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Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 6

„CASTELLUM, CIVITAS, URBS“


ZENTREN UND ELITEN IN
FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHEN OSTMITTELEUROPA

CENTRES AND ELITES IN


EARLY MEDIEVAL EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE

Herausgegeben von

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska, Hajnalka Herold,


Péter Straub und Tivadar Vida

QVERENS INVENTI PVLANS H[I]C CAVDET AperTO


„CASTELLUM, CIVITAS, URBS“
CASTELLUM PANNONICUM PELSONENSE

Vol. 6

Redigunt

A Magyar Tudományos Akadémia


Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpontjának Régészeti Intézete
(Archäologisches Institut des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Forschungszentrums
der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften)
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V.
Balatoni Múzeum (Balatoni-Museum)

Budapest • Leipzig • Keszthely • Rahden/Westf.


2015
„CASTELLUM, CIVITAS, URBS“

ZENTREN UND ELITEN


IM FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHEN
OSTMITTELEUROPA

CENTRES AND ELITES


IN EARLY MEDIEVAL
EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE

Herausgegeben von

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska, Hajnalka Herold,


Péter Straub und Tivadar Vida
400 Seiten mit 174 Abbildungen und 7 Tabellen

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung

der Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung


und des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V.,
gefördert durch das Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung

Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska, Hajnalka Herold, Péter Straub und Tivadar Vida (Hrsg.), „Castellum, civitas,
urbs“ – Zentren und Eliten im frühmittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa – Centres and Elites in Early Medieval
East-Central Europe (Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense, Bd. 6, hrsg. v. Archäologischen Institut des
Geisteswissenschaftlichen Forschungszentrums der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, dem
Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V., dem Balatoni-Museum).
ISBN 978-3-89646-156-8

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Vorwort

Mit dem Titel „Castellum, civitas, urbs“ setzt der vorliegende Band den
Themenschwerpunkt der Reihe Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense fort, in
der, von Keszthely-Fenékpuszta ausgehend, Forschungsergebnisse zur römi-
schen Kontinuität, zur Zentralörtlichkeit und zu frühmittelalterlichen Eliten
im mittleren Donauraum und in seinen Grenzregionen präsentiert werden
sollen.
„Civitates“ im frühmittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa stehen seit langem
im Fokus archäologischer und historischer Forschung. Sie gelten als politi-
sche, religiöse und wirtschaftliche Zentren, und als solche ermöglichen sie ei-
nen wichtigen Einblick in die Gesellschafts- und Machtstrukturen ihrer Zeit.
Bei ihrer Untersuchung geht es um die Rekonstruktion und Bestimmung
der infrastrukturellen, wirtschaftlichen und topographischen Voraussetzun-
gen und um die Erarbeitung der regionalen und überregionalen Netzwerke
der einzelnen Orte. Zugleich versucht man die einstigen Einwohner dieser
Siedlungen zu erfassen, wofür häug Gräber und Gräberfelder herangezo-
gen werden. Die Analyse der Bestattungssitten und der Beigaben soll helfen,
einstige soziale Hierarchien zu entschlüsseln.
Bei den Autoren dieses Bandes handelt es sich um ehemalige Alexander-
von-Humboldt-Stipendiaten, sowie ihre Gastgeber und Kooperationspartner
in Deutschland und in Ostmitteleuropa. Dem Jubilar Dr. Béla Miklós Sz%ke,
dem langjährigen Ausgräber und Erforscher des karolingischen Herrschafts-
mittelpunkts Mosaburg/Zalavár und früheren Humboldt-Stipendiaten, zu
Ehre wurden in diesem Band Studien zusammengestellt, die eine Auswahl
an aktuellen Forschungen über Zentren und Eliten im frühmittelalterlichen
Ostmitteleuropa bieten. Die Aufsätze lassen sich in zwei große Themenberei-
che unterteilen. Einerseits geht es um siedlungshistorische Aspekte, um Zen-
tren, ihre Formen und Aufgaben und andererseits um sozialgeschichtliche
Deutungsmuster anhand von Bestattungssitten und Grabbeigaben.
In beiden Kontexten tritt das frühe Christentum als ein wichtiger Faktor
hervor, dessen Entwicklung im Rahmen eines laufenden Forschungsprojek-
tes am Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmit-
teleuropas e. V. untersucht wird. Unter dem Titel „Kontinuität und Diskon-
tinuität des Christentums an der mittleren und unteren Donau zwischen
Spätantike und hohem Mittelalter“ werden hier noch bis 2019 die komplexen
Prozesse untersucht, die mit der Ausbreitung, Mission und Institutionalisie-
rung des Christentums zwischen dem 4. und 11. Jahrhundert einhergingen.
Die Herausgeber möchten an erster Stelle allen Autoren für ihre Beiträ-
ge und Prof. Dr. Róbert Müller sowie Prof. Dr. Michael Schmauder für die
wissenschaftliche Begutachtung der Ausätze danken. Ebenso gilt unser Dank
der Alexander-von-Humboldt-Stiftung, die sich anteilig an den Druckkosten
dieses Bandes beteiligte und somit die Veröffentlichung neuer Forschungs-
ergebnisse ermöglichte. Wir danken auch dem Geisteswissenschaftlichen
Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V., besonders Prof. Dr.
6 Vorwort

Christian Lübke und Prof. Dr. Matthias Hardt, dafür, dass sie das Erschei-
nen der Studien im Rahmen des oben erwähnten Forschungsprojektes unter-
stützt haben, und dem Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung, das
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Januar 2015 Die Herausgeber
Der vorliegende Band ist
The present volume is dedicated to

Prof. Dr. Béla Miklós Sz%ke


zu seinem 65. Geburtstag gewidmet
on his 65th birthday

Béla Miklós Sz%ke hat mit seinen langjährigen Ausgrabungen am karolin-


gerzeitlichen Zentralort von Mosaburg/Zalavár derartig neue Erkenntnisse
erzielen können, dass sie das bisherige Bild über das Pannonien des 9. Jahr-
hunderts komplett veränderten. Er hat nicht nur veraltete Ansichten und for-
schungsgeschichtliche Vorurteile revidiert, sondern vor allem die Bedeutung
von Zalavár mit seinen weit gefächerten historischen und kulturellen Bezie-
hungen zwischen dem Karolingerreich und dem frühmittelalterlichen Medi-
terraneum herausarbeiten können. Damit hat er sowohl der ungarischen als
auch der europäischen Archäologie große Dienste erwiesen.
Er hat in Zalavár und in seiner Umgebung mehrere aus den Schriftquellen
bekannte Kirchen archäologisch identiziert und große Teile der karolinger-
zeitlichen „Pfalz“ sowie mehr als 2000 Bestattungen freigelegt. Béla Miklós
Sz%kes Veröffentlichungen behandeln ebenso Fragen der sozialen Hierarchi-
en, überregionalen Kontakte und präurbanen Entwicklung des frühmittelal-
terlichen Zalavár, wie die Bestattungssitten und Typologie im spätawaren-
zeitlichen Karpatenbecken.
Die internationale Anerkennung von Béla Miklós Sz%kes Forschungen
lässt sich an den regelmäßigen Einladungen zu Konferenzen und Workshops
sowie an seiner Mitarbeit an mehreren Ausstellungsprojekten ablesen. Als
ehemaliger Alexander-von-Humboldt-Stipendiat ist er ein aktives Mitglied
der archäologisch-wissenschaftlichen Community. Seit 2002 ist er Chefre-
dakteur des Jahrbuchs des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften (Anteus). Seit 1984 lehrt er am Archäologischen
Institut der Loránd-Eötvös-Universität und betreut dort auch Master- und
Doktorarbeiten.
Inhalt
5 Vorwort

11 FRANZ GLASER
Teurnia – civitas Tiburnia

27 MICHAEL HUBER
Tiburnia – Liburnia – Lurn: Philologische Beobachtungen zu einem alten
Namensproblem

35 NEVEN BUDAK
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia (8th–11th centuries)

45 ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMÁSKA
Civitates et castra im Lichte der Kontinuitätsforschung: zwei Beispiele aus
Pannonien (5.–7. Jh. n. Chr.)

71 PERICA ŠPEHAR
Remarks to Christianisation and realms in the central Balkans in the light of
archaeological nds (7th–11th c.)

