The Journal of Architecture

ISSN: 1360-2365 (Print) 1466-4410 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjar20

Architecture and the expression of cultural

identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub

To cite this article: Yasser Mahgoub (2007) Architecture and the expression of cultural identity in
Kuwait, The Journal of Architecture, 12:2, 165-182, DOI: 10.1080/13602360701363486

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13602360701363486

Published online: 16 May 2007.

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 165

The Journal
of Architecture
Volume 12
Number 2

Architecture and the expression of

cultural identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub Department of Architecture, College of Engineering

and Petroleum, Kuwait University, PO Box 9569
Safat, 13060 Kuwait.

The phenomenon of expressing cultural identity in architecture is apparent in many parts of

the world: this paper examines it in the context of Kuwait. It focuses on architects, and the
strategies they use in expressing cultural identity. The aim is to understand their views and
current efforts in this context. In Kuwait, architecture has passed through dramatic trans-
formations during the second half of the twentieth century that were the result of econ-
omic, regional and global changes. A survey of the views of eighteen Kuwaiti architects
was conducted using focused interviews and a standardised questionnaire. Examples of
their projects were analysed to illustrate their views and ways of thinking. The study con-
cluded that there were several strategies employed by Kuwaiti architects to express a
Kuwaiti cultural identity in their work. A three- dimensional matrix was developed to illus-
trate the relationship between the ranges of these strategies and architecture in Kuwait. It is
hoped that this matrix will be useful for practitioners and critics of contemporary architec-
ture in Kuwait interested in understanding current trends in achieving a cultural identity in
architecture.

Introduction This paper investigates how cultural identity is

The beginning of the twenty first century is
marked by increasing globalisation and the affir-
mation of a singular identity that is in constant
tension with traditional local identities. This trend
has followed the spread of the international style
during the second half of the twentieth century
and has intensified as a result of the spread of glo-
balisation as a dominating world view from the
end of that century. As a reaction to this sweeping
trend, the phenomenon of expressing local cultural
identities in architecture is observed in many parts
of the world. As Castells put it: ‘cultural identity is
the process by which social actors build their own
meaning according to cultural attributes.’ (Castells,
2004.)
being expressed in contemporary architecture in
the context of Kuwait. It focuses on the architects,
and the strategies, mechanisms, tools, and media
they use in expressing cultural identity in their
work. The aim of this paper is to understand the
views and roles of Kuwaiti architects participating
in current efforts to achieve a localised cultural iden-
tity in architecture. Their attempts influence the
making and development of contemporary architec-
ture in Kuwait. While these efforts are currently
individualistic, they are gaining momentum and
popularity as they lay claim to answering the press-
ing cultural and social problems generated by the
application of modern architectural principles
during the second half of the twentieth century.

# 2007 The Journal of Architecture 1360–2365 DOI: 10.1080/13602360701363486

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Architecture and the
expression of cultural
identity in Kuwait
Yasser Mahgoub
They are also relevant to other countries, especially
those Gulf, Arab, and developing countries that
share experiences with Kuwait.
Background
In Kuwait, architecture passed through dramatic
transformations during the second half of the twen-
tieth century that were the result of economic,
regional and global changes. Starting with the dis-
covery of oil during the 1940s and the economic
wealth generated by its sale, the implementation
of the first master plan for the country during the
1950s and 1960s, the economic boom during the
1970s following the dramatic increase in oil prices
in 1973 and the economic depression during the
1980s following the stock market crash, they culmi-
nated, finally, with the first Gulf war and the experi-
ence of invasion and liberation by foreign countries
during the 1990s. Architecture reflected all these
layers of rapid political, economic, and cultural
changes.
The movement towards expressing cultural iden-
tity in Kuwaiti architecture is not new. It started
with attempts by foreign architects who participated
in the design of buildings after the implementation
of the first master plan in Kuwait during the 1960s
(Shiber, 1964). Jorn Utzon’s Parliament Building
and Reima Pietilae’s new Sief Palace are landmarks
designed by foreign architects expressing a cultural
identity (Gardiner, 1983; Vale, 1992; Kultermann,
1999) (Fig. 1). These are examples of foreign archi-
tects commissioned to design projects in Kuwait
because of a lack of Kuwaiti architects, but the
appearance of architecture by Kuwaiti architects
that attempts to reflect cultural identity is a different
phenomenon.
Literature review
What is identity? Firstly, it is a process, and not a
‘found’ object. It may be likened to the trail left
by civilization as it moves through history. The
trail is the culture, or identity, of that civilization.
. . . Secondly, being a process, identity cannot be
fabricated. We develop our identity by tackling
what we perceive to be our real problems. . . .
Thirdly, identity is not a self-conscious thing.
(Correa, 1983.)
This study is based on the observation that in recent
years the issue of cultural identity in contemporary
architecture has become essential to creating
uniqueness and local identity in a competitive
environment on a global level. Industrialised and
developing countries have started to re-examine
their traditions in a search for their own values and
principles. Delanty and Jones (2002) observed that
in Europe ‘architecture has become an important
discourse for new expression of post-national iden-
tity in general and in particular for the emergence
of a “spatial” European identity. No longer tied to
the state to the same degree as in the period of
nation-building, architecture has become a signifi-
cant cultural expression of post-national identities
within and beyond nation-state.’ (Delanty and
Jones, 2002.) This process has had an impact on
the production of contemporary architecture and
eventually triggered an intense discussion about
how local identity should be created other than by
copying fragments from the past.
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Figure 1. Attempts by
foreign architects to
express cultural identity
in architecture.
(Photographs by the
Author.)
a. The Parliament
Building by Jorn Utzon.
b. The Scientific Centre
by C7.
c. Banks Complex by
SOM.
d. Kuwait Towers by
Marlene Bjoern.

