VictorianLiteratureand Culture(2008), 36, 205-225. Printedin theUnitedStatesof America.

Copyright © 2008 CambridgeUniversity Press. 1060-1503/08$15.00

DO1: 10.1017/S1060150308080121

IMPERIAL BARBARIANS:PRIMITIVE
MASCULINITY IN LOST WORLD FICTION

ByBradleyDeane

Theonwardmovement frombarbarism hasdroppedbehinditmore

thanonequalityofbarbaric
characterwhichcultivated modern men
maylook on withregret,and will even striveto regainby futile
to stopthecourseofhistory,
attempts andtorestore thepastin the
midstofthepresent.
EdwardBurnettTylor,Primitive Culture(1871)

Cecil Rhodes, the "Colossus" of late Victorian empire,proudlyproclaimedhimself

a barbarian.He spoke of his tasteforthings"big and simple,barbaric,if you like," and
boasted thathe conductedhimself"on the basis of a barbarian"(Millin 165, 242). His
famousscholarshipsdesignedto turnout men fitforimperialmasteryrequiredsuccess in
"manlyoutdoorsports,"a criterion Rhodesprivately called theproofof "brutality" (Stead
39). YetwhileRhodescelebratedqualitieshe calledbarbaricorbrutal,hisadversariesseized
uponthesamerhetoric to revilehim.DuringtheBoer War,forinstance,thetacticsbywhich
Rhodesandhisfriends tightenedtheirgripon SouthAfricawereboldlycondemnedbyHenry
Campbell-Bannerman as "methods of barbarism."Similarly,G. K. Chesterton denounced
Rhodes as nothingmorethana "Sultan"who conqueredthe "East" onlyto reinforcethe
backward"Oriental"valuesof fatalismand despotism(242-^44).This strangeconsensus,in
whichRhodesandhiscriticscouldagreeabouthisbarbarity, reflects
a significantuncertainty
aboutlateVictorian imperialambitions and their to
relationship "barbarism." Clearly,theterm
was availablebothto theempire'scriticsas a metaphorforunprincipled or indiscriminate
violence and to imperialistsas a justification fortheireffortsto bringcivilizationto the
Earth'sdarkplaces, to spreadthe gospel, and to enforcethe progressof historythatthe
anthropologist E. B. Tylorcalled"theonwardmovement frombarbarism" (29). ButRhodes's
cheerfulassertionofhisownbarbarity represents something altogetherdifferent:theapparent
paradox of an imperialism that openly embraces the primitive.Nor was Rhodes alone in
this
sounding particularly troubling version of thebarbaric yawp.During periodof the
the
New Imperialism (1871-1914), Victorianpopularculturebecameengrossedas neverbefore
in chartingvectorsofconvergence betweentheBritishand thosetheyregardedas primitive,
and in imaginingthewaysin whichbarbariansmightmakethebestimperialists of all. This
transvaluation of savageryfoundits moststriking expression in theemergence a wildly
of
populargenre of fiction:storiesof lostworlds.

205

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206 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

Tales of forgotten cities,rediscoveredraces, civilizations,and continentssubmerged

beneaththesea or theground,thehiddenvestigesof ancientempires:over200 suchstories
werepublishedinBritainbetween1871 andtheFirstWorldWar,manytimesthenumberthat
hadappearedinall theyearsbefore.Whilesuchfigures alonereveala wideningfascination in
thepsychicterrainof theancient,therichbreadthof subjectmatteralso deservesattention.
These tales are set on everycontinent, and measuremodernmen againstthe imaginary
remnantsof almosteverypeople of antiquityand legend,fromGreeks and Romans to
Vikingsand Celts,EgyptiansandIsraelites,Phoenicians,Babylonians,Aztecs,Mayans,and
Incas, and, more fancifully, Lemuriansand Atlanteans.In nearlyeverycase, the stories
dramatizethe rediscoveryin apparentlyalien territories of some fundamental unity,thus
refiguring the frontier as an uncannyspace in which the grand narrative ofprogresscollapses
to reveala timelessmodelof imperialcharacter.
WhatI call herethe"lostworld"narrative (in preference to theolder,narrower category
of the "lost race")1 mightbe regardedas the perverseoffspring of the imperialromance
and theUtopiannovel,energizingthepoliticalfantasiesof thepresentnotwitha dreamof
whatmightbe, but of whathas been. Such storiesthusturnrepeatedlyto contemporary
anthropology, vividlyrendering the same explorationof theprimitive(and of thekinship
of primitiveand civilized) thatthe fledglingdisciplineof Tylor,JohnLubbock,and John
McLennanwas even thenclaimingas itsprovince.But whileevolutionary anthropologists
soughtto provethe beneficentinexorability of progress,lost worldromancersstressthe
value of barbaricqualitiesand maintainthatmodernadventurers may stilllive themby
fighting both against and alongside their primitive role models. Accordingly, thesestories
demonstrate outright skepticism of the empire'scivilizing mission. "Ah! thiscivilisation,"
asks the eponymoushero of Rider Haggard'sAllan Quatermain,"whatdoes it all come
to? ... [I]n all essentialsthesavage and thechildof civilisationare identical"(10; intro.).
Indeed,Quatermain goes ontoclaim,thesavageenergiesconcealedbycivilization's"veneer"
are the real fontof strength: "It is on the nineteenroughserviceablesavage portions[of
ourselves] that we fallback in emergencies, noton thepolishedbutunsubstantial twentieth"
In
(12; intro.). Haggard's novel, as in otherlost world the
romances, representation of a
fundamental humanbarbarism is notan indicationofpessimistic relativismbutan ideological
bulwarkof theNew Imperialism'saggressivemilitarism.
Whilethesestorieshave littleuse forthetraditional justifications of empire,theyoffer
insteada powerfulreconceptualization of masculinity,one whichpromisesto fulfillan even
deeperpsychicdesire.Castingoffmid-Victorianconstructions of middle-classChristian
manliness, these romances emphasize new masculine qualities- raw strength, courage,
instinctive violence,bodily size, and homosocial commitment to othermen - thatcould
becomea bridgeunitingtheancientandmodernin waysthattrumpotherculturaldifferences
andeven,as I shallsuggest,crossboundariesofrace.Conqueringtheircivilizedreservations
and takingup swords,axes, and spears,themenof lostworldromancesimitatetheprimal
strength thathas erodedin thedegeneratemetropole.Lost worlds,thetimelessstrongholds
of primalmasculinity, remakethelocationof colonialconflictintoa kindof Eden,so much
so thatwe mightthinkof lost worldstoriesas thesecular,imperial,late Victoriananswer
to Milton'sParadise Lost. But theirsis an Eden thatrevealsthe marksof its ideological
production, an Eden wheretheGardenis strewnwithgoldandjewels tobe looted,whereEve
is relentlessly marginalized, and wherean international cast of Adamsprovesits manhood
again and in
again bloody combat.

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 ImperialBarbarians 207

Lostworldfiction representsa momentous revisionofbothmasculinecodes andimperial

ambitions,which come to reinforce and express one anotherthrougha celebrationof
the
impassionedbarbaricmight.Though tendency torepresent thecolonialfrontier as a scene
ofmanlyexploitis hardlynew,thespecificwaysinwhichthesestoriesstageheroicadventure
challengemanyof our expectationsaboutVictorianmasculinitiesand Britishimperialism.
TheBritishmenwhotraveltotheselostworldsdo notconfirm theirmanlinessbyvanquishing
theprimitive, butbypartaking ofit,byimmersing themselves inthestruggles ofthementhey
recognizeas theirprimalcounterparts. Many of thetermswe thinktheVictoriansroundly
despisedappearinthiscontexttoarticulate formsofdesireforwhichwe havescarcelybegun
toaccount:atavismbecomesa signofstrength ratherthanofweaknessorcriminality; impulse
and irrationalitycan be takenforpassionatemasculineauthenticity; and regression- even
therelapseintobarbarism- offersan empowering fantasyratherthana paralyzinganxiety.
Likewise,we can begin to refinethe commonassertionthatimperialdiscourseimagines
colonialspaces and nativepeoples as feminine, readyto be subduedand penetrated by the
masculineBritish.2 Instead,lostworldnovelsgenerallydepictmodernmendiscoveringthat
barbariansof anynumberof races maybe as manlyas themselves(or even moreso), and
thatVictorianscan onlyexpresstheirpotentialmanhoodby converging withtheprimitive.
But mostimportantly, thesestoriesrequireus to reconsiderone ofpostcolonialtheory's
dominanttenets- amountingvirtuallyto an orthodoxy:thatimperialideologymustbe
predicatedon theconstruction of differencebetweenthecolonizingselfand thecolonized
Other.As Edward Said has summarized,"'they' were not like 'us,' and forthatreason
deservedto be ruled"(xi). WhilepostcolonialtheoryafterSaid's earlyworkhas challenged
thepotentially reductivesimplicityof thisManicheanview,theeffecthas been largelyto
multiply the forms of difference at workin imperialdiscourseto include gender,race,
and class ratherthanto questionthenecessityof difference itself.WhatParthaChatterjee
has famouslycalled "theruleof colonial difference," whichdemands"thepreservation of
the aliennessof therulinggroup"(10), threatens to become a rulingpremiseof our own
understanding of theVictorianimperialimagination.3 None of thisis meantto disregardthe
power ofdifference inimperial discourse,but itshouldremind us thatdifferenceis nottheonly
weapon in theideological arsenalof empire. Lost world fictiondemonstrates that
recognitions
of theselfin theother,even theemulationof theother,may also serveimperialinterests.
BeginningwithstoriesbyRudyardKipling,RiderHaggard,and Arthur ConanDoyle, I will
argue that thisgenre minimizes difference torepresent barbarians not as theobjectsofdisgust
or evenof intractably ambivalent envy,butas themodelsof a newimperialmasculinity.