95 PÉTER PROHÁSZKA
Aus der Forschungsgeschichte der Ruinen von Zalavár: Der Bericht des k. k.
Ingenieur-Assistenten Wenzel Schäffer aus dem Jahr 1854

102 ÁGNES RITOÓK


The decline of a central place in the Middle Ages: Zalavár

112 IOAN STANCIU


The wells of the early medieval settlement of Lazuri-Lubi-tag (north-western
Romania, Upper Tisza Basin)

131 ANDRÁS GRYNAEUS, BOGLÁRKA TÓTH AND ISTVÁN BOTÁR


Dendrochronological dating of wooden nds from Transylvania: new results
from the early medieval sites of Lazuri-Lubi-tag and Kakasbarozda-Csúzlik

135 PETER ETTEL


Befestigungen, Burgen und ihre Rolle im Rahmen der Erschließung des
Wasserverkehrsweges zwischen Rhein und Donau im Frühmittelalter

155 FELIX BIERMANN


Mittelzentrum im frühgeschichtlichen Wegenetz – eine slawenzeitliche
Siedlung bei Melzow (Uckermark)

177 MARCIN WO†OSZYN, ANDRZEJ JANECZEK, RADOS†AW DOBROWOLSKI, JAN RODZIK,


PRZEMYS†AW MROCZEK, PIOTR ZAGÓRSKI, KRYSTYNA BA†AGA, IRENA AGNIESZKA
PIDEK, IRKA HAJDAS
Beyond boundaries ... of medieval principalities, cultures and scientic
disciplines. Cherven Towns – insights from archaeology, cartography and
paleogeography
10 Inhalt

197 SEBASTIAN BRATHER


Bestattungen und Grabbeigaben. Religiöse Vorstellungen und soziale
Praktiken in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter

209 RADU HARHOIU


Ein Gräberfeld des östlichen Reihengräberkreises in Sighi‡oara Dealul Viilor
(Gräberfeld 3)

249 NAD`A PROFANTOVÁ


Bronzefunde des 7. Jahrhunderts aus M‰stec Králové (Bez. Nymburk,
Böhmen)

265 JIŠÍ MACHÁ‹EK


Ein Gegenstand unbekannter Funktion im Kontext der großmährischen und
karolingisch-pannonischen Elitengräber

277 JOSEF ZÁBOJNÍK


Zum Verhältnis zwischen Archäologie und Anthropologie am Beispiel
frühmittelalterlicher Gräberfelder aus dem Mitteldonauraum (7.–10. Jahr-
hundert)

293 GERGELY SZENTHE


Über die Aussagekraft der Hinterlassenschaft einer Heidenelite: Spätawaren-
zeitliche Funde auf dem Prüfstand

313 TIVADAR VIDA


Zur Frage des gelben Tafelgeschirrs der frühmittelalterlichen Eliten im
mittleren Donauraum

329 HAJNALKA HEROLD


Technological traditions in early medieval eastern Austria

345 ÁDÁM BOLLÓK


A late Carolingian gilded copper plate from Rétközberencs-Parom-domb

367 PÉTER LANGÓ AND ANDRÁS PATAY-HORVÁTH


Moravian continuity and the conquering Hungarians – a case study based on
grape-bunch pendants

381 GÁBOR LŽRINCZY, PÉTER STRAUB UND ATTILA TÜRK


Die Umstrukturierung der Herrschaftsverhältnisse an der Marosmündung
zu Beginn des 10. Jahrhunderts anhand der archäologischen Quellen

397 Bildnachweis

399 Autoren
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia
(8th–11th centuries)

Neven Budak

In his De administrando imperio Constantine like Constantine Porphyrogenitus. Therefore


Porphyrogenitus described the fate of the prov- the idea that the Slavs, after conquering Dal-
ince of Dalmatia, beginning with the story of matia, had forced all the Romans to move ei-
how Roman troops crossed the river Danube ther into the coastal towns, or islands or higher
which formed the border of the Roman empire, mountains prevailed for a long time. In this way
separating it from the Avars and Slavs1. As in the image of two clearly separate entities was
many other accounts of Late Antique authors, developed: one with a purely Slavic population
this was also an imagined boundary, used to and the other with a predominantly but not ex-
separate, in the mental geography of Constan- clusively Roman one4. Today, however, on the
tine’s readers, two worlds that could not – in basis of interdisciplinary research conducted
their minds – have existed next to each other2. It over the past three or four decades, the situa-
was a common motif in many myths explaining tion is regarded as having been substantially
the origins of early medieval gentes, symbolising different from what had been imagined5. Slavic
the decisive step taken towards the conquest of migration was not massive and the newcom-
their new homelands3. The reality was very dif- ers settled next to the indigenous inhabitants of
ferent, not only in Constantine’s own time, but Dalmatia. There were no clear zones belonging
also in the period he referred to in his work. Nei- to one or the other group, although it seems that
ther in the 7th, nor in the 10th century, did clear the Christianised Romans concentrated along
borders separate ‘Romans’ from ‘Slavs/Avars’, important routes of communication, supported
or for that matter ‘Dalmatians’ from ‘Croats’. by the protection of castra and marked by late
The traditional Croatian (and not only Antique churches, while the pagan newcomers
Croatian) historiography and archaeology appear to have settled mostly away from the
believed almost literally the early medieval ancient roads6. The Slavic advance towards the
sources describing the settlement of the Slavs, sea must have been slower than envisaged and
a Roman population must have prevailed on the
1
islands for centuries, with the possible excep-
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando impe-
rio, 122–123, 140–141. tion of Krk7. Evidently, both the written sources
2
On the different meanings of borders throughout Eu-
4
ropean history, see D. POWER/N. STANDEN (eds), Fron- Such a view is, among others, explicitly taken by Pe-
tiers in Question. Eurasian Borderlands, 700–1700 tar SKOK (1950), a philologist who thought it possible
(Basingstoke 1999); C. R. WHITTACKER, Roman Fronti- to reconstruct ethnic relations in the Early Middle
ers and European Perceptions. Journal of Hist. Socio- Ages by analysing place-names. On the interpreta-
logy 13,4, 2000, 462–482. tions of the early Croatian history, see DZINO 2010,
3
On the origo gentis and the motive of the crossing esp. 14–32.
5
of a river or overcoming some other obstacle, see DZINO 2010, 92–174.
6
H. WOLFRAM, Einleitung oder Überlegung zur Origo N. JAKŠI, Il ruolo delle antiche chiese rurali nella for-
Gentis. In: Idem/W. Pohl (eds), Typen der Ethno- mazione del ducato croato altomedievale. Hortus ar-
genese unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bay- tium medievalium 14, 2008, 103–112.
7
ern I (Vienna 1990) 19–33; W. POHL, Grundlagen der Relying on the linguistic research of Petar SKOK
kroatischen Ethnogenese: Awaren und Slawen. In: (1950), Nada KLAI (1975, 115–119) claimed that Slavs
N. Budak (ed.), Etnogeneza Hrvata (Zagreb 1995) occupied the northern and eastern part of Krk, while
211–223. the Romani kept the rest.
36 Neven Budak

and the archaeological record shed some light region most probably spread from the bay of
on the region close to the Adriatic, but as good Plomin on the eastern Istrian coast towards the
as nothing is known about the situation in the east, encompassing the Kvarner islands and the
interior of what used to be Roman Dalmatia. mainland known as Vinodol all the way to Senj,
The term ‘border’ can have very different if not further, and perhaps also the mountains
meanings, ranging from articially-built obsta- in the hinterland12. The word ‘krajina’ in south-
cles to taboos in our minds. Identities are very Slavic languages is used to describe a border re-
much shaped along these borders as lines of gion (e.g. ‘Vojna krajina‘ = military border, 16th–
confrontation8. On the other hand, borders are 19th century). According to the Cronicon pictum
also lines of contact and cultural or other ex- vindobonense, the Istrian marchgrave Ulrich II
change, which is equally important for the crea- Weimar-Orlamünde occupied this westernmost
tion of identities9. Obviously, such borders ex- part of the Croatian kingdom in 1063, described
isted in all periods, but the lack of sources, both in the chronicle as the Dalmatian march region.
written and material, makes it difcult to trace Regardless of the details in this report being true
them in the Early Middle Ages, especially in or not, it conrms the meaning of the word ‘kra-
regions like Croatia/Dalmatia, where more ap- jina’ as a border region13. Although the source
propriate research results from archaeology and mentioning Ulrich and the Baška Tablet are the
other disciplines are awaited. rst direct evidence for the existence of this bor-
der region, its existence may be traced back to
Political borders the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. In his
description of Croatia he listed all the counties
So what were the borders that can be identi- (‘županije’) which were under the direct au-
ed in Croatia/Dalmatia in the period spanning thority of the king, separately mentioning three
the 8th to the 11th century? What kind of identi- which were under the control of the ‘ban’ who
ties did they help create? was the second most important ofcial after
At the very end of the period examined here, the king14. These three units covered a part of
one of the important sources for Croatian early the territory which later, it seems, formed the
medieval history offers information about an ‘krajina’. Constantine otherwise fails to describe
area which had the function of protecting the the westernmost territory of the kingdom, say-
Kingdom of Croatia from the west. On the so- ing nothing about the region of Vinodol and the
called Baška Tablet, a Glagolitic inscription on mountainous countryside to the north of it, al-
an altar plaque from the Benedictine monastery though he includes it into the territories under
of St Lucy in Baška on the island of Krk dated the command of the Croats15. Were they all a
to c. 1100, the term ‘krajina’ appears10. In spite
krajina meant uncultivated lands, in this case on the
of different opinions about the meaning of the
island of Krk. He discussed the problem of the Croa-
word in this specic case, the term was most tian border zone towards Istria in detail in: MARGETI
probably used to describe the westernmost part 1990, 39–62.
12
of the Kingdom of Croatia and Dalmatia11. This KLAI 1975, 376–381.
13
MARGETI (1990) rejects the whole report as a 14th-
century fantasy, along with the existence of the Dal-
8
R. J. W. EVANS, Essay and Reection: Frontiers and matian march region. However, he did not take into
National Identities in Central Europe. Internat. Hist. account that there was another Krajina, though men-
Rev. 14,3, 1992, 480–502. tioned much later, in the 15th century, on the south-
9
See the essays in: F. CURTA (ed.), Borders, Barriers, eastern border of the Croatian kingdom. This might
and Ethnogenesis. Frontiers in Late Antiquity and provide additional argument for the existence of the
the Middle Ages (Turnhout 2005). Dalmatian march at the other end of the kingdom.
10 14
FUI 1982, 44 (the term Krajina is mentioned in the Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando impe-
dating of the building of the church): „Az opat Dobro- rio, 144–145.
15
vit zdah crkav siju i svojeju bratiju s devetiju v dni Vinodol is located between the sea and the mountains
kneza Kosmata obladajuago vsu Krajinu.“ (= „I, ab- in the hinterland. It is a narrow region with several
bot Dobroslav, built the church with my nine brot- fortresses starting with Trsat near Rijeka in the north.
hers in the time when count Kosmat ruled the Kraji- Trsat was the place where Erich, Charlemagne’s dux,
na“). The inscription should be dated to around 1100. found his death at the beginning of the campaign
11
MARGETI (2000, 372–374) expressed the opinion that against the Avars (W. POHL, Die Awaren. Ein Step-
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia (8th–11th centuries) 37

