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Faith and Politics: The Influence
of Religious Beliefs on
Political Participation*
Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not
been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church
attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various
religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political
participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we
demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination
camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We
find that religious beliefs are significandy related to national political participation.
For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation,
but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclu-
sion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently.
Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behav-
ior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individ-
ualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the
religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro
concerns translate to national political participation.
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 295
will add religious activities and beliefs as explanatory variables and show that
previous measures of religion are often too narrow to fully explore the
impacts on political participation.
^ore broadly and recendy, see Brooks (2006) on political ideology and charitable giving.
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296 Social Science Quarterly
controversies on the role of religion and un
of previous measures.
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 297
(2001:471). Stark further claims that "participation in religious rites and
rituals will have little or no independent effect" (2001:470); instead, it is
religious beließ that influence both sacred and secular behavior.
Beliefs may matter, but current research on politics often lacks depth of
measures to fully evaluate the influence of religious beliefs. We aim to
investigate how local (micro) and global (macro) religious beliefs influence
national political participation.
Social scientists from de Tocqueville ([1840] 1945) to Skocpol and
Fiorina (1999) distinguish between micro and macro experiences and the
effects on the collective activities of political participation. Mutz (1998),
for example, distinguishes between personal (micro) and collective (macro)
experiences and finds that these individual and mass society perceptions
influence overall political opinions in very different ways. Political scientists
and economists have made similar observations about the difference between
individual and aggregate economic conditions and voting choices (e.g., Fair,
1982; Alvarez and Nagler, 1995). We extend the collective and personal
experiences to include micro and macro levels of religious beliefs and
examine their impact on political participation. Just as macro economic
beliefs affect voting behavior, we anticipate that macro religious beliefs will
influence political participation.
We use micro and macro measures to categorize types of religious beliefs;
however, previous research has commonly used denomination as a proxy for
religious beliefs. It is assumed that the denominations hold certain organized
beliefs and a church member of a particular denomination would also hold
the same beliefs. However, Broughton (1978) shows that church teachings
are internalized and interpreted differently by each congregant. The self-
proclaimed beliefs of the church matter less as people construct what Robert
Wuthnow (1988) calls a "patchwork religion," taking particular beliefs from
different religious traditions and forming their own opinions that do not
necessarily mesh with any of the established traditions. Further, attempting
to classify people by denomination is problematic given that many people
are poorly informed about their actual affiliation, referring to themselves
merely as "Baptist," for example, rather than "Southern Baptist," or "Lu-
theran" as opposed to "Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." A
respondent's inability to clearly identify an actual denomination is crucial
due to the great variation in theology and beliefs among groups falling under
a single, generic label such as "Baptist." And if the respondents accurately
identify their denominations, the various denominations are so numerous as
to make statistical interpretation difficult.
In response to these measurement problems, Steensland et al.'s (2000)
classification system divides denominations into six nominal religious tra-
ditions based on self-reported denomination: Catholic, black Protestant,
evangelical Protestant, mainline Protestant, Jewish, and other. These six
categories provide a complex scheme that considers "theological criteria
derived from denominational creeds and associational criteria taken from
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298 Social Science Quarterly
denominational membership status in na
(Steensland et al., 2000:297). This classific
ingful interpretations because the categor
distina religious types grounded in the de
ious traditions. Given its acceptance and incl
(Bader and Froese, 2005; Beyerlein and C
2006; Brewer, Kersh, and Petersen, 200
Woodberry and Smith, 1998), we will us
sification of U.S. religious traditions, allowin
research, and avoiding many of the pitfalls
The findings on broad denominational diff
by Steensland and political participation are
differences. Verba, Schlozman, and Brady
litical activities between Protestants and Cat
belief, but differences in congregational
found higher levels of political participat
than among evangelicals and black Prote
social class. Beyerlein and Chaves (2003) f
specialize in different modes of political p
more than quantitative, differences exist in
traditions. However, Jones-Correa and L
tional differences in political participation
variation among religious traditions but typ
as a reason for differences in religious tradi
Beyond denomination, the literature on
and evangelicalism acknowledges some ef
(Küllstedt et al., 1994; Wald, Owen, and H
1998). However, the definitions and find
research does not support fundamentalism
tion (Manza and Brooks, 1997; McKenzi
inconsistencies by using the category of eva
group, a term that arguably has more
(Steensland et al., 2000).
