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Q.1 a) How has liberalizing trade helped international business?

Answer: The Benefits of Trade Liberalization
Policies that make an economy open to trade and investment with the rest of the world are
needed for sustained economic growth. The evidence on this is clear. No country in recent
decades has achieved economic success, in terms of substantial increases in living standards
for its people, without being open to the rest of the world. In contrast, trade opening (along
with opening to foreign direct investment) has been an important element in the economic
success of East Asia, where the average import tariff has fallen from 30 percent to 10
percent over the past 20 years.
Opening up their economies to the global economy has been essential in enabling many
developing countries to develop competitive advantages in the manufacture of certain
products. In these countries, defined by the World Bank as the "new globalizers," the
number of people in absolute poverty declined by over 120 million (14 percent) between
1993 and 1998.
There is considerable evidence that more outward-oriented countries tend consistently to
grow faster than ones that are inward-looking. Indeed, one finding is that the benefits of
trade liberalization can exceed the costs by more than a factor of 10. Countries that have
opened their economies in recent years, including India, Vietnam, and Uganda, have
experienced faster growth and more poverty reduction. On average, those developing
countries that lowered tariffs sharply in the 1980s grew more quickly in the 1990s than
those that did not.
Freeing trade frequently benefits the poor especially. Developing countries can ill-afford the
large implicit subsidies, often channeled to narrow privileged interests that trade protection
provides. Moreover, the increased growth that results from free trade itself tends to increase
the incomes of the poor in roughly the same proportion as those of the population as a
whole. New jobs are created for unskilled workers, raising them into the middle class.
Overall, inequality among countries has been on the decline since 1990, reflecting more
rapid economic growth in developing countries, in part the result of trade liberalization.
The potential gains from eliminating remaining trade barriers are considerable. Estimate of
the gains from eliminating all barriers to merchandise trade range from US$250 billion to
US$680 billion per year. About two-thirds of these gains would accrue to industrial
countries. But the amount accruing to developing countries would still be more than twice
the level of aid they currently receive. Moreover, developing countries would gain more from
global trade liberalization as a percentage of their GDP than industrial countries, because
their economies are more highly protected and because they face higher barriers.
Although there are benefits from improved access to other countries’ markets, countries
benefit most from liberalizing their own markets. The main benefits for industrial countries
would come from the liberalization of their agricultural markets. Developing countries would
gain about equally from liberalization of manufacturing and agriculture. The group of low-
income countries, however, would gain most from agricultural liberalization in industrial
countries because of the greater relative importance of agriculture in their economies.

B) What are the merits and demerits of international trade?

Answer: Advantages and Disadvantages of International Trade
Advantages to consider:
• Enhance your domestic competitiveness
• Increase sales and profits
• Gain your global market share
• Reduce dependence on existing markets
• Exploit international trade technology

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• Extend sales potential of existing products
• Stabilize seasonal market fluctuations
• Enhance potential for expansion of your business
• Sell excess production capacity
• Maintain cost competitiveness in your domestic market

Disadvantages to keep in mind:

• You may need to wait for long-term gains
• Hire staff to launch international trading
• Modify your product or packaging
• Develop new promotional material
• Incur added administrative costs
• Dedicate personnel for traveling
• Wait long for payments
• Apply for additional financing
• Deal with special licenses and regulations

Q. 2 Discuss the impact of culture on International Business.

Answer: The following can be looked as the various aspects of the cultural dichotomies. In
this new millennium, few executives can afford to turn a blind eye to global business
opportunities. Japanese auto-executives monitor carefully what their European and Korean
competitors are up to in getting a bigger slice of the Chinese auto-market. Executives of
Hollywood movie studios need to weigh the appeal of an expensive movie in Europe and
Asia as much as in the US before a firm commitment. The globalizing wind has broadened
the mindsets of executives, extended the geographical reach of firms, and nudged
international business (IB) research into some new trajectories. One such new trajectory is
the concern with national culture. Whereas traditional IB research has been concerned with
economic/ legal issues and organizational forms and structures, the importance of national
culture – broadly defined as values, beliefs, norms, and behavioral patterns of a national
group – has become increasingly important in the last two decades, largely as a result of the
classic work of Hofstede (1980). National culture has been shown to impact on major
business activities, from capital structure (Chui et al., 2002) to group performance (Gibson,
1999). For reviews, see’ Boyacigiller and Adler’ (1991) and ‘Earley and Gibson’ (2002).
The purpose of this Unit is to provide a state-of-the-art review of several recent advances in
culture and IB research, with an eye toward productive avenues for future research. It is not
our purpose to be comprehensive; our goal is to spotlight a few highly promising areas for
leapfrogging the field in an increasingly boundary-less business world. We first review the
issues surrounding cultural convergence and divergence, and the processes underlying
cultural changes. We then examine novel constructs for characterizing cultures, and how to
enhance the precision of cultural models by pinpointing when the effects of culture are
important. Finally, we examine the usefulness of experimental methods, which are rarely
employed in the field of culture and IB. A schematic summary of our coverage is given in
Table 2.1, which suggests that the topics reviewed are loosely related, and that their
juxtaposition in the present paper represents our attempt to highlight their importance
rather than their coherence as elements of an integrative framework.

