Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Reclaiming modernity:
Indigenous cosmopolitanism and the coming of the second
revolution in Bolivia
T
In this article I explore the emergence of away on one of El Alto’s many semipaved streets, away from the
complicated new forms of indigeneity in Bolivia over center of a city that is exploding in population, political conscious-
the last 15 years. I argue that although what I ness, social militancy, and self-assertion. The Cultural Center itself
describe as a second revolution is under way in is marked by one of those roughly drawn handmade signs that are
contemporary Bolivia, there is a danger that this ubiquitous in Bolivia: a simple metal sheet bolted above a corrugated metal
revolution will be misread by scholars, political door, midblock within a hastily constructed two-floor building. Because this
commentators, and others because of the prevailing El Alto neighborhood is part of the relatively less densely populated north-
tendency to interpret social and moral movements west side of town, the buildings are not as tightly packed together, the streets
in Bolivia (and elsewhere) in rigidly are not as bustling with people as El Alto’s centro. This means that although
neopolitical–economic terms. I offer an alternative the price of property is not as high in this barrio, the altiplano winds blow
theoretical framework for understanding current through the streets more fiercely and unrelentingly. But it also means that
developments in Bolivia, which I describe as the Wayna Tambo Cultural Center is removed from the political and social
“indigenous cosmopolitanism”: the ability of cacophony of the city’s central barrios. And its isolation from the crises of
national political leaders, youth rappers in El Alto, everyday life is what draws the youth of El Alto and La Paz to it.
rural indigenous activists, and others to bring Inside Wayna Tambo, newly urbanized campesino adolescents who speak
together apparently disparate discursive frameworks Quechua, Aymara, and Spanish—and idiosyncratic Hispano-Amerindian
as a way of reimagining categories of belonging in hybrids—are constructing new forms of cosmopolitanism that combine
Bolivia, and, by extension, the meanings of an emergent indigeneity with other, more global forms of inclusion,
modernity itself. [cosmopolitanism, indigenous and in doing so are, in a small way, reclaiming the meanings and pos-
peoples, resistance, moral imagination, revolution, sibilities of Bolivia’s modernity. To reclaim the Bolivian modern, the
modernity, Bolivia, Andes, Latin America] youth of Wayna Tambo do not turn—as their fathers and mothers would
have—to the easy certainties of Latin American historical materialism,
or—as their grandparents would have—to the rousing exhortations of
Bolivian nationalism; rather, they turn to rap music. When Abraham
Bojórquez, one of the leaders of El Alto’s rap movement (known locally
as “Wayna Rap”), sings defiantly, “¡estamos con la raza, yo!,” he is envi-
sioning a new type of sociopolitical citizenship, a new framework of be-
longing in which Bolivia’s disaffected and marginalized are brought to-
gether with other members of “the race”: urban African Americans, Paris’s
North African immigrants,1 the Maori of Auckland’s forgotten south side.
Bojórquez and the other members of the Wayna Rap movement would
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Reclaiming modernity American Ethnologist
undoubtedly understand the message behind the Nesian Indeed, one could hardly find a better symbol of con-
Mystik album “Polysaturated”: If the urban indigenous are temporary Latin America’s complicated modernity than
saturated with rage, hopelessness, and the siren song of what this statement of ideological principles, in which Newton,
James Ferguson (1999) called the “expectations of moder- “Jhon” Locke (with the common Bolivian rendering of the
nity,” they are also saturated with a new sense of global be- English “John”), Hobbes, and Adam Smith make an appear-
longing, the ability to harness culture for aesthetic as well as ance along with references to the cosmology of Western cul-
political purposes, and the desire to reclaim, to demand, to ture, the Industrial Revolution, Homo Faber, the folly of the
take back the potentialities within what John D. Kelly (2002) U.S.-led coca leaf eradication campaign, globalization, neo-
has described as the “modernist sublime.” colonialism, the principle of a living planet expressed by
Although the legacy of oppression, in New Zealand as Pachamama, a letter written to George Washington by an
in Bolivia, seeps into every pore of the body politic, Wayna “indigenous leader of the redskins,” the philosophy of the
Rap and the other youth creators of indigenous cosmopoli- Ayllu, structural adjustment, and the vaguely utopian writ-
tanism in El Alto deracinate this legacy through their music. ings of the Club of Rome.
By refusing to accede to all of the traditional categories of MAS’s radically hybrid indigenous cosmopolitanism is
Bolivian identity (campesino, Indian, Aymara, Quechua, a striking example of what Pheng Cheah has described
runa, q’ara), the rappers of Wayna Tambo are part of a sec- as “the cosmopolitical”: a political worldview that am-
ond revolution in Bolivia, one that is not their grandparents’ biguously straddles the line between “mass-based forms
revolution, even though the tires still burn at the blockades, of global consciousness, [and] . . . existing imagined politi-
the air is still thick with tear gas, and the rubber bullets cal . . . communities” (1998:32). The indigenous cosmopoli-
are all too often replaced with the real thing. This second tanism of MAS illustrates, in other words, a peculiar para-
Bolivian revolution is essentially discursive. In projecting the dox: At the same time MAS articulates its ideological
moral imagination beyond the boundaries of the Bolivian principles within a formally unitary cosmopolitan frame-
nation-state, in envisioning forms of global belonging that work, it does so by bringing together both multiple—
draw on the Bolivian indigenous imaginary but without re- and competing—cosmopolitanisms and noncosmopolitan
gard to the heavy expectations of both modernity and tradi- regional—and even national—frames of reference. To de-
tional forms of indigeneity, Bolivia’s hip-hop generation cre- scribe this paradox in practice is not the same as simply
ates more than music: They create new discursive categories recognizing in MAS an example of “actually existing cos-
through which political–economic problems in Bolivia can mopolitanism” (Robbins 1998); rather, MAS and other actors
be understood and, more importantly, repositioned. in the recent social movements in Bolivia force us to think of
Meanwhile, below the Ceja del Alto, the aptly named cosmopolitanism in a completely different way, as a political
edge of the massive gash in the earth into which one de- and, even more, moral category unmoored from its Kantian
scends from El Alto to La Paz, another indigenous cos- genealogy.