Croatian town

Byzantine town

borders of Slavonic principalities

border of Byzantine Dalmatia

Fig. 1 Political borders of the Sclavines and of Byzantine Dalmatia.

part of the border zone under the authority of what extent – Dalmatia functioned as a province
the ‘ban’, or did the emperor simply omit rel- before the end of the 8th century, a direct conse-
evant information about this region, leaving it quence of the peace treaty of Aachen in 812 was
out from his report? the establishment of two authorities over two
Nowadays a number of scholars consider parts of the former Roman province17. While
that the history of the Croats started with the Byzantium was able to keep the islands and
confrontation that opposed the Carolingian to some of the coastal towns, the rest of Dalmatia,
the Byzantine powers on the Adriatic at the be- including sections of the coast with abandoned
ginning of the 9th century16. Although it is still or degraded towns like Salona and Nona, came
not sufciently clear whether – and if, hence to under the jurisdiction of Charlemagne and his
count of Friuli18. In the name of the count, a lo-
penvolk in Mitteleuropa 567–822 n. Chr. [München
1988] 321). Evidence about the time when the other
17
castra in Vinodol were erected is lacking, but since Two volumes with proceedings from conferences
some hillforts date back to prehistoric times, it may held on the occasion of the anniversary of the treaty
be assumed that they existed in the Early Middle of Aachen are forthcoming: J. SHEPARD/M. ANI/
Ages, forming a border zone on the fringes of the Ca- T. VEDRIŠ (eds), The Treaty of Aachen, AD 812: The
rolingian empire. If so, who organised this defence Origins and Impact on the Region between the Adri-
system? Was it part of the Byzantine Adriatic limes, atic, Central, and Southeastern Europe (Zadar forth-
or was it a consequence of geopolitical relations crea- coming), and EADEM (eds), Hrvatska arheologija i
ted in the 9th century? Aachenski mir, 812–2012 (Zadar forthcoming). See
16
A. MILOŠEVI (ed.), Hrvati i Karolinzi (Split 2000); also L. STEINDORFF, Kroatien (München 2001) 29–31.
18
BUDAK 2008; DZINO 2010. BUDAK 1997.
38 Neven Budak

cal duke was put in charge with the title of dux between Byzantine and Frankish possessions
Dalmatiae atque Liburniae19. This must have been kept both features: it was a zone of conict, but
the rst time after the collapse of the Late Ro- also an area of contact and cooperation.
man, Byzantine administration in the rst half The separation of the hinterland from the
of the 7th century that a dened border was es- Byzantine coastal area and the establishment of
tablished in Dalmatia. As can be reasonably as- Carolingian sovereignty had a signicant effect
sumed, it was not perfectly dened; indeed in on the region. Slavic groups (which must have
817 the Annals of the Frankish Kingdom men- also originally included indigenous Romanised
tion a dispute among the Dalmatians – Romans populations, by then probably Slavicised22 and
and Slavs – about the line separating them from previously not connected to each other), were
each other: “In eo etiam commorans palatio, ad se now subordinated to one central authority, that
venientem missum (Hludovicus) suscepit Leonis of the local dux23. This unication was then used
Constantinopolitani imperatoris, nomine Niciforum. by a group of warriors who called themselves
Legatio autem, excoepta amicitia et societate, erat de Croats to impose their rule over the Dalmatian
finibus Dalmatarum Romanorum et Slavorum. Et Slavs24. Thus, some time after 820, the Croatian
quia nec hi praesentes errant nec Chadalo finium gens created its own regnum under Frankish pro-
praefectus, neque sine illis haec dirimi poterant, mis- tection and within borders dened by Frankish
sus est in Dalmatiam ad haec pacificanda et compo- and Byzantine diplomats.
nenda Albagarius cum Chadalo, earundem finium Some evidence from the time of Trpimir, the
principe”20. rst ruler who called himself dux Croatorum,
These disputed borders (fines) are the rst hints at what was happening along the border
mention of boundaries in medieval Dalmatia. in question. The famous Saxon Benedictine
Apart from dividing two empires, were they Gottschalk from Orbais, while staying at Trpi-
also borders separating ethnic groups (Slavs and mir’s court, witnessed the duke’s victory over a
Romans), as they are usually understood, or did gens Graecorum and their patricius25. Insufcient
they have some other meaning? Francesco Borri as it is, this brief record tells about a conict on
suggested that 9th- or 10th-century Romani should
be seen as a newly-emerging urban elite, rather 22
What the exact meaning of ‚Slavicising‘ represents re-
than a number of isolated ethnic groups, rem- mains an open question. Does it mean that those who
nants of the indigenous population scattered were not Slavs adopted the Slavic language? Or the
along the coast and on the islands. These urban pagan religion? Did they adopt the material culture
of those initially named ‚Slavs‘? Since so few sources
Romani would have been opposed to the rural are available, it cannot be said that all those living on
Slavs, who again were not an ethnically, but cul- the ‚Slavic‘ side of the border considered themselves
turally dened group21. This would mean that to be Slavs, although they were perceived as such by
these fines did not simply separate two already those naming them from the outside. However, since
there is no evidence of groups described as Roman
existing groups, but that they actually created or Latin living among the Slavs/Croats, it may be
them. All those living on one side of the border, supposed that Slavic identity prevailed among the
regardless of their religion, language or origin, majority of the indigenous population living within
were considered to be Slavs simply because Croatia or the Carolingian part of Dalmatia in the 9th
and 10th centuries.
they were not Roman, and vice versa. 23
BUDAK 1997, 15. In that paper I still refer to Gudus-
The outcome of the dispute remains obscure, cani as Gaani, inhabitants of a part of present-day
but later developments conrm that the border Lika in central Croatia, which was the traditional in-
terpretation of Croatian historians. However, in the
meantime Damir Karbi has expressed the opinion
19
BUDAK 1997, 15 f. that these Guduscani lived around the river Gudua
20
Vita Hludowici imperatoris. In: MGH, SS II, ed. by G. in what is today Dalmatia and throughout the Mid-
H. Pertz (Hanover 1879) 621. Similar versions in: dle Ages was one of the strategic centres of Croatia.
Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris. In: SS rer. See also IDEM, Razvitak hrvatskog etnikog identiteta.
Ger. 64. Ed. by E. Tremp (Hannover 1995) 370, with a In: Z. Nikoli Jakus (ed.), Povijest Hrvata I (Zagreb
quotation also from Annales regni Francorum, 145. forthcoming).
24
21
F. BORRI, Gli Istriani e i loro parenti. 
, Roma- BUDAK 2008, 239–241.
25
ni e Slavi nella periferia di Bisanzio. Jahrb. d. Österr. L. KATI, Rasprave i lanci iz hrvatske povijesti (Split
Byzantinistik 60, 2010, 1–25 here 14. 1993) 108.
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia (8th–11th centuries) 39

