommends to his followers acquisition of knowledge. “Acquire
knowledge because he who acquires it in the way of the Lord, perform an act of
piety; who speaks of it praises the Lord; who seeks it adores God; who dispenses
instruction in it, bestows alms; and who imparts it to its fitting objects performs an act
of piety. The acquisition of knowledge enables its possessor to distinguish what is
forbidden from the allowed. It is our friend in the desert, our society in solitude, our
companion when bereft of friends; it guides us in misery; it is our ornament; it serves
as armour against our enemies. With knowledge the servant of God rises to the
heights of goodness and to a noble position, associates with sovereigns in this world,
and attains to the perfection of happiness in the next.”2

The Prophet (PBUH) has also laid same emphasis by the means of his sayings.
He is reported to have said for every Muslim whether male or female, that it is a duty
to acquire knowledge. We could say that no discrimination is placed between men and
women on the matter of acquiring knowledge. Knowledge was considered as
important for mankind as the Prophet (PBUH) suggest them to travel as far as
possible in order to gain knowledge. Seek knowledge though if it is in China.3

Dispensation of knowledge started at the time of Prophet (PBUH) and

continued onwards. At the time of second khalifa a number of learned men were
allowed to give lecture in mosque. They were called Qass 4which means narrator. The
subject of their recitation was the verses of Quran and traditions of the Prophet. In
this way, the mosque became not only the place for worship but also a centre for
education. Later on these mosques developed along with them a building where
education was imparted to the pupils. These structures were called madrasas, a more
institutionalized form of higher education.

Beside tradition, philosophy, theology, history, geography, astronomy was also

the subjects taught before the end of the Umayyad. The Abbasid rule was the Golden
period of the Muslim learning. The women in Islamic Arab were no less inferior to
their male counter parts. The ladies of the Prophet’s family were noted for their

2
Ameer Ali, Ethics of Islam, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 2009, p. 47.
3
A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore city, 1938, Vol. I,
p.162.
4
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 163.

144
learning, their virtues and their strength of character.5 Bibi Fatimah, the beloved
daughter of the Prophet (PBUH) was attributed with immense intellectual attainments
that she could participate in the controversial discussions like that of succession.
Other examples were of Zainab, Darimiyya, a poetess and a propagandist in the cause
of Ali against Moaviya.6

In India the Muslim women during the Sultanate period could not attain the
standard of perfection as their preceptors had in other Islamic world. Later on, in
Mughal period there were a number of royal ladies gifted with the wealth of
knowledge. Some examples are Gulbadan Bano Begum, the daughter of Babur who
wrote Humayunnamah, Salima Sultan the niece of Humayun , Maham Anga, the wet
nurse of Akbar, was well educated and founded a college at Delhi.

There were institutions for the education of boys and girls. These were maktabs
and madrasas. Maktabs were the centers which imparted primary education to boys
and girls. These were a kind of primary schools where elementary instruction was
imparted in reading and writing Arabic and Persian.7 The girls in India received their
primary education in primary schools called maktabs. The emergence of makhtabs in
various parts of India was the result of the arrival of people from the various central
Asian cities and towns. They brought Islamic culture with them. The master taught
the children there to read and write.8

Madrasas were the institution meant for higher education. The author of
Masalikul Absar, Shihabuddin Al Umari has written that in Delhi there are 1000
madrasas. He praises the Sultans of Delhi for their generous support to these
institutions of learning and states that thousands of faqih are appointed in makhtabs
whose allowances are paid by the diwans. The main subject was qirat and the pupils
were taught writing skills. Most of the children there were orphans.9

5
Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paperbacks, London, 1965, p. 255.
6
Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 772.
7
A. L. Srivastava, Medieval Indian Culture, Shiva Lal Agarwal and Co., Agra, 1964, p. 98.
8
Irfan Habib, Medieval India- The Study of A Civilization, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2007,
op. cit., p. 78.
9
Shahabuddin Al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik ul Amsar, Eng.Tr., Ottospies, A. Rashid and
S. Moinul Haque, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1943, p. 24.

145
 Important information given by Al-Umari is, there were maktabs (primary
schools) exclusively for girls and in the coastal western regions of India, and even the
women memorized the Quran.10

Another traveller Ibn Battuta specifically tells us about the women of the
township of Honawar (an old seaport, now destroyed, on the western coast of India)
and says that in the city I saw thirteen schools for girls and twenty three for boys.11
S.Z. H. Jafri opines that perhaps it was extraordinary large Muslim population and to
fulfill the need of male and female education.12 Ibn Battuta praises the extraordinary
quality of women folk to memorize the Quran.13

According to a Sufi saint Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud; the act of teaching in a

maktab was a noble and virtuous act. He states that, it is a sinless act as the teacher is
associated with the teaching of Quran and one who teaches Quran always remains
with ablution14 which is considered good in Islam and same is applicable to the ladies
who teach the holy book. The women of a village named Salahi are appreciated by
Sheikh Nasiruddin Chirag Delhvi in Khair-ul-Majalis.15

Teaching and acquiring knowledge both the activities were considered noble.
We find reference of the Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khilji’s reign, where women were
engaged in receiving higher education. Ghiyasuddin Khilji established madrasa
exclusively for women because he considered their education essential for the
progress of the country.16

Not only Mohammad bin Tughlaq but his predecessor Mohammad Ghori was
the first Muslim King of India who deemed his duty to impart education in India.
Some schools and seminaries were set up first in Ajmer for the spread of Islamic
education by him.17

10
Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik ul Amsar, Eng.Tr., Ottospies, A. Rashid and S. Moinul Haque, op.
cit., p. 24
11
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husian, op. cit., p.179; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., pp.
230-231.
12
‘Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 137.
13
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, p. 179.
14
Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Aligarh, 1959, Majlis no- 32, p. 107.
15
Ibid., p. 107.
16
S. M. Ziauddin Alavi, Muslim Educational Thought in the Middle Ages, Atlantic Publishers and
Distributers, Delhi,1988, p. 8.
17
S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, New Delhi, 1972, p. 38.

146
 Iltutmish was very much inclined towards providing education and interested
in imparting education to his children. Raziya was well versed in Quran and she could
read and write it with correct pronunciation.18 The royal ladies who acquired
knowledge were interested in imparting it. The women of the harem were also
interested in patronizing men of letters and huge amount of money was given to them
as grant. An early example of an educated lady is of Mah Malik, the granddaughter of
Alauddin Jahansoz. Minhaj speaks highly of her in his Tabaqat.19 Her handwriting is
praised by Minhaj, he says that her hand writing was like “Royal Pearls.”20 The chief
queen of Iltutmish, Shah Turkan patronized men of letters and huge amount of money
was given to them as grant.21

The Muizzi College at Delhi was one of the best centers of learning in the reign
of Razia. The college was so rich and magnificent that it gave the impression of Jama
Masjid and was once attacked by the Karamathians.22 The Quran and Islamic
teaching were the basis for everything. The pattern of education in India was similar
to the pattern in the other Islamic countries. The study of religion with respect to
Hadith (traditions of the Prophet) and its allied branches were the first to attract the
attention of Muslim scholars in India.23

The most important ruler of the Sultanate period who worked for the sake of
education was Firozshah Tughlaq. He was an eminent educationist who appointed
teachers in various parts of India. He renovated and reconstructed the old madrasas.
Not only he ordered the reconstruction of old madrasas but also attain the credit of
establishing the new schools and colleges with residential facility for the students.24

It is asserted that Sikandar Lodi appointed teachers in Makhtabs and Madrasas

in various cities throughout his dominion presumably making provision for them

18
Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1865, Vol. I, p. 68.
19
Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books, Reprint 1970,Vol. I, p.
392; N. N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, Longmans, London,
1916, p.xxvii; see also Education in Muslim India, p. 192.
20
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 392; see also, Education in Muslim India, op.
cit., p.192.
21
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 630.
22
Education in Muslim India, op. cit., p. 41.
23
‘Education and Transmission of Knowledge in India’, op. cit., p. 135.
24
Medieval India-The Study of Civilization, op. cit, p. 79.

147
through land or cash grant.25 During his reign huge amount of money was distributed
from the royal treasury two times a year for the scholars, learned men, widows and
other deserving people.

However, education was in practice an activity which was mostly confined to

26
the elite, the masses had limited access to it. There were no madrasas for the girls
of the masses. In the very early age some girls did go to madrasas meant for the
boys.27 The fifteenth century Persian dictionary pictures a girl at a primary school at
Malwa region. We can clearly notice that the girls used to get primary education
together with boys.

Fig. From Mifitah u’l Fuzala; See also, Irfan Habib, Medieval India the Study of a
Civilization. The picture confirms the presence of girl education in maktabs (primary
schools) in India.

The regional kingdoms also provided an impetus to the process of education.

The practice of educating girls did not remain confined to the Sultanate of Delhi but
most of the regional kingdoms were ahead of each other in imparting education to
girls.

25
Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p. 18; see also
Medieval India-The Study of Civilization, op. cit., p. 79.
26
‘Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 135.
27
Talat Aziz, ‘Education of Muslim Girls in India’ in S. M. Azizuddin Husain, ed., Madrasa
Education In India -Eleventh to Twenty First Century, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi, 2005, p.
111.