1 Cultural change, convergence and divergence in an era of partial globalization

An issue of considerable theoretical significance is concerned with cultural changes and
transformations taking place in different parts of the world. In fact, since the landmark
study of Haire et al. (1966) and the publication of Industrialism and Industrial Man by Kerr

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et al. (1960), researchers have continued to search for similarities in culture-specific beliefs
and attitudes in various aspects of work related attitudes and behaviors, consumption
patterns, and the like. If cultures of the various locales of the world are indeed converging
(e.g., Heuer et al., 1999), IB-related practices would indeed become increasingly similar.
Standard, culture-free business practices would eventually emerge, and inefficiencies and
complexities associated with divergent beliefs and practices in the past era would disappear.
In the following section, we review the evidence on the issue and conclude that such an
outlook pertaining to the convergence of various IB practices is overly optimistic.

2 Evolution of partial globalization

Globalization refers to a ‘growing economic interdependence among countries, as reflected
in the increased cross-border flow of three types of entities: goods and services, capital, and
know-how’ (Govindarajan and Gupta, 2001, 4). Few spoke of ‘world economy’ 25 years ago,
and the prevalent term was ‘international trade’ (Drucker, 1995). However today,
international trade has culminated in the emergence of a global economy, consisting of flows
of information, technology, money, and people, and is conducted via government
international organizations such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and
the European Community; global organizations such as the International Organization for
Standardization (ISO); multinational companies (MNCs); and cross – border alliances in the
form of joint ventures, international mergers, and acquisitions. These inter – relationships
have enhanced participation in the world economy, and have become a key to domestic
economic growth and prosperity (Drucker, 1995, 153).

3 Role of multiculturalism and cultural identity

The broad ideological framework of a country, corporation, or situation is the most
important determinant of the cultural identity that people develop in a given locale (Triandis,
1994). The ‘melting pot’ ideology suggests that each cultural group loses some of its
dominant characteristics in order to become the mainstream: this is assimilation, or what
Triandis (1994) calls subtractive multiculturalism.
In contrast, when people from a cultural group add appropriate skills and characteristics of
other groups, it may be called integration, or additive multiculturalism. Both of these
processes are essential for cultural convergence to proceed. However, if there is a significant
history of conflict between the cultural groups, it is hard to initiate these processes, as in
the case of Israelis and Palestinians. In general, although there has been some research on
the typology of animosity against other nations (e.g., Jung et al., 2002), we do not know
much about how emotional antagonism against other cultural groups affects trade patterns
and intercultural cooperation in a business context. The issues of cultural identity and
emotional reactions to other cultural groups in an IB context constitute a significant gap in
our research effort in this area.

4 Implications of convergence and divergence issues

One message is clear: while convergence in some domains of IB activity is easily noticeable,
especially in consumer values and lifestyles, significant divergence of cultures persists. In
fact, Hofstede (2001) asserts that mental programs of people around the world do not
change rapidly, but remain rather consistent over time. His findings indicate that cultural
shifts are relative as opposed to absolute. Although clusters of some countries in given
geographical locales (e.g., Argentina, Brazil, Chile) might indicate significant culture shifts
towards embracing Anglo values, the changes do not diminish the absolute differences
between such countries and those of the Anglo countries (i.e., US, Canada, UK). Huntington,
in his ‘The Clash of Civilizations’ (1996), presents the view that there is indeed a resurgence
of non-Western cultures around the world, which could result in the redistribution of national
power in the conduct of international affairs. The attempt by the Davos group to bring about
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uniform practices in various aspects of IB and work culture, thereby sustaining the forces of
globalization, is certainly worthwhile. However, our analysis suggests that there is no
guarantee that such convergence will come about easily, or without long periods of
resistance.

5 Processes of cultural changes

In the previous section, we make the point that, through the process of globalization,
cultures influence each other and change, but whether or not these changes will bring about
cultural convergence is yet to be seen. In this section, we delineate a general model that
describes and explains the complex processes underlying cultural changes. As explained
before, IB is both an agent and a recipient of cultural change, and for international business
to flourish it is important to understand its complex, reciprocal relationships with cultural
change.
In line with the view of Hofstede (2001) that culture changes very slowly, culture has been
treated as a relatively stable characteristic, reflecting a shared knowledge structure that
attenuates variability in values, behavioral norms, and patterns of behaviours (Erez and
Earley, 1993). Cultural stability helps to reduce ambiguity, and leads to more control over
expected behavioral outcomes (Weick and Quinn, 1999; Leana and Barry, 2000). For
instance, most existing models of culture and work behaviour assume cultural stability and
emphasize the fit between a given culture and certain managerial and motivational practices
(Erez and Earley, 1993). High fit means high adaptation of managerial practices to a given
culture and, therefore, high effectiveness. The assumption of cultural stability is valid as
long as there are no environmental changes that precipitate adaptation and cultural change.
Yet, the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium have been
characterized by turbulent political and economical changes, which instigate cultural
changes. In line with this argument, Lewin and Kim (2004), in their comprehensive chapter
on adaptation and selection in strategy and change, distinguished between theories driven
by the underlying assumption that adaptation is the mechanism to cope with change, and
theories driven by the underlying assumption of selection and the survival of the fittest,
suggesting that ineffective forms of organization disappear, and new forms emerge.
However, although organizational changes as a reaction to environmental changes have
been subjected to considerable conceptual analyses, the issue of cultural change at the
national level has rarely been addressed.
The process of globalization described before has introduced the most significant change in
IB, with its effects filtering down to the national, organizational, group and individual levels.
Reciprocally, changes at micro-levels of culture, when shared by the members of the
society, culminate into macro level phenomena and change the macro-levels of culture. In
the absence of research models that can shed light on this complex process of cultural
change, Erez and Gati (2004) proposed that the general model of multi-level analysis (Klein
and Kozlowski, 2000) could be adopted for understanding the dynamics of culture and
cultural change.