The question of whether architecture should
express a cultural identity is being investigated by
many researchers in many parts of the world.
Gospondini argues that ‘in the process of economic
and cultural globalisation, European integration and
the blur of national identities in Europe, place-iden-
tity emerges as a central concern of both scholars
and other people.’ (Gospodini, 2004, p. 225.) In Sin-
gapore, architects vigorously adopted transformed
and integrated traditions to reflect contemporary
realities such as fast-evolving cultures, values and
lifestyles. The notion of contemporary vernacular
was developed. This can be defined as a conscious
commitment to uncover a particular tradition’s
unique responses to spatial arrangements, place
and climate and thereafter exteriorise these estab-
lished and symbolic identities into creative forms
(Lim, 2004, p.19). Ogura et al. attempted to clarify
the characteristics of the modern Filipino style
which was introduced by leading architects
following World War II. They discovered that one
of the most comprehensible expressions of domestic
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Architecture and the
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Yasser Mahgoub
style is the direct quotation of traditional shape. The
pursuit of architecture as the product of the Filipino
culture to enrich Filipino culture is an ongoing
problem for architects seeking to realise a Filipino
style while designing for present-day expectations
(Ogura et al., 2002, p. 238).
El-Sheshtawy et al. argue that Third World
cities — especially those which have witnessed
rapid growth within the last two decades — are
moving towards a ‘co-existence’ model which
takes into account the forces of modernisation
and change (globalisation) whilst at the same
time responding to the preservation of traditional
elements within the society. They concluded that
an examination of the viability of this model and
its suitability for other cities is recommended and
they argued that in a world dominated by forces
of globalisation the current discourse on the ‘loss
of identity’ needs to be reconsidered (El-Sheshtawy
et al., 2000). Kanna concluded that ‘far from
experiencing change and modernity as an homo-
geneous dystopia, the inhabitants of Dubai have
developed ways of culturally absorbing these
changes.’ (Kanna, 2005, p. 60.)
Saleh presents an analytical study of the major
factors inherent to place-identity which have a
bearing on the development of visual images to
Saudi Arabian cities. He points out that climatic,
social, topographic and economic aspects were
important factors in the formulation of regionalism.
He argues that these factors are now weakened by
two controversial trends in the planning and
design of place known as traditionalism and
modernism. He asserts that professionals use their
skill in the incorporation of historical as well as
new images of the physical place and structures to
enhance their identifiability and recognition in the
city. The image represents a cultural significance
which ties it to culture. For him, the forces exerted
by commercialism seem to dominate image attach-
ment for contemporary cities (Saleh, 1998).
As described by Khattab, ‘particularly in the case
of Kuwait, reasserting the local identity has lately
become a matter of great importance especially
after Iraq’s claims in Kuwait and the Second Gulf
War.’ (Khattab, 2001.) This was reflected in the
architecture being produced in Kuwait by local and
Kuwaiti architects in their attempts to recognise
and to acknowledge the heritage of traditional
Kuwaiti architecture during the 1990s. The famous
Kuwaiti architect Hamed Shuaib reiterated the ques-
tion posed by many conferences and seminars held
in the Gulf area: ‘When will we, in Kuwait and
other Gulf countries, have modern architecture suit-
able for our community, environment and heritage?’
(Shuaib, 1999.) Several practising architects
expressed the same view in a documentary entitled:
‘Kuwaiti Architecture: A Lost Identity.’ Their con-
cerns find articulation in Paul Ricouer’s questions
‘how to become modern and to return to sources;
how to revive an old, dormant civilization and take
part in universal civilization.’ (Ricoeur, 1965.)
Such questions are posed by practising architects
and also investigated by academic researchers in
the field. Some Arab societies, such as Egypt,
Lebanon and Syria, went through the process of
modernisation earlier and at a slower pace than
the Gulf countries which underwent the same
experience much later and at an extremely rapid
pace. Commenting on the process of change that