148
 Among the list of the learned ladies of the regional kingdoms one was Chand
Sultana, the most favourite queen of Deccan. She was a woman of excellent education
and extra ordinary talent. She was skilled in arts of warfare. She spoke Arabic,
Persian, Turkish, Kanarese and Marathi and her hobbies included painting flowers.28

Bibi Raji, the wife of Mahmud Sharqi of Jaunpur had also contributed a lot in
the field of education. She got constructed a Jami Masjid, a monastery and a madrasa
in Jaunpur and gave structure the name of namazgah.29 She also assigned some
scholarship to professors and stipends to students.

The princesses of the royal families were educated by learned teachers. What
was the mode of education is not exactly clear. Later on, when the girl grew up her
education was greatly restricted by the purdah system. The females when reached the
age of puberty were avoided co-education. Sources are silent on this matter it is
assumed that may be because of purdah they were exempted from higher education.

Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khilji of Malwa is known for his outstanding efforts for
girl education. He established a madrasa (secondary school) exclusively for girl
education because he considered their education essential for the progress of the
country. He had three schools within his harem. The harem of the Sultan had fifteen
thousand women; these women acted as school mistress who used to teach the ladies
present inside the palace.30

Great Bahmani king Firoz (1397-1422) was a good linguist and Ferishta
records that in his harem there were ladies of various races, such as Arabians,
Circassians, Georgians, Turks, Europeans, Chinese, Afghans, Rajputs, Bengalis,
Gujratis, Telinganese, Marhattas and others with each of whom he could converse in
her own language.31

28
Education in Muslim India, op. cit., pp. 192-193.
29
Ibid., p. 128.
30
Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammaden Rule, op. cit., p. 201.
31
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 376-370; see also Promotion of Learning in India During
Muhammaden Rule, op. cit., p. 84.

149
 There were certain highly educated royal ladies who were capable of teaching
the children in the harem such example are of the aunt of Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur
(1510-1534). His aunt named Dilshad provided guidance and was his tutor.32

Qanun-i-Islam, a book by Jafar Sharif is an interesting piece of work on

education. We learn from the source that there were schools for girls. After a boy or
girl initiated his or her education a maktab ceremony was performed. The pupils were
given Eidi by their teacher. It was a written document on a colored or Zarafshani
(illuminated) paper which was read by the child to the parents who made rich presents
to the teacher.33

We have references in the sources that the tazkir meetings were also attended
by women. In the tazkir meeting of Malik-ul-Muzzakkrin Khwaja Afzal the audience
along with learned and pious men were also Indian women (jewari-i-Hindi) veiled
ladies and those of seraglio assembled to hear the tazkir (admonition). The women
due to observing purdah were kept separate. At the same time the process of learning
did not reach beyond the ladies of respectable families. We come to know that in that
tazkir meeting among other women there was present Shamsa Khatoon, the
songstress; after she was detected she was asked to leave the meeting by the learned
speaker of the tazkir meeting.34

Education to girls was given according to their requirements. Most of the time
they were given better moral, intellectual, and practical training within the walls of
their houses than the women of today who receive education in proper schools.35

Before the advent of Islam in India, knowledge was the monopoly of the upper
class viz; the Brahmins. Whatever may be the reason they refused to impart education
to the low-caste.36 By the coming of the followers of Islam in India, education was
imparted in schools to all the children in society irrespective of religion, caste, sex,
and financial condition. Now, the Hindus who had been deprived from the attainment
of knowledge received education side by side with their Muslim classmates, and there
32
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 72; Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammaden
Rule, p. 93.
33
Ibid., pp. 200-201.
34
Society and Culture in Medieval In India, op. cit., p. 140.
35
Education in Muslim India, op. cit., p. 8.
36
Ibid., p. 14.

150
existed no ill feeling like caste discrimination and enmity between the people of two
religions. Thus, this was the important aspect of the primary schools which flourished
in almost all the parts of Indian subcontinent.

Contrary to this assertion of Jaffer, Altekar states that the percentage of literacy
among the Hindu women declined during the Muslim rule.37 Altekar calls the advent
of Muslim rule in India as a political revolution which affected the education of Hindu
girls of respectable families. Though, at the same time he holds the view that raising
of the marriageable age of girls helped in the increase of female education to a
remarkable strength.38

Blaming purdah practice as an obstacle in the attainment of higher education

cannot be regarded correct, as purdah was an integral part of all the Muslim societies
mainly Arab, but still the women like Fatima, Zainab, Sakina, Darimiyya, Queen
Zubaida attained high merits in the field of education.

There must be other reasons which would have discouraged the women in the
Sultanate from acquiring higher education. No doubt, the nobility and other higher
classes of Muslims in India imparted their daughters religious education and
sometimes military too. It seems that contemporary historians refrain from providing
information on female education.

Although in India, education existed after and before the Sultanate period but
we do not find references of royal ladies or princess who attained high degree of
literary education as Muslim ladies in other parts of Islamized world.

Yet we can conclude that the education of the Muslim princesses in India was
not neglected sometimes they did show some progress which was creditable

Marriages in the Sultanate

Men and women both are important part of society and their union results in
the growth of population. The common means of union of a man and a woman is by

37
A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present
Day, Motilal Banarsi Das, Banaras, 1956, p. 23.
38
Ibid., p. 24.

151
the means of marriage in this way marriage forms an important part of the society.
When marriage is solemnized it constitutes of various aspects. We shall try to
examine what were the types of marriages that took place in society during the
Sultanate rule and problems related with them.

The nature of companion or the selection of proper match for a boy or girl has
been always a problem and the same was the circumstances in the Sultanate period.
Eleventh century Sufi saint Ali Hujwiri speaks on companionship with women and
mentions the following tradition of the Prophet, Four qualities must be sought in a
woman i.e. beauty, nobility, wealth and religion.39 The Prophet (PBUH) also stated
that, a married man perfects half of his religion.40

In Islam, marriage is a civil contract made by mutual consent between a man

and a woman.41 “Marriage” says the Ashbah w’an Nazair,42 “is an institution ordained
for the protection of society, and in order that human beings may guard themselves
from foulness and unchastity” “Marriage is a sacrament, in so much that in this world
it is an act of ‘ibadat’ or worship for it preserve mankind free from pollution.”……”it
is instituted by divine command among members of the human species.” “Marriage
when treated as a contract is a permanent relationship based on mutual consent on the
part of a man and woman between whom there is no ban to a lawful union.43

As our Prophet (PBUH) states beauty, nobility, wealth and religion as criteria
for selecting a suitable match there are specified degree of prohibition on the grounds
of consanguinity and affinity, fosterage. Persons who come within these prohibited
degrees are called Mahrams i.e; for forbidden to each other. All those are called na-
mahrams or those with whom marriage is not forbidden.44 Thus marriage can take
place between na-mahrams.

39
Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 503, see also Syed Maqbool Hussain, The Sayings of
The Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), Adam Publishers, New Delhi, 2002, p. 270.
40
Outlines of Islamic Culture, p. 503.
41
Ibid.
42
There exist books and chapters named Ashbah wa n Nazair in Islamic jurisprudence meaning
similarities and example.
43
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., pp. 246-247.
44
K. M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Delhi, 1969, p.174.

152
 During our period of study permanent marriages as well as temporary
marriages were found. Although we have rare reference of temporary marriages in the
medieval period but we have its references in the history of Islam. Later on according
to Badauni this type of marriage was considered unlawful by Imam Abu Hanifa and
Imam Shafai but Imam Malik and Shias considered them as legal. Later on Malik Qazi
issued a fatwa considering muta marriage valid for both Hanafis and Shafities.45

Reuben Levy is of the view that the object of muta marriage was not the
establishment of a household or begetting of children, but simply to provide a man
with a wife when he was away from home on military service or for other reasons.
The system obviously left itself to abuses and it differed so little from prostitution that
the traditions declare that the Mohammad made it unlawful.46

The types of marriages is not a matter of much importance, how far the royalty
and society during the Sultanate period helped in arranging marriages of poor girls is
dealt with in this chapter. Sultan, the head of the state considered his prime duty to
arrange the necessities for the marriage of poor girls. There had an increase in the
47
worries of the poor parents of when their daughters attained puberty as they could
hardly arrange for their marriages. May be this was the reason the birth of a daughter
in a family was not welcomed. It is evident from the writings of Afif that early
marriages were encouraged.48 The custom of early marriage was already prevalent in
Hindu society. There was no fixed age of marriage. Both Hindu and Muslims
favoured an early marriageable age for boys and girls.49

We come to know from the source that the poor Muslims and the widows came
from all sides and got the names of their daughters registered in the Diwan-i-Khairat
and received large provisions from the side of the Sultan at the time of marriage of
their daughters.50 A department known as diwan-i-Khairat was established by Firoz

45
S. A. A. Rizvi, The Wonder That Was India, Vol. II, London, 1987, p.200.
46
Reuben Levy, Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge University press, Second Edition, 1957, p.
115.
47
Ibid., p.106, No age limits have been fixed by Islam for marriage and quite young children may be
legally married although a girl is not handed over to her husband until she is fit for marital
congress.
48
A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p.
131.
49
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 179.
50
J. M. Banerjee, History of Firozshah Tughalq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p. 83.