6 The dynamics of culture as a multi-level, multi-layer construct

The proposed model consists of two building blocks. One is a multi-level approach, viewing
culture as a multi-level construct that consists of various levels nested within each other
from the most macro-level of a global culture, through national cultures, organizational
cultures, group cultures, and cultural values that are represented in the self at the individual
level, as portrayed in Figure 2.1. The second is based on Schein’s (1992) model viewing
culture as a multi – layer construct consisting of the most external layer of observed
artifacts and behaviors, the deeper level of values, which is testable by social consensus,
and the deepest level of basic assumption, which is invisible and taken for granted. The
present model proposes that culture as a multi – layer construct exists at all levels – from
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the global to the individual – and that at each level change first occurs at the most external
layer of behavior, and then, when shared by individuals who belong to the same cultural
context, it becomes a shared value that characterizes the aggregated unit (group,
organizations, or nations).
In the model, the most macro-level is that of a global culture being created by global
networks and global institutions that cross national and cultural borders. As exemplified by
the effort of the Davos group discussed earlier, global organizational structures need to
adopt common rules and procedures in order to have a common ‘language’ for
communicating across cultural borders (Kostova, 1999; Kostova and Roth, 2003; Gupta and
Govindarajan, 2000).

Figure 2.1: The dynamic of top-down–bottom-up processes across

Levels of culture.
Given the dominance of Western MNCs, the values that dominate the global context are
often based on a free market economy, democracy, acceptance and tolerance of diversity,
respect of freedom of choice, individual rights, and openness to change (Gupta and
Govindarajan, 2000).
Below the global level are nested organizations and networks at the national level with their
local cultures varying from one nation or network to another. Further down are local
organizations, and although all of them share some common values of their national culture,
they vary in their local organizational cultures, which are also shaped by the type of industry
that they represent, the type of ownership, the values of the founders, etc. Within each
organization are sub-units and groups that share the common national and organizational
culture, but that differ from each other in their unit culture on the basis of the differences in
their functions (e.g., R&D vs manufacturing), their leaders’ values, and the professional and
educational level of their members. At the bottom of this structure are individuals who
through the process of socialization acquire the cultural values transmitted to them from
higher levels of culture. Individuals who belong to the same group share the same values
that differentiate them from other groups and create a group – level culture through a
bottom-up process of aggregation of shared values. For example, employees of an R&D unit
are selected into the unit because of their creative cognitive style and professional
expertise. Their leader also typically facilitates the display of these personal characteristics

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because they are crucial for developing innovative products. Thus, all members of this unit
share similar core values, which differentiate them from other organizational units. Groups
that share similar values create the organizational culture through a process of aggregation,
and local organizations that share similar values create the national culture that is different
from other national cultures.
Both top-down and bottom-up processes reflect the dynamic nature of culture, and explain
how culture at different levels is being shaped and reshaped by changes that occur at other
levels, either above it through top-down processes or below it through bottom-up processes.
Similarly, changes at each level affect lower levels through a top-down process, and upper
levels through a bottom-up process of aggregation. The changes in national cultures
observed by Inglehart and Baker (2000) could serve as an example for top-down effects of
economic growth, enhanced by globalization, on a cultural shift from traditional values to
modernization. However, in line with Schein (1992), the deep basic assumptions still reflect
the traditional values shaped by the broad cultural heritage of a society.
Global organizations and networks are being formed by having local-level organizations join
the global arena. That means that there is a continuous reciprocal process of shaping and
reshaping organizations at both levels. For example, multinational companies that operate in
the global market develop common rules and cultural values that enable them to create a
synergy between the various regions, and different parts of the multinational company.
These global rules and values filter down to the local organizations that constitute the global
company, and, over time, they shape the local organizations. Reciprocally, having local
organizations join a global company may introduce changes into the global company
because of its need to function effectively across different cultural boarders. A study by
Erez-Rein et al. (2004) demonstrated how a multinational company that acquired an Israeli
company that develops and produces medical instruments changed the organizational
culture of the acquired company. The study identified a cultural gap between the two
companies, with the Israeli company being higher on the cultural dimension of innovation
and lower on the cultural dimension of attention to detail and conformity to rules and
standards as compared with the acquiring company. The latter insisted on sending the
Israeli managers to intensive courses in Six – Sigma, which is an advanced method of
quality improvement, and a managerial philosophy that encompasses all organizational
functions. Upon returning to their company, these managers introduced quality
improvement work methods and procedures to the local company, and caused behavioral
changes, followed by the internalization of quality – oriented values. Thus, a top-down
process of training and education led to changes in work behavior and work values. Sharing
common behaviors and values by all employees of the local company then shaped the
organizational culture through bottom–up processes. The case of cultural change via
international acquisitions demonstrated the two building blocks of our dynamic model of
culture: the multi-level structure explains how a lower-level culture is being shaped by top-
down effects, and that the cultural layer that changes first is the most external layer of
behavior. In the long run, bottom – up processes of shared behaviors and norms shape the
local organizational culture.