Finally, a few researchers measure religi
one's belief in a literal interpretation of t
cites the important role of biblical liter
1991; Ellison and Sherkat, 1993), others f
not significantly impact specific topics o
Froese, 2005). Our research will help clarif
Political Participation
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 299
"Bowling Alone" individualism has been aimed at finding an explanation
for political participation or exploring the characteristics of political in-
volvement. Recent research has found various attributes that contribute to
levels of political participation, such as race and ethnicity (Stokes, 2003;
Wielhouwer, 2000), gender (Schlozman, Burns, and Verba, 1999; Verba,
Burns, and Schlozman, 1997), age (Campbell, 2002), marital status (Stoker
and Jennings, 1995), and economic levels (Brady, Verba, and Schlozman,
1995; Verba et al., 1993), all measures we include in this research.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the depth of literature concerning political
participation, political participation is seldom measured consistendy (Sch-
wartz, 1984). Many studies relate religion to voting (Alex-Assensoh and
Assensoh, 2001; Campbell, 2002; Wielhouwer, 2000). Duff and colleagues
(2007) caution researchers on using a single measure such as voting, due to
consistent overreporting of voting rates. Brady, Verba, and Schlozman
(1995) developed a resource model of political participation beyond socio-
economic status (SES) to include time, money, and civic skills. Despite their
findings on the importance of resources on political participation, a stan-
dardized measurement of political participation has not emerged and been
used consistendy in the field. Others examine political activities beyond
voting, such as party identification (Layman, 1997; Manza and Brooks,
1997); or attending a rally and campaigning (Jones-Correa and Leal, 2001);
or donating money (Leal, 2002); or local civic participation (McKenzie,
2001); or running for office (Beyerlein and Chaves, 2003; Guth and Green,
1990); or various combinations of voting, campaigning, donating money,
writing letters, and attending rallies (Brady, Verba, and Schlozman, 1995;
Calhoun-Brown, 1996; Gershtenson, 2002; Guth et al., 2003; Leighley and
Vedlitz, 1999; McClurg, 2003; Stoker and Jennings, 1995), all measures we
include in this research.
Beyond including these political activities, we expand our measures of
political participation to include reading newspaper or magazine stories
about the election; visiting Internet sites related to the election; giving
money to a political campaign, party, or candidate; writing, calling, or
visiting a public official; attending a political rally or meeting; attending
a class or lecture about social or political issues; participating in a public
protest or demonstration; working for a political campaign or voter reg-
istration drive; watching or listening to a political debate; and voting.
It seems clear that religion can influence political participation, but it
remains unclear which particular aspects of religion play the greatest role in
political participation. Is it church attendance, or religious traditions, or
other types of religious behaviors, or, as we will predict, religious beliefs?
Previous studies on the topic have been limited by data on only specific
churches (Becker and Dhingra, 2001; Brewer, Kersh, and Petersen, 2003;
Greenberg, 2000; Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, 1995), or quantitative
studies with small samples (Guth et al., 2003; Uslaner, 2002), or single
variables of church attendance (Hougland and Christenson, 1983) and voting
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300 Social Science Quarterly
participation (Alex-Assensoh and Assensoh
of comprehensive research with national sam
contain multiple types of political activit
ment of religion's effects on political part
national sample and in-depth questions co
religious beliefs and various categories of
trace the nuanced effects of religion on p
Hypotheses
Our data come from the Baylor Religion Survey, a national survey con-
ducted by the Gallup Organization in conjunction with Baylor University. It
is one of the few nationally representative surveys to measure in detail
multiple dimensions of religion and politics. The data set is comprised of
1,721 completed surveys nationwide among adults age 18 and over, using
a mixed-mode sampling design (telephone and self-administered mailed
surveys). Gallup recruited participants by telephone and then mailed the
survey. Of the individuals who initially agreed on the telephone to partic-
ipate, 62 percent returned the self-administered mail survey. Compared with
a GSS national sample, the Gallup sample is representative and scores sim-
ilar levels of religious and political ideals. About one-third of the survey is
dedicated to religious affiliation, identity, belief, experience, and commit-
ment (a copy of the survey is available on request). The remaining questions
3Previous studies on religion and political participation are hindered by small, nonrep-
resentative, qualitative data. We are able to discern the effects of religion variables on a larger
scale, using quantitative data. Further, we examine political participation in a larger context
than merely voting behavior. The nature of the respondent's national participation is taken
into account, as well as the rarity of the events in which the respondent has participated.