mopolitanism is emerging, although this one does not draw Regardless of the subtle differences between these two
from an artistic or more broadly aesthetic cosmovision; types of indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia, both are at
rather, at the headquarters of the Movimiento al Social- the foundation of what is an emergent revolution, a second
ismo (MAS), at meetings of the Vanguardia Universitaria revolution (after the National Revolution of 1952), and one
held in the courtyard of the main university’s law faculty, that brings the political and moral together within new dis-
and in gatherings of the Asamblea Permanente de Derechos cursive articulations. All of this will be examined in detail be-
Humanos de La Paz, among other places, a reconstituted low. But even though scholars, journalists, and activists have
indigeneity is being located within a more modest, regional written about the transformations in Bolivia since 1999 as if a
universe, one that has given the South American New Left revolution were imminent (or already unfolding), it is a basic
the ability to draw from both neo-Marxism and neoliberal- argument of this article that Bolivia’s second revolution has
ism without contradiction or discredit. Take MAS’s statement been, so far, not well understood. In 1991, Orin Starn pub-
of ideological principles, which was still being refined dur- lished what became an extremely provocative and contro-
ing the summer of 2005, even as Evo Morales, MAS’s leader, versial article in Cultural Anthropology, in which he chided
was surging in several national opinion polls in anticipa- anthropologists for “missing the revolution” in Peru (1991).2
tion of the December 2005 national elections (see note 9). He argued that mainstream and influential anthropologists
At the same time MAS declares itself to be opposed to the of the Andes were blinded by what he called “Andeanism”:
static Newtonian worldview embodied by protoliberal the- the tendency to romanticize especially rural Andean peoples
orists like John Locke and Thomas Hobbes, it borrows from and to reify them within prefigured historical and intellec-
these same social contract theorists in envisioning a postrev- tual categories, categories that were not able to account for
olutionary Bolivia founded on human rights (principle 2), either the rise of Sendero Luminoso, or to process the real-
participatory democracy (principle 3), respect for difference ities of brutality and horror that were experienced by wide
(principle 6), and liberty (principle 9). swaths of Peru’s rural population. Instead of overprivileging
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Reclaiming modernity American Ethnologist
progressive social and legal reforms that emphasized bilin- collaborators within the intelligentsia (Solón 1997; see also
gual education, the decentralization of decision-making au- Antezana 1999). This opposition to Bolivia’s commitment to
thority over resource allocation, and the implementation neoliberalism intensified during the late 1990s, as the center-
at the national legal level of different international human right government of Hugo Banzer Suárez (now president, not
rights norms, especially those involving the rights of “indige- colonel) most provocatively went ahead with a plan to sell
nous and tribal peoples.”5 the concession to provide water to the Cochabamba Valley
Despite the relative calm throughout Bolivia during the to Aguas de Tunari, a subsidiary of the U.S.-based multi-
mid-1990s, and the rise of a discourse of multiculturalism— national Bechtel Corporation. Once the water services had
one, surprisingly enough, accepted by the La Paz elite, less so been privatized, prices rose dramatically within a very short
by the neo-hacendado landowners in Santa Cruz—signs of period and social unrest soon followed, which culminated
trouble began to appear after one of the most controversial in the so-called Bolivian Water War of late 1999 and early
components of Goni’s (as Sánchez de Lozada is universally 2000. As a result of this massive uprising, in which one youth
referred to in Bolivia) reform agenda was passed in 1996: was killed and dozens injured by soldiers, the Banzer govern-
the Ley de Tierras (Land Law), which was meant to replace ment was forced to cancel its contract with Bechtel in April
much of the existing agrarian reform legislation. Almost im- 2000.6
mediately, the new legislation and the institute that was After Goni was elected for a second time in 2002—
charged with implementing it—the Instituto Nacional de la defeating Banzer’s vice president Jorge Quiroga, who had
Reforma Agraria (INRA)—became the targets of intense crit- stepped in to finish Banzer’s term after Banzer had been
icism within Bolivia from both indigenous groups and their forced to resign with inoperable lung cancer—the focus of
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American Ethnologist Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
Figure 3. Political poster from the north of Potosı́ Department, 2005. Photo
by M. Goodale.
638
Reclaiming modernity American Ethnologist
in the altiplano and parts of the Bolivian lowlands, where At one level, the American Indian presence within and
the Movimiento Sin Tierra (Landless Movement) engaged in across these multiple political spaces is a mundanely phys-
a series of forced occupations of absentee landholdings. ical one. As Biolsi says, “one should not be surprised to find
‘Indians in unexpected places’ ” (2005:249; in Deloria 2004).
This multiplicity is what Biolsi describes as “indigenous cos-
Waiting to exhale mopolitanism”: the fact that “Indians are at least at home
in cities, universities, the entertainment industry and mass
By June 2005, after several weeks of blockades and nego-
media, and so on, as they are on reservations” (2005:249).
tiations between Mesa and the leaders of MIP, MAS, and
This is an appropriation of what is perhaps the most com-
other antigovernment coalitions, like Goni before him, Mesa
mon understanding of cosmopolitanism, one that describes
agreed to step down, paving the way for the president of
the practices and worldviews of typically elite travelers who
the constitutional court, Eduardo Rodrı́guez, to serve as
move easily between different physical locations and activ-
caretaker president until new elections could be held in
ities in ways that defy the expectations of more restrictive
December 2005. Still to be resolved were conflicts over the
categories of identity. The cosmopolitanism that Biolsi al-
nation’s hydrocarbons, a contract with a French multina-
ludes to here is that of the polymathic Renaissance human-
tional to provide water services to El Alto, calls for semiau-
ists, who pursued excellence in multiple branches of science
tonomy by the center-right business leaders of Santa Cruz,
and the arts and whose political and social commitments
and the growing problem of vigilantism and the use of lynch-
transcended narrow ethnic or linguistic boundaries. What
ings against alleged thieves and other petty criminals, among
makes the cosmopolitanism of contemporary American In-
many others.8 Despite a period of relative calm, in which
dians indigenous for Biolsi is the fact that it is subaltern: As
both Bolivia and its neighbors wait with bated breath for the
Biolsi explains, Indians have forged new—and politically
results of the national election, one thing has not changed:
more destabilizing—forms of subjectivity in part by “ex-
the fact of a new social contract in Bolivia, in which indige-
celling at the arts, sciences, and letters in and of the ‘domi-
nous people project their identities, their demand for inclu-
nant’ society, while still being Indian” (2005:249).