7 Factors that facilitate cultural change

Culture itself influences the level of resistance or acceptance of change. Harzing and
Hofstede (1996) proposed that certain cultural values facilitate change, whereas others
hinder it. The values of low power distance, low uncertainty avoidance, and individualism
facilitate change. Change threatens stability, and introduces uncertainty, and resistance to
change will therefore be higher in cultures of high rather than low uncertainty avoidance
(Steensma et al., 2000). Change also threatens the power structure, and therefore will be
avoided in high power distance cultures. Finally, change breaks the existing harmony, which

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is highly valued in collectivistic cultures, and therefore will not be easily accepted by
collectivists (Levine and Norenzayan, 1999).
A recent study by Erez and Gati (2004) examined the effects of three factors on the change
process and its outcomes:
· the cultural value of individualism – collectivism;
· the reward structure and its congruence with the underlying cultural values; and
· the degree of ambiguity in the reward structure.
The change process examined was a shift from choosing to work alone to a behavioral
choice of working as part of a team, and vice versa. Working alone is more prevalent in
individualistic cultures, whereas working in teams dominates the collectivistic ones.

8 Understanding when culture matters: increasing the precision of cultural models

Beyond exploring new cultural constructs and the dynamic nature of culture, we also argue
for the importance of examining contingency factors that enhance or mitigate the effect of
national culture. Consider the following scenario. A senior human resource manager in a
multinational firm is charged with implementing an integrative training program in several of
the firm’s subsidiaries around the globe. Over the term of her career, the manager has been
educated about differences in national culture and is sensitive to intercultural opportunities
and challenges. At the same time, she understands the strategic need to create a unified
global program that serves to further integrate the firm’s basic processes, creating
efficiencies and synergies across the remote sites. She approaches the implementation with
trepidation. A key challenge is to determine whether the program should be implemented in
the same manner in each subsidiary or modified according to the local culture at each site.
Put another way, in this complex circumstance, does culture matter?

Q.3. a) Explain the brief structure of WTO?

Answer: Structure of World Trade Organization (WTO)
The WTO’s overriding objective is to help trade flow smoothly, freely, fairly and predictably.
It does this by:
· Administering trade agreements
· Acting as a forum for trade negotiations
· Settling trade disputes
· Reviewing national trade policies
· Assisting developing countries in trade policy issues, through technical assistance and
training programs
· Cooperating with other international organizations

Structure
The WTO has nearly 150 members, accounting for over 97% of world trade. Around 30
others are negotiating membership.
Decisions are made by the entire membership. This is typically by consensus. A majority
vote is also possible but it has never been used in the WTO, and was extremely rare under
the WTO’s predecessor, GATT. The WTO’s agreements have been ratified in all members’
parliaments.
The WTO’s top level decision-making body is the Ministerial Conference which meets at
least once every two years.
Below this is the General Council (normally ambassadors and heads of delegation in
Geneva, but sometimes officials sent from members’ capitals) which meets several times a
year in the Geneva headquarters. The General Council also meets as the Trade Policy
Review Body and the Dispute Settlement Body.

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At the next level, the Goods Council, Services Council and Intellectual Property
(TRIPS) Council report to the General Council.
Numerous specialized committees, working groups and working parties deal with the
individual agreements and other areas such as the environment, development, membership
applications and regional trade agreements.
Secretariat
The WTO Secretariat, based in Geneva, has around 600 staff and is headed by a director-
general. Its annual budget is roughly 160 million Swiss francs. It does not have branch
offices outside Geneva. Since decisions are taken by the members themselves, the
Secretariat does not have the decision-making role that other international bureaucracies
are given with. The Secretariat’s main duties are to supply technical support for the various
councils and committees and the ministerial conferences, to provide technical assistance for
developing countries, to analyze world trade, and to explain WTO affairs to the public and
media.
The Secretariat also provides some forms of legal assistance in the dispute settlement
process and advises governments wishing to become members of the WTO.