153
Tughalq which fulfilled the needs of the poor people in the Sultanate especially for
arranging marriage of poor girls. This was set up under the supervision of Sayyid
Amiri Miyan, he was entrusted with the task of providing relief to the needy persons,
by the means of this department of diwan-i-khairat. As the name itself suggest the
money was given in charity to the poor and needy.51 Whenever any petitioner came
for financial help he was interrogated in order to check the genuineness of the petition
after which the provisions were granted to the needy. For the purpose of charity three
degree of grants was available, first, second and third. These were fifty, thirty or
twenty five tankas.52 Sultan Sikandar Lodi was in practice of giving his sleeping dress
and bed every day to orphan girls for dowry.53

One of the wives of Sultan Alauddin Khilji who was the daughter of
Muizuddin gave huge amount in charity to a person who was worried about the
marriage of his daughter, when she came to know that the poor man was associated
with Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.54

In the same way we find many references in the Sufi text where Sufis helped in
arranging marriages of poor girls. The nobility was also not left behind in this
generous act of helping the poor parents and providing those means and money in
order to arrange the marriages of their daughters. We see that they helped by making
collection of useful articles like garments, bed sheets and other articles from their
houses for the dowry of the daughters of the poor parents.55

Malik-ul-Umara, Fakhruddin, the Kotwal during the reign of Sultan Balban

made arrangements for the dowry of poor girls. It is said that he appointed twelve
thousand men who were only to recite the Quran every time. He used to change his
dress each day and the same discarded dress was given to poor and needy people
every day. Same was done with the bed sheets. Each year he gave dowries to
thousands of poor girls.56

51
History of Firozshah Tughalq, op. cit., p.83; see also Agha Mahdi Husain, Tughlaq Dynasty,
S.Chand and Co, New Delhi, 1976, pp.422-423; see also Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.
131.
52
Tughalq Dynasty, op. cit., p. 423.
53
K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68.
54
K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, 1991,
p. 109.
55
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 28.
56
Ibid.

154
 Mian Zainuddin one such noble at the court of Sultan Sikandar Lodi provided
the necessary things to the father of the daughter, everything he needed for the
marriage.57 Masnadi Ali Zainuddin was in service of Khan-i-Jahan Lodi and was
allowed by Sikandar Lodi to succeed him. He used to give the poor parents the items
required for the marriage; the items given were garments and other household
requirements like cots, besides the dowry.58

The dowry for marriage was arranged when the marriage was fixed but the
search of a suitable match for marriage was a question in itself. The search for
suitable match was the primary concern of the parents. In context a hadith of Prophet
(PBUH) has been quoted in the beginning of the chapter. Marriage was fixed by the
consent of parents when we talk about the common folk but in case of the Sultans
there were various reasons. The Sultans usually had more than one wife.

Most of the time wars of conquests ended in capture of a large number of

women, some of whom were of respectable families and had to be taken as wives and
supported by the conquerors.59 In this case the Sultan sometimes conquered Hindu
territories and took Hindu princess in his harem. Usually, we find the Sultan
respectfully marrying these princesses. We know how Alauddin Khilji conquered
Gujrat and Kamala Devi, the queen of Karen Vagela was honourably brought to Delhi
and Alauddin took her into his harem.60

Shams Siraj Afif mentions about the matrimonial alliance between the father of
Firoz Tughlag and his mother who was a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Afif
narrates an interesting story behind the marriage61 of this Hindu princess with Rajab,
the father of Firoz Tughlaq.62

Prince Khizr Khan Son of Alauddin Khilji, after a prolonged love affair with
Deval Rani, a Hindu princess married her. This love affair was not accepted by his
mother and she not allowed him to marry her, instead she married Khizr Khan with

57
Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi, 1993, p.
75.
58
I. H. Siddiqui, ,‘ Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans’ in I. H. Siddiqui, Composite Culture
Under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 82.
59
Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 503.
60
Mohd. Habib, K. A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India- The Delhi Sultanate, Vol. V, part-
1, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, reprint, Nov.2006, p. 334.
61
Narrated in the second chapter of the thesis.
62
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, p. 45.

155
one of her niece. Later, noticing intensity of the affair she was compelled to marry
Khizr Khan with Deval Rani. Haji Dabir in Zafar- ul- Walih gives an account of an
extra-marital affair of Sultan Alauddin Khilji with one of his cousin.

As told earlier there were various reasons behind the marriages that took place
in the Sultanate. We notice that there was a matrimonial relationship of every Sultan
with his predecessor family.63 K.A. Nizami opines that ‘Matrimonial relations with
the ruling house had great value for the aspirant to the throne. When the supporters of
Sayyidi Maula planned a coup to place Sayyidi Maula on the throne, they arranged
his marriage with the daughter of Nasiruddin Mahmud.64

An example of marriage of Razia with her rebellious chief Altunia is an example

of a marriage where political intensions were involved.

During the days when Sultan Razia was struggling to save her empire by the
rebellious nobles there held the successful rebellion of Ikhtiyaruddin Altuniah. The
rebellion was such planned that Aitgin, another noble of Razia and Ikhtiyaaruddin
Altunia secretly planned the revolt against Razia Sultan. Her faithful slave and noble,
Jamaluddin Yaqut was killed and Razia was imprisoned by them. Now, the nobles
who collectively but secretly helped each other in rebellion against Razia raised
Muizuddin Bahram Shah on the throne. But the new Sultan had Aitgin assassinated
within a month and Altunia could expect no reward for his rebellion.65

Razia took advantage of this situation and married Altunia expecting that this
marital contract will be of advantage for both. Razia expected to win back her
freedom through this alliance, and Altunia saw in it an opportunity to enhance his
status. Thus we can see that often marriages were solemnized for the benefit of each
other. Sometimes Sultans married the women of the conquered territories with whom
often they fell in a jovial relationship. Rare were the cases where marriages were
arranged forcefully by the parents like that of prince Khizr Khan with his mother’s
niece (daughter of Alp Khan). Last but not the least the history of Muslim rule in

63
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 85.
64
K.A Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, footnote, p. 144.
65
A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 242.

156
India is full of references of such marriages which were the result of a love affair
between a prince and a princess.

The sources of the Sultanate period beautifully depict these royal marriages.
Amir Khusrau in his masnavi Deval Rani Khizr Khan, beautifully describes the
marriage ceremony of Khizr Khan with Deval Rani.

Similarly, Ibn Battuta in his work Rehla provides a description of the marriage
of Amir Saifuddin Gada. The description of the marriage ceremonies in both the text,
Deval Rani Khizr Khan and Rehla shows that the atmosphere of the marriage
ceremonies was dominated by the women. These lines from the Rehla help in
describing the marriage ceremony.

The two days before the marriage of Amir Saifuddin the palace was decorated
by the ladies, they applied henna to his hands and feet. Some entertained him with
dance and music.

Contrary to the nature of marriages in royalty there were a common group of

people which married in their same class. Ibn Battuta informs us that the Samira
people marry among their own clan and avoid marrying among other than their own.66
Consideration was given to the lineage of the family and purity of blood was
considered the primary necessary feature in a match.

Syed Wajihuddin Mashedi, the darogha of Tamil, did not marry his daughter at
the proper age because he could not find a boy belonging to a family with purity of
blood. Lastly, she was married to Moinuddin Sanjari with a great disparity of age
between the two.67 This show how considerate the people of those days towards the
purity of blood that they accepted their daughter to remain unmarried or marrying
with someone with a more difference of age rather than marrying the girl with the one
who does not belong to a respectable family with any purity of blood.

The Afghans usually married within their own tribe and also considered the
purity of blood. When Sikandar Lodi proposed Miyan Khwaja Ismail Jalwani for the
marriage of his daughter with himself, Jalwani reminded the Sultan that he was the
66
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 6.
67
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p.132.

157
son of a goldsmith’s daughter.68 Bibi Ambha, also known as Hema, the Hindu wife of
Sultan Bahlol Lodi was a goldsmith’s daughter. Bahlol Lodi got attracted with her
beauty, fell in love and married her. The son born to them was Sikandar Lodi.69 The
history of Muslim rule in India has abundant references of Muslim rulers who married
a Hindu woman. Alauddin Khilji married the mother of Deval Rani, and kept her
respectfully in his harem. Hoshang Shah of Ghori dynasty married a Hindu girl
Ambika.70

We have references where Sultans have made matrimonial relations with the
Sufi families. Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq married his daughter, Bibi Rasti with
grandson of Shaikh Fariduddin. The proposal of marriage was sent from the side of
the Sultan.71

Shaikh Yusuf was the descendent of Bahauddin Zakariya at Multan. There the
people had declared him the Sultan after which the Rai Sirah drove him away. Shaikh
Yusuf moved to Delhi where Sultan Bahlol Lodi cemented his tie with Shaikh Yusuf
by arranging a matrimonial alliance between his daughter and Shaikh Yusuf’s son
named Shaikh Abdullah Qureshi.72 Sultan Sikandar Lodi became disciple of Sufi
Sayyid Mohammad Gawas, the founder of Qadiri order in India and gave one of his
daughters in marriage to him. He said to have done this in obedience to the command
of Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani who was the original founder of this order, who
appeared to him in a dream and ordered him to give his daughter to Muhammad
Gawas in marriage.73

Customs and ceremonies related to marriage

A stage was reached in marriage negotiations when the parties agreed to the
wedding of their son and daughter. The agreement was finalized by a small ceremony
called ‘mangni’ that is betrothal ceremony. After this formal recognition a date was
fixed for the marriage and elaborate preparations began.