the Croatian-Byzantine border. The battle took Christian identity was some kind of an umbrel-
place somewhere in the vicinity of Trpimir’s la identity for the whole population of ancient
residence in Klis, a castle overlooking the ruins Dalmatia, regardless of political boundaries,
of Salona and the road that connected Split with except, of course, for the remaining pagans30. It
the hinterland26. It can be assumed, with good overlapped with the identity of the Dalmatians,
reason, that this gens Graecorum was a Byzan- both Slavs and Romans, as Gottschalk mentions
tine expedition coming from somewhere else, them in his treatise.
and not from Dalmatia. Trpimir, namely, was The dioceses evidently had their own bor-
on good terms with the Archbishop of Split and ders, but they had nothing to do with the po-
this certainly makes it difcult to believe that litical division of the former province of Dal-
the expedition sent against the Croatian ruler matia. Although the bishops were Byzantine
was undertaken by Byzantine Dalmatians or subjects, the Church in Dalmatia was not under
even by the citizens of Split27. the authority of the Patriarch in Constantino-
ple (except in one or two very brief periods),
Ecclesiastical borders but recognised the primacy of the Pope31. The
ecclesiastical situation was additionally com-
Trpimir’s relation to the Church of Split in- plicated by the fact that in 803 Charlemagne or-
dicates that, apart from the political border es- dered that the territories to the south of the river
tablished in 812, there were also other borders Drava – and that included, at least theoretically,
which did not coincide with the line dividing Dalmatia too – had to be subject to the Patriarch
political entities. Trpimir’s charter from 852 in Aquileia32. It seems that indeed the Patriarch
records a donation made by the ruler to the played a role in the Christianising of the Slavs in
Church of Split and its Archbishop Peter28. The Dalmatia, but that, this notwithstanding, the ec-
charter makes it clear that the two were in good clesiastical organisation remained in the hands
relations, since Peter, who was Trpimir’s godfa- of the Dalmatian bishops33.
ther, readily borrowed a certain amount of silver A sudden change in the relations between
which the duke needed for the commissioning Rome and Constantinople, provoked by the
of silverware for his newly-founded monastery. schism of Patriarch Fotius, initiated the estab-
In exchange, Trpimir conrmed to the Arch- lishment of a new order in the division of ec-
bishop a church that was already donated to clesiastical inuences in the region. It seems
the Church of Split by his predecessor Mislav, that the Dalmatian bishops sided with Fotius,
and in addition donated some land along with which was not acceptable to the Croatian ruler
slaves. There is no doubt that the Church of who must have been worried about a grow-
Split, despite being situated on Byzantine ter- ing Byzantine inuence in the region34. Most
ritory, was in charge of the Christians in the
Frankish-Croatian part of Dalmatia too29. The 30
On the Christianisation of Slavs/Croats in Dalmatia,
same must have also been true for other Dalma- see BUDAK 1996, 127–135.
31
tian bishoprics, especially Zadar and Rab. This MARGETI 2000, 133–136.
32
H. WOLFRAM, Die Geburt Mitteleuropas. Geschichte
Österreichs vor seiner Entstehung 378–907 (Berlin
26
The importance of Klis was also noticed by Constan- 1987) 261.
33
tine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, 123: BUDAK 1996, 133.
34
“For near the sea, beneath that same city (Split), lies a Although the situation regarding Fotius‘ schism and
city called Salona, which is half as large as Constanti- its effects in Dalmatia is not quite clear, the letter of
nople, and here all the Romani would muster and be Pope John VIII, dated 10 June 879, seems to suggest
equipped and thence start out and come to the fron- that the Dalmatian bishops reverted from Rome for
tier pass, which is four miles from this same city, and a certain period of time: “Pastorali sollicitudine moti
is called Kleisa to this day, from its closing in those uos, quasi oues dominicas nobis in beato Petro apostolo-
who pass that way.” rum principe commissas, dicente domino: ‘Si diligis me,
27
On Trpimir, see N. BUDAK, Trpimir vodi Hrvatsku Simon Petre, pasce oues meas’, licet pro assidua gentium
prema osamostaljenju. In: F. Šanjek (ed.), Povijest Hr- persecutione nunc usque impediti his modo apostolatus
vata, Srednji vijek (Zagreb 2003) 72–79. nostri litteris uisitare curauimus ammonentes fraternia-
28
STIPIŠI/ŠAMŠALOVI 1967, 3–8. ttem uestram, ut more precessorum uestrorum ad sedem
29
BUDAK 1996, 130. beati Petri apostoli, que caput et magistra est omnium
40 Neven Budak

probably, the creation of a new bishopric, with ruling dynasty in Croatia, it seems, nally stabi-
a bishop whose title was episcopus Croatorum, lised its dominance, turning the Croats into a re-
was founded in Nin/Nona as a sign of loyalty spectable regional military power, as witnessed
either to Rome or to Aquileia35. This bishop was by Constantine Porphyrogenitus38. In addition,
in charge of all the territories that were under the Bulgarians started seriously threatening
the authority of the Croatian ruler, which means Constantinople and the Macedonian emperors
that the borders of his diocese overlapped with needed allies who could help them reduce the
the boundaries of 812, separating his Church pressure on the Balkan provinces39. The Croats
from the other Dalmatian dioceses which were seemed to be a good choice and John Tzimiscus
reduced to their towns and islands. A conict, could have appointed Tomislav, now carrying
this time an ecclesiastical one, resulted in a new the title of rex Croatorum, as governor of Byz-
border or reafrmed the old boundary, thus cre- antine Dalmatia40. In this way the dichotomy of
ating potential for new tensions. Dalmatia was resolved through Tomislav who
The rst attempt to overcome this division
was made by Theodosius, bishop of Nin, after
38
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando impe-
the death of Marinus, archbishop of Split and
rio, 150–151, 158–159. Tibor ŽIVKOVI (Contribution to
the cease of Fotius’ schism. Theodosius tried to the New Reading about the Constantine Porphyro-
impose himself on the see of Split, but without genitus’ Statement on the Numbers of Croat Horse-
abandoning his own bishopric. In this way he men, Foot Soldiers and Sailors in Early 10th Century.
Byzantinoslavica 65, 2007, 1–9) recently suggested
clearly intended to renew the former ecclesiasti-
another reading of this passage, with a more real-
cal province. He turned for support to the Patri- istic estimation of Croatian troops, but so far it has
arch of Aquileia, but even the Pope was ready to not been accepted. For Živkovi’s suggestion and
conrm Theodosius in his uncanonical position commentary on it, with an overview of the earlier
literature on the subject: T. VEDRIŠ, Povodom novog
provided he came to Rome to be given the pal-
tumaenja vijesti Konstantina VII. Porrogeneta o
lium36. The outcome of this affair is not disclosed snazi hrvatske vojske (On the occasion of the new
by our sources, but we may assume that Theo- interpretation of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus’,
dosius failed for some reason, since the province news about the strength of the Croatian army). Hist.
Zbornik 60, 2007, 1–33.
was united only in 925. 39
P. STEPHENSON, Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier. A Politi-
This unication happened under circum- cal Study of the Northern Balkans, 900–1204 (Cam-
stances which were very different from the situ- bridge 2000).
40
ation in the 880s. After the death of Charles the The 16th-century extension of the 13th-century Histo-
ria salonitana of Thomas the Archdeacon should still
Fat in 888, Croatia gained formal independence,
be scrutinised regarding the authenticity of some of
but this opened the way for Byzantium to try its sources, but the majority of scholars agree that
to increase its inuence37. At the same time the the papal letters and other notes regarding the two
ecclesiastical councils held in Split in 925 and 928
are authentic. The Historia salonitana maior refers to
Tomislav, who was rex Chroatorum: Historia salonitana
maior, 96, 98. Most recently, regarding the question
ecclesiarum dei, et ad nos, qui ei diuinitus presidemus, of authenticity, see V. PROZOROV, The Passion of St.
toto animo libentique uoluntate reuerti studeatis, quate- Domnius: The Tradition of Apostolic Succession in
nus inde summi honorem secerdotii et totius institutionis Dalmatia. In: B. Lourié/A. Mouraviev (eds), Scrin-
ecclesiastice formam sumatis, unde parentes ac precessores ium, vol. 2: Universum Hagiographicum. Mémorial
uestros melliflua sancte predicationis et doctrine apostolice R. P. Michel van Esbroeck, S. J. (1934–2003), (Saint
potasse fluenta recolitis. Reminisci namque debitis, quanta Petersburg 2006) 219–239 esp. 229. See also V. PRO-
eosdem precessores uestros prospera evidentissime comi- ZOROV, Where he is, thither will the eagles be gath-
tabantur, quando ad limina Petri, celestis regni clauigeri, ered together: The metropolitan status of the bishop
deuoto pectore quasi proprii filii confluebant; et quanta of Spalato from the decline of Salona until the coun-
postmodum nunc usque sustinueritis aduersa, cum ab ea cils of Spalato in 925 and 928. In: J. S. Ott/T. Vedriš
uos quasi alienos separare non dubitatis.” (Codex diploma- (eds), Saintly Bishops and Bishops’ Saints. Bibl. Hagi-
ticus, 16 f.). otheca, Ser. Coll. II (Zagreb 2012) 103–122; N. BUDAK,
35
BUDAK 1996, 132. Historia Salonitana and Historia Salonitana Maior: a
36
Information about this affair in the letters of Pope contribution to the debate about the relation of the
Stephen VI (886/887), sent to Bishop Theodosius and two texts. In: M. Willer/M. Tomi (eds), Summer
Patriarch Walpert (Codex diplomaticus, 19–22). School in the Study of Historical Manuscripts (Zadar
37
BUDAK 1997, 17. 2013) 101–131.
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia (8th–11th centuries) 41

episcopal center

archiepiscopal center
place of a Glagolitic inscription

area of the Glagolitic expansion

Fig. 2 Borders of the archbishoprics and spread of the Glagolitic script.