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Influence of Religious Beliefi on Political Participation 301
include demographic characteristics, moral attitudes, political opinions, and
civic engagement.4
We focus on the same collective form of political participation that other
scholars have used. Following a common tradition found in the literature
on political participation (Brady, Verba, and Schlozman, 1995; Gershten-
son, 2002; Jones-Correa and Leal, 2001; Mutz, 1998; Stoker and Jennings,
1995; Verba and Nie, 1972), we aggregated our dependent variable into a
single political participation index variable.5
Our index is a count score constructed from a series of questions asking
respondents how many of the following political activities the respondent
participated in leading up to the 2004 presidential election: (1) reading
newspaper or magazine stories about the election; (2) visiting Internet sites
related to the election; (3) giving money to a political campaign, party, or
candidate; (4) writing, calling, or visiting a public official; (5) attending
a political rally or meeting; (6) attending a class or lecture about social or
political issues; (7) participating in a public protest or demonstration; (8)
working for a political campaign or voter registration drive; (9) watching or
listening to a political debate; and (10) voting in the 2004 presidential
election. Respondents were asked to choose either "Yes" or "No" for each of
these activities, and each "Yes" response was given a value of 1, and then
summed across all activities to determine each respondent's political activity
score. The political participation variable is internally consistent with Cron-
bach's alpha score of 0.71.
A set of standard demographics, shown to be significant in previous
studies on political participation, were included as control variables: race
(white = 1, nonwhite = 0), gender (female = 1, males = 0), marital status
(married = 1, all else = 0), number of children living in the household,
educational attainment (8th-grade education or less = 1, 9th- 12th grade
with no high school diploma = 2, high school graduate = 3, some col-
lege = 4, trade/ technical/vocational training = 5, college graduate = 6, and
postgraduate work or degree = 7), income (ranges from 1 to 7, $10,000 or
less = 1, to more than $150,000 = 7), employment status (employed = 1,
all else = 0), and age (continuous, in years). Political party affiliation is
included as a scale variable to the question: "How would you describe
yourself politically?" Democrat includes the responses leaning Demo-
4See Bader, Froese, and Mencken (forthcoming) for a detailed description of this survey.
Similar to Gershtenson (2002), we do not perform analysis of the individual political
participation variables because we are not interested in drawing conclusions or comparisons
across single forms of participation; instead, we focus on collective political participation of
various types. For example, we are not as concerned with the effect of respondents who read
the newspaper about the election or the effect of respondents who participated in a political
protest. Rather, we concentrate on the collective form to explain political participation
instead of isolated or rare events related to political participation. Further, we examine
political participation in a larger context than merely voting behavior. The nature of the
respondent's participation is taken into account, as well as the rarity of the events in which
the respondent has participated.
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302 Social Science Quarterly
erat = 1, moderate Democrat = 2, strong
egories, including independent, leaning R
and strong Republican, are given a value
Denominational affiliation was measured
classification of U.S. religious traditions:
gelical Protestant, mainline Protestant, Jew
of this analysis, the first five groups were
tified with some other religious tradit
unaffiliated, as the reference group.
To measure religious participation, three
participation in religious activities, the resp
a church or other religious organization,
attends church. The index of participati
ranging from 0 to 10) includes whether
ticipated in various kinds of religious acti
education programs, choir practice or ot
sponsored counseling programs, commun
grams, church upkeep and maintenance,
administrative work at church, small group
Current level of involvement in a church
coded from 0 to 4: respondents were aske
volunteer for, or hold a leadership positio
attendance was measured on a standard s
several times a week= 8). The correlation
ticipation variables were tested and no col
Next, religious beliefs are measured, with t
micro and macro religious beliefs. The micro
that are personal and affect individual con
religious beliefs that include broad, world
sets are not direct opposites, the factor anal
ables indicate a natural fit into either the m
problems of high collinearity. The religiou
analysis were the best indicators of distinct
research that usually includes a single ind
were able to differentiate beliefs from behav
into micro and macro religious beliefs. As
political participation leading up to the 2
expected that broad, aggregate macro belief
political participation than the more ind
beliefs.
Micro religious beliefs were measured with a series of questions about the
importance of religious beliefs in the respondent's immediate surroundings
and individual concerns. Three questions concerning the topics of prayer
were included (all defined as yes =1): prayer topic about the people listed
in their church's bulletin, program, or newsletter; prayer topic about the
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 303
respondent's own personal finances; and prayer topic about the respondent's
own spiritual life or relationship with God. Note that the measure is on the
nature of prayer and prayer topics (i.e., beliefs) and not prayer activity or the
number of times one prays (i.e., behavior).