Egypt went through during the nineteenth century,
Khaled Asfour states that:
For the first time in the Arab world, a process of
‘cutting and pasting’ was introduced as a cultural
mechanism. The process involves ‘cutting’ ideas
from an original cultural field, the European, and
‘pasting’ it with its logic into the new field. In
the process, there is the assumption that the
new field has similar cultural predicaments and
would yield to similar results upon this transfer
of ideas. (Asfour, 2004, p. 3.)
The cities of Abu Dhabi, Kuwait, Riyadh and so on,
were planned during the middle of the twentieth
century by western planners, who applied the city
planning theories of that time and did not respect
the socio-cultural characteristics of the community
that were evident in traditional settlements. As
Asfour (2004) put it,
During the fifties and sixties of image transfer, the
traveling theory was codified as a simplistic
version of Modernism, and was practised by
Arab cultures with great excitement, for it gave
them a fresh visual start after their independence
from 19th century colonial powers. But it was the
late sixties and early seventies that witnessed the
greatest practice of Modern imaging. It was the
time of the gigantic rise of Arab Gulf cultures
that were getting rich because of oil revenues.
(Asfour, 2004, p. 6.)
In his book ‘Architecture and Culture: Critical
Studies of Arab Architecture’, Al-Naim argues that
the rapid urbanisation of Arab societies during the
second half of the twentieth century has produced
the phenomenon of ‘Cultural Resistance’ (Al-Naim,
2005, p. 96.) Al-Naim explains the cultural hybridity
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that characterises the built environment in the Gulf
countries as a product of two main ideological
views: the futurist and the traditionalist, ‘while the
first group rejects historical heritage, the second
considers the past as the only valid evidence that
should be considered to shape the present. They
both accept the use of technology as a necessity
that cannot be avoided.’ (Al-Naim, 2005, p. 105.)
He concludes that ‘when a local culture borrows
shapes and ideas to be utilized in the built environ-
ment, several processes occur to “resist” the
“new”.’ He calls this ‘the mechanism of cultural
resistance in the built environment.’(Al-Naim,
2005, p. 116.) To live life out of resistance, as
Mules argues, ‘is to live life other than what it
must be.’ (Mules, 2005.)
From regionalism to critical regionalism in
the Gulf Region
This paper argues that architecture in the Gulf
countries is approaching a critical regionalism
stage. Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre (1981)
and Kenneth Frampton (1985) used the term ‘critical
regionalism’ to describe a contemporary architec-
ture which could neither be characterised as interna-
tionalism nor as a folkloric or historical concept of
region and architecture. By the 1990s, this concept
had become the key theme of an intense debate
on local, modern architecture.
Critical regionalism is interested in specific
elements from the region, those that have acted
as agent of contact and community, the place-
defining elements, and incorporates them
“strangely”, rather than familiarly, it makes
them appear strange, distant, difficult even
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Architecture and the
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Yasser Mahgoub
disturbing. It disrupts the sentimental “embra-
cing” between buildings and their consumers
and instead makes an attempt at “pricking the
conscience” . . .A critical approach reintroduces
“meaning” in addition to “feeling” in people’s
view of the world. (Lefaivre et al., 2001, p. 9.)
Lefaivre et al. (2001) noted that Vitruvius was the
first to point ‘to the differences in buildings around
the world’ and referred to this phenomenon as
‘regional architecture’, concluding ‘that the
arrangement of buildings should be guided by
locality and climate.’ (Lefaivre et al., 2001, p. 3.)
They traced the development of the forms of region-
alism in architecture from picturesque, romantic and
over-familiarising regionalism into Lewis Mumford’s
critical regionalism (Lefaivre et al., 2001, pp. 3– 6).
Kenneth Frampton’s concept of regionalism
mainly focuses on the relationship of a building to
its site and location in a sociological context. He
states that ‘the fundamental strategy of Critical
Regionalism is to mediate the impact of universal
civilisation with elements derived indirectly from
the peculiarities of a particular place.’ (Frampton,
1985, p. 20.)
Regionalism received much attention as it seemed
particularly relevant to developing countries faced
with the onslaught of Western media, commodifi-
cation and globalisation. Chris Abel suggested that
‘it is in the countries of the Third World, where the
effects of Modernism’s break with the past have
been compounded by a drastically speeded-up rate
of development, that regionalism has a special
meaning.’ (Abel, 1986.) Khan argued that
‘perhaps regionalism, in cultural and technological
terms, is stronger in the Third World because the
latter has not yet reached the “advanced” stages
of the West in terms of political stability, communi-
cations or technology, all of which permit greater
universality.’ (Khan, 1987.)
On the other hand, the concept of critical region-
alism has been challenged by many critics, particu-
larly those who question its relevance for more
advanced economies. The concept of regionality
depends on it being possible to correlate cultural
codes with geographical regions. ‘In modern
societies these regional differences are largely
obliterated, or as I would add, hybridised. ’(Lim,
2004.) It overlooks fundamental differences and
neglects important factors underlying the postcolo-
nial development of architecture in these countries
and superimposes a rather static and narrow
notion of local versus universal, traditional versus
modern concepts. As an analytical approach it
seems inadequate to capture the products of ‘local
architecture’ and their perception by theorists and
the general public (Tzonis et al., 2003). Specifically,
it does not reflect the diverse and dynamic nature
of the emergence of local identities. In many devel-
oping countries identities can hardly be localised and
many places show composite patterns with more
than one identity. In addition, the works of architects
labeled as contributions to promoting ‘local identity’
seem to have more in common with developments
in other countries than with the characteristics of
the place where they have been erected.
Method of inquiry
This study focuses on the views of architects contri-
buting to the production of cultural identity in archi-
tecture in Kuwait and analyses examples of their