68
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p.132.
69
Yadgar Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Shahi, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1939, p. 17.
70
Pushpa Prasad, Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990,
introduction, p. xix.
71
Syed Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975,
Vol. I, p. 134.
72
‘Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans’, op. cit., p. 72.
73
John S. Subhan, Sufism its Saints and Shrines, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1999, p. 264.

158
 After all the members had gathered and all necessary preparations were
finished, the barat comprising of bridegroom, his family members and relatives head
towards the house of the bride. Reaching there, amidst various ceremonies like Nikah,
marriage takes place in cordial atmosphere. After these ceremonies and songs bride
departs from her house along with the bridegroom. If the bride was too young for the
marriage she returned to her parents after a short time and the final ruksat was fixed at
a later date.74

K. M. Ashraf is of the view that Muslims borrowed almost all ceremonies and
customs from Hindus.75 But there were many reasons behind the matrimonial
alliances made by the Kings. Nobles also married with great pomp and show.
Common man at the Sultanate had no substantial means to involve in a lavish
wedding.

Divorce

Divorce was very common in the Pre-Muslim Arab and though a lawful act
was condemned by the Prophet (PBUH) who looked upon the custom of divorce with
extreme disapproval and considered it the thing most disliked by God.76 He repeatedly
declared that nothing pleased God more than the emancipation of slaves, and nothing
more displeased Him than divorce.77

A revelation came from God to Moses saying you have parted My servant
from Me. You have been sent (as messenger) to unite and not separate (my lovers)
from Me. Do not sever my creatures from Me, because the most hated deed is to cause
divorce (separation).78

In spite of this there are rare examples where the followers of Islam followed it
without any valid reason. References of divorce in the Sultanate period especially
among royalty and aristocracy are rare. We have an example where Prince
Muhammad, the eldest son of Sultan Balban in drunken condition divorced his
beloved wife. When he regained his senses he repented for his misdeed and wished

74
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.182.
75
Ibid., pp. 181-182, footnote.1.
76
Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., p. 675.
77
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p. 243.
78
Outlines of Islamic Culture, p. 526.

159
for the re-union.79 The ulema advised him that in such case his ex-wife should be
married with another person and when that person would willingly divorce her she
would be able to remarry her former husband.80 Shaikh Sadruddin Arif married the
divorced wife of Prince Muhammad. Shaikh Sadruddin Arif readily agreed to marry
her. This shows that a Sufi saint did not hesitate to accept a divorced wife and
considered it as a virtuous deed to reunite the separated couple. Although the lady
refused to leave the saint and prince was killed in a Mongol raid.

The prince in the above incident divorced his wife in anger and intoxicated
condition but there was a Sufi who divorced his wife because she was hindrance in his
worship. Husbands had their own reasons behind the divorce.

Usually, unpleasant relationship of the couple became the reason behind the
divorce. Once, Qazi Muhiuddin, came to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya because his
relation with his wife became so unpleasant that he decided to divorce her. Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya did not approve it resulting which the relations between the
husband and wife were restored.81

Beside the reasons mentioned in Quran for a husband to divorce his wife,
people had their own individual reasons behind divorcing their wives. Famous Sufi
Saint Qutbuddin Bakhtiyaar Kaki divorced one of his wives soon after marriage, as
according to him her presence had disturbed his daily program of prayers.82

We can say that the practice of divorce was the most detestable and
undesirable act in the verses of Quran and considered unlawful by the Prophet
(PBUH) unless the husband had genuine reason (like adultery of wife),83 behind the
demand of divorce. In spite of it, we find few references of divorce in Sultanate
period for which reasons varied from person to person.

79
Shaikh Jamali, Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, Habibganj Collection, 22/11, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, folio. 84(a) - 84(b).
80
Ibid.
81
The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 72.
82
Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy,
Delhi, 1992, part-III, Majlis-10, p. 552-554; Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during
the Thirteenth Century , op. cit., p. 219.
83
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p. 244.

160
Polygamy

The union of a man with several women by the means of marriage is called
polygamy. The concept of polygamy was not only prevalent amongst the Arabian
society but also in neighboring countries of Arabia. The institution of polygamy
existed in the other neighboring countries like Persia, even the western parts of
Europe were not an exception.

The passage or the verse of the Quran which deals with the polygamy is you
may marry two, three or four wives but not more. The subsequent line declares but if
you cannot deal equitably and justly with all, you shall marry only one. The word
equity (adl) is not merely equality of treatment but in other important and necessary
matters like lodging, clothing and other domestic requisites but also complete equity
in love, affection and esteem.84

Syed Ameer Ali asserts that polygamy was an unavoidable practice in early
Muslim society as there were frequent tribal wars, constant decimation of male
population, and numerical superiority of women, combined with the absolute power
possessed by the chiefs originated the custom.85

Among upper caste Hindus polygamy in both its aspects prevailed from the
earliest times.86 He further adds that, certain times, certain conditions of society make
this practice absolutely needful for the preservation of women from starvation or utter
destitution.87

When we talk about polygamy in Sultanate era we find that beside the chief
queen i.e. the first married wife of the Sultan there were many other wives of the
Sultan. Monarchs both Hindus and Muslims had one chief queen whose children
succeeded to the throne. She also had other privileges like right of guardianship of a
minor son who had to succeed to the throne. There was no fixed rule of choice among
other queens, mistresses or concubines.88

84
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p. 229.
85
Ibid., p. 222.
86
Ibid.; see also Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., introduction, p.xix.
87
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p. 230.
88
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 54.

161
 We have a clear picture that how the Sultans were polygamous. Even princes
also had many wives. Prince Khizr Khan, the son of Alauddin Khilji being already
married, was involved in an unending affair with Deval Rani a Hindu princess and
ultimately married her.

Sources describe the harem of different nobles. One of the vivid descriptions is
of the harem of a noble during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi.89 This signifies that
the nobles also indulged in a polygamous life. Ibn Battuta a noble and a traveller
indulged in polygamy.

Extremely strange the Sufis who spent their lives in extreme unfavorable
conditions sometimes also married more than one wife. Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti had
90
two wives and a big family. Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag is reported to have stated
that Sheikh Farid had many wives and treated them all justly and equitably so far as
the marital relationship was concerned.91

Sultans could be ignored for leading a polygamous life. There may be various
reasons for marrying a number of wives may be they were highly sensuous and most
of the time marrying princess from different regions was a part of their appeasement
or subjugation policy. But it is difficult to say what the reasons were for Sufis behind
leading a polygamous life.

Sources of the Sultanate period lack the information regarding the marital
conditions of the common man. Once in Fawaid-ul-fuad we find that there is a freed
slave, Atiq of Amir Hasan Sijzi,( the author) who had four wives.92

Observing the references of the Sultanate period we can conclude that

polygamy prevailed in the royalty and aristocratic class in medieval India. About
common man it cannot be asserted that they definitely practiced polygamy. The
masses especially the poor peasants enjoyed a monogamous, healthy and free life as

89
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, op. cit., p. 92.
90
Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i- Mohammadi, Delhi, 1283 A. H.,
pp.112-113.
91
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 219.
92
Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 184.

162
he could not afford to marry many wives.93 Although polygamy was not encouraged
in Islam but Sultans and nobles followed it.

Position of Widows in Society

The position of the widows in society is one of the most important topics
which the historian of the woman has to discuss and elucidate opines A.S Altekar.94

One who takes a widow as his wife, in the household everything will be
desired and wanted by the woman is the view of Amir Khusrau.95 Nizamuddin Auliya
fixed allowances for the widows. The above view of Amir Khusrau is helpful in
describing the position of widows in society as well as the kind of mindset the poet
had for widows.

Unlike the Hindu widows, the Islam does not permit a Muslim widow to
embrace death by burning herself in fire. Though a Muslim widow too lived a
desperate life but never allowed to adopt death.

Hindu widows dedicated their lives to the worship of idols at Rajgir. When
such women came to the temples surrounded by the thorny trees with no food, they
kept themselves standing with folded hands for at least ten days and ultimately
embraced death.96

Widows were considered as a weaker section of society and because of this

reason the Sultans of the Sultanate took measures to help them financially. To begin
with the mighty Iltutmish, he allowed the widows to hold iqtas allotted to their
husbands.97 Sultan Balban found the holding of iqtas unsuitable for women and the
iqtas were withdrawn from them and allowances were fixed instead of it.98 Sultan
Balban deprived widows from the iqtas but he was kind enough towards them as he
fixed allowances to them.