The WTO is ‘member-driven’, with decisions taken by consensus among all member
governments.
The WTO is run by its member governments. All major decisions are made by the
membership as a whole, either by ministers (who meet at least once every two years) or by
their ambassadors or delegates (who meet regularly in Geneva). Decisions are normally
taken by consensus.
In this respect, the WTO is different from some other international organizations such as the
World Bank and International Monetary Fund. In the WTO, power is not delegated to a
board of directors or the organization’s head.
When WTO rules impose disciplines on countries’ policies, that are the outcome of
negotiations among WTO members, the rules are enforced by the members themselves
under agreed procedures that they negotiated, including the possibility of trade sanctions.
But those sanctions are imposed by member countries, and authorized by the membership
as a whole. This is quite different from other agencies whose bureaucracies can, for
example, influence a country’s policy by threatening to withhold credit.
Reaching decisions by consensus among some 150 members can be difficult. Its main
advantage is that decisions made this way are more acceptable to all members. And despite
the difficulty, some remarkable agreements have been reached. Nevertheless, proposals for
the creation of a smaller executive body – perhaps like a board of directors each
representing different groups of countries – are heard periodically. But for now, the WTO is
a member-driven, consensus-based organization.
Highest authority: the Ministerial Conference
So, the WTO belongs to its members. The countries make their decisions through various
councils and committees, whose membership consists of all WTO members. Topmost is the
ministerial conference which has to meet at least once every two years. The Ministerial
Conference can take decisions on all matters under any of the multilateral trade
agreements.
Second level: General Council in three guises
Day-to-day work in between the ministerial conferences is handled by three bodies:
· The General Council
· The Dispute Settlement Body
· The Trade Policy Review Body
All three are in fact the same – the Agreement Establishing the WTO states they are all the
General Council, although they meet under different terms of reference. Again, all three
consist of all WTO members. They report to the Ministerial Conference.
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The General Council acts on behalf of the Ministerial Conference on all WTO affairs. It meets
as the Dispute Settlement Body and the Trade Policy Review Body to oversee procedures for
settling disputes between members and to analyze members’ trade policies.
Third level: councils for each broad area of trade, and more back to top
Three more councils, each handling a different broad area of trade, report to the General
Council:
· The Council for Trade in Goods (Goods Council)
· The Council for Trade in Services (Services Council)
· The Council for Trade – Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS Council)
As their names indicate, the three are responsible for the workings of the WTO agreements
dealing with their respective areas of trade. Again they consist of all WTO members. These
three also have the subsidiary bodies.
Six other bodies report to the General Council. The scope of their coverage is smaller, so
they are “committees”. But they still consist of all WTO members. They cover issues such as
trade and development, the environment, regional trading arrangements, and
administrative issues. The Singapore Ministerial Conference in December 1996 decided to
create new working groups to look at investment and competition policy, transparency in
government procurement, and trade facilitation.
Two more subsidiary bodies dealing with the plural-lateral agreements (which are not
signed by all WTO members) keep the General Council informed of their activities regularly.
Fourth level: down to the nitty-gritty
Each of the higher level councils has subsidiary bodies. The Goods Council has 11
committees dealing with specific subjects (such as agriculture, market access, subsidies,
anti-dumping measures and so on). Again, these consist of all member countries. Also
reporting to the Goods Council is the Textiles Monitoring Body, which consists of a chairman
and 10 members acting in their personal capacities, and groups dealing with notifications
(governments informing the WTO about current and new policies or measures) and state
trading enterprises.
The Services Council’s subsidiary bodies deal with financial services, domestic regulations,
GATS rules and specific commitments.
At the General Council level, the Dispute Settlement Body also has two subsidiaries: the
dispute settlement “panels” of experts appointed to adjudicate on unresolved disputes, and
the Appellate Body that deals with appeals.
Heads of Delegations and other boards: the need for informality
Important breakthroughs are rarely made in formal meetings of these bodies, least of all in
the higher level councils. Since decisions are made by consensus, without voting, informal
consultations within the WTO play a vital role in bringing a vastly diverse membership round
to an agreement.
One step away from the formal meetings is informal meetings that still include the full
membership, such as those of the Heads of Delegations (HOD). More difficult issues have to
be thrashed out in smaller groups. A common recent practice is for the chairperson of a
negotiating group to attempt to forge a compromise by holding consultations with
delegations individually, in twos or threes, or in groups of 20 – 30 of the most interested
delegations.
These smaller meetings have to be handled sensitively. The key is to ensure that everyone
is kept informed about what is going on (the process must be “transparent”) even if they
are not in a particular consultation or meeting, and that they have an opportunity to
participate or provide input (it must be “inclusive”).
One term has become controversial, but more among some outside observers than among
delegations. The “Green Room” is a phrase taken from the informal name of the director-
general’s conference room. It is used to refer to meetings of 20 – 40 delegations, usually at
the level of heads of delegations. These meetings can take place elsewhere, such as at
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Ministerial Conferences, and can be called by the minister chairing the conference as well as
the director-general. Similar smaller group consultations can be organized by the chairs of
committees negotiating individual subjects, although the term Green Room is not usually
used for these.
In the past delegations have sometimes felt that Green Room meetings could lead to
compromises being struck behind their backs. So, extra efforts are made to ensure that the
process is handled correctly, with regular reports back to the full membership.
The way countries now negotiate has helped somewhat. In order to increase their
bargaining power, countries have formed coalitions. In some subjects such as agriculture
virtually all countries are members of at least one coalition – and in many cases, several
coalitions. This means that all countries can be represented in the process if the
coordinators and other key players are present. The coordinators also take responsibility for
both “transparency” and “inclusiveness” by keeping their coalitions informed and by taking
the positions negotiated within their alliances.
In the end, decisions have to be taken by all members and by consensus. The membership
as a whole would resist attempts to impose the will of a small group. No one has been able
to find an alternative way of achieving consensus on difficult issues, because it is virtually
impossible for members to change their positions voluntarily in meetings of the full
membership.
Market access negotiations also involve small groups, but for a completely different reason.
The final outcome is a multilateral package of individual countries’ commitments, but those
commitments are the result of numerous bilateral, informal bargaining sessions, which
depend on individual countries’ interests. (Examples include the traditional tariff
negotiations, and market access talks in services.)
So, informal consultations in various forms play a vital role in allowing consensus to be
reached, but they do not appear in organization charts, precisely because they are informal.
They are not separate from the formal meetings, however. They are necessary for making
formal decisions in the councils and committees. Nor are the formal meetings unimportant.
They are the forums for exchanging views, putting countries’ positions on the record, and
ultimately for confirming decisions. The art of achieving agreement among all WTO
members is to strike an appropriate balance, so that a breakthrough achieved among only a
few countries can be acceptable to the rest of the membership.