OnwardtoBarbarism

Understanding barbarism as an energizing mythoftheNew Imperialism rather thanas

a hauntinganxietyallowsus to reconsidera numberof puzzlingideologicalinconsistencies
Take, forinstance,a tale by one of Rhodes's friends,
in late Victorianpopularliterature.
Kipling's "The Man Who Would Be King" (1888). For decades, thisworkby an ardent
imperialisthas been read,rather as an allegoricalindictment
counterintuitively, of empire.4
WithDravotandCarnehan,theroughanddodgyvagabondswhopose as godsto seize power
over the unchartedterritory Kipling seems to unmaskthe morallyupright
of Kafiristan,
heroesof empireas con-mendrivenby an unabashedlust forpower.When a Kafiristani
womanexposes theirvulnerability by drawingDravot'sblood, the pair suffera doom so

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208 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

grislythatimperialambitionitselfseems to totteron theedge of madnessand nightmare.

Yet the lesson of Dravot and Carnehanis less a critiqueof imperialismthana warning
againstabandoningthemasculinevaluesthathad madetheirconquestpossible.Forall their
failings,afterall, Dravotand Carnehanare treatedwithsympathy and even admiration by
the unnamedjournalistwho narratestheirstory.5"We are not littlemen,"theyboast to
himbeforesettingoffto conquerKafiristan, and thetale bearsouttheremarkable extentto
whichtheyaccomplishtheiroutsizedambitiondespitethenarrator's charypragmatism: "no
Englishman has been through it. The people are utter brutes, and even if you reachedthem
you couldn'tdo anything" (226).
Brutishas the Kafiristanis turnout to be, the protagonists are equally so. They find
a society,as Kiplingimaginesit,predicatedon superstition and war,and theyproceedto
construct theirrulein thesame terms.The storyis notcriticalof thesebarbarousmethods,
andindeed,Kiplinggoes to surprising lengthsto connecttheprotagonists andtheirprimitive
subjects.Dravot and Carnehan are atavisticin appearance(both big,hairymen,theformer
are
distinguished by hisenormous beard and the latterbyhisexceptionally broadshoulders),and
theyrecognize a racial kinship with the Kafiristanis; like the protagonists, theKafiristanis
are big - "Not a man of themundersix feet"(249) - and white- "theChiefscome round
to shakehands,and theywereso hairyand whiteand fairitwas just shakinghandswithold
friends"(241). Kiplingheredrawson contemporary ethnographic accountsof Afghanistan
to suggestthatthenativesmightbe descendedfromthelastEuropeanto conquertheregion,
Alexander.Afterclaiminghis own descentfromAlexander,DravotlearnsthatKafiristani
religioncontainsan erodedknowledgeofFreemasonry, whichDravotandCarnehan,Masons
themselves, a
exploitby establishing political structure incorporating thepriestsand chiefs
intoa Lodge hierarchy withthemselvesat the head. Such pointsof connectionintensify
Dravot's ambition,and at the same timelead him to identifyeven moreclosely withhis
subjects:"'I won'tmakea Nation,'sayshe, 'I'll makean Empire!These menaren'tniggers;
they'reEnglish!Look at theireyes - look at theirmouths.Look at theway theystandup.
They sit on chairsin theirown houses. They'retheLost Tribes,or somethinglike it,and
they'vegrownto be English'"(243-44). It hardlymatters to Dravotwhether theKafiristanis
aredescendedfromtheLostTribesofIsraelorAlexander'sMacedonians,wheretheylearned
theirancientMasonic traditions, or whysittingin chairsshouldimplyproto-Englishness.
Nor does it seem to mattermuchto Kiplingthathis ethnography is muddled;while some
observersreportedthatthe Kafiristanis had ties to Alexander,it was theirneighborsin
Afghanistan, thePathans,who wererumoredto be descendedfromtheJewishlosttribes.6
What mattersinsteadis the recognitionof some forgotten bond betweentheseprimitive
people and their would-be rulers, who may then feel at home in theirnewkingdomevenas
theyexploit these primalrelationships. The alien is revealed to be merelya lost,primitive
versionof thefamiliar, and imperialpowerflowsless fromcivilizingthesavage thanfrom
revivingtheinnerbarbarian.
Had Kiplingwishedto punishhis protagonists fortheirimperialambitionor theiroften
indiscriminate violence, he could easily have written an endingin whichtheypushedtheir
kingdom's boundaries too far,or in which the Kafiristanis revoltedagainsttheirdraconian
authority.Tellingly, theirdoom is instead precipitated by Dravot's decisionto takea native
wife,who exposeshis vulnerability by biting him. Kipling's choice to demolishDravotand
Carnehanin thiswayemphasizesboththeavenuesand thelimitsof theirprimitive strength.
Identifying withthesavageintheserviceofpoweris wellandgood,butonlyinsofaras itstays

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 ImperialBarbarians 209

betweenmen.Indeed,a particularconstruction of masculinity is theethosthroughwhich

DravotandCarnehancometo identify witheach otherandwiththeKafiristanis, first
through
a sharedmilitarism and thenthroughtheexclusivelymasculineritesof Freemasonry. The
Masonictradition ofbrotherhood is infactso centraltothestorythatthenarrator (yetanother
Mason) takesoneofitsprinciplesas hisepigraph, "Brother toa Princeandfellowtoa beggarif
he be foundworthy." Thisis immediately followedwiththenarrator's closestapproximation
to a moral:"The Law, as quoted,laysdowna fairconductoflife,andone noteasyto follow"
(217). In otherwords,the primary"Law" in thisstoryis the Masonic law of a unifying
brotherhood thattranscendsdivisionsof class, politics,or race. And it is thisostensibly
ancientlaw thatDravotso disastrously violates,notonlyin fraudulently abusingMasonic
ritualtoestablishhimselfas a god,butalso inbetraying brotherhood byseekinga wife.Ifwe
acceptthatthecentralvalueofthisstoryis notcivilizationbuta particular code ofmanliness,
we finditno moreanti-imperialist than"GungaDin" or "The WhiteMan's Burden."
Admittedly, the meaningsof both manhoodand empirein "The Man Who Would
Be King" clash againstthe standardsof earlierVictorians,to whom civilizationwas a
less dubiousideal. For them,the progressof the Britishempirewould be recordedas a
gloriousnarrative, as ThomasBabingtonMacaulay had putit,"of prejudicesoverthrown, -
- -
of knowledgediffused, tastepurified, of artsand sciencesplantedin countrieswhich
had recentlybeen ignorantand barbarous"(723). Less obviously,the civilizingmission
dependedon exporting Britishdomesticity, transplanting andthenreproducing gendercodes
associatedwiththemiddle-classfamily.This emphasiswas perhapsmoststrongly revealed
inBritishreactionsto theso-calledIndianMutiny, in whichluriddepictionsoftherebellious
sepoysas housebreakers andrapiststransformed a politicalchallengeintoan outrageagainst
thedomesticheartofcivilization.7 Bleak Malthusianprognostications ofpopulationgrowth
had establishedthefoundationforthisview in the argumentthatsexual restraint was the
lynchpinof progress,the distinction betweencivilizedpeoples and those condemnedby
warand famineto a lifeof Hobbesiansavagery.If regulating thechaos of primitive energy
had become a hallmarkof empire'scivilizingmission,it had also become, as studiesof
masculinityhave emphasized,the focus of Victorianconstructions of manhood.Herbert
Sussman's analysisof the ways in which"psychicdisciplinedefineswhatthe Victorians
termmanliness"contendsthat"theproperregulation of an innatemaleenergy"became"the
centralproblematic in theVictorianpracticeof masculinity" (3). Likewise,in thepersistent
concernwithself-discipline JamesEli Adamsrevealstracesof surprising affinities
between
a wide rangeof models of the middle-classman,which"in theirdifferent ways embody
masculinity as a virtuosoasceticism"(2). Definedin oppositionto theragingandpassionate
savage abroad, andto thelicentiousand warlikearistocrat at home,8thebourgeoisChristian
manof themid-nineteenth century predicatedhis masteryof thecolonieson his masteryof
thehouseholdand of his own impulses.
The doubleimportance of restraint at theideologicalnexusof empireand masculinity
to
helps explain the aversion of the Victoriansto thehorrifyingly unregulated figureof the
noble savage.9The strenuousdisciplinerequiredof theempire'smen demandedthatthey
fiercely rejectthehypothesis of an instinctivelymoralandeffortlessly manlynative.Charles
Dickens,in his essay on "The Noble Savage" (1853), tookup thistaskwithgenocidalzeal:

I calla savagesomething desirable

highly offthefaceoftheearth Allthenoble
tobe civilised
savage's wars withhis (and
fellow-savages he takesno in anything
pleasure else) arewarsof

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210 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

extermination - whichis thebestthingI knowofhim,andthemostcomfortable tomymindwhenI

lookat him.. .. My positionis,thatifwe haveanythingto learnfromtheNobleSavage,itis whatto
avoid.His virtuesarea fable;hishappinessa delusion;hisnobility
nonsense.(467,469,472)

Pointingherechieflyto theZulus,whoselives,he imagines,are "passedchindeep in a lake

of blood" (469), Dickens unwittingly projectsupon themhis own vicious fantasies;even
as he delightsin theprospectof theirextermination, theviolentimpulsesare represented
as theirsratherthanhis own. Because of theirown powerfulprohibitions, in otherwords,
theVictoriansneededto identify violentimpulseand passion,ratherthanuntutored virtues,
as the centralfeaturesof primitiveman. As Lubbock wrotein PrehistoricTimes(1865),
"thetruesavage is neitherfreenornoble;he is a slave to his own wants,his ownpassions"
(Stocking153).
When lost worldromancersaffirm theviolentimpulsesburiedin Dickens's desireto
"civilise"theZulus "offthefaceoftheearth,"theydefytheoldervalueofrestraint, bothas a
tenetofimperialism and as theunderpinning of theformsofVictorianmasculinity Sussman
andAdamsdescribe.The heroicmanoftheNew Imperialism couldrecognizethebarbarous
otherin himselfand exalthis own untrammeled instinctas botha tool of empireand the
coreof his manhood.Haggard'sKingSolomon'sMines (1885), perhapsthemostinfluential
of thelostworldnovels,makesthisturnabundantly clear.Settingoffto finda lostbrother,
a trioof Englishadventurers - the hunterAllan Quatermain,the aristocratand armchair
anthropologist Sir HenryCurtis,and thenavalofficer CaptainJohnGood - discoverinstead
a lostbrotherhood withtheinhabitants of thebiblicalcityof Ophir.In thisancientsetting,
whichis repeatedly describedas "likeParadise"(108; ch. 7), theadventurers finda losttribe
of Zulus,called Kukuanas,"themostmagnificent setof menI have everseen" (120; ch. 8).
These menare distinguished by theirmartialprowess(theyboasta "magnificent systemof
military organization"[39; intro.] thatechoes England'sown)10 and by their
physique(like
Kipling'sKafiristanis, "notone of themwas undersix feetin height"[120; ch. 8]). Fighting
amongtheKukuanasin supportof theirrightful KingIgnosi,theEnglishmendiscovertheir
affinitieswiththeseprimitive warriors.This is especiallytrueof Sir Henry,whoseimposing
statureand Nordicfeaturesimmediately remindQuatermainof England'sVikingheritage:
"ifone onlylet his hairgrowa bit,putone of thosechainshirtson to thosegreatshoulders
of his,and gave hima big battle-axe"(44; ch. 1), Quatermainmuses,he wouldbe a model
Viking.And whenIgnosi latersuppliesSir Henrywithexactlythiscostume,Quatermain
sees himnotonlyas a Viking,butas a Kukuana,too: "The dresswas, no doubt,a savage
one,butI am boundto say I neversaw a finersightthanSir HenryCurtispresentedin this
guise. It showedoffhis magnificent physiqueto the greatestadvantage,and whenIgnosi
arrivedpresently,arrayed in similarcostume,I thought to myselfthatI neverbeforesaw two
suchsplendidmen"(167; ch. 12). Thus equipped,Sir Henryneedsonlytojoin thebattleto
regresstriumphantly alonghisbloodline:"Therehe stood,thegreatDane, forhe was nothing
else, his his
hands, axe, and his armour,all red withblood, and nonecould live beforehis
stroke.TimeaftertimeI saw itcome sweepingdown,as somegreatwarrior ventured to give
himbattle,and as he struckhe shouted,'O-hoylO-hoyVlikehis Bersekirforefathers" (183;
ch. 14). Findinghismasculineideal in a gloriousatavism,HaggardturnsDickens'srejection
of warlikesavageryon itshead. The berserkimpulsesofprimitive masculinity,so centralto
mid-Victorianconstructions of difference,are hereused to collapse thedifferences of time,
space - evenrace. Vikings,Quatermaintellsus, are "a kindof whiteZulus" (44; ch. 1).

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 ImperialBarbarians 211

Thereare,however,two sortsof disciplinemaintainedin Haggard'snovel.The firstis

martialdiscipline,thoughthisis distinctfrom,and farolderthan,the nineteenth-century
emphasison prudentialrestraint. The second formof discipline,more in keepingwith
Victoriantradition, is sexual. Womenare largelybannedfromKing Solomon's Mines -
Quatermainproclaimsat theoutsetthat"thereis nota petticoatin thewhole history"(42;
ch. 1) - butthewomenwho do appearchallengethestory'stacticof constructing primitive
heroismthrough masculineidentification. Gagool,theageless witch,threatens to exposethe
sordidlymaterialmotivesof thewhitepresencein Africa(134; ch. 9), and thusto shatter
the fantasyof interracialbrotherhood in arms.Foulata,the loyal Kukuana ingenuewith
whomGood fallsin love, raisesthespecterof miscegenation, at whichHaggard'sshallow
racialrelativism balks.As in Kipling'sKafiristan, womenmarktheboundaryof acceptable
primitive heroism.But withtheirmarginality strictlyenforced,manlinessmay be defined
in a way thattrumpsracial difference. The questionswithwhichQuatermainbeginshis
narrative - "am I a gentleman?Whatis a gentleman?"- cannotbe answeredin termsof
racialdifference: "I don'tquiteknow,and yetI havehad to do withniggers- no,I'll scratch
thatword'niggers'out,forI don'tlikeit.I've knownnativeswho are, . . .andI haveknown
meanwhiteswithlotsof moneyand freshout fromhome,too,who ainyf (43; ch. 1). The
answerto Quatermain'sproblem,whichultimately displacesgentlemanliness withthemore
inclusiveissue of manliness,11 is finallyansweredthrough theexperienceof primalferocity
on thebattlefield: "forthefirsttimein mylife,I feltmybosomburnwithmartialardour.. ..
my blood, which hitherto had been half-frozen withhorror, wentbeatingthrough myveins,
and therecame uponme a savagedesireto killand sparenot.I glancedroundat theserried
ranksof warriorsbehindus, and somehow,all in an instant,began to wonderif my face
looked like theirs"(182; ch. 14). BindingtogetherVikings,Zulus, and Britons- as well
as the Israelites,Egyptians,and Phoenicianswho have lefttheirmarksamid the ruins-
theimperialheroismof Haggard'stale ultimately dependson regressing towarda primitive
martialmanliness.12
This same constellation of concernspersistsin ArthurConan Doyle's The Lost World
(1912), written at thelatterend oftheNew Imperialist period.The questagainbeginswitha
crisisofmasculinity, as thenarrator, journalistand rugbyplayerEdwardMalone,is rejected
by his love forfailingto live up to the imperialheroismof the late Victorianexplorers;
she tellshimto striveafterthemodel of Stanleyand Burton(7; ch. 1). Togetherwiththe
simianProfessorChallengerand therenownedsportsman Lord Roxton,Malone travelsto
thebordersof BritishGuyanato provehis manhood.The primitive in Doyle's adventure
is moreexpresslyDarwinianthanthose of his predecessors,since the lost worldin this
case is a plateaustalkedby dinosaursand malevolentape-menwho approximate thefabled
"missing link"(194; ch. 11). The British men also discover a tribeof Indianson the plateau,
and theyidentify withthesemenas representatives of thehumanstruggleagainstthebeasts
in evolutionary history. Withthese"savage allies" (254; ch. 14), theBritishconducta war
of extermination againstthe ape-men,decisivelyestablishingthe supremacyof man on
theplateau(256-57; ch. 14). In thisbattle,Malone proveshis heroismby unleashinghis
barbarouspotential:

There
arestrange man.I amtender-hearted
inthesoulofthemostcommonplace
reddepths bynature,
andhavefoundmyeyesmoistmany a timeover
the of
scream a wounded hare.Yetthebloodlust

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2 12 VICTORIAN LITERATURE AND CULTURE

was on menow.I foundmyselfon myfeetemptying onemagazine,thentheother. . .whilecheering

andyellingwithpureferocity as I didso. (233-34; ch. 13)
andjoy ofslaughter

Havingachievedthissavageheroism,Malonereturns toLondon,onlytofindthathisbeloved
has hypocriticallymarrieda fatuous"littleman" (306; ch. 16), who worksas a solicitor's
clerk.The rottennessofthemetropole thusestablished,Malonedecidestoreturn withRoxton
to themasculineworldof the"dearold plateau"(309; ch. 16). The masculineallureof the
lostworldon theempire'sfrontier is reiteratedin thenovel's strikingfinalimage:"a brown
hand was stretched out to me across the table" (309; ch. 16). As it turnsout,thebrown
handis in factRoxton'sand not,as we mightfirstexpect,a SouthAmericannative's,but
thismomentary ambiguityis telling:thecall of truemasculinity makes such a distinction
unnecessary.
Malone and Roxtonwill returnto SouthAmericaand Quatermainand his companions
will returnto Africain thesequel to King Solomon's Mines,just as Dravotand Carnehan,
beforetheirdownfall,launchedraid afterraid in theirunrelenting effortsto widen their
domainand repeattheiradventures.And whynot?Shortof death,thelost worldromance
suggestsno reasonto abandonthe unendingsatisfactions of primitivestruggle,any more
thantheexpansionistaspirationsof New Imperialismrecognizedanynecessaryterritorial
limits.These storiesescape the conventionalrestrictions of two commonplaceVictorian
narratives.The firstis thenarrative of progress.Understanding civilizationas a veneeror
even a degeneratedelusion,the lost worldadventurer freeshimselffromtheriskof ever
accomplishingthecivilizingmission;in thestrugglesof perpetualprimitivism, thereis no
ultimateobjective,onlytheimmediatepurposefulness of an interminable seriesof battles.
The secondnarrative is thatof manliness:as Sussmanargues,"For theVictoriansmanhood
is notan essencebuta plot,"a conditionto be arduouslyachievedand carefully maintained
(13). By experiencing manlybehavioras an instinctive expressionof his body,thebarbaric
herofindshis fulfillment suddenly,fitfully,in momentsof stress.His masculineplotthus
escapes theploddinglinearity of themid-VictorianBildungsroman and anticipatestheself-
realizationof a Modernistepiphany.His manliness,like the settingof his stories,can be
fundamentally unchanging;his adventures, like thegrowthof empirein a jingoist'sdream,
can be limitless.

PrimalMenandNewImperialists

Lost world fiction flourished at a timewhenestablisheddogmasofgenderandempire

werebothundersiege.After1870,as JohnToshhas argued,middle-classmasculinity began
to driftawayfromthedomesticvaluesthathad anchoreditfordecades.A manofDickens's
generationmeasuredhimselfas a homeowner, husband,and father, buthis boys wouldbe
morelikelyto asserttheirmanhoodin thehomosocialcontextsof themilitary, theplaying
field,and theclub. This from
"flight domesticity,"as Tosh calls it,was particularly evident
among the men who left Britainforthe colonies, withthe result that"[t]he empirewas
runby bachelors"(175). Thoughthismaybe too broada generalization, it is certainly
true
thatthegreatimperialheroes,such as Gordon,Kitchener, and laterT. E. Lawrence,were
conspicuouslyunmarried, while Baden-Powellmarriedquite late in life. Rhodes was so
averseto womenthathe hiredonlymale servants.

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 ImperialBarbarians 213

Whilethecoloniespromiseda manlyalternative to a metropolethatseemedincreasingly

feminized,thevalues of theempireitselfwerein flux.Confidencein theimperialmission
was shakenby a numberof military defeatsat thehandsof Afghanistanis, Zulus, Sudanese,
andBoers,andbytheverysuccessesofexpansion,whichleftLondonin controlofvastnew
Even to theVictoriansthemotivesforthisburstofacquisitionwereunclear:were
territories.
theycivilizingthesavages,openingnew areas of trade,competingwithEuropeanrivalsfor
prestige,or merelyprotecting theirexistingterritorialinterests?
Unless, like Rhodes,one
believedin expansionas an end in itself,in empireforempire'ssake, thepurposebehind
theexplosivegrowthseemedambiguous.As JohnSeeley famouslyjoked, "We seem,as it
were,to have conqueredand peopledhalftheworldin a fitof absence of mind"(12). Out
ofthisideologicalfogemergedlostworldstories,sustainedby a moregeneralunease about
theapparentdegeneracyof an Englandthathad growndecadentlyover-civilized. The bogey
of thehen-pecked,lowermiddle-classclerkwas beginningto seem moreof a dangerto
imperialcharacter thantheprimitive, bloodthirstyZulu.13
The Victoriantransvaluation of primitivemasculinitymay be traced back to the
popularizationof "muscularChristianity" at the middle of the centuryin such novels
as Thomas Hughes's TomBrown's School Days (1857), which idealizes, withinlimits,
the rowdyexpressionof masculinityin the roughcontestsof boys. Charles Kingsley's
- -
greathistoricalnovels of the 1850s Hypatia (1853) and WestwardHo! (1855) are
even more apposite:these novels emphasize at once masculinity'sembodimentand its
historicity,so that the appropriateexperienceof the male body becomes vital to the
progress civilization.While Kingsleyaccordsa new respectforthefleshlyimpulsesof
of
manliness,he is reluctant to valuethemfortheirownsake,andhe measurestheunrestrained
savage against other potential models of manhood.In Hypatia,fifth-century Alexandrian
politicspit Christian monks, who signifyboth moral rectitudeand an effeminate retreat
fromactivestruggle,14 againsta groupof giganticGothicbarbarians,whose strength and
warlikespiritKingsleytreatsas admirablebut insufficiently checked by conscience or
principle.Kingsleyholdsouthopeforsomereconciliation betweenthesewarringmasculine
types, most notably in the "Squire-Bishop" Synesius, who writesdevotionalhymnswhen
not huntingostrichesfromhorseback,and who "manfully"refusesto give up his wife
when he takes holy office(319; ch. 21). Yet Hypatia's clash of monksand barbarians,
emblematic as itis ofa confrontation betweenearlyandlateVictoriansymbolsofmasculinity,
demonstrates thateven thoughpropermanhoodwas beginningto includevaluableprimal
instincts,such instinctswere not yet trusted.Like Hughes, Kingsley maintainedthat
masculineimpulsesneeded to be controlledand channeledin accordancewithChristian
behavior,15 and neitherwould go so far as to accept a non-Europeansavage as a role
model.16
The Victoriansalso began to attendmore closely to the physical dimensionsof
masculinityduringthe mania for sportsthatspannedthe period fromthe 1850s to the
'80s, when new images of well-muscledand massive manlinessappeared regularlyin
thepopularpress.Still,as Bruce Haley has shown,thehealthydevelopmentof thebody
tendedto be valued only insofaras it accompanieda healthymentaldevelopment;the
corporesano was suspectwithoutthemenssana. Haleypointsoutthatin TheEgoist(1879),
GeorgeMeredithrejectsthearistocratic WilloughbyPatterneas a masculinemodelbecause
his prepossessingathleticbody masks a brutaland primitivesoul. Willoughbyis thusa
barbaricthrowbackin bothbody and spiritwhose anachronisticstyleof manhoodmust