projects. For the purpose of this study, a sample of
eighteen architects was selected from a group of
Kuwaiti architects expressing cultural identity in
their projects. The methods used for data collection
included: a survey using a standardised question-
naire; focused interviews; and the analysis of
examples of contemporary Kuwaiti architecture
that represent the expression of cultural identity.
The questionnaire contained several sections
covering different enquiries including: the views of
architects producing this architecture in order to
understand how they perceive what they are
doing, what are their references, and how they
are influenced by the client, the context and the
history of the country. An interview guide was
used to shape the in-depth interviews with selected
architects.
Findings
The questionnaire responses were statistically
analysed and the in-depth interviews were themati-
cally analysed to reveal the commonalities and
differences in the views of the Kuwaiti architects.
The questionnaire analysis produced the following
results (Fig. 2).
. Regarding Kuwaiti architectural identity, 88% of
the respondents agreed that there is currently
no identity in Kuwaiti architecture, while 12%
agreed that there is an identity expressed in con-
temporary Kuwaiti architecture. 94% believed
that there should be an identity in Kuwaiti archi-
tecture and 6% disagreed. 94% of the respon-
dents believed that there is a need to develop
building regulations to impose Kuwaiti identity
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Number 2
on architecture. 32% of the respondents agreed
that there was a clear architectural identity
before 1950, while 5% of the respondents
believed that there is identity in Kuwaiti architec-
ture after 2000.
. The factors that affect the generation of identity
in architecture were perceived as: climatic
conditions 94%, culture of the society 88%,
building codes and regulations 87%, client
81%, and building technology 47%. 100% of
the respondents believed that traditional Kuwaiti
architecture should be the source, desert architec-
ture 94%, Arab architecture 92%, Gulf architec-
ture 88%, Islamic architecture 87% and, lastly,
International architecture 71%. 100% of the
respondents agreed that climate, region and
culture should be the sources of identity, while
75% agreed that religion is a source of architec-
ture identity.
. As for the elements of Kuwaiti architecture, 94%
of the respondents believed that al-housh (the
courtyard) and traditional colours should be
used to reflect Kuwaiti identity in architecture,
88% believed that the dareehz (the entrance),
the diwaniyah (the men’s receiving room), and
the liwan (the colonnade) should be used to
reflect Kuwaiti identity, and only 50% of the
respondents believed that columns should be
used to reflect identity. 81% of the respondents
believed that more than one traditional element
should be used at the same time to reflect a
cultural identity in architecture (Fig. 3).
. 69% of the respondents believed that Kuwaiti
architects are contributing positively to identity
in Kuwaiti architecture, while 73% believed that
 172

Architecture and the

expression of cultural
identity in Kuwait
Yasser Mahgoub

Figure 2. Question-
naire responses analysis.
(# the Author.)