sion, within an expanded, and, to a certain extent, radically
As will soon be clear, my use of indigenous cosmopoli-
different universe.9
tanism as a way of understanding the emergence of new
forms of political and social action in Bolivia differs from
Biolsi’s in a number of important respects. Nevertheless,
Indigenous cosmopolitanism and the moral
I agree completely that the “modern political imaginary”
imagination
(Biolsi 2005:254) in Bolivia—as in (native) North America—
In an important recent article in American Ethnologist, demands the attention of a “critically observant anthropol-
Thomas Biolsi (2005) explores the relationship between ogy” (2005:254), one that is finely tuned to the implications
new spaces of American Indian political mobilization, of social and political categories that are embedded in emer-
which are shifting the terms through which Indians engage gent theories of indigenousness.10 As I will argue below, these
with the nation-state, and the emergence of a transnational implications are significant indeed. Although it is not pos-
political subjectivity that challenges common assumptions sible to explore each of these in turn, the rise of indigenous
about the nature of the nation-state itself. In pursuing cosmopolitanism in Bolivia suggests that several hoary mas-
these connections, Biolsi analyzes four distinct categories ter narratives must be rewritten, or at least revised: the domi-
of indigenous political space: the tribal space; a space of nant account of revolution at the end of the 20th century; the
comanagement of resources between tribal, federal, and importance of direct political action in broader movements
state levels; a transnational political space, in which Indians for social change; the story of the relationship between elites
press claims beyond their particular nations or reserva- and Bolivia’s indigenous majority; even the master narra-
tions; and what could be understood as an international tive of Latin American modernity itself. A careful consider-
political space, in which aspects of Indian subjectivity are ation of indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia even casts
constituted in part through the contested interrelationship doubt on what can be understood as the master narrative
between tribal and federal law, both of which are mediated about master narratives in current anthropology: That unify-
by a more diffuse set of expectations and norms derived ing systems of ideas and practices have either broken down
from U.S. multiculturalism. In moving between and within because of the concatenation of forces described through
these different, but overlapping, spaces of political and legal that impossible referent “globalization,” or no longer carry
engagement, contemporary American Indians assert new the same theoretical weight because such systems, “world-
forms of self-identity and belonging that call into question views,” utopias, have been revealed to be instruments of il-
dominant understandings of citizenship, nationalism, legitimate or authoritarian power as such. As we will see,
the legal categories of residency and domicile, and the master narratives are essential to indigenous Bolivians as
foundations of civil and political rights. they envision new frameworks of inclusion, new identities
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American Ethnologist Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
through which very old social and economic problems can the presence of other, different, places that are home to
be addressed, and, even more, understood. other, different, people” (1996:22). Appiah very much in-
tends rooted cosmopolitanism to be a way of describing
Reenvisioning indigenousness, projecting the world
cosmopolitanism in the world, a sentiment that people in
If the volume of recent critical and social theory on the different places, expressing different “cultural particulari-
topic can be taken as an accurate measure of the empirical ties,” can embrace programmatically without surrendering
importance of the processes it purports to explain, then the range of attachments without which social meaning and
cosmopolitanism is thick on the ground. Almost ten years value become abstract, artificial. Indeed, as Appiah sees it,
before “patriotism” reemerged as a semiotic weapon in the rooted cosmopolitanism is the best way to characterize an
debates over the most recent iteration of U.S. imperialism, emerging Weltanschauung that reflects the fact that “local
Martha Nussbaum argued against narrow attachments to form[s] of human life [are] the result of long term and persis-
place and race by reaching back into the toga-enwrapped tent processes of cultural hybridization,” processes that will
mists of intellectual history. In drawing on Cynic and Stoic determine “a world . . . much like the world we live in now”
teachings about the importance of elevating the “moral (1996:23).12
community made up by the humanity of all human beings” Each of these efforts to develop the notion of cosmopoli-
(1996:7) above all other possibilities, Nussbaum urged tanism conceptually (Appiah), or to employ it as a way
social actors and communities to prioritize the outermost of explaining certain patterns of transnational resistance
concentric circle and to “draw the circles somehow toward (Bhabha), or, finally, to reestablish it as part of a more sus-
the center” (1996:9, from the Stoic philosopher Hierocles).11 tained argument for political change (Nussbaum), all fail, in
Writing on behalf of postcolonial and marginalized peoples, one way or another, to fully account for the emergence of
Homi Bhabha has described the emergence of “vernacular indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia (and, perhaps, else-
cosmopolitanism” (2001). This is a way of envisioning new where). First, a critical aspect of cosmopolitanism is the pro-
worlds from the margins, “not as an ongoing process of jection of a different world, a different context beyond the
selecting what is cool and interesting from all the world’s tra- expected, in which the expected is defined in cultural, po-
ditions, but rather as a montage of overlapping perspectives, litical, or national terms. But as cosmopolitanism in Bolivia
experiences, and cultures brought into contact by global mi- shows, the cosmos that is projected or envisioned is highly
grations of refugees, guest workers, and other subaltern pop- variable and relative to the range of expected categories that
ulations” (Stoddard and Cornwell 2003: para. 12). A group of the newly projected cosmos is intended to replace or ex-
cultural studies scholars has approached cosmopolitanism pand. In other words, there is a mistaken assumption—one
in a similar way, but instead of worrying about the ways that connects most analyses of cosmopolitanism—that the
in which the universalizing claims of global citizenship new universe that comes to determine citizenship (and be-
can be cleverly vernacularized, these scholars focus on the longing more generally) is “global,” that it must express the
possibilities of a subaltern “minoritarian cosmopolitanism” widest possible framework of inclusion (e.g., “world citizen-
(Breckenridge et al. 2002). They nevertheless refuse to define ship”). It is not difficult to trace the origins of this assump-
cosmopolitanism, in part because “specifying cosmopoli- tion to the continuing influence of a particular Western in-