was ruling both parts at the same time. The per- by the fact that these three dioceses did not ac-
son of the king abolished, at least temporarily, tually exist and that their territories lay outside
the border between the two entities. the traditional borders of the three Dalmatian
After the cancellation of the political border, bishoprics mentioned. For the bishops of Split,
the next step was to reunite the ecclesiastical Zadar, and Rab it was of the utmost importance
province. Pope John X agreed to the plea of the to re-establish the boundaries of their respective
Dalmatian bishops to convoke a synod in order bishoprics as they had been before the founda-
to elect one of them as the Metropolitan41. After tion of the diocese of Nin in the 860s. It appears,
a rst synod in 925, another was held three years however, that the attempt to renew one of the
later because of the complaints of the bishops of old, extinguished sees was unsuccessful – if
Zadar and Nin, who were not content with the there ever was such an attempt – because two
election of the archbishop of Split. Finally it was of the sees never again appear in the sources,
decided to abolish the diocese of Nin and to di- while the third (Skradin) is mentioned for the
vide its territory among the bishoprics of Split, rst time only in 1125, after the bishopric was
Zadar, and Rab, while the bishop of the Croats transferred from Biograd, which was sacked by
had to choose one of the ancient, long-vacant, the Venetians, to Skradin.
sees in the interior of Dalmatia. He was even Byzantine Dalmatia and Croatia were thus
allowed to take three of them. This decision, united in one ecclesiastical province and ruled
contrary to canonical law, can only be explained by one king who was at the same time a re-
presentative of the Byzantine emperor. Still, this
41
Historia salonitana maior, 98 f.
42 Neven Budak

did not mean that internal boundaries ceased to those who prayed and preached in Slavonic be-
exist. Apart from those demarcating one diocese came less clear: the centre of gravity of Slavonic
from another and the territories of single towns liturgy moved to the northern Dalmatian is-
from their surroundings, there were also other lands, but it seems that churches in which either
borders, not territorial, but cultural. As men- language was used were mixed and could stand
tioned, the rural world of the Slavs was sepa- next to each other44.
rated by such borders from the urban world of Finally, regarding the ecclesiastical sphere,
the romani. there were boundaries dividing the zones of in-
But then, there were boundaries between lit- uence of certain saints and their cults. Usually
urgies, the Latin and the Slavonic, which again these were limited to the territories of single ci-
divided bishoprics following different patterns. ties, but the example of St. Chrysogonus shows
The synod of 925 was faced with the request of that it was possible for a saint’s cult to pene-
Pope John X to stop the spread of what he called trate the territory outside a city’s boundaries45.
`Methodius’ doctrine`, but was actually the Sla- This, of course, indicates contacts between the
vonic liturgy introduced by missionaries from citizens and their rural neighbours which were
Byzantium42. It seems, from the conclusions of maintained across the political border. Dona-
the synod, that this liturgy was spreading in tions and foundations made by Croatian rulers
the southern dioceses of Dubrovnik, Kotor, and and lords in Dalmatian cities are a clear sign
Ston, the borders of which encompassed a large of these contacts, instigated, among others, by
area inhabited by a predominantly Slavic popu- the popularity of single cults46. But saints could
lation43. Evidently, Dalmatian bishops, although mark different territories, like royal possessions,
belonging to the ‘Roman’ cultural sphere, did separating them from neighbouring land. The
not hesitate to make use of Slavonic liturgy in cult of St Bartholomew was apparently used
order to integrate into their dioceses the pre- precisely for the purpose of guarding royal resi-
dominantly Slavic and rural population. Thus dences or estates47.
at the moment of its reunication, the ecclesi-
44
astical province was divided by liturgical prac- For a traditional interpretation of the spread of Sla-
vonic liturgy in Croatia/Dalmatia, see E. HERCIGONJA,
tice and by the different intensity of inuences
Glagoljaštvo i glagolizam. In: I. Supii (ed.), Hrvat-
from Byzantium. By the second half of the 11th ska i Europa, vol. 1: Rano doba hrvatske culture (Za-
century, when this issue was raised once again, greb 1997) 369–398.
45
the lines separating the clergy using Latin from A few years ago an inscription was found in the
village of Otres, bearing names of several saints to
whom this 9th-century church was dedicated. Among
42
R. KATII, Methodii doctrina. Slovo 36, 1986, 13–43; other saints, St Chrysogonus was also mentioned; he
Historia salonitana maior, 95 (letter of Pope John X to was venerated in Zadar and later became its protec-
the archbishop of Split): “Et quia fama revelante cog- tor saint. Otres lies near Bribir, one of the most im-
novimus per confinia vestre parochie aliam doctrinam portant centres of early medieval Croatia, but out-
pululare, que in sacris voluminibus non reperitur, vpbis side Zadar’s territory. It is not clear when the cult
tacentibus et consentientibus, valde doluimus iuxta illud was adopted in Zadar, but there is not much reason
apostoli: “Si quis aliud docuerit preter id, quod in sacris to believe that it was imported from inner Croatia. It
canonibus atque voluminibus reperitur, etiam si angelus is much more probable that his adoption by a mem-
de cello fuerit, anathema sit.” ber of the Croatian elite served in building connec-
43
N. BUDAK, Prilog valorizaciji humsko-dukljanskog tions with the elite of Zadar. On the inscription, see
kulturnog podruja u prvim fazama njegova razvitka M. ZEKAN, Pet natpisa kneza Branimira s posebnim
(do 12. st.), (La valorisation de la région culturelle de osvrtom na nalaz iz Otresa. Kai 25, 1993, 405–420
Hum-Duklja dans les première phases de son déve- here 417. On the early cult of St Chrysogonus in Za-
loppement jusqu’á 12e siècle). Starohrvatska prosvje- dar: T. VEDRIŠ, Memoria S. Chrysogoni: between the
ta III,16, 1986, 125–139. The theory about the initial legend of the relic transfer and the ownership of the
spread of Glagolitic literacy in the southern Dalma- monastic land. In: I. Benyovsky/Z. Pešorda Vardi
tian territories was conrmed by the recovery of (eds), The Town of the Croatian Middle Ages: Au-
two Glagolitic inscriptions from the surroundings of thority and Property (Zagreb forthcoming).
46
Dubrovnik. See M. UNI, Novo itanje hrvatskoga N. BUDAK, Foundations and Donations as a Link
glagoljskoga Konavoskoga natpisa iz 11. stoljea between Croatia and Dalmatia in the Early Middle
(A new reading of the Croatian Glagolitic Konavle Ages (9th–11th c.). Jahrb. Gesch. Osteuropas 55,4, 2007,
inscription from the 11th century). Slovo 59, 2009, 483–490.
47
123–133. N. BUDAK, Was the cult of St. Bartholomew a royal op-
Early medieval boundaries in Dalmatia/Croatia (8th–11th centuries) 43

A very fashionable current topic in Croatian Sources


scholarship is the thesis concerning pagan tri-
angles, formed by dedicating places in the land- Codex diplomaticus 1967
scape to Slavic divinities: Perun, Mokoš and Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et
Veles. The authors of this thesis believe that in Slavoniae v. 1, ed. by J. Stipiši/M. Šamšalovi
this way Slavic settlers drew demarcation lines (Zagreb 1967).
differentiating them from their neighbours, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando
forming units that might be described as ‘župe’. imperio
Christianisation later replaced pagan cults with Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administran-
Christian ones, and hence these borders lost do imperio, ed. by Gy. Moravcsik, english trans-
their meaning48. lation by R. J. H. Jenkins (Budapest 1949).
Historia salonitana maior
Historia salonitana maior, ed. by N. Klai (Bel-
Conclusions
grade 1967).

Examining different borders and boundaries


makes it possible to construct a picture of a com-
References
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be looked upon as a single feature composed
BUDAK 1996
of a network of relations, but also as a pyra-
N. Budak, Pokrštavanje Hrvata i neki problem
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But by constructing such a picture it is always (Zagreb 1996) 127–136.
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sources and that the words preserved in docu- um. Hortus artium medievalium 3, 1997, 15–22.
ments did not necessarily mean the same to the BUDAK 2008
people of those days as they do today, just as N. Budak, Identities in Early Medieval Dalma-
the features of ecclesiastical supremacy or the tia (7th–11th c.). In: I. Garipzanov/P. Geary/P.
prevalence of one or another liturgical language Urbanzcyk (eds), Franks, Northmen and Slavs:
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val Europe (Turnhout 2008) 223–241.
we tend to imagine. Early medieval identities
DZINO 2010
and the borders separating them remain rather
D. Dzino, Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat.
obscure to the modern scholar, but a tempting
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jeku (Zagreb 1975).
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(eds), ...The Man of Many Devices, Who Wandered
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48
On how Slavic place-names developed in relation to L. Margeti, Hrvatska i Crkva u srednjem vije-
pagan religion, see R. KATII, Perunovo svetište nad ku. Pravnopovijesne i povijesne studije (Rijeka
Mošenicama u svjetlu toponimije i topograje. In: 2000).
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naše pretkršanske starine (Zagreb, Mošenika Dra- SKOK 1950
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zbornik 3,3, 2006, 5–39. otocima vol. I–II (Zagreb 1950).
44 Neven Budak

Summary

Traditional historical research envisaged two clearly dened entities in ancient Dalmatia, i.e. Slavs
and Romans. Today, different interpretations are being developed. The Slavic migration was not mas-
sive and the newcomers settled next to the indigenous inhabitants of Dalmatia. However, Dalmatia
came under two separate, Byzantine and Carolingian, powers, under the Treaty of Aachen in AD 812.
The border that came into being did not reect the existence of two already separate groups, but rather
it created such a partition. The Slavic groups were united under a local dux and were used by a group
of warriors – who called themselves Croats – to impose their rule over the Dalmatian Slavs. Shortly
after AD 820 the reign (regnum) of the Croatian gens was established under Frankish suzerainty.
There were also ecclesiastical boundaries which did not coincide with the political lines of demar-
cation. An attempt to overcome the division of Dalmatia began with the appointment of Tomislav, the
rex Croatorum, as governor of Byzantine Dalmatia. After the synod of Split in AD 928 the old ecclesias-
tical borders were re-established. But boundaries between the Latin and Slavonic liturgies remained
in place, as did the zones of inuence of the saints and their respective cults.
The examination of different lines of demarcation and boundaries enables us to construct a com-
plex picture of Dalmatian/Croatian society. It is seen as a multiple network which marked the social
entities and identities that were created by the coexistence of opposites and contacts along diverse
borders.