Kuwait Municipality was contributing negatively.
94% believed that local consulting offices and
the awareness of society will contribute positively
in the future to Kuwaiti identity. 100% of the
respondents believed that public buildings
should reflect Kuwaiti identity, while 94%
believed that governmental buildings and private
villas should reflect cultural identity. 94% believed
that the new Seif Palace, Souq Al-Mubarkiah and
Souq Al-Zul Wa Al-Bishut reflect Kuwaiti identity.
Only 13% believed that the Liberation Tower
reflected Kuwaiti cultural identity, and only 40%
believed that Kuwait Towers — the national
symbol of Kuwait — reflects Kuwaiti identity.
. The respondents selected the most important
examples representing Kuwaiti architecture from
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Figure 3. Elements of
traditional Kuwaiti
architecture.
(Photographs by the
Author.)
a. Entrance (dahreez).
b. Courtyard (housh).
c. Men’s reception
(diwaniya).
d. Sitting bench
(mastaba).
e. Colonnade (liwan).
f. Wooden roof
(chandal).

traditional and contemporary. Traditional
examples included: the old Seif Palace, old houses,
diwaniyas, schools, mosques, neighbourhoods,
and souqs. Contemporary examples included:
water towers, Kuwait Towers, Parliament build-
ings, Souq Sharq, Souq Al-Zul Wa Al-Bishut, the
Arab Organisations Headquarters, and the New
Seif palace (Fig. 4).
The interviews were useful for gaining in-depth
understanding of the views of Kuwaiti architects.
While there were many common themes between
the views of the architects, each architect
emphasised a particular factor. Collectively, the
interviews represented a wide range of strategies
and approaches to the subject. Due to the absence
of architectural education in Kuwait until 1996, all
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Architecture and the

expression of cultural
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Yasser Mahgoub

Figure 4. Examples of
contemporary Kuwaiti
architecture.
a. The Great Mosque.
(Photograph from:
http://www.islamic
architecture.org/
architecture/i/
mosques/kuwait/
i107.jpg)
b. Seif Palace.
(Photograph from
Abdullah Qabazard,
architect.)
c. Chamber of
Commerce.
(Photograph by the
Author.)
d. Souq Sharq.
(Photograph by the
Author.)

the architects graduated from schools of architec-
ture in the USA during the 1980s. All of them
were employed in governmental agencies for
several years before starting their private pro-
fessional practice (Fig. 5). Below are thematic por-
traits representing the views of some of the
Kuwaiti architects interviewed for the purpose of
this study followed by a common themes analysis.
Muhamad Al-Khedr graduated from Wisconsin
School of Architecture, USA, in 1985. He practised
as an architect in the Kuwait Ministry of Public
Works, then worked in private architectural firms.
He established his own architectural practice,
MAC, in 1999. He stated that ‘before oil was discov-
ered buildings were constructed using local
materials and workers, depending mainly on family
needs. After oil was discovered, architecture
reflected individualism, architecture made by
foreign architects with high-quality construction
methods and materials.’
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Figure 5. Attempts by
Kuwaiti architects to
express cultural identity
in architecture.
a. Salah Al-Farisi Villa by
Muhamad Al-Khedr.
(Photograph from
M. Al-Khedr, architect.)
b. Al-Najjar House by
Fareed Abdal.
(Photograph from
F. Abdal, architect.)
c. Salmeya Palace by
Saleh Al-Mutawa.
(Photograph by the
Author.)
d. Al-Farisi Villa by Jamal
Al-Hajji. (Photograph
from Jamal Al-Hajji,
architect.)