tanism positively and definitely is an uncosmopolitan thing tellectual history of cosmopolitanism, one that begins with
to do” (2002:1); but they also hesitate to consider the con- classical philosophy and is reinforced with Kant’s program
ceptual problems of cosmopolitanism because their study for a global cosmopolitan community underpinned by a law
is largely a critique of the act of defining cosmopolitanism of world citizenship. Even though the indigenous cosmos
itself, the way dominant understandings of universal citizen- that is projected by Bolivians is one that extends beyond the
ship have led to “a conformist sense of what it means to be boundaries of the nation-state, the most that can be said
a ‘person’ as an abstract unit of cultural exchange” (2002:5). of it ontologically is that it is transnational and regional; it
And, finally, the political philosopher K. Anthony is a universe that is restricted in scope. If the indigenous
Appiah has argued for the usefulness of the apparently para- Bolivian cosmos is restricted and, thus, not global in any
doxical notion of “cosmopolitan patriotism” (1996), which meaningful sense, this is not because indigenous Bolivians
he recently expanded and modified into the equally ap- have a limited understanding or knowledge of the world and
parently paradoxical concept of “rooted cosmopolitanism” its inhabitants; the tentacles of Spanish CNN (although not,
(2005). Writing against, among others, theorists like Isaiah of course, Quechua or Aymara) reach into provincial towns
Berlin, who admire the “rootless cosmopolitans” who moved and even hamlets throughout Bolivia, and indigenous chil-
against the different nationalist tides in the 19th and 20th dren in the norte de Potosı́ can discuss the relative merits
centuries—that is, those who chose to imagine communi- of the Simpsons and Japanese anime (esp. Dragon Ball Z)
ties on a broader scale—Appiah describes a cosmopolitan with equal authority (see Goodale 2001, n.d.). Rather, what
who is firmly “attached to a home of his or her own, with its indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia demonstrates is that
own cultural particularities, but [who takes] pleasure from a cosmos, projected as a new and more expansive framework
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Reclaiming modernity American Ethnologist
of essential inclusion, can be both translocal and transna- political categories of meaning in Bolivia, regardless of the
tional and nonglobal and nonuniversal at the same time.13 eventual effects—political or otherwise—of this projection.
So, even though indigenous Bolivians project a new cosmos To return to Appiah’s argument for “rooted cosmopoli-
as a way of breaking free from, or resisting, all of the ex- tanism”: Although his is perhaps an exaggerated example
pected historical and cultural categories within Bolivia, they of this tendency, theorists of cosmopolitanism across the
do not, in the process, envision a world in which they are es- range have given it a kind of normativity that can also be
sentially the same in rights and obligations as everyone else, tracked to antiquity, when cosmopolitanism emerged from
indigenous or not. Even so, the essence of cosmopolitanism reflections on ethics. In this framing, it is an unqualified eth-
is still present: the desire to project a new world beyond the ical good to “draw the circles somehow toward the center”;
expected. in other words, cosmopolitanism is virtuous. This is what
If the dominant perspectives on cosmopolitanism are Eve Walsh Stoddard and Grant Cornwell have in mind when
mistaken about the scope at which new worlds can, and, they describe Nussbaum’s neo-Stoic cosmopolitanism as an
more important, are, projected, they seem to revolve around “ethical cosmopolitanism” (2003).14 Without this underlying
an equally mistaken understanding of the mechanics of ethical normativity, in which cosmopolitanism is treated as
identity formation as a matter of practice. Again, one if it were a kind of Kantian categorical imperative,15 it is very
detects the influence of a particular intellectual history of difficult indeed to explain Appiah’s argument that contem-
cosmopolitanism here, the one that scholars like Nussbaum porary cosmopolitanism does—and should—depend on a
have attempted to reinscribe within current political and person’s ability to find pleasure in the mere fact of differ-
intellectual frameworks. Understood in this way, cosmopoli- ence, a notion that finds very little support in any general
tanism is a process through which one reorients identity cultural or historical facts.
to privilege the outermost circle within a set of concentric Indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia is, however, eth-
circles. Notice the different assumptions here: One’s identity ically neutral. What I mean is that indigenous political lead-
is defined by a series of constituent (sub)identities; each ers, youth rappers, and others who are responsible for the
subidentity is distinct from the other; each subidentity emergence of a cosmopolitan worldview in Bolivia do not
(male, Christian, American, truck driver, Bostonian, envision new universes of indigeneity because it is virtuous
Bolivian, etc.) is comfortably nestled within ever or good or a reflection of moral development. In fact, this
increasing—or decreasing, depending on the angle— is precisely why it is difficult to interpret the emergence of
degrees of inclusion (or exclusion); and, finally, the degrees cosmopolitanism in Bolivia as Cosmopolitanism. The tra-
of inclusion (or exclusion) that define the concentric ditional idea of cosmopolitanism implies a self-conscious
circles of one’s identity are infused with a kind of “ethics of individual or collective attempt to project categories of be-
identity” (Appiah), which favors the most inclusive circle longing beyond the narrow, the local, the national, for a very
and is skeptical of the least. specific reason: because this projection is compelled by a
Although this concentric circle approach to identity is preexisting ethical or political theory or ideology that both
perhaps analytically convenient, it cannot begin to capture defines identity in these scalar terms and then normatively
the complexity of identity formation in Bolivia, or anywhere privileges the broadest circle of inclusion at the expense of
else for that matter. Identity among indigenous Bolivians is all the others (as I have described above). This traditional
multiple, contested, dynamic, and often contradictory; in idea of cosmopolitanism, which has now become a transna-
Bolivia one is, and is not, many things at the same time. tional discourse, does not resonate in Bolivia, and those who
These different dimensions of identity cannot be parsed into project or envision an indigenous cosmopolitan world do
hierarchically related constituent parts; this is not how peo- not justify their writings or political resistance or rap lyrics
ple experience themselves in the world, and any attempt on the basis of an abstract principle of the good or within
to describe identity in these terms is seriously misleading. a well-developed moral framework that has something nor-
This means that if indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia mative to say about the changing nature of identity in Bolivia.