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214 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

be superceded.17 Nevertheless, theemergingviews of athleticmasculinity were notall as

temperedby reservations about intellectual or spiritualgrowth. At the imperialtraining
groundsof the public schools, as J. A. Mangan has observed,the cult of competitive
athleticismthatbegan withthe doctrinesof muscularChristianity eventuallyprivileged
themuscularso muchmorethantheChristianthattheirsportingeventsowed moreto the
valuesof social Darwinism(30-31).
Justas religiousvirtuesof restraint gave way to physicalforceand impulseamongthe
athletic"bloods" on the public school pitches,so too did Christianrectituderecede as a
heroicqualityin theimperialadventurestoriesthestudentsread.Britishadventurers in lost
worldfictionmay sometimesreferto Christ,buttheydo surprisingly littleto promulgate
Christianity. Indeed,theyare easily satisfiedif the natives'faithvaguelyapproximatesa
hopeful monotheism. More stronglyheld religiousdifferences presentan obstacleto the
identification betweenthe Britishand theircounterparts, which is why these heroes so
routinely findthattheirchiefadversary is a maliciousnativepriest,shaman,orwitch-doctor,
whose cruel superstitions are conventionally indicatedby the threatof humansacrifice.
But thesame logic thatnecessitatestheeliminationof ostentatiously hereticalnativesalso
demandstheabsence of aggressivelyproselytizing Christians, since theytoo highlight the
differences betweentheBritishand theircounterparts. Missionaries,therefore, tend to come
offbadly in thesestories.AndrewLang's "The End of Phaeacia" (1886), forinstance,is
narratedby a blustering missionaryof "theBungletoniancommunion"(4), who is washed
ashore on the same Phaeacia describedin The Odyssey.His zealous disdainforsecular
learningpreventshimfromrecognizingtheimportance of his discoveryor thegrandeurof
theGreeksurvivalLang describes,andbypaintinghimas an imbecilicbully,Lang suggestsa
terribledistancebetweentheHomericheroandthemodernmanofgod.InAlan Quatermain,
Haggarddescribesthefailedattemptof a peacefulmissionaryto createan entirelyBritish
domesticspace in Africa,an "oasis . . .ofEuropeancivilization"(104; ch. 9). The missionary
realizesthathe mustreturnhis familyto England,butnotbeforean encounterwithMasai
kidnappersteacheshim thatthebest way of interacting withheathensis witha carving-
knife.On Haggard'simperialfrontier, a man is notennobledby eitherhis domestictiesor
his Christianconvictions, butby his bloodiestimpulses.
Shorn of its connectionswith civilizationand religion,the emergingsense of a
masculinity rootedin thepowerfulbodybecamea fixation of lateVictorianculture,and itis
virtually ubiquitous in lost world fiction.We have seen it alreadyin theBritishprotagonists
of thesestories(Dravotand Carnehan,Sir HenryCurtis,Roxtonand Challenger),butitalso
appearsin theirprimitive counterparts (the Kafiristanis, Kukuanas,and Indians).Haggard
repeats the formula of size and strength in Allan Quatermainto describeboththeMasai
("none of the Masai that I saw were under six feet high"[63; ch. 5]) and his greatZulu hero
Umslopogaas("a verytall, broad man,quite six foot three"[22; ch. 1]). In R. M. Ballantyne's
TheGiantoftheNorth(1881), Britishexplorersareled tothenorthpole bya friendly Eskimo
("seven feettwo . . . witha lithe,handsomefigure[and an] immensechestand shoulders"
[2; ch. 1]). In FrancisAtkins'sThe Devil Treeof El Dorado (1896), theBritishheroesgo
to war in the serviceof thatlost city'srightful king,Monella, a toweringman over two
thousandyearsold, witha body as "supple and muscularas thatof a youngman's" (146;
ch. 14). Similarlogic also producesin thesestoriesan abundanceof dwarves,who,as in J.
M. Cobban's The Tyrants ofKool-Sim(1896), can be used to implya stuntedmasculinity in
opposition to their
giantneighbors.18 Whethertitanicor dwarfish, theanachronistic menof

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 ImperialBarbarians 215

thelostworldsunderscore thenewemphasison thephysicality ofmanliness,whichgenerally

standsas shorthand formartialprowess.
By embodyingmasculinity, thesestoriesgive it evolutionary
implications;in addition
to presenting idealizedindividuals,theyspeakof "manly"or "warlike"races. This too is an
aspectof a widerpatternin late Victorianthought.While imperialistscertainlyfeminized
certain"races,"theyalso founditusefulto imagineothersas especiallymasculineand fierce
(e.g., Sikhs,Pathans,Gurkhas,Sudanese,Zulus,Matabele).This tendencywas particularly
pronounced amongmilitary men,notonlybecausetheyhadfoughtagainstthesepeoples,but
becausetheyhadfoughtwiththem:manyoftheempire'sgreatvictorieswerewonby"native"
regiments andconscripts.GarnetWolseley,GilbertandSullivan's"verymodelofthemodern
Major-General," was amongthosewho concededthemartialprowessof savageraces:

I do notthinkEuropeanslearndrillas quicklyas theBasutoortheZulu. It is astonishingto see the

zeal, theundisguised interest
and application thesesavagesbringto bearuponall military lessons
givento them.. .. Thereseemsto be something in thedispositionandgeniusof thecommonstock
fromwhichtheycome,somehereditary bias in theirbrain,in theirveryblood,whichfitsthemfor
theeasyacquisition ofa soldier'sduties.(690)

Racistas Wolseley's assessmentis - he is unwillingtoadmitanyvirtueoftheZulusotherthan

an aptitudeforfighting - thelogic of his argument nevertheless drivesa wedgebetweenthe
qualitiesofmilitary fitnessand thoseofcivilization. If thiscentrallyimportant dimensionof
in
manlinessweretobe discoveredin thebodies, the"very blood" of savages, thenprimitive
mencould equal, or evensurpass,theBritish.
Lost world storiesdramatizedencounterswith such manlyraces, and popularized
preciselythe physicalqualitiesof manlinessprizedin the militaristic strainsof the New
Imperialism.They transformed the imperialfrontier into the greatcrucibleof manhood,
notonlybecause thefrontier was easily imaginedas a space of combat,butalso because
the battlesin thatsettingagainstand alongsideotherraces were particularly suitedfor
measurements of powerin termsof bodilyformand instinctuntrammeled by civilizedor
religiousconstraint. The abilityofBritishheroesto holdtheirownon thefrontier could also
assuagelateVictoriananxietiesaboutdegeneration, eveniftheirsuccessrequiredmimicking
barbarians;therealthreatto manlinessconceivedin thesetermswas notsavagerybutrather
civilizationitself."I suspectthatin manyways [ours]has been a progressfromstrength to
weakness,"wrotetheinfluential colonial administrator JamesFitzjamesStephen:"If this
shouldbe so, itappearstome thatall othergains,whether in wealth,knowledgeorhumanity,
afford no equivalent.Strength, in all itsforms,is lifeand manhood.To be less strongis to be
less of a man,whateverelse you maybe. This suspicionpreventsme,forone, fromfeeling
anyenthusiasmaboutprogress"(199). The hulkingheroesof lost worldstories,whatever
theirrace,bearout thissimpleequationof manlinessand strength. Yet it is theflamboyant
anachronism of thisfictionthatspeaksto Stephen'sotherconcern:theproblemof progress
itself.

andAtlantis
Anthropology

Neither muscular Christianity nor social Darwinismcan accountforthetendencyin

as a transformative
lostworldfictionto stagethesearchforimperialmasculinity encounter

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2 16 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

betweenthemodernand theprimitive. Nordo theyquiteanswerthemorepressingproblem

posed by these stories: how was "the primitive"modifiedinto the psychicallycharged
category of "the lost"? Like the oppositionbetweenprimitiveand modern,loss suggests
distance,yetitorientsan impliednarrative ofchangebackwardstowarda traumatic moment
of separationwhilesimultaneously the
necessitating recognition of an earliertime of unity
or relativewholeness.Storiesof lost othersrequiretheirreadersto entertainthe notion
of a forgotten sharedidentity,so thatdifferences betweenpeoples can be regardedas
circumstantial ratherthanontological,and difference itselfread as a signof absencerather
thanproofof progress.Lost worlds,afterall, are notthe same as discardedworlds.Loss
presupposessome value worthrecovering,and even the hope of restoration, of paradise
regained. In its to the an
propensity grant "primitive" unprecedented and
psychic sociological
value,lost worldfictionsharesa surprising numberof assumptionswiththecontemporary
discourseof evolutionary anthropology.
At firstglance,the dynamicsof nostalgiaand desireimplicitin formulations of lost
worldsseem markedlyopposedto familiarcondemnations of theprimitive in theemerging
disciplineof anthropology. E. B. Tylor'slandmarkPrimitiveCulture,forinstance,attempts
notonlytoscrutinize "primitive" peoplesinotherpartsoftheglobe,buttoreassureVictorians
of a supremacythatfollowsfromtheperemptory logic of culturaldevelopment:

The hypothetical
primitivecondition in a considerable
corresponds degreeto thatofmodernsavage
who,inspiteoftheirdifference
tribes, anddistance,
haveincommoncertain ofcivilization,
elements
whichseemremainsof an earlystateof thehumanrace at large.If thishypothesis
be true,then,
the continualinterference
notwithstanding of degeneration,the main tendencyof culturefrom
up tomoderntimeshasbeenfromsavagery
primaeval towardscivilization.
(21)