93
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 172.
94
The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p. 115.
95
S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Bakh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992, p.
38.
96
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 88.
97
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Eng. Tr., Elliot and Dowson, Low Price Publication, Delhi,
2008, Vol. III, pp. 107-108.
98
R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, pp.
249-250.

163
 Mohammad Bin Tughlaq did not lack this quality of taking care of the widows.
He established alms houses for widows and orphans on a very liberal scale.99 Sultan
Firozshah Tughlaq was deeply concerned about the welfare of his subjects especially
the poor girls and widows.100

The office of muhtasib was made to keep an eye on the immoral acts if
prevailed in the Sultanate. His duty was to keep an eye on the acts which were not
according to the Shariat. Among his other duties like to see that prayers were offered,
to prevent the use of wine and demolish the gambling houses, during the Lodi period
muhtasib was also entrusted with the task of finding suitable match for the widows.101
Sultan Sikandar Lodi had great reverence for the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi, she was
Niamat khatoon and was supported by Sultan Sikandar Lodi after Qutb Khan’s death.
Niamat Khatoon had a foster son Prince Jalal Khan. He was assigned the jagir of
Kalpi with one hundred and twenty horses and fifteen elephant in order to take care of
his mother. He was asked to take Niamat Khatoon to Kalpi where she was to be given
all comforts. This was all because the Sultan had kind attitude, full of sympathy
towards the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi.102

Sultan is reported to have sent money from the royal treasury twice a year to
every city and town to be distributed among the ulema and widows.103

Following the Sultans their nobles also indulged themselves in the noble act of
helping the widows. Mian Sultan Farmuli a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi used to
distribute clothes and blankets to the poor in winter and rainy seasons and provided
widows with sheets of cloths.104

One of the nobles of Lodi period is known for a benevolent act towards the
widows of the soldiers who died in fighting. The Khan paid the salary and allowances
of the man who died in his service to the relatives of the widow of the deceased and if

99
Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, op. cit., p. 45.
100
R. C. Jauhari, Firoz Tughlaq, Shiv Lal Agarwal, Agra, 1968, p. 30.
101
Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat -i Delli, Delhi, reprint,
1974, p. 227.
102
Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Daudi, ed., Sheikh Abdur Rashid, Dept of History, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, 1957, p. 62.
103
‘Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans,’ op. cit., p. 75.
104
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng .Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 86.

164
she did not have any relative, he asked her to adopt a boy from amongst the children
of her husband’s relation or in his absence any free born, and appoint one of the
competent slaves owned by his husband as his peshwa (custodian). She was also
enjoined to send the adopted boy to a guide or a tutor. This was a generous act of the
nobles by which the widows of the deceased soldiers or any other employee was
benefitted.

After marriage husband is the natural custodian of a woman and if

unfortunately he dies then the elder son acts as her custodian. Once during the reign of
Sultan Balban, in an incident, Haibat Khan a slave of Balban in a state of utter fury
murdered a son of a widow. The weeping mother pleaded the Sultan for justice.105
Balban implying justice to the mother of the murdered son remarked ‘this murderer
was my slave, I give him to you, with your hand stab him with a knife.’106 Haibat
Khan, the murderer after subjected to five hundred lashes for this murder was handed
over to the widow for final punishment. The accused was pardoned by the widow
when pleaded for mercy although widow was given the full rights from the Sultan to
punish the man who had killed her son. Thus by allowing her to inflict the murderer
with whatever punishment she wished the Sultan did justice with her and did not
merely neglect her because she was a widow and a weak person.

Hence, the Sultans of Delhi considered their prime duty to render support and
help to the widows in their rule. The nobles also considered helping the widows as an
act of virtue. They discovered various ways of helping such kind of people among
which the widows were helped the most.

Moral Values and women

Deterioration in moral values has been a part of society in every era. Both men
and women involve themselves in the immoral activities. Amir Khusrau is of the view
that women when indulges herself in immoral activities brings dishonor to herself and
her family and also undermines her prestige. Women were supposed to be pure in
thoughts, words and deeds.107 This signifies that women in those days also had some

105
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 48; see also The History of India as told
by its Own Historians, Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 101.
106
Ibid.
107
Hasht Bihisht, op. cit., pp. 208-209.

165
inclination towards immoral activities and sinful acts, for which Amir Khusrau is seen
concerned in his work Matlaul Anwar and Hasht Bihisht

Amir Khusrau has laid down certain ethical code in his Matlaul Anwar and by
the means of his daughter; conveys these codes to the other females and wants them
to follow these codes. He considered eyes the chief cause of all evils. Thus, he advices
women to adopt a low gaze and preserve their images like pearls which lie safe in the
shells and advices that the women should not stare at unknown persons.

S. H. Askari is of the view that ‘judged from modern standards, Amir

Khusrau’s view about females of his time may be taken to be very conservative and
preservative of old traditional principles and practices.’108 His conservative views
give us one more reason to believe that society was observing certain immoral norms
and evils penetrated in society.

Amir Khusrau advices his daughter never to indulge in peeping activities

behind the doors or the curtains, or casts her looks in different directions never to
neglect the use of veil or concealing sheet of cloth and always to keep her face
towards the wall and her back towards the door. According to Amir Khusrau ‘the
woman who walks or runs in streets is not a woman but a bitch’.109

He did not like women’s extreme fondness for embellishment of her body and
too much beautification of face for it may become the reason of mischief, disgrace
and ignominy.110

Amir Khusrau enjoins upon the wives to keep them within the limits of the
homes and have watchful eyes on all the resources of their houses and the most
important to have privacy with none except husband.111

Among the immoral activities, adultery is considered most detestable and

sinful act so that a husband can have his relation broken with his wife by the means of
divorce, if the adultery of the wife was proved.112 Ibn Battuta has described how

108
Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 34.
109
Ibid., p. 35.
110
Ibid.
111
Ibid., p. 63.
112
The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p. 244.

166
mother of Prince Mahmud was ordered by Qazi Kamaluddin to be stoned to death
when her charge of adultery was proved.113 In the same way when the charge of
adultery was confirmed, for a non-Muslim, he was ordered to leave the country.114

Once during a conversation with Barani, Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq

enquired by him that among apostasy, murder, adultery, conspiracy, rebellion, helping
the king’s enemies and disobedience for which sins capital punishment is permitted
by Prophet (PBUH). Barani replied that only for apostasy, murder and adultery. Thus
a person involved in adultery deserved the capital punishment as a murderer.115

Many social evils prevailed among the women of the Sultanate. Among such
evils one was wine drinking, an evil which is forbidden for men but women were also
found indulged in it at became a popular drink among a section of women. Mostly
dancers used to take wine. The reference of which has been given in chapter three.

During the Lodi period the women were also found involved as member of the
gang of robbers and thugs. Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui narrates an anecdote about a beautiful
woman who belonged to the party of robbers during the reign of Sikandar Lodi.

Hussain Khan Sarwani, once while passing by the vilayet of Lucknow found on
his way a young woman in attractive garments, who was weeping.116 Hussain Khan
inquired the reason and he was told that she has lost the way to her house. The noble
asked her to walk along with him, she told her incapability to walk and asked him to
ride his horse. After a while she offered a betel leaf to the Khan to chew. The Khan
was unwilling to eat it and kept it under his armpit. No sooner had he kept it under his
armpit he lost his senses. There upon the woman held bridle of the horse and reached
the place where rest of the robbers untied his belt, resulting which the betel leaves fell
down from his armpit on ground and he regain his senses. The robbers ran away and
Hussain Khan Sarwani rode his horse and having tied the woman with the tail of the
horse dragged her.

113
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 86.
114
Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 77.
115
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 176.
116
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., pp. 255-256.

167
 The woman was kept in his harem according to the author of Waqiat-i-
Mushtaqi she was a beautiful woman, he did not kill her.117

Such gangs were active those days and women were also a part of it. Men alone
could not be able to perform these sorts of crime so they took help of women. May be
these women were a part of their families.

Once more a man named Sikandar was betrayed by an old woman who
belonged to a gang of highway robbers. These robbers looted the travelers while they
were in the journey. An old woman asked Sikandar to bow down his head as she
would remove the grass blades from his turban. As he bowed his head she placed
something on his head and as a result of it he lost his senses. She took him in the
forest where rest of her companions waited. He regained his senses when his turban
fell on the ground.

The men fled away and he arrested the woman, took her to the town and
having left her in the custody of darogha, restarted on his journey.

These kinds of women involved themselves in immoral acts of betraying

travelers only for the purpose of earning money. The amount collected by this means
would help them in providing their livelihood. Thus, we can notice that there were
various ways by which women earned their livelihood. Some found it suitable to work
in fields, some worked as maids and salves in houses and on the other hands there
were presence of such women who indulged in unwanted activities for their
livelihood. This also shows that administration of the Sultanate was running weak and
unwanted elements whether men or women were active.

Ornaments, Cosmetics and Dresses of Women

Ornaments and women are inseparable, ornaments and cosmetics have been
used by women to beautify themselves. There were ornaments to decorate various
parts of body. K.M. Ashraf is of the opinion that leisured classes had special facilities
for cultivating attractiveness among both sexes.118 Physical beauty can be acquired by

117
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., pp. 255-256.
118
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 214.