reflects, in part, a shift in identity, a change in the way peo- Rather, the reasons for the emergence of indigenous
ple position themselves in relation to others, then this shift cosmopolitanism—if they can be drawn out at all—are, not
cannot be explained as a change in the way people privi- surprisingly, multiple. Indigenousness is reenvisioned be-
lege the different levels of identity, because identity is not cause it is part of the broader struggle for political power; in-
formed in this way. Instead, cosmopolitanism reflects the digenous cosmopolitanism represents a discursive weapon
projection or envisioning of a different cosmos within which to be used against entrenched elites in Bolivia, which, no
one’s identity itself is redefined or given new meaning. When matter how understandable, could hardly be described as
young rappers in El Alto rail against oppression against in- a virtuous—in the classical sense—exercise of the moral
digenous people, in Bolivia and elsewhere, they are envision- imagination; and, in its expression through the Movimiento
ing a world in which their identities are relocated and thereby Indı́gena Pachakuti (MIP) and its fiery leader, Felipe Quispe
reinscribed within all of the existing cultural, economic, and (aka El Mallku), indigenous cosmopolitanism becomes a
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American Ethnologist Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
highly polished strategy for excluding and then defeating norte de Potosı́ region. It is, in many ways, the nortepotosino
rivals within the indigenous movement itself. As Quispe re- expression of a particular type of indigenous movement in
cently put it (2005), in explaining why the indigenous vision Bolivia, one that has been most clearly represented by MIP
of MIP is authentic while MAS’s (and, thus, Evo Morales’s) is and its leader Felipe Quispe. But as relatively small as Bolivia
not, “I have studied Machiavelli and the psychology of our is, it is nevertheless strictly divided by regions, a type of di-
people. . . . I project myself for 100 years. . . . I am not seek- vision that is reinforced by the difficulty in communication
ing immediate results. MIP is a project for the indigenous between regions and even towns and hamlets within regions,
nation as a whole.”16 Notice both his striking candor and differences in first language, and the sheer extremeness of
his sophisticated understanding of European political the- Bolivia’s topography, which creates a series of sparsely popu-
ory. Moreover, by asserting that he “projects [himself] for 100 lated cultural islands within a landscape of high mountains,
years,” Quispe expresses a complicated type of indigenous vast high plains, and dense lowland forests.17 So, even though
cosmopolitanism, in which one individual, who has come to MIP is represented in the norte de Potosı́ (and is referenced in
embody indigenousness itself for many Bolivians, can bring political iconography; see Figure 3), it is still identified with
a new cosmos into being through a sheer force of will. There La Paz Department and its primarily Aymara first-language
is something positively Whitmanesque about El Mallku. provinces. The norte de Potosı́ is much more linguistically
Finally, and perhaps most importantly for my purposes diverse, with Quechua and Aymara mixed together as first
here, most studies of cosmopolitanism make the mistake languages within the same provinces—for example, in the
of framing its actual or prospective emergence in largely province Alonso de Ibañez, the one I know the best—and
political or instrumental terms. This is, again, a legacy of even within the same cantons. And there are other ethnic
a particular intellectual history, in which cosmopolitanism boundary markers that separate the norte de Potosı́ from
was understood quite literally, as Nussbaum emphasizes in the heart of MIP country in La Paz Department: clothing
her appropriation of this history (1996:7). In other words, patterns, different ayllus, proximity to the great mining cen-
cosmopolitanism was originally a much more limited idea, ters, and proximity to La Paz, among others. Nevertheless,
one that expressed the virtue of the world citizen (kosmou despite the fact that MOP is not nearly as well-established
politês), in which citizenship denoted membership in a as MIP—either nationally, or within its home region—it has
quite circumscribed political community, a membership managed to fundamentally shift relations of power in the
that entailed particular political rights and obligations. But norte de Potosı́. In the town of Sacaca, the capital of the
with indigenous cosmopolitanism in Bolivia, the kosmou province Alonso de Ibañez, the alcaldı́a, or mayor’s office,
is much more important than the politês. The projection which had always been controlled by a local sacaqueño oli-
of an indigenous world beyond the expected categories garchy of male vecinos (lit. “neighbors”), had by June 2005
should not be understood exclusively in political terms, fallen into the hands of MOP. The MOP alcalde, or mayor, did
despite its connection with current political struggles; not even live in Sacaca itself but was from Layumpampa, an
rather, the political and instrumental (and even the legal) important cantonal capital about one hour’s walking dis-
merely mediate what can be more usefully understood as a tance from Sacaca.