Zusammenfassung

Frühmittelalterliche Grenzen in Dalmatien, Kroatien (8. bis 11. Jahrhundert)

Die traditionelle historische Forschung sah zwei klar getrennte Einheiten im spätantiken Dalmati-
en: Slawen und Romanen. Heute kann die Lage anders bewertet werden. Die slawische Migration war
nicht massenhaft und die Neuankömmlinge haben sich neben den ansässigen Einwohnern niederge-
lassen. Infolge des Vertrags von Aachen (812) kam es zur Teilung Dalmatiens zwischen Byzanz und
dem Frankenreich. Die dabei entstandenen Grenzen haben nicht zwei bereits bestehende Gruppen
getrennt, sie haben sie vielmehr erschaffen. Die slawischen Gruppen wurden unter einem lokalen dux
vereint und von einer Gruppe von Kriegern, die sich als Kroaten bezeichneten, dafür genutzt, ihre
Herrschaft über die dalmatinischen Slawen zu verhängen. Kurz nach 820 entstand das regnum der
kroatischen gens unter fränkischer Oberhoheit.
Es existierten darüber hinaus auch kirchliche Grenzen, die sich nicht mit den politischen über-
lappten. Ein Versuch, die Teilung Dalmatiens zu überwinden, begann mit der Ernennung von Tomis-
lav, dem rex Croatorum, als Verwalter des byzantinischen Dalmatien. Nach der Synode von Split 928
konnten auch die alten kirchlichen Grenzen wieder hergestellt werden. Es bestanden aber weiterhin
Grenzen zwischen der lateinischen und slawischen Liturgie und den Einusszonen der Heiligen und
ihrer Kulte.
Die Erforschung von Grenzen ermöglicht ein komplexes Bild der dalmatinischen/kroatischen Ge-
sellschaft zu konstruieren. Es handelt sich dabei um ein Netzwerk mit verschiedenen Funktionen,
die die sozialen Entitäten und Identitäten, welche durch Gegensätze und Kontakte entstanden sind,
geprägt haben.
Bildnachweis / Sources of illustrations

11–26 Franz Glaser: Abb. 1 Plan: Verf. unter Verwendung von Luftaufnahmen (S. Tichy) und geophysikali-
schen Messungen (St. Groh, V. Lindinger). – Abb. 2 Zeichnung: G. Gruber. – Abb. 3 Zeichnung: Verf.
und H. Mühlbacher. – Abb. 4 und 6 Zeichnung: Verf. – Abb. 5 Foto: Verf.
55–44 Neven Budak: Figs. 1–2 Prof. Dr. Ivan Jurkovi, Univ. Pula (HR).
45–70 Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska: Abb. 1–4 Verf., technische Bearbeitung K. Kolozsvári und L. Goldmann.
– Abb. 5 Grundkarte: Erste militärische Vermessung der Österreich-Ungarischen Monarchie (1780),
Syrmien (Kriegsarchiv Wien, B IXa. 883), Pläne nach JEREMI 2009, Abb. 1; POPOVI 2013, Fig. 36. – Abb.
6 verändert nach JEREMI 2006, Abb. 7, und POPOVI 1982, Abb. 3; 12. – Abb. 7,1 verändert nach POPOVI
2012, Fig. 1; 2 verändert nach JEREMI 2009, Abb. 20.
71–94 Perica Špehar: Fig. 1 Author. – Fig. 2,1–2 after JOVANOVI/KORA/JANKOVI 1986, gs. 18–19. – Fig. 2.3a after
MILOŠEVI 1997, sl. 157. – Fig. 3a after WERNER 1950, Abb. 2. – Fig. 3b after IVANIŠEVI 2012, Fig. 1. – Fig. 4 after
POPOVI/MRKOBRAD 1986, Fig. 3. – Fig. 5 after ŠPEHAR 2007, Pl. 2. – Fig. 6 after BUGARSKI 2008, gs. 2–3. – Fig.
9 after ILOŠEVI 1997, sl. 39–40). – Fig. 7 after GARAŠANIN/VASI 1987, sl. 14. – Fig. 8,1–6 after ARJANOVI-
VUJOVI, Pl. 3. – Fig. 8,7 after MARJANOVI-VUJOVI 1983, sl. 98. – Fig. 10 after JOVANOVI/ VUKSAN 2005, Pl. II–
IV, VI–VII. – Fig. 11–14 after POPOVI/BIKI 2009, sl. 84, 86, 96, 102–103, 106. – Fig. 14,1–8 after POPOVI 1999,
sl. 89, 92–93, 99–100. – Fig. 15A after POPOVI 1999, sl. 105–106. – Fig. 15B after MINI 1984, Pl. 2–3. – Fig.
16 after BIKI 1994, sl. 12–15. – Fig. 17 after JANKOVI 1981, sl. 7. – Fig. 18 after ERCEGOVI-PAVLOVI , 1986,
T. II-III. – Fig. 19 after INI/MI 1974, Pl. I–II. – Fig. 20 after ANKOVI 1984, Pl. 125–126.
95–101 Péter Prohászka: Abb. 1. Militärmuseum Budapest, Archiv, Nr. XXIV-58. CS. SÓS 1963, Abb. 29. – Abb.
3 nach ENTZ 1964, 18, Abb. 10–11; Abb. 4–5 nach RÉCSEY 1892, 67, Abb. 3–4.
102–111 Ágnes Ritoók: Fig. 1 Author. – Fig. 2 Modied by the author after VÁNDOR 1996 (note 24) 162.
112–130 Ioan Stanciu: Fig. 1 Graphic representation based on a 1938 map that used prior cartographic sources
(http://foldepites.wordpress.com/terkepek/). – Figs 2–8 Author. – Fig. 9, 1–1a; 3–3a Author; 2 after
LAZIN 1981–1982, g. 2; 4 after MESTERHÁZY 1990, g. 6,2.
135–154 Peter Ettel: Abb. 1 nach Grundkarte KOCH 2008, Abb. 1, ergänzt, Graphik A. Schroeter. – Abb. 2,1 Verf.;
2a nach KOCH 2008, Abb. 12 ergänzt; 2b nach R. KOCH, Fossa Carolina. In: W. Jahn u. a. (Hrsg.), Edel und
Frei. Franken im Mittelalter (Forchheim 2004) 144, Abb. 33; 2c Foto: O. Braasch, Archivnr. 7130/027.
– Abb. 3,1 nach KORTÜM 2005, 155, Abb. 166; 2a n. L. WAMSER, Befestigte Anlagen des frühen bis spä-
ten Mittelalters in den Ruinen des Römerkastells Miltenberg - Altstadt. In: BÖHME 1991, 243, Abb. 5,3;
b Ebd. 237, Abb. 1. – Abb. 4,1–3 nach SCHULZE-DÖRRLAMM 2013, Abb. 63 (1), Abb. 81 (2), Abb. 80 (3). –
Abb. 5,1 nach E. WINTERGERST/S. CODREANU-WINDAUER, Regensburg - eine mittelalterliche Großstadt an
der Donau. In: WIECZOREK/HINZ 2000, Bd. 1, 181; 2 nach S. CODREANU-WINDAUER, Neue Ergebnisse zur
frühen Stadtbefestigung Regensburgs. In: ERICSSON/LOSERT 2003, 93, Abb. 1A. – Abb. 6,1–3 Verf. – Abb.
7,1 ROSENSTOCK 2001, 57, Karte 2; 2a nach K. H. RIEDER, Eichstätt. In: Führer zu Arch. Denkmälern in
Deutschland 15,2: Landkreis Weißenburg-Gunzenhausen (Stuttgart 1987) 44, Abb. 18; 2b RIEDER 2010,
Abb. 6. – Abb. 8,1–2 nach W. JANSSEN/L. WAMSER, Neue Ausgrabungen auf dem Michelsberg und in
der Klosterkirche St. Peter und Paul in Neustadt am Main, Landkreis Main-Spessart, Unterfranken.
Arch. Jahr Bayern 1982, 136, Abb. 117,2 (1), 138, Abb. 120,1 (2). – Abb. 9 – Kartengrundlage Digitales
Geländemodell (DGM1) Geobasisdaten © Bayerische Vermessungsverwaltung, kartiert von Verf./
R. Obst/L. Werther/A. Wunschel. – Abb. 10,1 erstellt v. M. Kirmair u. U. Wittki im Jahre 1975, Ände-
rungen u. Ergänzungen durch R. Obst 2008; 2 LiDAR-Scan, Bayer. Landesamt f. Vermessung u. Geo-
information; 3–5 Verf.; 6 R. Obst aus Ausstellung „Eine Welt in Bewegung“ in Paderborn u. Würzburg
2008.
155–176 Felix Biermann: Abb. 1 Kartierung Verf. – Abb. 2 Landesvermessung und Geobasisinformation Bran-
denburg, Kartierung S. Schwarzländer. – Abb. 3 Landesvermessung und Geobasisinformation Bran-
denburg, Bearbeitung Verf. – Abb. 4 Foto: Verf. – Abb. 5–9 Zeichnung O. Blum. – Abb. 10 Fotos: 1 Verf;
3–11 D. und K. Sommer (teils vor Restaurierung). – Abb. 11–12 Fotos: K. Sommer.
177–196 Marcin Wo oszyn et al.: Fig. 1 drawn by I. Jordan. – Fig. 2,1 photograph: S. Or owski; 2 after KU
NIERZ
2011, g. 2, redrawn by J. O óg. – Fig. 3,1 photograph: S. Or owski; 2 after FLOREK 2012, g. 1, redrawn
by J. O óg. – Fig. 4 Kriegsarchiv Wien, B IXa. 390, sheets nos. 228 and 254, computer design: P. Za-
górski. – Fig. 5 drawn by P. Zagórski. – Fig. 6 map based on geoportal.gov.pl (2.12.2014). – Figs. 7,1–2
drawn by P. Zagórski.
197–208 Sebastian Brather: Abb. 1 verändert nach WILLIAMS 2006, 21 Abb. 1.3. – Abb. 2 verändert nach P. JEZLER,
Jenseitsmodelle und Jenseitsvorsorge. Eine Einführung. In: Ders. (Hrsg.), Himmel, Hölle, Fegefeuer.
Das Jenseits im Mittelalter (Zürich 1994) 13–26 hier 14 Abb. 2–3. – Abb. 3 nach P. de PALOL/G. RIPOLL,
Die Goten. Geschichte und Kunst in Westeuropa (Stuttgart 1990) Taf. 12. – Abb. 4 nach WAMERS/PÉRIN
2012, 100. – Abb. 5 Verf. – Tab. 1 verändert nach BRATHER-WALTER/BRATHER 2012, 140 Tab. 2.
398 Bildnachweis / Sources of illustrations