168
the help of both the things i.e. ornaments and cosmetics. Women of all class are fond
of wearing it.

Ornaments were used by the ladies since times immemorial and were quite an
important item for the decoration of the body, whether masculine or feminine. The
ornaments used by the females were necklace, earring, ankle let, bracelets (worn
round forearms and legs), and nose pendent and broad ornamented bracelet. The
perforation of the ears of one’s daughter is mentioned.119

According to a Chinese traveler ‘the women of Bengal wore earrings of

precious stones set in gold; they had pendants on their neck, gold bracelets on their
wrists and ankles.120 Yadgar Ahmad narrated an incident where mang tika (placed on
forehead) were made by a goldsmith using precious diamonds of various valuations
i.e. five lacks, three lacks and two lack tankas for sale.121

Such remarkable and precious items of jewelry were made during those days.
Mian Taha Farmuli a noble and a scholarly man during the reign of Sultan Sikandar
Lodi is found of making a special kind of earring as a gift for the wife of Ahmad
Khan. Beside other things he knew the art of making objects of ivory. He had carved
out an earring out of ivory for the wife of a noble, Ahmad Khan. The earring
resembled a bud of water lily.122 He placed an artificial black bee made of ebony (a
hard black wood), inside the bud. When that earring was put on the lady’s ear, it
remained in the form of a bud as long as she did not move her head, but as soon as she
moved it, it opened into a flower and the bee came out and began to fly near her
eye.123

This shows that how much fondness of unique jewellery existed among the ladies
of the Sultanate, the goldsmiths and various other people indulged in the art of
making ornaments and earned a handsome amount.

119
Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, Part VII, folio. 45-46; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit,
p. 56.
120
Ibid.
121
Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., pp. 60-61; see also Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 57.
122
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 194.
123
Ibid.

169
Cosmetics

Cosmetics have been used by women for adding charm to their personality. For
the works of Amir Khusrau especially Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Matlaul Anwar and Nuh Siphir
we come to know how the middle aged women used cosmetics to retain their
diminishing charm. Amir Khusrau, ridicule of the dying of hair by the people of the
Sultanate age.124 This shows that there were colors found to paint the hair in medieval
times, this was called wasma and Khizaab in Ijaz-i-Khuaravi.125 Beside these we find
the mention of gulguna and ghaza, (red color which women used to apply on their
face) and supaida. Women used collyrium on their eyelids to enhance their grace and
beauty and also painted the eyebrows. Powdered their face and put antimony in eyes.
The body was adorned with cosmetics and scented lotion.126

Ubtan, a paste made of various aromatic powders was rubbed on the skin in
order to cleanse it. Decoration of hairs with flowers and application of red color in the
feet were popular aids of beautification in those days.127 Betel leaves were chewed to
redden the lips.128 They put black dot on their cheeks as a protection against evil eyes.
Henna was used to give red color to hand and feet.129

Amir Khusrau also talks of the Solah Singar or the sixteen forms of
embellishment or ornaments of the Hindu ladies and address to his daughter that the
preference must be given to chastity rather than applying of cosmetics and false
beautification of face and body.130 These names of the sixteen articles of
embellishment given by the historian and poet are these- Henna, Wasma, Surma
(collyrium), Surkhi (red color), ghaza (face rouge), safidab( white paint), ghalia
(civet), sar-aweza (head dress or veil), gushwara (ear-ring), Silsila (chain), halqa-i-
bindi (nose ring), galuband (necklace) and bazuband (armlet), dastana (bracelet),
Khalkhal (ankle ornament), angushtar (ring)131 etc.

124
Amir Khusrau, Matlaul Anwar, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1302 A.H, p. 173.
125
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 56.
126
Malik Mohammad Jaisi, Padmavati, Eng. Tr., A. G. Shirreff, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta, 1944, p. 182; Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 56.
127
Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 56.
128
Amir Khusrau, Nuhsiphir, MS, op. cit., part VII, Folio. 45-46.
129
Ibid.,, folio 45-46; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 56; Life and Conditions of the
People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 217.
130
Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 30.
131
Ibid.

170
Dress

Religious literature gives a description of poor people especially farmers who

had hardly enough clothes to cover their whole body. The laborers did not have
enough clothes to cover their whole body.132 Shaikh Hamiddudin Nagori had a piece
of loin cloth to cover his body where as his wife had a tattered dupatta.

The average costume of the Muslim women constituted of a sheet of cloth

called chadar, veil called naqab, trousers called izar, pairahan a kind of loose waist-
shirt or shift called shalwar, maqna was a garment worn over the head reaching the
ground. Garments like trousers and shirts were common for both male and females.133

Amir Khusrau has mentioned about the various types of garments in his Ijaz-i-
Khusravi. Paicha-i-Shalwar, Khastak-i-izar, niganda, dotah, barani, Kulah and
dastar, durrah (upper garment)134 Poor or non-aristocratic women probably went
about wrapped up in long sheet of cloth covering their heads with a garment known as
burqa.135

Color also mattered for the people and they were superstitious regarding the
blue color of the fabric. This color was avoided in daily use as it was considered the
colour of mourning. Women were fond of bright colors and preferred clothes having
prints or drawings on them.136

132
Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 54.
133
Ibid.; Life and conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 213.
134
Ibid.
135
Ibid., p. 172.
136
Ibid., p. 213.

171
Sati

Being an important section of society many social practices are related with
women. Some enforced practices like sati and jauhar were very traumatic. The
practice of sati is attached to the society from ancient times till the middle ages. This
social practice was one of the most traumatic and inhumane practice related to
women. By the means of this social evil a widow was forced to immolate herself in
the pyre of her husband.

It is important as well as interesting to explore where and how the practice of

sati emerged. The origin of sati had its roots from the character of a woman who was
named ‘Sati’ she was the wife of Lord Shiva and daughter of Daksha. She was the
first to consume her in the fire.137 The word ‘sati’ is derivate from the word ‘Satya’
(truth) or Godliness. Sati literally means a virtuous wife, but practically it was the
practice of burning the widows on the funeral pyre of their husband. This custom was
prevalent among upper class Indians, for at least two thousand years.138 This can be
exemplified by the examples from Ramayana and Mahabharata. The Ramayana
describes a Brahmin woman who committed Sati when molested by Ravana. In
Mahabharata, among several examples two are worthy to be mentioned here. A
woman Sairandhri is ordered to be burnt with Kicaka and eight queens of Krishna
entered fire on his death.139 From the ancient times till the medieval age the cruel
practice continued. When Alberuni visited India he found the practice of Sati
prevalent in India. It was common though not compulsory. According to Alberuni if a
woman became widow she could not remarry. She had only to select between two
things, either to remain widow for rest of her life or to burn herself along with the
pyre of her husband.

Unwillingly, the second was selected because living a life of a widow was
extremely painful as widows were ill-treated and lived a life of extreme pain and

137
Nirmala Gupta, ‘Sati System in Medieval India’, p. 1. Annoted Quotation.
138
Ibid.
139
K. Krishna Murthy, Social and Cultural Life in Ancient India, Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi, 1982, p.
82.

172
torture.140 Nirmala Gupta is of the opinion that the life of the Hindu widow became
miserable if she selected to survive the rest of her life.141

The widows were forbidden the use of ornaments and good dresses. They
could not enjoy good food and have long hairs. Being widow was considered as a
punishment for the sins of the previous life.142

Ibn Battuta, when came to India too found at many occasions widows burning
themselves on the pyre of their husbands. On one such occasion while hearing the
cries of the woman he fainted.143 He gives a detailed description of how a woman was
prepared for being a ‘sati’. The description is very poignant.144

Amir Khusrau describes the burning of women in medieval India through the
practice of sati and writes that Islam does not permit such kind of merciless and cruel
practice for the mankind. But he praises the spirit of the Hindu widow who burns
herself. He also asserts that if this practice becomes lawful among the followers of the
Islam, pious devotees might surrender their lives.145

Malik Mohammad Jaisi also had praise for the sati women and writes that, the
sati burns herself for the truth and for her husband and the same truth has the power to
cool the fire.146

The Sultanate period had a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims. With
exception of Mohammad bin Tughlaq none of the Sultan made efforts to stop this
inhumane practice. Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultan enacted a law, through
which it was necessary to procure Sultan’s permission before burning a widow.
Probably, the law was designed to discourage the use of compulsion or forcefully
burning a woman on pyre.

140
Abu Al Raihan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni , Alberuni’s India, Eng.Tr., Dr. Edward C.
Sachau, Oriental Books, reprint 1983, Vol. II, pp. 155-157.
141
‘Sati System in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 4.
142
Ibid.
143
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 188.
144
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 614.
145
Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio. 22.
146
Padmavati, Eng. Tr., A. G. Shireff, op. cit., p. 112.