radical exercise of the moral imagination. So, even though Now what is so important for my purposes here about
Cheah and Robbins gesture toward this key feature of the rise of MOP in the norte de Potosı́, and its political
cosmopolitanism in exploring what it means to “think and takeover of the province’s branches of political power,18 is
feel beyond the nation,” they obscure the real importance the discourse through which MOP captured the regional in-
of thinking and feeling as a type of moral projection when digenous imaginary. MOP leaders completely bypassed all
they characterize it as an expression of “cosmopolitics.” To of the traditional discursive categories that had been used,
understand cosmopolitanism beyond the narrowly political at least since the 1952 National Revolution, to frame a se-
is to also understand how many indigenous Bolivians can ries of much older political and social problems in the norte
be both thoroughly cosmopolitan and, for the most part, de Potosı́: the problem of land ownership and land tenure
politically uncommitted. Many key social actors in the norte more generally, especially the pressure to “rationalize” own-
de Potosı́, for example, whom I have described elsewhere ership (read: privatize) within hamlets and re-renew corpo-
as “rural-legal intellectuals” (Goodale 2001, 2002), embody rate titles with departmental agencies; the fact that political
precisely this combination, particularly those who have power in rural provinces had traditionally been monopo-
embraced human rights or social justice discourses over the lized by mestizo townspeople; the chronic tendency toward
last 15 years as part of transnational development activities microdivision of land over time and the need for both rural–
based in Bolivia’s most impoverished regions. rural and rural–urban migration (including, from Alonso
de Ibañez, regular migration to the coca fields of the Cha-
Utopian and hip-hop cosmopolitanism
pare); and the basic problem of governmental inattention to
The Movimiento Originario Popular (MOP) is a relatively provinces like Alonso de Ibañez, in which both economic and
new social and political party that is most active in Bolivia’s political capital are kept close to the departmental centers
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prevented scholars from both seeing and understanding the ual and symbolism have continued to make important con-
complicated convergence of political, economic, and social tributions, most obviously (and recently) through the work
forces that were expressed through Peru’s Sendero Lumi- of scholars like Frank Salomon (2004) and Gary Urton (1997,
noso and the different reactions to what was, in the end, 2003), whose writings on culture and the khipu, or knotted
their failed attempt to transform Peru through armed revolu- cord, have—among other things—reshaped the way we un-
tion. Starn’s critique highlighted an important phenomenon: derstand the meaning of writing and the nature of recording
Anthropologists who conduct research throughout the rural more generally. Yet when we consider the rise of new forms
Andes cannot help but have their worldviews shaped by what of indigeneity over the last 15 years in Bolivia, it is clear that
can feel like an isolated universe of closed corporate ham- the kind of symbolic and discursive framing represented by
lets, ayllus, and the rituals that mark the different stages of Salomon’s and Urton’s studies has been obscured in the rush
the agricultural–spiritual lifecycle that gives structure and to locate these developments within broader political and
meaning to the life of peasant agropastoralists throughout economic contexts. Because of this, there is a danger that
the Andes. But Starn went further than this: He refracted the importance of the rise of new forms of indigeneity in
what was at one level an important methodological point Bolivia will be misread, not missed.
through the lens of the profound politicization of anthro- There is a revolution under way in Bolivia, one in which
pology that had transformed its epistemological landscape new forms of indigeneity—which I have described as indige-
in earnest by the mid-1980s. nous cosmopolitanism—are creating “spaces of expression”
The response to Starn’s article—and others like it (both through which all of the traditional understandings—self-
with Andean anthropology and beyond)—that interests me and otherwise—of Bolivia itself are shifting. To understand
here is not the more immediate reaction to his charges current developments in Bolivia, therefore, it is necessary
against specific scholars. Rather, what is important for my to reorder analytical priorities so that political, economic,
purposes is Starn’s more general argument: that anthropol- and legal moves are located within what I have argued is
ogists working in the Andean countries must reverse their a broader, and more radical, moral project. So although
priorities. Instead of studying the political and economic the writings of the indigenist revolutionist Fausto Reinaga
factors that impact Andean peoples to better understand the have been resurrected by leaders of the El Alto Federation
complexities of Andean symbolic and discursive universes, of Neighborhood Assemblies, which played a major part in
anthropologists should recognize that Andean communities the recent blockades of La Paz and the resignation of Pres-
are embedded in political–economic networks that prefig- ident Carlos Mesa, they focus not on Reinaga’s call to re-
ure these more classically “anthropological” categories. The sist the economic classes who oppress Bolivia’s “Indians.”
result was that many in the next generation of Andeanist Rather, they turn to other passages, like this one: Indians
anthropologists listened to Starn and other critical anthro- must “tear to shreds the infamous wall of ‘organized silence’
pologists and shifted away from the study of ancestor cults, that . . . Bolivia . . . has built around me” (Reinaga 1969). This
religious pilgrimages to the high places, and the structure of is a call for a revolution of the moral imagination, despite
ayllu kinship to focus on the politics of indigenousness, the the violent imagery. Bolivia’s indigenous peoples are being
relationship between communities and transnational de- urged to project a new universe beyond the one that Bolivia
velopment agencies, the participation of campesinos in the has historically offered them. Reinaga is exhorting them to
world economy in different forms (coca production, textiles, envision new categories of belonging through which the very
ecotourism), and the impact of neoliberalism on rural com- idea of Bolivia itself must be reconsidered. And they are.
munities, among other themes that foreground political–
economics.
Conclusion: Reclaiming modernity
There is no question that these shifts in focus within
Andean anthropology have been important in their own In their recent review of indigenous movements in Latin
terms, not the least of which is the fact that a grounding America, Jean Jackson and Kay Warren survey the range of
in political–economics provides an opening for compar- scholarship on social and political movements between 1992
ing cultural processes in the Andes with those elsewhere, and 2004 and discuss the ways in which anthropologists have
and for highlighting the broader historical patterns that framed these developments as problems of anthropologi-
converge through the transnational networks that enmesh cal theory, methodology, and activism (Jackson and Warren
campesinos. But here is the rub: Despite these advances, 2005). As they show, this body of work both “illustrate[s] the
they have had the effect of shifting attention too far away complex imaginings and reimaginings of what is involved in
from the symbolic and discursive lifeworlds of Andean peo- being ‘modern’ ” (2005:559) in contemporary Latin America
ples, including those who have, over the last 15 years, come and explains the ways in which indigenous leaders in Latin
to reconstitute themselves through the kind of indigenous America navigate among politically charged and contested
forms of subjectivity that I have described throughout this discursive categories like “indigenousness,” “authenticity,”
article. To be sure, studies of different aspects of Andean rit- and “modernity.” What emerges so clearly from their article
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is the fact that indigenous movements in Latin America are Marcus 1986) salvo directed against the entrenched order, no mat-
increasingly destabilizing the meanings of modernity itself. ter how illusory both the entrenchment and the order turned out
It is one thing to challenge the order of political or legal or to be.