209–248 Radu Harhoiu: Tab. 1–2 Verf. – Abb. 1a nach Army Map Service. Sheets 3887 II – III, Ausgabe 1-AMS,
1960: b Kartengrundlage: Erste militärische Vermessung der Österreich-Ungarischen Monarchie. –
Abb. 2 Grak: Daniel Spânu. – Abb. 3–6 Verf., Bearbeitung: Daniel Spânu. Abb. 7A–C und 8–14 Zeich-
nung: Daniel Spânu. – Abb. 15 nach BÂRZU/HARHOIU 2001, Abb. 1. – Abb. 16 Verf., bearb. von Daniel
Spânu. – Abb. 17a–c Grak. Daniel Spânu. – Abb. 18 nach KOVÁCS 1913, Abb. 1. – Abb. 19a nach HAR-
HOIU u. a. 2011, Abb. 36A; b umgezeichnet nach HOREDT 1986, 35 Abb. 15. – Abb. 20a nach HARHOIU/
SPÂNU/GÁLL 2011, Abb. 37.
249–264 Na a Profantová: Tab. 1 erstellt von D. Perlík. – Abb. 1 Zeichnung: Helena Minar íková. – Abb. 2,2
nach PRICHODNJUK 2005, Abb. 36,1; 3 nach CURTA 2009, Abb. 8,23. – Abb. 2,1; 3; 6 Zeichnung Lucie
Raslová. – Abb. 4,1–3 nach PROFANTOVÁ 2008a, Abb. 13; 4 nach N. PROFANTOVÁ 2013, Abb. 3,2; 5 nach
BICHÁEK im Druck (vgl. Anm. 74). – Abb. 5 Foto: D. Perlík.
265–276 Jií Machá ek: Abb. 1 Karte: Verf. – Abb. 2 Plan: Petr Dresler. – Abb. 3 Foto: Archiv des Inst. für Arch.
und Museologie, Phil. Fak. der Masaryk Univ. Brno. – Abb. 4A–B Zeichnung: Soa Plchová. – Abb.
5 Foto: Josef Špa ek. – Abb. 6,1–4 Zeichnung: Soa Plchová. Umgezeichnet nach GALUŠKA 1996, Abb.
85; PROFANTOVÁ 2003, Abb. 36; SZKE 2010, Abb. 19. – Abb. 7 nach POULÍK 1963, Abb. 14. – Abb. 8 Plan:
Šimon Ungerman, nachbearbeitet von Verf. – Abb. 9 nach GALUŠKA 1996, Abb. 34.
277–292 Jozef Zábojník: Abb. 1–2; 4 Zeichnung: Helena Vanglová (unveröff. Ausgrabungen des Verf.). – Abb. 3
nach TOÍK 1992, Abb. 71,6. – Abb. 5 nach ILINSKÁ 1982, Abb. 1,2. – Abb. 6 nach NEVIZÁNSKY, 2006, Taf.
IV,1.
293–312 Gergely Szenthe: Abb. 1–2; 3,1; 4,2; 5,1; 6,2–3; 9 Ungarisches Nationalmuseum, Budapest, Fotos: Verf.,
Dabasi und Kardos. –Abb. 3,1 nach GSCHWANTLER 2002, 22; 3 Zeichnung nach GARAM 1993, Taf. 98,4;
4 und 7 nach GARAM 2002a, Abb. 31; 5–6 nach LÁSZLÓ/RÁCZ 1977, Abb. 4 und 31. – Abb. 4,1 nach
GSCHWANTLER 2002, 17. – Abb. 5,2 GARAM 2001, Taf. XXXV,1. – Abb. 6,1 nach GSCHWANTLER 2002, 41. –
Abb. 7–8 Déri József Múz., Debrecen, Foto: Verf., Zeichnung: István Dienes.
313–328 Tivadar Vida: Abb. 1,1, 5 GARAM 1975, 63, Abb. 12; 317, Abb. 2; 2 I. ERDÉLYI, A jánoshidai avar temet
(Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Jánoshida). Rég. Füz. 1, 1958, Abb. 26; 3, 6 Magyar Nemzeti
Múzeum, Inv.-Nr. 50.1891.79 und 123.1909.5., Fotos: Tibor Kádas; 4 D. DIMITRIEVI/K. KOVAEVI/
ZD. VINSKI, Seoba naroda – arheološki nalazi Jugoslovenskog Podunavlja (Zemun 1962) 58, Mus. Novi
Sad (SRB), Inv.-Nr. A 3193. – Abb. 2,1 GARAM 1975, 73, Abb. 22; 2 N. FETTICH, Das awarenzeitliche
Gräberfeld von Pilismarót-Basaharc. Stud. Arch. 3 (Budapest 1965) Taf. 24; 3 HORVÁTH 1935, Taf. 17;
4 Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum. Nr. 161 125., Foto: Tibor Kádas. – Abb. 3,1 NORDHEDGE 1992, Fig. 132,2;
2 PICCIRILLO/ALLIATA 1994, 283 f., Fig. 95; 3 DELOUGAZ/HAINES 1960, Pl. 57,24; 4, 6 SMITH/MCNICOLL/
HENESSY 1983, 55 f., Figs. 11,1–2; 5 BUKO 1998, 255, g. 2,2; 7–8 CURTA 2000, 268, Fig. 1. – Abb. 4,1–3
DANNHEIMER 1989, Taf. 27,49; 21,38; 25,46. – Abb. 5 JOTOV/PAVLOVA 2004, 35 f., Nr. 13. – Abb. 6 KÖLT/
SZENTPÉTERI 1996, 115 (Abb. Buchrücken, oben links). – Abb. 7 SZKE 2014, 110 f., Abb. 92–99.
239–344 Hajnalka Herold: Fig. 1 Author; Figs. 2–5 Photo Laboratory, Dep. of Prehist. and Medieval Arch., Univ.
of Vienna; Figs. 6–7 and Tab. 1–2 Author.
345–366 Ádám Bollók: Fig. 1 Photographs: Author/Ádám Bíró. – Fig. 2,1–2 Photographs: Author/Ádám Bíró;
3 Drawing: István Ö. Dienes, after DIENES 1986, 111, g. 54. – Fig. 3,1–2 after WILHELMY 2013, 153, Cat.
no. 31; 3 after LENNARTSSON 1997/1998, pl. 5.2. – Fig. 4 after HINTON/KEENE/QUALMANN 1981 (note 51)
g. 6. – Fig. 5,1–2 after LENNARTSSON 1997–1998, pl. 15,3; 3 after HAUCK 1974 (note 50), pl. II,2. – Fig. 6,1
after BERTELLI/BROGIOLO 2000, 508, g. 366; 2 after BERTELLI/BROGIOLO 2000, 510, g. 370; 3 after I. BELLI
BARSALI, La diocese di Lucca. Corpus della scultura altomedievale I (Spoleto 1959) pl. XIIb. – Fig. 7 after
WINTERER 2013, 76, g. 46. – Fig. 8 after STEENBOCK 1965, g. 42.
367–380 Péter Langó and András Patay-Horváth: Fig. 1,1 after REJHOLCOVÁ 1995, Tab. LVII; 2 after FUSEK 2003,
Abb. 2. – Fig. 2,1 after REJHOLCOVÁ 1995, Tab. LXVIII; 2 photographs: Á. Bíró; drawing after TOÍK 1971
(note 64), Taf. XXXV. – Fig. 3,1 after GIESLER 1981, Taf. 3; 2 after GRIGOROV 2007, 136; 3 after HANULIAK
2004, Obr. 171a. – Fig. 4,1–7 and Fig. 5 Authors.
381–396 Gábor Lrinczy u. a.: Tab. 1 Autoren. – Abb. 1 Kartengrundlage: Zweite militärische Vermessung der
Österreich-Ungarischen Monarchie, Bearbeitung: G. Lrinczy. – Abb. 2 Grasche Bearbeitung: Edit
Ambrus.
Autoren / Authors