In Tylor's comparativemodel, the functionof "the primitive"is to inspirebelief in a

grandnarrative of culturalprogressquitecounterto narratives of loss; thetemporalpoles
of savageryand civilizationcan be used confidently to assert a European superiority
guaranteedby scientificlaw. And by constructing a naturalizedmodel of space-timethat
views non-Europeanpeoples as livingrelicsof culturalobsolescence,as JohannesFabian
has emphasized,evolutionaryanthropologyis "foundedon distancingand separation"
(26-27). Tylor'scomparisonof "modernsavage tribes"to "the earlystateof the human
race" impliesa Victorianvisionof global dominationas an unfinished narrative, theending
of whichwill be written by imperialprojectsranging from civilizing missions to genocidal
violence.
PrimitiveCulturemaythusseem a supremelyarrogant expressionof Britain'simperial
one
chauvinism, designed to bolstera flatteringdogma progress.But thetaxonomiesof
of
culturaldifference Tylor sketches are only one dimensionof his project,whichis in fact
foundedupon a complicatedand unstabletensionbetweenpast and present.Centralto his
workis a desireto discovercivilization'sdistantorigins,to "reconstruct losthistory"(15),
and theseoriginscan be recaptured onlyby acknowledging that the foreignis necessaryto
understand thefamiliar, so thatBritishidentityis revealedtobe partial,unfixed, andrelative.
Consequently,primitive others relate to the modern man not merely as his foils,but as
vitalexemplarsof his own heritage.19 Tylor announces thathis work depends "twogreat
on
principles":he needs to show thatcivilization's
"various gradesmay regardedas stagesof
be
or but
development evolution," equallyimportant is "theuniformity whichso largelypervades

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 ImperialBarbarians 2 17

civilization"(1). The comparativemethod,at its heart,insistsas rigorouslyon similarity,

continuity, andanalogyas itdoes on difference andcontrast: "Progress,degradation, survival,
revival,modification areall modesoftheconnexionthatbindstogether thecomplexnetwork
of civilization.It needs buta glance intothetrivialdetailsof our own daily life to set us
thinking howfarwe arereallyitsoriginators, andhowfarbutthetransmitters andmodifiersof
theresultsoflongpastages" (17). So important to Tylorarethese"modesof ... connexion"
thathe expresslydismissesthe divisivecategoryof race as a necessarytool of cultural
analysis;he pointsout,forinstance,thatthereis "scarcea hand'sbreadthdifference between
an Englishploughmanand a negroof CentralAfrica"(7).
While PrimitiveCulturemay be dedicatedto the principleof progress,its pages are
crowdedwithexamplesof cultural"survivals,"the customsand superstitions of modern
Europethat,Tylorargues,are butthethinlydisguisedvestigesof primitive practices.Tylor
regardssurvivalsas "evidenceofthe"directandclose connexon. . . betweenmodernculture
andtheconditionoftherudestsavage"(159), andhe sees themeverywhere: inthepersistence
ofbonfirecelebrations, in theseeminglyinnocentgamesof children, evenin thesalutations
evokedby a sneeze,whichTyloruses to linkBritishcourtesywithancientGreekdivination
and modernZulu animism(97-100). PrimitiveCulture'slong parade of survivalspartly
undermines Tylor'sown thesisof progressby challengingcomplacenciesabout a wholly
distinctstateof civilization.But Tyloris farmoretroubledby "revivals"- such as thelate
Victoriangrowthin spiritualism - throughwhichancientpracticesreturn, quiteforcefully,
to a modernworldthatshouldhave supercededthem.Revivalsare notmerelytheharmless
shadowsof ancientbarbarism, butstrongevidenceof "thedirectnesswithwhichantiquity
and savagerybear upon . . .modernlife" (159), and are therefore even moremenacingto
thenarrative of progress.No doubtTylorwould condemnthebarbaricvalues of lost world
fictionas yetanotherregrettable revival,buthisown successin establishing theintimateand
ubiquitousconnection betweentheprimitive andthemodernnonetheless bolstersthegenre's
centralpremises.Lost worldromancersshareTylor'sfascinationwithpsychicand cultural
survivalsalong withhis beliefin the profoundbut hiddenconnectionsbetweencivilized
Europeans,modernsavages abroad,and a universalconditionfromwhichbothoriginated.
In theirfantastic anachronisms, thesestoriestransfer thepureprimitive statefromtherealm
of anthropological conjectureto thestageof colonialadventure.
Of course,storiesof loss differsharplyfromprogressnarratives in theirattitude
toward
time,orienting attentionbackwardratherthanforward to futuregoals ofchangeand reform.
Lost worldstoriesmarktheirdistrust of narratives of progressand civilizationby imagining
settings in which time is largelyimpotent. Free of theassumptionsthosegrandnarratives
bring, lostworlds can be peopled with cultures whose featsrivalor surpassthoseof modern
Britain.The relativegreatnessof lost culturesbecame a recurring theme,encouragednot
onlybycomparative anthropology butalso by a public engrossed by dazzling archaeological
discoveries:Stephensand Catherwood'ssurveyof Mayanruins,Layard'sworkon Nineveh
and Babylon,Schliemann'sexcavationof Troy,Mauch's discoveryof GreatZimbabwe,
and FlindersPetrie'sEgyptologicalexplorations.Understanding thesediscoveriesin light
of theirown concerns,the Victorianssaw images of boththe grandeurand transienceof
forgotten empires.Storiesof lostworldsdevelopthisthemeintoa visionof imperialtimein
whichencounters withthepastserveless to illustrate theoriesof progressor declinethanto
imply a vast,cyclicalchronology:empires come and empiresgo, butempireitselfremains
constant.

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2 18 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

Archaeologyand comparative anthropology combinedto reviveandrewrite thegreatest

Westernmythofa forgotten world,thelostcontinent ofAtlantis,whichnowbeganto appear
in its modernguise as botha lostparadiseand a prehistoricempireof enormousreach.Of
themanyquasi-scientific projectsto rediscover in
Atlantis thelateVictorianperiod,themost
influential
was theAmericanIgnatiusDonnelly'sAtlantis:TheAntediluvian World(1882).
Donnelly's view of Atlantissuggests both the of of
powerfulappeal myths primitive unity
and the tendencyto articulatesuch fantasiesin imperialterms.The Atlantishe describes
was an empirethatcastitscoloniesoverfivecontinents and shapedthecultureof all ancient
peoples. The Atlanteans,he writes,

werethefounders ofnearlyall ourartsandsciences;theyweretheparents ofourfundamentalbeliefs;

theywerethefirst thefirst
civilizers, navigators, thefirst thefirst
merchants, oftheearth.. ..
colonizers
Thislostpeoplewereourancestors, theirbloodflowsin ourveins;thewordswe use everydaywere
heard,in theirprimitiveform,in theircities,courtsandtemples.Everylineof raceandthought, of
bloodandbelief,leadsbacktothem.(479)

Donnelly'swas notas marginalan opinionas we mightexpect.In theWestminster Reviewin

1895,Oliphant Smeaton cites the monuments of Easter Island as confirmation of Donnelly's
view,callingAtlantisa "greatempire,""an advancedcivilization,"and "thecradleof the
humanrace" ("A Mystery"31). In 1868, JamesChurchward, a Britishcolonel servingin
India,began researching a lost continent called Mu, "an incalculablyancientcivilization,
whichwas in manyrespects,superiorto our own" (8). Such hypothesesoftenincludedthe
superiormasculinity of thelong-lostmen.Donnelly,forinstance,contendedthattheGreek
of
myths gods and giantswere half-remembered storiesof Atlanteans,whose "physical
was
strength extraordinary, the earth shaking sometimes undertheirtread"(286). An article
in theCornhillassertedthattheoriginalinhabitants oftheCanaryIslandswere"remnants of
theancientrace"ofAtlantis, andpraisedthegreatness oftheirmen:"So tallweretheythatthe
Spaniardsspeakof themas giants,and theirstrength and endurancewereso greatthatthey
wereconqueredbystratagem butnotbyforce.Theyranas fastas horses. . .theycouldclimb
thehighestmountainsandjump thedeepestravines"("Forgotten Race" 41). The fantasyof
Atlantis, rediscovered as both a livingculture and an ancient imperialprogenitor, inspireda
flurryof lostworld stories at the end of thenineteenth century, and ithas remained a familiar
themein popularcultureeversince. C. J.Cuttliffe Hyne's The Lost Continent (1899) and
Atkins'sA Queen ofAtlantis(1898) are bothclassics of themodernAtlantistradition, and
Haggard and Doyle would eventuallytry theirhands at Atlantis storiesas well.20
The persistent associationof thesediversethemes- embodiedmasculinity, primitive
imperialpower,lostand rediscovered connectionswiththebarbarouspast,theflattening of
imperial time - are nicely illustrated by Smeaton's lost world A
novel, Mystery the
of Pacific
(1899). Set in the South Seas, the novel's principalEnglishcharactersrepresent imperial
powerin threeof its mostprominent aspects: the narrator, Bill Markham,worksforthe
AustralianColonialSecretary, andhe is joinedbyan officer ofthePolynesianLabourTrade,
and an ethnologistnamedProfessorBarlow.On the trailof Barlow's lost brother-in-law,
theyhappenupon an unchartedisland and a mysteriouscitypopulatedby the unaltered
descendentsof first-century Roman colonists.Afterovercomingsome resistancefromthe
local Pontifex,theypraise the Romans as "a fine,noble,manlyrace" (92; ch. 6), and as
representatives of "thatmightyempire,thestateliestand themostimposingtheworldhas