For him, the expression of family needs in archi-
tecture is an important element in the reflection
of local identity. He asserts that ‘traditional desert
architecture, characterised by its courtyards and
adobe-style construction, should be the source
of architectural identity in Kuwait. The impact of
climatic conditions is another factor that reflects a
true architectural identity. The harsh weather
conditions during the long summer months is an
important driving force.’ He recognises that ‘there
is some interest towards reflecting traditional
architecture by the public, but for the purpose of
being individual only.’ He believes that:
There are some attempts to express identity
in Kuwaiti architecture, but no present structure
is available that clearly represents the
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Architecture and the
expression of cultural
identity in Kuwait
Yasser Mahgoub
distinctive architectural identity of Kuwait. Kuwait
Municipality should have an important role in
educating the public and organizing some
regulation for general architectural style, but
unfortunately the municipality is concerned
more about commercial regulations than archi-
tectural concerns.
Fareed Abdal received his MArch from the University
of Wisconsin, USA, in 1983. He has worked in gov-
ernmental, military, and private sectors. He has pub-
lished several studies and papers on architecture in
Kuwait. He thinks that there is no special architec-
tural identity in Kuwait because many buildings
follow the international style. He also thinks that
there should not necessarily be an identity but
instead there should be an ‘environmental response’
to the climate, thus emphasising the significance of
the region as a whole. He believes that ‘the only time
when Kuwait had an identity was during the pre-oil
period; the 1950s and before, when architecture
represented the society’s environment and its social
identity.’ In his opinion the factors that affect
Kuwaiti architectural identity are natural, cultural,
behavioural, economical, material, and technical.
He believes that ‘Arab culture is a response to the
desert climate and nature; and also architecture
should represent the environment and our values.’
In his opinion ‘Islam is also an important factor
because it is an innate and inborn religion that is
related to nature, and is in harmony with nature in
its best form.’ He thinks that ‘the more we assume
environmental solutions, the more we come closer
to our identity.’ He believes that:
Obligatory guidance restrictions should be given
so as to maintain a special architectural identity,
but not laws that are too limiting and restricting
to allow room for creativity.
Saleh Al-Mutawa received his BArch from the Uni-
versity of Miami, Florida, in 1980 and his MArch in
solar passive cooling and heating and architectural
renovation in 1982. Saleh published his book,
‘History of Architecture in Old Kuwait City’, in
1994 (Al-Mutawa, 1994). In 1994 His Highness the
Ameer of Kuwait awarded him a prize for his distin-
guished work on preserving traditional Kuwait
Architecture. In 1997 Godfrey Goodwin wrote a
book about him entitled ‘Saleh Al-Mutawa: A new
Vision in Kuwait’ (Goodwin, 1997). When asked if
there is an identity in Kuwaiti architecture today,
he replied ‘No, it’s lost, but I am trying to follow it
in all of my projects in order to revive it.’ He believes
that having an identity in Kuwaiti architecture is
like having a ‘character and soul of the country
which should not be denied or changed.’ He
considers that the era that represents Kuwaiti
architecture was before 1940 and that the
principles affecting Kuwaiti architectural identity
are: vocabularies, proportion, and materials. For
him the sources of Kuwaiti architecture are ‘Islamic
architecture and desert architecture.’ He believes
that ‘there should be some incentive for those
who try to do Kuwaiti architecture, such as more
FAR, etc.’
Jamal Al-Hajji graduated in the USA in 1991. He
has worked in governmental and private agencies.
He believes that ‘Kuwait really had its identity
before 1960 and this began to disappear from
1950, the year of the demolition of the old Kuwait
Wall. Currently, Kuwait really doesn’t have any iden-
tity.’ In his opinion:

Kuwait identity is more than the elements used in
old Kuwaiti houses, which are used by some archi-
tects today in an attempt to reach an identity.
Nobody denies that the elements have a great
effect in creating identity, but the real essence of
Kuwait identity lies in the architecture of the tra-
ditional city. It is primarily an experience of
spaces defined by continuous walls of buildings
which are arranged in a way that emphasises
the building volumes.
He believes that ‘we are going through the figural
buildings stage. They are functionally successful,
yet they waste energy and cause pollution in a
very bad way. We are very connected to these build-
ings because of our ideology that these buildings are
the symbol of Kuwait modernity.’ From his practical
experience, the first pressure on the architect is the
client: ‘Very rarely do you find a client who has an
appreciation for identity. There is a group of clients
that have a wrong understanding of identity and it
needs many sessions to put the client in the right
track.’ He thinks that every situation in every
project is different from one to another in its
approach to local identity.
Tariq Al-Saqabi graduated in the USA in 1984 with
a BSc in Architectural Engineering. He worked in
several government agencies before becoming a
member of the academic staff in the department
of architecture at Kuwait University. In his opinion,
‘there is nothing identifiable as Kuwaiti architecture.
What we have is Gulf architecture, which is a
mixture of Egyptian, Roman, Babylonian and other
architectures. What is called Kuwaiti architecture is
existing architecture influenced by traditions and
cultures. So there is no Kuwaiti architecture but
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there are architectural elements.’ When asked if
there should be an identity for a Kuwaiti architec-
ture, he replied ‘it is not necessary to have an
identity that is applied to every building.’ He believes
that ‘there is no specific period of time that had a
Kuwaiti architectural identity. Yes, there is Najdi,
Hijazii, Iraqi architecture, but in Kuwait there is a
mixture of these architectures.’ In his opinion, the
factors that affect the identity of Kuwaiti architec-
ture are environmental, religious and social, and
what should be the source of Kuwaiti architecture
are traditional Kuwaiti architecture, Islamic, Gulf,
but not desert and Arabic architecture.‘ He agrees
that ‘there should be building codes that help in
finding a Kuwaiti architecture.’
Outcomes
The study revealed that there are commonalities
and differences between the views of Kuwaiti
architects regarding the sources of Kuwaiti cultural
identity. There is a general agreement that the
climate and the environment have a major influ-
ence on the culture of the people and the identity
of architecture. Environmental response to the
climate is a key factor in reflecting the identity of
the country. Located in a harsh desert region,
Kuwait suffers from long hot summers that domi-
nate the image of the weather of the country,
overshadowing the moderate weather of the
winter months.
Kuwait’s location on the tip of the Arabian Gulf
makes it a representative of Gulf architecture. Its
history of sea trading, pearl harvesting and fishing
is part of its traditional cultural identity. Many
architects employ simplistic metaphors of pearl
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Architecture and the
expression of cultural
identity in Kuwait
Yasser Mahgoub
shells and fishing boats in their buildings. The impact
of religion on culture is very significant, and essential
for understanding the needs of the individual for
privacy, family interaction, and space configuration
and orientation. These needs are currently being
modified under the influence of higher economic
standards and global consumerist trends. Religion
is also viewed as a unifying force that integrates
the individual with nature and society, a notion
opposite to the current trend towards individualism
and the display of wealth.
There is an agreement among architects that
there are elements, vocabularies, proportions, and
materials that distinguish traditional Kuwaiti
architecture, but there is no agreement on
whether they should be used again or not. Some
architects think that the reuse of these elements
and vocabulary is essential to achieve a distinctive
Kuwaiti architectural identity that relates contem-
porary architecture to traditional architecture.
Others believe that it is not necessary to use these
elements and vocabularies but it is essential to
respond to climatic conditions and to the specific
needs of Kuwaitis.
There is recognition among Kuwaiti architects
that buildings alone are not sufficient to convey
cultural identity. The context of architecture pro-
vides an important background against which
architecture is understood. Traditional city spaces
provided an important dimension to experience
and provided a meaningful reading of traditional
architecture. When located amongst modern
streets and buildings, traditional elements and
vocabularies read more like Disney World than
authentic architecture.
Discussion
The analysis of several examples of Kuwaiti architects’
projects concluded that there are several strategies
employed by Kuwaiti architects to express a Kuwaiti
cultural identity in their work. A three-dimensional
matrix was developed to illustrate the relationship
between the ranges of these strategies, use of pre-
cedent and building types. The matrix utilises the
four design strategies suggested by Broadbent to cat-
egorise the examples (Broadbent, 1973). They are
identified as pragmatic, iconic, analogical and
canonic. Two more strategies were added to com-
plete the range of the identified strategies; symbolic
and metaphoric. They are utilised in the matrix
according to the following definitions.
1. Pragmatic design strategy utilises the inherited
features of traditional architecture and strives to
reproduce them as they were in the past. It
applies direct copy and paste practices to use
complete examples or elements from traditional
architecture.
2. Iconic design strategy strives to reproduce the
image of traditional architecture by using its
elements and vocabularies to produce new build-
ing types and functions.
3. Analogic design strategy aims to produce archi-
tecture that resembles traditional architecture
without direct copying and pasting of its
elements.
4. Canonic design strategy endeavours to form cul-
tural identity by applying the principles of tra-
ditional architecture without copying its
elements and shapes.
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Figure 6. A matrix
illustrating strategies of
expressing cultural
identity in architecture.
(#the Author.)