173
 It is important to mention that the people who encourage the practice were the
Brahmins of that age, as when the woman had to be sati she used to take bath in river
and give all her ornaments and garments to the Brahmins in alms.147

We have one single reference of burning of a widow in Muslim society, by the

wife of Ain-ul-Mulk Mahru. Ain-ul-Mulk Mahru revolted during the reign of
Mohammad bin Tughlaq, his revolt was crushed and he was defeated, when this news
of his defeat reached to his wife and subsequently not any other information reached
she decided to be a sati.148

Thus, we see that women out of love for their husband and most of the time
because they were compelled by the society, embraced death by burning them in the
pyre of their dead husbands. The practice of sati became prevalent because of two
reasons, one is that in the society of those days women were completely subordinate
to men. Secondly, the male dominant society had no respect for the widow women
even if she was a childhood widow, religious beliefs had overpowered the society
because of this no one dared to oppose this painful treatment given to widow women.

Jauhar

When we analyze or think over the practices like sati and jauhar we are
compelled to think that what the real position of Hindu women was in the medieval
society. No doubt the men had complete control over the women.

We have evidences in the sources that women collectively burnt themselves

when the army was defeated by the hand of enemy. The practice of jauhar was
prevalent among the ladies of the harem of rajput rajas. Such a terrible death was
accepted by the women of the defeated rajput army in order to save their integrity and
chastity and avoid getting in to the clutches of victorious conqueror. Most of the times
the victorious army was of the Muslim invaders but there are also references when
brave rajputs preferred jauhar while losing in inter tribal wars, which frequently took
place.

147
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 22.
148
Ibid., p. 109.

174
 Jauhar was adopted under two forms and under two circumstances. The
situation when the rajput army was completely defeated and the other when they were
apprehensive of being captured alive.

The two forms of the Jauhar were when the females threw themselves in the
fire, in order to avoid themselves falling in the hands of the victor. In the second form,
the males when found difficult to win the battle forced their females to jump into the
fire. The purpose of both the forms of jauhar was to preserve the chastity of the
females of the defeated army.149

The siege of Chittor by Alauddin Khilji and the women performing jauhar has
been a famous incident in the history. Another event of jauhar during the reign of
Alauddin Khilji was the siege of Ranthambor.150 The upheaval at Ranthambor fort
compelled the queen of Raja Hammir, Ranga Devi to plunge herself into the fire
along with other ladies of the fort.

The jauhar was committed by the raja of Kampilla when his fortress was
besieged by Mohammad Bin Tughalq to punish him for sheltering a rebel named
Bahauddin Gurshasp. The raja tried his best to avert the crisis but apprehensive of
being captured alive decided to embraced death by throwing themselves in fire.

The description of this incident is found in Ibn Battuta’s Rehla. He describes

that all the ladies washed themselves, rubbed their bodies with sandal wood paste, and
then made their solemn obeisance to their master and quietly threw themselves in the
fire.151 It was the brutality and humiliation given to the defeated army and their
women which compelled them to accept such a painful death.

Not only Hindu rulers embraced death by performing jauhar but references of
such death are found by Muslims, when Timur invaded India. Timur’s invasion
resulted in brutal slaughter which persuaded the warriors to adopt the course of Rajput
jauhar.152 Kamaluddin the governor of Bhaitnair and his retainer burned their women
and their property and then proceeded to fight Timur like ‘blood thirsty devils’.153

149
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 193.
150
The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji, op. cit., p. 40; Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,
p.192.
151
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 193.
152
Ibid., p. 194.
153
Ibid., footnote.

175
 Again in the year 1739, we find Mussalmans in a very difficult situation and
decided to perform jauhar. This was the year when Nadir Shah invaded India.

Thus, we can conclude regarding this practice that it was not only barbarity and
brutality of the Muslim invaders which compelled rajput women to embrace death but
the practice also took place when there was a conflict between various rajput tribes.

It is noteworthy that Muslims also embraced death by burning themselves out

of fear of brutal treatment by the invaders likes Timur and Nadir Shah, thus
safeguarding the integrity and chastity of Muslim women.

Purdah

It is held by B.N. Sharma154 that the Muslims are responsible for the growth of
custom of purdah and that before Islam the women of Hindustan went freely. Indeed
the elaborate and institutionalized form of purdah dates from the time of the Muslim
rule in India.155

Purdah, when applied to women means concealing oneself from the gaze of
males who are not related to blood. This can be further justified by the translation of a
surah of the holy Quran.

O, Prophet! Speak to the wives and to the daughters of the faithful that they let
their wrappers fall low. And speak to the believing women that they refrain their looks
and observe continuance; and that they display not their ornaments except those
which are external, and that they draw their kerchief over their bosoms. (Surah. XXIV,
31)156

The Quran instruct the women to unveil themselves only in the presence of
their fathers, husbands and brothers.157 Those men relatives of a woman with whom
Islam prohibits to marry are called mahrams and persons beyond this prohibited
degree are called Na-mahram. The underlying idea behind the institution of purdah is
the seclusion of Na-mahrams. It may be noted that much emphasis was placed on the

154
B.N.Sharma, Social Life in Northern India 600-1000, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1966, p. 25.
155
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 171.
156
Imtiyaz Ali, Ameer Ali on Islam, Amar prakashan, Delhi, 1982, p.11.
157
Ibid., p. 12.

176
purity of moral character of a woman and most important was the public reputation of
woman for chastity.

Strict observance of purdah is advocated by the medieval historians especially

Isami and Amir Khusrau. They are strong supporters of purdah. Isami advocated that
women should be completely secluded from the males. The women those who
observe purdah are characterized as chaste and of high moral values.158 About purdah
Amir Khusrau is also of the same view. By the means of his daughter, he advices
women not to indulge in peeping from behind the door or the curtain, or caste her
look in different directions.159 Amir Khusrau suggests the females to remain inside
their houses so that they remain unnoticed by any male. He says that women should
not roam here and there and it does not suit a girl of respectable family160. It is purdah
which protects the chastity and elevates the moral level of women. He gives an
example of shell and water drop inside it; unless and until the shell is removed the
water drop inside it remains pure and unnoticed. Women who come out of their house
soon fall in the eyes of men. In order to live a pious life by women he emphasizes the
observation of purdah.161

Amir Khusrau disapproves Raziya of unveiling herself in front of courtiers

and common public.162

When women came out of their houses they used palanquin as a means of
transport. These palanquins had silken curtains to protect the woman inside it from the
looks of other people.163 Ibn Battuta describes the palanquin of Makhduma-i-Jahan,
the mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq.164

To respect the lady who observes the purdah is the quality of a virtuous man.
The mighty Tughlaq Sultan, Mohammad bin Tughlaq considered its duty to respect
the pardanashin women and not to unnecessary gaze at them. Whenever, the Sultan

158
Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing house, Dept
of History , Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, op. cit., p. 254.
159
Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 35.
160
Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, Sulaiman Ashraf Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p. 209.
161
Matlaul Anwar, op. cit., p.199.
162
Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 49.
163
Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 122.
164
Ibid.

177
had to enter the harem he used to send information of his arrival through eunuchs. The
purpose was to inform the pardanashin women to hide themselves from the sight of
the emperor.165

Afif mentions women who resided in seclusion in the palace.166 Tatar Khan
carried his slave girls in a closed cart for the sake of purdah. Firozshah Tughlaq
insisted upon the observance of purdah by the women. Women visited to the shrines
of the saints in palanquin which was later prohibited by Sultan Firozshah Tughlaq.167
The purpose was to stop free mingling of both the sexes as it was contrary to the
Islamic code of conduct and gave liberty to unruly men to molest women.

Visiting shrines was not only prohibited for Muslim women but the Hindu
ladies too were stopped from visiting temples during the reign of Firoz Tughlaq
because such visit led to promiscuous mixing of men and women.168

Contrary to this, the common lower class women folk went around unveiled.
They did not live a secluded life. We find references of women who came out of their
house for work, devoid of purdah. Some women came out of the house for the
purpose of bath and filling water.169 There were many more household jobs the
common women had to do. Thus purdah seemed to be a barrier in performing day to
day duties of household. Common women only covered their head with the lapel of
their dupatta or sari.

Architecture

We do not have ample evidences where royal ladies provided patronage in the
field of architecture. Usually wells were constructed as a matter of work of pity and
welfare. Rich merchants used to get the wells built. One well was constructed at the
behest of a princess of a royal family; she is named as Ayesha, a sister of Sikandar
Lodi.170 Beside Ayesha, Bibi Raji of Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur is known for her
outstanding contribution in the field of architecture.

165
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 66.
166
Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., pp. 69-70.
167
Ibid., pp. 373-74; see also Firoz Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 139.
168
Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 38.
169
Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 47-48.
170
Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate, op. cit., introduction, p. xxix, p. xxxi-xxxii.

178
 After the study of the social conditions of the society during the Sultanate
period; I found that there was an inevitable line of demarcation between the royal
ladies and the common women. The position of royal ladies was an exception. Poor
women had to work hard for their livelihood. We see royal ladies busy in formation of
cliques and intrigues for the benefit of their sons.

Polygamy strongly existed. The Sultans were polygamist due to various

reasons may be because of their sensuous nature or due to the appeasement policies
for various other states. Divorce is rare in Sultanate. Royalty spends a huge amount on
marriage ceremonies of their kith and kin. Female slavery was an integral part of the
society without the study of which the research is incomplete. Purdah is also followed
by the royal ladies and common woman only covered her head with lapel of her
dupatta or sari. Practices like sati and jauhar had its roots deep penetrated in the
Hindu society. Cosmetics and ornaments were also a part of life of royal ladies and
poor women were devoid of it.