B) Highlight the drawbacks of GATT?

Answer: Given its provisional nature and limited field of action, the success of GATT in
promoting and securing the liberalization of much of world trade over 47 years is
incontestable. Continual reductions in tariffs alone helped spur very high rates of world
trade growth – around 8 per cent a year on average during the 1950s and 1960s. And the
momentum of trade liberalization helped ensure that trade growth consistently out-paced
production growth throughout the GATT era. The rush of new members during the Uruguay
Round demonstrated that the multilateral trading system, as then represented by GATT,
was recognized as an anchor for development and an instrument of economic and trade
reform.
The limited achievement of the Tokyo Round, outside the tariff reduction results, was a sign
of difficult times to come. GATT’s success in reducing tariffs to such a low level, combined
with a series of economic recessions in the 1970s and early 1980s, drove governments to
devise other forms of protection for sectors facing increased overseas competition. High
rates of unemployment and constant factory closures led governments in Europe and North
America to seek bilateral market-sharing arrangements with competitors and to embark on
a subsidies race to maintain their holds on agricultural trade. Both these changes
undermined the credibility and effectiveness of GATT.

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Apart from the deterioration in the trade policy environment, it also became apparent by the
early 1980s that the General Agreement was no longer as relevant to the realities of world
trade as it had been in the 1940s. For a start, world trade had become far more complex
and important than 40 years before: the globalization of the world economy was underway,
international investment was exploding and trade in services – not covered by the rules of
GATT – was of major interest to more and more countries and, at the same time, closely
tied to further increases in world merchandise trade. In other respects, the GATT had been
found wanting: for instance, with respect to agriculture where loopholes in the multilateral
system were heavily exploited – and efforts at liberalizing agricultural trade met with little
success – and in the textiles and clothing sector where an exception to the normal
disciplines of GATT was negotiated in the form of the Multi-fiber Arrangement. Even the
institutional structure of GATT and its dispute settlement system were giving cause for
concern.
Together, these and other factors convinced GATT members that a new effort to reinforce
and extend the multilateral system should be attempted. That effort resulted in the Uruguay
Round.

Q.4. A) Give a short note on the regional economic integration?

Answer: Regional Economic Integration
Regional integration can take many forms, and nowhere is this more evident than in the
vastly different integration processes taking place in the regions of Europe and East Asia.
The subject of this paper is regional integration as it has developed in East Asia with a focus
on the drivers of that integration. While the paper is not intended as a direct comparison of
integration in East Asia and Europe, it will include some comparisons between the two
regions.
Integration in East Asia has progressed very slowly and is still in an early stage despite that
the process has continued for decades. In fact, it could be said that the process began
centuries ago – even as far back as the 15th century. By comparison, European integration
has progressed steadily and has gradually deepened over the last 50 years to reach an
advanced stage today with a common currency and well-developed regional institutions.
Thus, the speed of progression and the level of integration attained in the two regions are
quite dissimilar.
In addition to these differences, the drivers behind the integration process in each region
are different. In Europe, the origins of integration have been institutional in nature, and the
development of institutions has been prominent throughout the process. Thus, regional
institutions have been the driving force behind integration in Europe. In East Asia, the
development of regional institutions has also occurred; however, progress in this area has
been slow and the few existing institutions are fairly weak and ineffective. Nevertheless,
regional integration is taking place in East Asia, but the driving force is the market rather
than policy or institutions. Corporations and the production networks they have established
are driving integration in East Asia.

B). Mention the benefits of WTO?