3. Figure 3 is a political poster for provincial elections in the north
cultural priority that locates modernity on one side of an in- of Potosı́ Department. Notice the complex uses of the wiphala here:
visible line and authenticity or tradition or indigenousness It serves as a backdrop image that unifies different political parties
on the other (while taking the meanings of these categories and candidates; it is shown at places opaquely, or miragelike, which
as given); it is quite another thing to challenge the meanings suggests a symbol submerged in the collective unconscious; and,
of the categories themselves. This is exactly what political for those who are not pictured for whatever reason, the wiphala is
used to represent the candidates themselves.
leaders and youth rappers and other indigenous cosmopoli- 4. Katarismo was an important precursor to the current indige-
tans are doing in Bolivia. By envisioning new categories of nous social and political movements in Bolivia. Katarismo reflected
inclusion, by constructing an alternative moral universe in a series of political developments that had their origins in the 1960s,
which indigenousness represents a set of principles that but that came to fruition during the regime of Hugo Banzer Suárez
are both cosmopolitan and uniquely Bolivian, indigenous (1971–78). Interestingly, although the movement took its name from
the late-18th-century indigenous leader Julián Apasa, whose nom
leaders and others in Bolivia do not simply “vernacularize” de guerre was Tupaj Katari, the movement itself emerged in La Paz
modernity or strike a “bargain” with it (Foster 2002). Nor is among university students with origins in traditionally radicalized
indigenous cosmopolitanism a way of constructing either areas of the Aymara countryside. As the definitive historian of this
an “alternative modernity” or an “alternative to modernity” movement, Xavier Albó, says, “these students were . . . influenced
(Kelly 2002). Rather, indigenous cosmopolitanism is a way of by Fausto Reinaga, the prolific and marginalized writer and self-
publisher of Indianist themes, and the founder of a more symbolic
reclaiming modernity, a way of redefining both what moder- than real Indian Party” (1987:391). See also this same 1987 article
nity as a cultural category means and what it means to be by Albó for a good overview of the political and intellectual threads
modern in Bolivia. that connect what I have called the second Bolivian revolution to
the first (1952).
Notes 5. For example, in 1994 the Bolivian government announced the
National Plan for the Eradication, Prevention, and Punishment of Vi-
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank both the Office of olence against Women. This plan, which was implemented through
the Provost and the Center for Global Studies at George Mason more specific laws in 1995 and 1996, appeared just one year after the
University for their generous research support during 2006. Earlier 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women,
funding for research in Bolivia was provided by the National which was enacted to give new impetus to the international women’s
Science Foundation, the Organization of American States, the Latin rights-as-human rights movement that had been initiated with the
American, Caribbean, and Iberian Studies Program at the Uni- 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
versity of Wisconsin-Madison, and the David L. Boren Fellowship against Women. For more on Bolivian legal reform during the 1990s
Program. Parts of this article were presented during public lectures in relation to broader currents in international human rights law,
in December 2005 at the Department of Anthropology, Stockholm see Goodale 2001, 2002; see also Van Cott 2000.
University; the Institute of Social Anthropology, University of 6. For an excellent first-person account and analysis of the 1999–
Zurich; and at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in 2000 Bolivian Water War, see the recent book by Oscar Olivera, the
Halle, Germany. Many thanks to the faculty and students at these machinist who emerged as the leader of Cochabamba’s Coordi-
institutions for engaging critically with my ideas. Finally, I want nadora de Defensa del Agua y la Vida (Coalition in Defense of Water
to acknowledge the critical and constructive engagement with an and Life), known as La Coordinadora (Olivera 2004).
earlier draft of this article by the editor of American Ethnologist, 7. Although the Movimiento Indı́gena Pachakuti (MIP) is a na-
Virginia Dominguez, and two anonymous reviewers. tional indigenous party in Bolivia with a platform that emphasizes
1. At the exact moment I write this (November 2, 2005), Paris is indigenous dignity and unity, antiracism, anticolonialism, and the
burning. While the Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy denounces the rights of Bolivia’s rural agropastoralists, its resistance activities dur-
youth protestors of Clichy-sous-Bois and the arrondissements of ing the 2003 Bolivian Gas War I were centered on the urban areas in
North and Northeast Paris as “scum,” the Parisian boys of Muslim and around El Alto and the roads connecting El Alto with La Paz.
North Africa continue to throw stones, set police cars on fire, and 8. On the problems of lynching and vigilantism in contempo-
prepare their Molotov cocktails. The spark this time might have rary Bolivia, see Daniel Goldstein’s 2004 book The Spectacular City:
been the deaths of two teenagers, who were electrocuted trying Violence and Performance in Urban Bolivia, which I recently re-
to evade police by hiding in a power substation, but their rage is viewed for American Anthropologist (Goodale 2005). Between June
broader; it is the cosmopolitan rage of El Alto, Detroit, Sao Paolo’s and August 2005, “citizen security” continued to be arguably the
shantytowns. most pressing public concern in Bolivia’s urban centers, even with
2. Not surprisingly, Starn’s critique became itself the subject of the ever-present threat of social mobilizations, national strikes, and
critique. For some of the response to Starn, see Enrique Mayer’s ar- political uncertainty. Linchamientos, and various cases of “intento
ticle in Rereading Cultural Anthropology (1992), Turino 1996, and de linchamiento” (attempted lynching), captured national atten-
the 1992 Allpanchis special issue La guerra en los Andes. Regardless tion, with major newspapers running front page articles on inci-
of the merits of this debate, Starn’s original article cannot be un- dents and journalists and intellectuals opining in the editorial pages
derstood apart from the wider academic–political currents of the about the deeper meanings of these public acts of “barbarism.” In-
late 1980s and early 1990s, a time when Young Turks in cultural terestingly for my purposes here, very few commentators have ex-
anthropology were riding riot and wreaking havoc in the halls of plored the connections between the political and social movements
departments and in the pages of journals. Seen in this light, Starn’s of the last five years and the rise of vigilante justice in Bolivia’s urban
1991 article was a quintessential post–Writing Culture (Clifford and and periurban districts (but see Goldstein 2004).