Dr. Krystyna Ba aga A. o. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Franz Glaser


Maria Curie-Sklodowska University Landesmuseum Kärnten
Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography Museumgasse 2
Krasnicka 2cd A–9020 Klagenfurt
PL–20-718 Lublin franz.glaser@ktn.gv.at

PD Dr. Felix Biermann Dr. András Grynaeus, PhD


Georg-August-Universität Göttingen Hungarian Dendrochronological Laboratory
Seminar für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Széher út 76/A
Nikolausberger Weg 15 H–1021 Budapest
D-37073 Göttingen dendro@ludens.elte.hu
felix.biermann@phil.uni-goettingen.de
Dr. Irka Hajdas
Dr. Ádám Bollók, PhD ETH Zürich,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Institute of Particle Physics (IPP)
Research Centre for the Humanities Laboratory of Ion Beam Physics
Institute of Archaeology Schafmattstrasse 20
Úri u. 49 CH–8093 Zürich
H–1014 Budapest
bollokadam@yahoo.de Dr. Radu Harhoiu
Institut für Archäologie «Vasile Pârvan»
István Botár der Rumänischen Akademie
Str. Henri Coand Nr. 11
Csíki Székely Museum
RO–71119 Bukarest
Dendrochronological Laboratory of Transylvania
rzharh@yahoo.de
Szabadság-tér 10/B/35
RO–530100 Csíkszereda
Dr. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska
botaristvan@yahoo.com
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum
dendrolabor@gmail.com
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V.
an der Universität Leipzig
Prof. Dr. Sebastian Brather
Reichsstraße 4–6
Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg
D–04109 Leipzig
Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften
heintama@uni-leipzig.de
Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie und Archäologie des
Mittelalters
Dr. Hajnalka Herold
Belfortstraße 22 Department of Archaeology, University of Exeter
D–79085 Freiburg Laver Building, North Park Road
sebastian.brather@ufg.uni-freiburg.de UK–Exeter EX4 4QE
h.herold@exeter.ac.uk
Prof. Dr. Neven Budak
University of Zagreb Dr. Michael Huber
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Mariahilferstraße 99/23
Ivana Lu ia 3 A–1060 Wien
HR–10000 Zagreb m.huber@sachsenbrunn.at
nbudak@ffzg.hr
Prof. Dr. habil. Andrzej Janeczek
Prof. Dr. habil. Rados aw Dobrowolski Polish Academy of Sciences
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University Institute Archaeology and Ethnology
Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography Solidarnoci 105
Krasnicka 2cd PL–00-140 Warsaw
PL–20-718 Lublin
Dr. Péter Langó, PhD
Prof. Dr. Peter Ettel Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Research Centre for the Humanities
der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Institute of Archaeology
Löbdergraben 24a Úri u. 49
D–07743 Jena H–1014 Budapest
P.Ettel@uni-jena.de lango.peter@btk.mta.hu
400 Autoren / Authors

Dr. Gábor Lrinczy Dr. Ioan Stanciu


Móra Ferenc Múzeum Romanian Academy Cluj Branch
Roosevelt tér 1–3 Institute of Archaeology and Art History Cluj-Napoca
H–6720 Szeged M. Koglniceanu str. 12–14
email: lorinczyg@gmail.com RO–400084 Cluj-Napoca
istanciu2001@yahoo.fr
Prof. Mgr. Jií Machá ek, Ph.D.
Péter Straub
Masaryk Universität
Göcseji Múzeum
Institut für Archäologie und Museologie
Batthyány u. 2
A. Nováka 1 H–8900 Zalaegerszeg
CZ–602 00 Brno straub@zmmi.hu
machacek@phil.muni.cz
Dr. Gergely Szenthe, PhD
Dr. Przemys aw Mroczek Ungarisches Nationalmuseum
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University Múzeum krt. 14–16
Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography H–1088 Budapest,
Krasnicka 2cd szenthe.gergely@hnm.hu
PL–20-718 Lublin
Boglárka Tóth
Dr. András Patay-Horváth, PhD Dendrochronological Laboratory of Transylvania
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Szabadság-tér 10/B/35
Research Centre for the Humanities RO–530100 Csíkszereda
Institute of Archaeology tothboglarka1@yahoo.com
Úri u. 49
Dr. Attila Türk, PhD
H–1014 Budapest
Péter Pázmány Katholische Universität
patay-horvath.andras@btk.mta.hu Archäologisches Institut
Egyetem út 1.
Dr. Irena Agnieszka Pidek H–2087 Piliscsaba
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University turk.attila@btk.mta.hu
Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography
Krasnicka 2cd PD Dr. Tivadar Vida
PL–20-718 Lublin Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Research Centre for the Humanities
Dr. Na a Profantová, CSc Institute of Archaeology
Akademie der Wissenschaften der Úri u. 49
Tschechischen Republik, Prag H–1014 Budapest
Archäologisches Institut Institute of Archaeological Sciences
Letenská 4 at the Eötvös Loránd University
CZ–Praha 1, 118 01 Múzeum krt. 6–8
H–1088 Budapest
profantova@arup.cas.cz
vidativadar@btk.elte.hu
vida.tivadar@btk.mta.hu
Dr. Péter Prohászka
József Attila tér 2 Dr. habil. Marcin Wo oszyn
H–2500 Esztergom Polish Academy of Sciences
prohaszkapeter1975@gmail.com Institute for Archaeology and Ethnology
S awkowska 17,
Dr. Ágnes Ritoók, PhD PL–31-016 Cracow
Hungarian National Museum Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum
Dep. for Archaeology Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V.
Múzeum krt. 14–16 an der Universität Leipzig
H–1088 Budapest Reichsstraße 4–6
ritook.agnes@hnm.hu D–04109 Leipzig
marcinwoloszyn@gmail.com
Dr. habil. Jan Rodzik
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University Doc. PhDr. Jozef Zábojník, CSc.
Slowakische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography
Archäologisches Institut
Krasnicka 2cd
Akademická 2
PL–20-718 Lublin SK–94921 Nitra
jozef.zabojnik@savba.sk
Dr. Perica Špehar
University of Belgrade Dr. Piotr Zagórski
Faculty of Philosophy, Dep. of Archaeology Maria Curie-Sklodowska University
ika-Ljubina 18–20 Dep. of Geoecology and Palaeogeography
SRB–11000 Belgrade Krasnicka 2cd
perica.spehar@gmail.com PL–20-718 Lublin
Städte und befestigte Siedlungen sind während des frühen Mittelalters aus vielen Regionen
Ostmitteleuropas bekannt. In den einstigen römischen Provinzen lässt sich die Weiter-
bzw. Neunutzung römischer civitates bzw. castra und castella ebenso beobachten,
wie die Entstehung neuer Zentren. Die Verlagerung oder Ortskontinuität einzelner
Siedlungsagglomerationen kann jedoch auch in den nichtrömischen Territorien nördlich der
Donaulinie studiert werden.
Die Beiträge des vorliegenden Sammelbandes versuchen, dieses Phänomen aus zwei
Blickwinkeln zu beleuchten. Sie untersuchen einerseits siedlungs- und andererseits
sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte, um Strukturen und Akteure dieser Prozesse gleichermaßen
erfassen zu können. Kontinuität und Wandel von Zentren, Eliten und religiösen sowie
gesellschaftlichen Werten werden anhand einzelner Beispiele von der Spätantike bis zum
hohen Mittelalter beleuchtet.
Der Band ist dem 65. Geburtstag von Béla Miklós Szke gewidmet, der seit Jahren den
wichtigsten karolingerzeitlichen Fundort, Zalavár/Mosaburg, erforscht. Dem Jubilar zu
Ehren wurde diese Auswahl an Studien über Zentren und Eliten im frühmittelalterlichen
Ostmitteleuropa zusammengestellt.

Towns and fortications are known from many regions of East-Central Europe in the Early
Middle Ages. In the former Roman provinces there is evidence for both the continued or
renewed use of Roman civitates, castra or castella and the emergence of new central places.
Settlement shift and continuity of occupation at specic sites can, however, also be studied
in the non-Roman territories located north of the Danube.
The contributions in this volume attempt to throw light on two aspects of this phenomenon
– settlements and social aspects – in order to understand in equal measure the structures and
actors operating within this process. Continuity and transformations of central places, elites
and religious as well as social values are examined on the basis of case studies ranging from
the Late Roman period to the High Middle Ages.
This volume is dedicated to Béla Miklós Szke who has devoted years of research to Zalavár/
Mosaburg, one of the most important sites of the Carolingian period, on the occasion of his
65th birthday. The selection of studies on central places and elites in Early Medieval East-
Central Europe is offered here to honour him.

ISBN 978-3-89646-156-8
ISSN 1869-9901