Answer: Ten Benefits of WTO
1. The system helps to keep the peace
2. The system allows disputes to be handled constructively
3. A system based on rules rather than power makes life easier for all
4. Freer trade cuts the cost of living
5. It gives consumers more choice and a broader range of qualities to choose from
6. Trade raises incomes
7. Trade stimulates economic growth and that can be good news for employment

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8. The basic principles make the system economically more efficient, and they cut costs
9. The system shields governments from narrow interests
10. The system encourages good government

Q. 5 a. Explain five-element product wave model?

Answer: The Five-Element Product Wave
As illustrated in Figure 4.5, the wave model employs design engineering, process
engineering, product marketing, production, and end-of-life activities as elements. The first
wave is associated with the "A" version of a product or service, and survives through the
traditional PLC introduction and growth phases. A second wave begins with the "B" version,
the markedly improved second model. It starts just before the traditional life cycle maturity
stage and lives until sales decline to a point at which an EOL decision must be made.
Note that design engineering has a peak of activity level at each upgrade. Process
engineering activity shadows that of design engineering, as system changes will be
contemplated and made to facilitate the changes made in the product or service. Product
marketing also has activity level spikes that closely match engineering design activity,
lagged somewhat for product introduction. Production has one activity peak that results
from demand management and production planning through master production scheduling.
Finally, the EOL curve peaks at each redesign. The last wave begins shortly before original
production ceases and ends when the product is no longer manufactured or supported by
the EOL Company or division. The EOL element requires that a decision be made about the
preceding version at each major redesign: continue production, make a short-term run of
spares, keep blueprints active so that parts can be made as ordered, enter into a
manufacturing and support agreement with another entity, or discontinue production.
For the sake of parsimony, Figure 4.5 shows only a two-product model ("A" and "B"
versions). In reality, there may be hundreds of significant redesigns. The wave effect comes
from the fact that the process repeats for the successful firm, forming swells in design
engineering, process engineering, and product marketing, and manufacturing curves before
the final crest at EOL activity.
The five-element product wave, or FPW, uses trigger points, rather than time, as the horizon
over which the element curves vary. Changes in magnitude, represented by the vertical
axis, result from differing activity levels within the five elements. Simple changes in levels of
dollar or unit product sales, in and of themselves, do not necessarily determine the trigger
points. Rather, the varying activity levels are a direct result of product introductions and
redesigns that, from the outset, must take into account company strategy, core capabilities,
and the state of the competitive environment. For example, a product with strong sales may
be redesigned in a preemptive strike against competitors, further distancing that product
from the competition, such as with Caterpillar’s innovative high-drive bulldozers.
That the five-element wave is grounded in reality becomes apparent when considering the
recent research that suggests product introduction cycles are being compressed. Bayus
(1994) claims that knowledge is being applied faster, resulting in increasing levels of new
product introductions. Yet since product removals are not keeping pace with introductions,
there are an increasing number of product variations on the market. Slater (1993) observes
that product life cycles are growing shorter and shorter. Vesey (1992) reports that the
strategy for the 1990s is speed to market and discusses the pressures the market is
exerting to shorten product introduction lead times.
Regardless of whether life cycles are actually being compressed or knowledge is simply
being applied faster, it is apparent that firms are increasing the speed with which they bring
their products to market. The effect of this is a compression of the design engineering,
process engineering, production, and product marketing elements of the wave model. (The
EOL curve may remain unchanged because accelerated introductions do not necessarily

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affect EOL efforts.) The five-element wave clearly shows the inefficiency of traditional "over-
the-wall" systems as speed to market increases. As the elements compress, more and more
information is thrown over the wall. Recipients find themselves with less and less time to
take action. Taken to the extreme, in-baskets, phone lines, conference rooms, desks, and
floors are soon gridlocked and littered with unanswered correspondence and things to do.
Forget quality; production itself grinds to a halt.
The solution is to maximize the advantage of the relationships within the five-element wave
and work in concurrent teams, as illustrated in Figure 6. That way, responsibility is shared
throughout the system. Members from each discipline optimize the system. The method
tears down barriers between departments and speeds the introduction process, thus
decreasing costs. The focal point becomes the customer, rather than the task. The system is
totally interactive and bound together. Each element is connected to all of the others and is
focused on the customer. (Note that the authors have taken a great deal of artistic license
here! No meaning should be attached to the actual measure of overlap area in Figure 4.6.)
What is the recent experience with teams? There is evidence that using concurrent design
teams speeds the product to market and provides substantial savings. Boeing expects that
concurrent design will save some $4 billion in the development of its 777 airliner.
Westinghouse recently suggested that concurrent engineering would eliminate 200 duplicate
processes in a project that consisted of 600 using traditional over-the-wall approaches.
Ford’s Team Taurus was able to cut a full year out of model turnaround. In addition, design
changes required after initial production began were reduced by some 76 percent.
The strength of the five-element product wave is the fact that it illuminates critical decision
points in the life of a product or service. The interrelationships of the elements clearly
illustrate the benefit of working product introductions, design changes, and end-of-life
decisions in teams. This is particularly true in today’s rapidly compressing environment of
speeding products to market. Furthermore, the model is flexible and may be expanded or
contracted to include those functional areas relevant to the production team. Thus, whether
a given firm’s product is a service or a manufactured good, the five-element wave is a
powerful tool that can be deployed to accelerate effective decision making in markets
demanding ever-increasing levels of speed and agility.