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 ImperialBarbarians 219

everknown"(48; ch. 3). The Romansare perpetually at war withtheisland's natives,the

"negroid" Ariuta (177; ch. 12), whom as
theyregard barbarians.While Smeatonoffersno
Haggardesquescenesofepicbloodbaths, theEnglishmen aregiventhechancetofight against
andwithbothpeoples.Eventuallytheydiscover thattheAriutasarenotnativesat all, butthe
descendentsof colonistsfromAtlantis,and guardiansof a civilization"evenmorecomplex
and moreadvanced"thanthatof theRomans(279; ch. 17). Theirsacredunderground city
represents "thelast survivinglinkunitingthe worldof to-daywiththe gloriesof thelost
Atlantis"(275; ch. 17). In short,the noveljuxtaposesmodernEnglishcolonistswiththe
greatestimperialpowersof thepast,bothhistoricaland mythical.The charactersrespect,
and evenrevere,theseideologicalancestors,and Markhamhappilyminimizesthepotential
differences betweenthem:hetellsa Roman"thatitis immaterial underwhatnamewe worship
thegreatFatherof all, whetheras Jove,or God, or Siva, or whateverelse" (221; ch.14). At
thenovel's conclusion,Markhamdecides to remainon theisland: "Neverhave I regretted
takingfarewellof Old England,dearthoughit shalleverbe to me,norof severingall tiesof
race and kindredin theland of myfathers"(335; ch. 20). The searchfora lostbrotherhas
led himto a landof stillolderfathers,and a moreblissfuland fulfilling lifein thelostworld.
Smeaton'sstoryis a bizarreassemblageof incongruities; surelyfewnovels are more
absurdthanthisone, whichyokes togetherpluckymodernBritishimperialists, magical
Atlanteans,and Romans arrestedin historicaltime. How strangethis combinationof
wild anachronism, racial and religiousrelativism,primitiveimperialism,and masculine
militarism, andyet,withinthecontoursofthelostworldgenre,howthoroughly predictable.
The coherenceof Smeaton'snovellies notin thelogic of thetextitself,butin therangeof
psychicneedsandimperialaspirations thatintersectintheVictorianfantasy ofthelostworld.
This culturalfantasyis notas easilytracedoutsidethepages of popularfiction, norare
its influencesas easily delineatedas its origins.Certainlyit promotesbothan aggressive
masculinity and theviolentimperialtacticscontemporary Liberalscondemnedas "methods
ofbarbarism." Formilitary suchas Wolseley,colonialproblemsdemandeda kind
strategists
ofwarfaresuitedto theconditionsof savagery:"Almostall ourcolonialmilitary misfortunes
the
during reign of Queen Victoria,are tobe accounted for bythe factthat we have attempted
to fightgreatwarlikenativeraces withthe same formaltacticsas thosewhichsucceeded
at Waterloo"(702). The approachto conflictthattheBritishassociatedwiththe "warlike
nativeraces"might,at best,be justifiedby somegreatergoal,becomingwhatKiplingcalled
"the savage wars of peace" ("WhiteMan's Burden"216). At worst,it could amountto a
creepingrealpolitik andthesortofbrutality perpetratedbytheBritishin SouthAfricaor the
Americansin thePhillipines.21 And well beforethepublicationof Nietzche'sThe Willto
Power(1901), lostworldstoriesbeganto preparea Britishpopularaudienceforthecoming
century's bloodyinternational conflictsin thesame termsas Nietzsche'sdarklycelebratory
prophecy:

I amdelightedatthemilitary ofEurope.. .. Personalandmanlycapacity,

development bodilycapacity
arebecomingmorephysical,nutrition
recoversitsvalue,valuations consistsevermoreandmoreof
flesh.Finemenhaveoncemorebecomepossible.. .. The savageineveryoneofus is acknowledged,
eventhewildanimal.(104)

militarism
By portraying as theprimalexpressionofenduringly essentialmasculinequalities,
lostworldstoriesuse warandmanlystrength tonaturalizeone anotherin a sinister
tautology.

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220 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

"Man is bornto kill,"says Haggard'ssavage championUmslopogaasin Alan Quatermain.

"He who killsnotwhenhis blood is hotis a woman,and no man.The people who killnot
are slaves" (52-53; ch. 4). Lost worldfictiondreamsof a pre-historical mandateforempire
articulated in theblood and sinewsof themale body,and it is worthremembering thatthis
mandatedoes notstandon thefoundations of Enlightenment principles,Christian virtues,
or eventhequalitiesof Britishnessor whiteness.These storiesseize thefamiliarbinarisms
of Victorianimperialism and complicate,reverse,or evencollapse them,and notmerelyin
ways that indicate ambivalence or anxiety.
Lost worldfiction'sdisruption of theprogressnarrative and itsblurring of space,race,
andtimegeneratedan empowering of
conception imperialmasculinity, one which wouldfind
concreteexpressionin thetribute to suchostensiblyhybridheroesas RichardFrancisBurton
andLawrenceofArabia.22Andlostworldsbolsteredin theirwaythecelebration of strength
and thetide of uncheckedviolenceacross thetwentieth century that Eric Hobsbawm has
calledthe"slidedowntheslopeofbarbarization" (256). Hobsbawm's analysisreminds us, as
lostworldwriters do not,thatbarbaricviolenceis notmerelythe"re-emergence ofprimordial
forcestoo long suppressed"(264). But neitheris it,as Hobsbawmcontends,simplywhat
remainswhenEnlightenment standardscrumble,a Hobbesianpre-rational conditionthat
drags us down its slope witha terribleinertia.The history of lost worldfiction teachesus
thatmodernbarbarismis notsome irresistible impulse to which we inevitablyreturn when
reasonfades;itis an ideologywithitsownhistory, activelyencouraged and sustained bya set
ofcarefullyelaboratedfantasiespresentedto menas thepsychicsolutionto theirown sense
of loss. Barbarismis made and remade- by popularcultureno less thanby governments -
and itcan be unmade.

Morris
ofMinnesota,
University

NOTES

1. As I willsuggest,the"lostrace"category placestoostarkanemphasisonraceas thegoverning concern

ofthesestories, in whichraceitselfbecomesso permeablea distinction. By substituting"world"for
"race,"I wantto drawattention to thegeographical andtemporal dimensions ofthesetting as more
crucialcharacteristics.Littlecriticalattentionhas been givenevento the"lostrace" category; one
prominent exceptionis CarterF. Hanson'soverview, thoughHansonlimitshis discussionto novels
producedprimarily fora juvenileaudience,andconsidersonlythosein whichtherediscovered lost
raceis white.WhileI concurwithhis generalpointthatthesestoriesconfront fearsofdegeneration
withfantasiesof imperialpermanence, myaccountof thecelebration ofbarbarous masculinity as a
mechanism ofimperialpowerdiffers markedly, as does theextentto whichI arguethatthesestories
acceptnon-white andnon-British menas models.
2. For a particularlyinfluentialstudyof thewaysgenderdifference was used to reinforce racialand
nationaldifferences, see McClintock. Foran importantandextended case studyofthisdynamic, see
Sinha.
3. Homi Bhabha'sworkseemsmorepromising in thisregard,sinceit drawsattention to theblurred
zone betweenselfand other,theareaof colonialambivalence, hybridity, and mimicry. Butbecause
Bhabha,too,assumesthattheunshakeable desireofimperialism is the"epicintention ofthecivilizing
mission"(85), hecanconceiveofmimicry onlyas an actofthesubaltern. Whatwe findinthebarbaric
imperialistsof lost worldtales,by contrast, mightbe called reversemimicry, an effortto project
desirabletraitsontoothersandthenrecolonizethemas lostelements oftheself.