In this way by the study of the sources of the Sultanate we find that there was
a strong line of demarcation between the elite class of ladies and common women.

179
Conclusion
 CONCLUSION

The present work focuses on Women and High Culture during the Sultanate
Period. It is a comprehensive work related to women from thirteenth century to the
year 1526 A.D. and involves the study of women in political and social field.

The study of the sources found relevant for the first chapter reveal the fact that
assistance was provided by women in almost all the fields. Woman was the pivot of
all domestic activities but still was given a subordinate position to men. The later pre-
Sultanate Hindu society deprived the women of education, used her as the provider of
domestic help and satisfy the carnal instincts. Gradually, the position of women
deteriorated. She was devoid of education and was not permitted to read Vedas and
religious scriptures. By the time of the smritis around the beginning of Christian era,
Vedic knowledge was almost closed to women; early marriages were encouraged and
became obligatory. By the coming of the Muslims invaders social evils like sati and
child marriage et al had crept into the Hindu society in northern India.

Changes in social and cultural conditions came into being as the Sultanate was
established. A strong central empire became dominant over petty fighting chieftains.
In this shift of power in India, we find that the women had significant participation in
all spheres of life. Aristocratic as well as common women had special roles to play.
The aristocratic women sometimes intervened in the political matters and changed the
course of events. A complete change was seen when Sultan Iltutmish’s daughter
Razia was enthroned. Sultan Iltutmish observed in her the qualities befitting a king
and nominated her to be next heir apparent, as his eldest son prince Nasiruddin
already died. In life time of the Sultan, the name of Razia started to be mentioned on
the coins along with that of Iltutmish. Her reign is very significant in the context that
she was the first lady monarch of the Sultanate who ruled independently. She won
over the hearts of the common people of Delhi and they raised her to the throne. That
was the age when no royal ladies appeared unveiled. In order to establish effective
administration, she took the courage to discard the veil for which she was criticized
by historians like Isami and Amir Khusrau. Razia proved to be a lady monarch who
dealt with all kind of situations very tactfully, whether it was a clique of revolting
nobles or the Mongol invasion at the frontiers. Attending open court without veiling

181
her was something which astonished the nobles and they became apprehensive of her
uprising power. Thus they planned a coup against her and her reign came to an end.

The harem was a large unit which comprised of the royal ladies related to the
Sultan. It also accommodated the slave girls, concubines and female workers of other
kind. It was the centre of female activities with ingrained jealousies, back-biting
among the ladies. It was a place from where many intrigues originated as it happened
in the case of Razia when chief queen of the Sultan Iltutmish named Shah Turkan
created obstacle in order to prevent Razia from her accession. Shah Turkan was a
Turkish hand maid of the Sultan and by the dint of her charm she rose to the respected
position of Malika-i-Jahan. She applied heal and toe to ascend her son Ruknuddin to
the throne and succeeded to some extent. Same as Shah Turkan many other royal
ladies struggled for the cause of their son. In the list of these ladies there were Malika-
i-Jahan wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji wanted her son Arkali Khan to be enthroned
as the Sultan. For which she wrote to Arkali Khan who was then at Multan. Another
name in the list was of Khudavandzada, the aunt of Firuz Tughlaq, she was so willing
to place her son Davar Baksh on the throne that she even planned the murder of
Firozshah Tughlaq. The important thing which is revealed by the study is that ladies
alone could not help to decide any succession issue. They needed the help of their
near relatives and especially the nobility. In all the cases whether it was the case of
Shah Turkan, Malika-i-Jahan wife of Jalaluddin Khilji or Khudavandazada the
support of a group of nobles was needed for them to succeed. As soon as they were
devoid of the support given by the nobility they remained helpless. These ladies often
enjoyed prominent position as in case of the mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq, we
see that she was a virtuous lady respected by all.

Chapter three discusses various roles performed by women in social spheres.

The study has explored various fields where women worked either to earn livelihood
or took the work as the legacy of the parents. There were well versed female
musicians and dancers who enhanced the glory of the royal court. The daughter of
Fiqai is mentioned in the Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Barani. Sultans and nobles enjoyed
these kinds of gatherings. Ibn Battuta’s description of Tarabad as a separate
establishment where female singers and dancers reside is helpful in establishing the
fact that the influence of these entertainers was deep on Sultan and nobles.

182
 There were female slaves who excelled in all sorts of domestic chores and were
sometimes used as concubines by their masters. Usually these slaves involved
themselves in the household chores. These were cheap and a person with lesser means
could also afford one. In the days of utter poverty when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
lived with his mother they used to avail the services of a female slave.

The prostitutes also formed an inseparable section of society. They were

supported by Sultan Alauddin Khilji when he issued orders that they should get
lawfully married. We also find in Ferishta’s, Tarikh-i-Ferishta that their prices were
fixed as the prices of all the other commodities were fixed by the orders of the Sultan.
This profession was seen as a disgraceful one but there were also people who visited
them. In spite of the prohibition of keeping concubines in the holy Quran (surah V;5)
we find prevalence of concubines in Sultanate history. There were also eunuchs who
were special class of slaves who were especially kept to guard harem.

We see the influence of Sufism and Bhaktism on society. Sufis had deeply
influenced the common people of the Sultanate age. People of all caste without
discrimination of sex entered the khanqah of these Sufis. These Sufis respected
women and sources have various examples to prove it that Sufism also had its
influence on women. Sufi literature mentions some female Sufis who also influenced
the society. Some of these female Sufis were the mothers, wives and sisters of some
eminent Sufi saints. The Sufi women kept themselves involved in penance and most
of the time they were engrossed in the love of God. In the matter of religion and
worship they did not lag behind the male Sufi saints.

The chapter also discusses the Sufi views regarding marriage and celibacy and
come to the conclusion that most of the Sufis except few lived a married life. Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya did not marry but never opposed marriage. Sufi saints helped
people by arranging suitable matches and also commodities and money needed for
marriage. Arranging for the marriage of poor girls is considered as a good deed and
these saints who served humanity also did so.

Fifth and the last chapter of the thesis deals with the marriage, education,
divorce, polygamy, and moral values related with women, social systems like sati,
jauhar, purdah. Their dresses and ornaments also have been dealt with. Marriage took

183
place in the Sultanate society with great pomp and show. Females were the main
participants in every function related with marriage. The poor section of society
especially the bride’s side was financially helped by the royalty. For this purpose the
department of diwan-i-khairat was established.

Marriages held those days had political motive too. The marriage of Razia with
Altunia is one such example. One important feature of the marriages fixed in upper
class was that they always married among their own clan or tribe and consideration
was given to the purity of blood while marrying.

Regarding education we know that Prophet (PBUH) laid emphasis on education.

By the means of his sayings he insisted that for every Muslim whether male or female
it is a duty to acquire knowledge. There were primary schools (maktabs) where
elementary instruction was imparted in reading and writing. In some regions
references of madrasas is found where young girls were taught. These were the
centers of religious education. The Princesses never went to these institutions they
were taught by female teachers inside harem. However gaining education was in
practice an activity confined to the elite, the lower class people had limited or no
access to it.

When we study the position of women in Sultanate society we find that unlike
the Hindu widow Muslim widows had better living conditions. Divorce is found in the
Sultanate society and polygamy was a common feature.

Lack of moral values has been found in society in every era and so was the case
with the Sultanate society. Women were no exception to it. Sources have a reference
where a lady, mother of Prince Mahmud was stoned to death for the charges of
adultery. Women also acted as the gang of robbers and thugs.

Women in Sultanate society were also fond of ornaments and cosmetics.

Sources of the Sultanate period also mention various female apparels. We get clear
references of social practices followed by the Hindus like sati and jauhar. Purdah was
an important element of the Muslim royal class during the Sultanate period. Royal
ladies never unveiled them (with exception of Razia) and took litters while travelling.

184
Even slave girls were carried in closed carts for the sake of protecting them from the
evil eyes of unruly men.

By the detailed study of the Sultanate society we can conclude that women
were an integral part of the society. Along with the adherence to purdah the royal
ladies were active in political matters. They used to render support to the Sultan
whenever he sought their advice. In spite of some prohibitions in Islam related to
women like concubinage, divorce, prostitution we find references of these activities
present in the Sultanate society.

185
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Unpublished Thesis:

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• Khurram Qadir, The Political Theory and Practice of the Sultanate of Delhi, Ph.D.
Thesis, B.Z.U. Multan, 1992,

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Appendices
 Appendix – I

Courtesy : H.Nelson Wright, The Coinage and Metrology of the Sultans of Delhi, Oriental
Books reprint corporation, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi First Indian Edition, 1974
Appendix – II
Appendix – III
Appendix – IV
 Appendix – V

LADY COMMITTING SATI

Courtesy : K. Krishna Murthy, Social and Cultural life in ancient India, Sundeep
Prakashan Delhi, 1982
 Appendix – VI

BURNING GHAT
Courtesy : K. Krishna Murthy, Social and Cultural life in ancient India, Sundeep Prakashan Delhi, 1982