B) What do you mean by globalization?

Answer: Economic "globalization" is a historical process, the result of human innovation and
technological progress. It refers to the increasing integration of economies around the
world, particularly through trade and financial flows. The term sometimes also refers to the
movement of people (labor) and knowledge (technology) across international borders. There
are also broader cultural, political and environmental dimensions of globalization that are
not covered here.
At its most basic, there is nothing mysterious about globalization. The term has come into
common usage since the 1980s, reflecting technological advances that have made it easier
and quicker to complete international transactions – both trade and financial flows. It refers
to an extension beyond national borders of the same market forces that have operated for
centuries at all levels of human economic activity – village markets, urban industries, or
financial centers.
Markets promote efficiency through competition and the division of labor – the specialization
that allows people and economies to focus on what they do best. Global markets offer
greater opportunity for people to tap into more and larger markets around the world. It
means that they can have access to more capital flows, technology, cheaper imports, and
larger export markets. But markets do not necessarily ensure that the benefits of increased

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efficiency are shared by all. Countries must be prepared to embrace the policies needed,
and in the case of the poorest countries may need the support of the international
community as they do so.

Q. 6. Give some examples of companies doing international business and discuss how they
have they have managed their business in the international markets?
Answer: A PERSPECTIVE OF THE NORTHEN ISLAND SOFTWARE COMPANIES, RAPD M–UP
Within six months of announcing it would invest $4.5 million to establish its new software
development center in Northern Ireland, IMR was up and running with more than one-third
its target staff.
"The fast start-up of the Belfast facility reaffirms our confidence to locate in Northern
Ireland," said Sanan. "The success to date in building a quality work force has surpassed our
expectations and opens up new ambitions for our interests in Northern Ireland."
According to Arthur "Bro" McFerran, president of IMR (NI) Ltd., the company is hiring 12 to
18 programmers a month in Northern Ireland and is well on its way to meeting its staffing
goal of 300 by 1999. McFerran credited Northern Ireland’s Training & Employment Agency
(T&EA) with helping place the company’s staffing on the fast track.
"The T&EA not only has helped us to identify and recruit qualified software graduates from
Northern Ireland’s universities, it is also assisting us with a unique initiative to bring
additional sources of high quality talent to the company," McFerran said.
Innovation In Training
Impressed by the number and quality of information technology graduates from the region’s
universities, IMR recognized an untapped resource in the well-educated, versatile graduates
of other fields in Northern Ireland. Working with the T&EA, IMR developed "IMR Academy,"
an intensive
20-week training program at the Belfast Institute of Further and Higher Education, to
expand the skills of qualified applicants who are not computer software graduates, but who
are equally well-educated in other
Disciplines and who have demonstrated aptitude for learning computer software
programming.
Tom Scott of the T&EA said IMR applicants are assessed throughout the program and those
who successfully complete the course are awarded a National Computing Certificate and full-
time employment with IMR. Approximately 40 trainees have already participated in the
program.
"IMR is extremely pleased with the T&EAs ability to design and deliver a training program
customized to our needs, and one that is delivering us an impressive pool of incremental
programming talent," McFerran said.
Smart and Available
"The recent software investments by IMR and other companies provide a new opportunity
for Northern Ireland’s computer graduates," McFerrin said. Recruitment research by IMR
indicates that traditionally, nearly half of the region’s computer graduates have been forced
to seek jobs outside Northern Ireland due to the lack of available information technology
positions.
Now IT graduates have the chance to find good jobs in Northern Ireland, and graduates
from other fields can take advantage of the IMR Academy training program to get a head
start on a career in the growing software sector.
McFerrin said. Recruitment research by IMR indicates that traditionally, nearly half of the
region’s computer graduates have been forced to seek jobs outside Northern Ireland due to
the lack of available information technology positions.

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Competitive Advantage
Northern Ireland recently has attracted information technology – based investments from
other multinational companies such as BT, Fujitsu, Liberty Mutual Group, Seagate
Technology, STB Systems and UniComp. These companies cite Northern Ireland’s work force
and favorable cost base in their decisions to locate in the region.
"The availability of high-quality graduates combined with the region’s competitive operating
costs and attractive incentives made Northern Ireland the best possible location for STB,"
said Richard W. Cooke, STB’s director of engineering operations.
With salaries and fringe costs for well trained software engineers in Northern Ireland
approximately 50 percent lower than costs for US engineers, and low employee turnover
and favorable rates for office space, the overall annual per capita operational costs to
develop high quality software can be significantly less compared with these same costs in
the United States.
Typical starting salaries for IT graduates in Northern Ireland are $22,000 to $25,000
annually. At less than three percent annually, Northern Ireland’s employee turnover rate is a
fraction of the rates typically experienced in other parts of Europe and the United States.
Annual costs per square foot for office space, exclusive of property taxes and service
charges, range from as low as $5 per square foot in some development areas, to
approximately $14 in Belfast. These costs can be as much as 50 percent lower than office
space costs in other European cities.

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