5. Symbolic design strategy focuses on reinterpret-
ing the principles and elements of traditional
architecture and avoids any copying and
pasting of elements and shapes.
6. Metaphoric design strategy attempts intention-
ally to depart from being associated with tra-
ditional architecture and to create dramatic
experiences of contemporary cultural identity.
The matrix (Fig. 6) represents the relationship
between these design strategies, sources of identity
and building types and scales. Several examples are
 180
Architecture and the
expression of cultural
identity in Kuwait
Yasser Mahgoub
used to illustrate the commonalities and differences
between strategies. The results of this study support
Greig Crysler’s view that ‘a paradigm shift is under-
way, in which discourses that define traditional
environments as socially and geographically isolated,
non-urban, pre-modern spaces (and often located in
the so-called Third World) are giving way to those
which constitute “tradition” as a contested site of
power relations in a global context.’ He suggests that
this represents an important shift of emphasis
away from idealist conceptions of tradition, to
those which explore how it is grounded in asym-
metrical relations of power that shape, and are
shaped by, among others, the state, the global
economy, the built environment professions, and
writing on tradition itself (Crysler, 2000).
Applicability to field and further research
So this search for identity could give us a much
greater sensitivity not only to our environment,
but to ourselves and to the society in which we
live. It is a by-product of looking at our real pro-
blems, rather than self-consciously trying to find
identity as an end in itself, without worrying
about the issues we face. (Correa, 1983.)
This study investigated the views of Kuwaiti archi-
tects who attempted to produce cultural identity in
their architecture. It analysed examples of their
work, developing a matrix to relate their work to
each other’s and to sources of cultural identity. The
case of Kuwait is relevant to understanding the
same phenomenon recognisable in other parts of
the world that share many aspects of this experi-
ence. It helps us to understand the contradictory
relationship between globalisation and identity as
practised in Kuwait. Future research could investi-
gate the same phenomenon by applying the same
method in different countries and comparing the
results systematically. Additionally, research could
focus on the comparison between developing and
industrialised countries in terms of architects’ views
regarding the representation of cultural identity in
architecture.
The matrix developed by this study is useful for
practitioners and observers of contemporary
architecture in Kuwait for understanding the
current trend towards achieving a cultural identity
in architecture. Further research could include
expatriate architects currently practising in Kuwait,
to compare their views with those of local Kuwaiti
architects. It is important to recognise that this is a
new trend that is just starting and is changing,
with more and more Kuwaiti architects joining this
movement and new building types being con-
structed. As in the case of Singapore,
local architects now have better opportunities to
produce original innovative work, and to actively
contribute towards Singapore’s architectural
manifestation and new directions in the evolving
urban environment. Their intellectual energy
must range beyond the restrictive boundaries of
architecture and urbanism to include participating
in the theoretical discourse of cultural studies,
which has now recognized the essentiality of
meaningful local inputs to achieve viable globali-
zation. (Lim, 2004.)
The expression of cultural identity is manifested in
many ways. Neil Leach challenged the whole
notion of identity as some fixed and stable con-
dition: ‘identities must be perceived in the plural,

as multiple and often seemingly contradictory
modes of personal expression.’ (Leach, 2003,
p. 78.) There are those who express cultural iden-
tity by borrowing from traditional architecture,
believing that the sources of cultural identity are
derived from the past, and there are those who
express a cultural identity that relates to today’s
prosperity and future ambitions. Identity is always
pluralistic, fluid and unstable. It is continuously
constructed and reproduced by the collective
imagination of the community.
The study suggests the following starting points
for action.
. Building codes and regulations should be revised
and incorporate lessons from the traditional archi-
tecture of the country.
. Architectural education should include in its curri-
culum approaches to understanding globalisation
and localisation processes.
. Professional practice should encourage architects
who express cultural identity in their work
through competitions and awards.
. Public awareness should be fostered by public lec-
tures, professional writings and the media.
. Sustainable architecture and urban development
responsive to and expressive of the geographical
and climatic situation should be encouraged and
become common practice.
. The quest for identity should be applied on all
levels. As Silva states ‘it is usually the whole build-
ing fabric, rather than individual buildings that
matters most to the identity of a setting. The char-
acter of a town resides in the sum of its multiple
and often fragmented inter-relationships in space
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Number 2
between buildings themselves, the social mix of
people, its activities and events, and the wider geo-
graphical setting of the town.’ (Silva, 2001.)
There is always a cultural identity expressed in archi-
tecture. The expression might differ from one archi-
tect to the other and from one building to the
other. The collective image of these identities
conveys the degree of agreement or disagreement,
commonalities and differences, harmony and contrast
between the members of the society at any given
period of time. It reflects the shared or non-shared
view of the past, present and future of the world.
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