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9. Evo Morales was, in fact, elected president of Bolivia on ical and cultural islands are also spread “horizontally,” as it were,
December 18, 2005, with 54 percent of the vote, which was a throughout the altiplano.
much more decisive victory than even MAS and its supporters had 18. MOP also took control of the office of subprefect by 2005 (the
anticipated. Morales’s share of the total vote—in which 84.5 per- period of my most recent research in Bolivia), which is a locally less
cent of eligible voters participated—was almost double that of Jorge consequential position that is appointed within the departmental
Fernando “Tuto” Quiroga Ramı́rez (29 percent), who went down in prefecture in the departmental capital, also called Potosı́. The al-
a crushing defeat. calde, however, is directly elected.
10. The wider literature—both within anthropology and 19. Indeed, it is a constant problem for a province like Alonso de
beyond—on indigenousness is a large one, but two especially in- Ibañez and its capital Sacaca that they are much closer to both Oruro
sightful recent studies are Tania Murray Li’s use of Stuart Hall’s con- and Cochabamba, even though these last two are both capitals of
cepts of “positioning” and “articulation” to explain “the diversity of different departments and, as such, have no financial responsibility
conditions and struggles in the Indonesian countryside” (2000:150), over what is dolefully referred to by urban Bolivians as the “extremo
and James Clifford’s 2001 article on indigenous articulations, which norte de Potosı́.”
is also, of course, indebted to the work of Stuart Hall. 20. As Isbell explains, “the clearest expression of [gender] com-
11. By an odd coincidence, Nussbaum makes reference to Bolivia plementarity is found in the belief that one is not an adult until
in her article “Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism,” which originally one marries. Chuschinos say that a male and a female are not com-
appeared (followed by no less than 29 replies) in the Boston Review plete until they have been united with their “essential other half”
(1994), later published with revised versions of 11 of the original (1978:214). For an interesting analysis of the connections between
commentaries as For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Pa- Isbell’s and Harris’s studies of gender, see Frank Salomon’s 2001 re-
triotism (1996). But Bolivia’s appearance within Nussbaum’s article view of Harris’s 2000 book. He argues that both Isbell and Harris
appears almost completely symbolic, as an idea that represents both focus on the way rural Andeans “consider that the world is built by a
geographic diversity (it is mentioned in a list of countries with In- unified biological-technological productivity unfolding seamlessly
dia, Nigeria, and Norway) and apparent ethical distance from the from human–telluric bonds through matrimonial alliance outward
United States. As it turns out, Bolivia the nation-state (rather than to very wide regional alignments and toward cosmological forces”
Bolivia the mistakenly conceived idea) is as much a child of the En- (Salomon 2001:654). As I have documented in different places (e.g.,
lightenment as the United States and in many ways has much more Goodale 2001, 2002, n.d.), gender complementarity is in large part
in common with the United States than a country like Norway. idealized because men and women do not coexist equally, at least
12. As important as Appiah’s recent writings on cosmopolitanism in the norte de Potosı́. There are any number of expressions of this
are, it is difficult to accept his underlying premise: that very many “practical” inequality—meaning an inequality that arises for practi-
people living in different places and times have any inclination at all cal, rather than ideological, reasons—including patrilocal postmar-
to “tak[e] pleasure from the presence of other, different, places that ital residence, more extensive landholdings by men, the problem of
are home to other, different, people” (1996:22). It is not clear what domestic abuse, and the fact that women do not serve within the
kind of pleasure in other places and people Appiah has in mind here. range of authority positions in rural Bolivia.
As Alan Ryan emphasized, in his review of Appiah’s 2005 book (Ryan 21. For a book-length example that uses photographic and other
2005), the theoretical development of rooted cosmopolitanism is visual images to examine the way other (i.e., noncosmopolitan)
very much informed by Appiah’s own biography. imaginaries of modernity have been constituted in the Andes, see
13. For a more extended recent critique of the relationship be- Deborah Poole’s Vision, Race, Modernity: A Visual Economy of the
tween the “global” and the “local” within anthropology and social Andean Image World (1997).
theory more generally, see my introduction to The Practice of Human 22. More recent examples of the anthropology of youth culture
Rights: Tracking Law between the Global and the Local (Goodale in can be found in the series of articles published in a November 2004
press). I argue, among other things, that the global–local dichotomy special focus on youth in American Ethnologist. See also Mary Bu-
is one of the most enduring, and problematic, conceptual assump- choltz’s excellent review essay on the anthropology of youth and
tions, one that expresses itself within debates over cosmopolitanism culture (2002).
as much as within debates over the scope and practice of human 23. Other Wayna Tambo rap groups (as of July 2005) go by the fol-
rights. lowing names: Raza Insana, Movimiento Lı́rico Urbano, and Abra-
14. Despite their otherwise quite helpful and concise overview ham Bojórquez’s own two-man group, Ukamau y Ké. Compact
of current debates over cosmopolitanism, the authors focus too discs, reading materials, and information about El Alto’s rap mu-
heavily on Appiah’s development of “rootedness,” which leads them sic movement can be accessed through the Wayna Tambo website:
to describe his approach as “the very antithesis of Nussbaum’s http://www.casawaynatambo.tk.
. . . idea of cosmopolitanism” (Stoddard and Cornwell 2003). As I
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