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 ImperialBarbarians 221

4. Forearlyexamplesofthisreading, see MeyersandFussell.Morerecently, criticshavebeeninclinedto

see,at the a
veryleast, disillusioning ambivalence aboutempire.Christopher Lane,forinstance, argues
thatKipling'sstory"clarifies howbarbarism is centralto everycolonialproject"(27), and thereby
destabilizes thedistinctions necessaryto imperialism.As I suggesthere,however, neither barbarism
norunstabledistinctions arenecessarilycrippling toimperialfantasy.
5. In fact,DravotandCarnehanseemtobe modeledon realmenwhomKiplingadmired.MartinGreen
has suggested thatDravotandCarnehanmightbe readas caricatures ofRhodesandhisbelovedDr.
LeanderStarrJameson(284), who wouldlaterlead thedisastrous"JamesonRaid." The historical
figure on whomtheirconquestof Kafiristan is moreexplicitly modeled,however, is JamesBrooke,
whoruledSarawakunderthetitleof Rajah from1842to 1868 andbecamea modelof theimperial
adventurer.
6. See Marx's "How We Lost Kafiristan" foran exceptionally usefulanalysisof Kipling'suse of
ethnographical sourcesinthisstory.
7. On thegenderediconography of theBritishreactionto theSepoy Rebellion,see bothBrantlinger
(199-224) and Sharpe(57-82).
8. DavidoffandHall haveclarified how"theChristian middle-class man"hadto be distinguished from
eighteenth-century modelsofmasculinity associatedwiththegentry: "Manyofthevaluesassociated
withevangelicalChristianity - thestresson moralearnestness, thebeliefin thepowerof love and
a sensitivity to theweak and thehelpless- rancounterto theworldlyassumptions and pursuits of
thegentry. Masculinenature, in gentry terms,was basedon sportandcodes ofhonourderivedfrom
military prowess"(1 10). As we shallsee,manyoftheseoldermasculinetraitsenjoya resurgence in
lostworldfiction, where,infact,itis notuncommon foraristocratic characters totakemorereadilyto
a masculinity codedas "primitive."
9. Stocking hasarguedthatthegrowth ofmiddle-class moralcodesbasedinevangelism andutilitarianism
led to thedeclineof idealizedprimitivism by thebeginning of theVictorianperiod:"The Noble
Savage,fantasyof a precapitalist mentalitythatsaw laboras thecurseof fallenmanexiledfrom
theGarden,foundit everharderto survivein theprospective Eden of a civilizationproducedby
thegospelofwork"(36). Morerecently, Herbert's CultureandAnomiehas shownhowthethreat of
"ungoverned humandesire"becamea centralconcernofVictorian constructions ofculturein a range
of seemingly unrelated fields,includingeconomics,religiousmissions,anthropology, and domestic
fiction. Likewise,Ellingsonhas claimed(thoughI thinkhis case is overstated) thatthemythof the
noblesavageneverreallyenteredpopularconsciousness untilracistethnographers erectedit in the
1860sas a strawman againstwhichtheycouldmaketheirowncase forthehorrors ofsavagery.
10. Like thatof theBritishand theZulus,theKukuanamilitary is organizedin regiments. The first
regiment, "theGreys"are namedaftera realZulu regiment, and,liketheprimary Britishregiment,
arethemonarch's personalguard.The nextgroupintheKukuanahierarchy, "theBuffaloes," suggest
a parallelwiththesecondBritishregiment, "theBuffs."
11. Quatermain's initialresponseto theproblemof gentlemanliness is to pointto CaptainGood (45;
ch. 1),whoseattention totherespectabilityofhisappearancealignshimmorecloselywiththefamiliar
ideal of restraint.By thetimetheadventurers reachKukuanaland, however, Good's fastidiousness
begins to make him a figureof fun.
12. Of all thewriters I discusshere,Haggardmostobviouslyand insistently expressesthebeliefthat
imperial masculineheroescouldbe modeledon barbarous others,andso itis inthestudyofHaggard
thatmoderncriticshavesensedaspectsofthelargerdynamicI describehere.Katz,forinstance, has
described theprimitivism ofHaggard'snovelsandtheemphasison "thesheerphysicalpower"ofhis
heroes(59). Chrisman has madesimilarobservations, thoughwithmoreattention to thecontextof
imperial struggleinSouthAfrica.She,too,notesHaggard'sprimitivism andhissensethatthecolonies
werea siteat whichthedegenerate Englishcouldbe regenerated by discovering theirburiedpast,
though she concludes thatHaggardultimately maintains a "strict
racial and national differentiation"
(62). In theargument thatcomesclosestto myown,Ching-Liang Low notesthatHaggardsees inthe

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222 VICTORIAN LITERATUREAND CULTURE

Zulus"anempowering worldofmasculinity andmilitarism" (35), eventhoughshemaintains thatthis

fantasycanonlybe paradoxicalandanxiousgiventhe"demarcating imperative" ofcolonialism. Lane,
however, hasexaminedthewaysinwhichdifference couldbe erased,oratleastdisplaced.He argues
thatHaggardcan "collapseorpostponeracialoppositions by accentuating theconsistency of sexual
difference," and thatKingSolomon}s Minesturnson a "premiseof interracial brotherhood" (65).
I entirely
concurwithLane's contention thatmasculinity couldbe imaginedto permitsurprisingly
diversecommunities of menin imperialsettings, and I wouldadd thatthispossibility extendedfar
beyondHaggard'swork.
13. We have seen alreadyin TheLost Worldthethreatof disillusionment and effeminacy represented
by thelowermiddle-class clerk.For moreon theclerkas a symbolof emasculation and dangerous
domesticity, see Tosh181.Another excellentliterary example,andone thatcloselyapproximates the
logicof lostworldstories,is Kipling's"The FinestStoryin theWorld"(1893). For a moregeneral
discussionoftherhetoric ofloss anddeclinein latenineteenth-century literature,see Arata.
14. Sussmanhas exploredat lengththefigureofthemonk,whichappearsrepeatedly in earlyVictorian
artandliterature as a potential,
buthighlyproblematic, symbolofmasculineidentity.
15. Rosen has pointedout that Hughes carefullydistinguished muscularChristiansfrommere
"musclemen" by explaining that thelatterdid not understand that thebodyhad to be trainedand
subjectedto thedisciplineofChristian virtue(36-37). Likewise,Kingsleyultimately arguedthatthe
naturalbrutalityofmasculinity wastobe checkedbyan inborn moralsense(37-38),so thatonlywhen
properlydirected couldviolencebe truly manly.Adamshasalso emphasized Kingsley'sunexpectedly
"strenuous discipline," and links Kingsley'sexactingdemandsforasceticmastery overthebodyto
theimperialruleoversavages(107-47).
16. Wee's readingof Westward Ho! makesclearthateventhoughthenovelcourtstheidealization ofthe
savageas an exemplarofvitalprimitivism, "thepossiblynon-European sourceofthatforcemustbe
suppressed" (83).
17. As Haley putsit,the "barbarianWilloughby is Meredith'scaricature of sham 'healthy'gentility.
His health,his athletics,andhisgentlemanly mannerareall superficial andcounterfeit, all external,
inherited,andtherefore retrogressive"(250). LikeMatthewArnold,Meredith is thusinclinedtoread
aristocratsas dormant barbarians,thoughMeredith goes farther,addinga physicaldimension to this
associationthatthelostworldwriters willlaterreinforce.
18. The "Tyrants" of Cobban'svirulently anti-Semitic tale are thedescendents of a Jewishlosttribein
northAfrica,whohavegrownshorter anddevelopedhighlypoisonousblood.In thisnovel,theBritish
adventurers side witha groupof Arabsto dethrone theJewsand installas kingan Arabwho has
distinguished himself inbattlebywieldinga giantspearmodeledon Goliath's.
19. My sense of Tylor'sprojectthusinclinestowardHerbert'sopinionthatthecomplexities of late
Victorianevolutionary anthropology havebeentoo easilydismissed.As Herbert writes,"Primitives,
cannibals,mudcakedsavagesarenotaliens,notirretrievably estranged fromus,nottheOther,Tylor
declares:theyare ourselves"("Epilogue"491). To thisviewone mightadd JacquesDerrida'smore
generalobservation that"ethnology couldhavebeenbornas a scienceonlyat themoment whena
decentering had comeabout:at themomentwhenEuropeanculture. . . has beendislocated, driven
fromitslocus,andforcedto stopconsidering itselfas thecultureofreference" (199).
20. See Haggard'sWhentheWorldShook(1919) andDoyle's TheMaracotDeep (1928).
21. On contemporary Amencananaloguestothedevelopments I describe,see Bederman, particularly her
comments on TheodoreRoosevelt(170-215) andEdgarRice Burroughs's Tarzanstories(218-32).
22. See Dawson'saccountofthepopularmystique ofT. E. Lawrence.

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