Macro beliefs concern a broad view, a more general set of beliefs, and
people the respondents do not know personally - beliefs that are not based
as much on individual experiences. We use similar questions to test macro
religious beliefs: the topic of prayer about general world concerns (yes =1);
the topic of prayer about people they do not know personally (yes =1);
whether the respondent believes that God is directly involved in worldly
affairs (yes =1); and the importance of seeking social and economic justice
in being a good person (scale from not at all important = 0 to very im-
portant = 3). Biblical literalism is also included, measured by whether the
respondent endorses a literal interpretation of the Bible ("The Bible means
exacdy what it say s. It should be taken literally, word for word, on all
subjects" = 1; all else = 0).
The distribution of the dependent variable, political participation, does
not meet the assumptions of traditional models with a normal distribution
because it is a count of the rarity of specific events, thus falling instead into a
Poisson distribution. Count data rarely meet the traditional statistics as-
sumptions because they are skewed (to the right), they are nonnegative, and
the variance is not constant. To predict values of a dependent variable with
a Poisson distribution (skewed and nonnegative), Poisson regression is ap-
propriate. Thus, we employ a Poisson regression with a log transformation
that adjusts for skewness and prevents the model from producing negative
predicted values (Long, 1997).
Three Poisson models were used to fully and sequentially explore the role
of the various independent variables on the indexed level of political activity.
Model 1 includes the control demographic variables and religious traditions.
Model 2 includes the demographic variables, religious traditions, and re-
ligious participation. Model 3 incorporates all variables in a full model
including demographic variables, religious traditions, religious activities, and
religious beliefs.
Findings
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304 Social Science Quarterly
TABLE 1
Political Participants
N 1,694
Demographi
Female 56.6%
Male 43.4%
# of Children 2.0
Married 62.1%
Nonmarried 37.9%
White 88.6%
Nonwhite 1 1 .4%
Education
Less than high school 3.5%
High school, no college degree 47.6%
College degree 48.9%
Income
$35,000 or less 26.3%
$35,001-50,000 18.7%
$50,001-100,000 34.4%
$100,001 or more 20.7%
Employed 61 .6%
Age 53.6
Religious Parti
Church attendance 79.0%
Church activities (index) 50.9%
Church involvement 54. 1 %
Religious Tradition Mean Score of Political Participation
Catholic 4.4
Black Protestant 3.7
Evangelical Protestant 4.0
Mainline Protestant 4.5
Jewish 5.1
In Figure 1,
church attend
Protestants re
the mean sco
tradition has t
of church atte
ditions least
active, the ov
litical partici
gression analy
attendance, alt
This inverse
tendance sugg
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 305
FIGURE 1
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306 Social Science Quarterly
FIGURE 2
Mean Levels of Political Participation and Percent Who Agree that "God is Directly
Involved in World Affairs" by Religious Tradition
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 307
TABLE 2
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308 Social Science Quarterly
political participation. The lack of influen
litical participation in our study might b
previous literature. However, much of th
of church attendance and does not inclu
activities. When these additional measure
included, the effects of attendance diminish
Model 3 of Table 2 shows the more pow
political participation, now including relig
ucation, and income continue to show signif
with the literature. Consistent with Mod
insignificant in Model 3, while participation
levels of church involvement continue to be
Religious tradition remains negative and
gelical Protestant, and mainline Protestant
be politically involved than the nonaffiliated
negative finding of all religious tradition
research documents that the religiously affi
to be involved (Emerson and Smith, 2000
1997). This fits with Wuthnow's (1988) ob
nificance of denomination and the more r
ditions has no effect (Jones-Correa and
our model suggests more strongly that
consistently negative effect.6
In Model 3 of Table 2, the religious belief
participating in national politics are the m
beliefs of directly experienced prayer to
"your own financial concerns," and "perso
cant. The macro religious beliefs of pray
concerns," "seeking social and economic
directly involved in worldly affairs" are a
prayer topics include general world conc
seeking social and economic justice are more
Conversely, those who believe in a God inv
likely to be involved politically. As explained
God actively involved in worldly affairs,
ipate politically. However, if one believes
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 309
need to take personal action and be more likely participate in politics.
Similar to the findings of Bader and Froese (2005), biblical literalism does
not significantly impact political participation.
Of key importance in Model 3 is the fact that religious beliefs play a
stronger role than religious participation in political participation in the
national election (HI) and, specifically, macro religious beliefs are the ones
that matter (H2). Those whose prayer topics include "general world con-
cerns" participate in national politics 9 percent more than those who do not,
while belief that "actively seeking social and economic justice is important in
being a good person" increases political participation by 6 percent.
Conclusions
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310 Social Science Quarterly
Second, according to our results, even w
beliefs are left out of the model, church
affect the level of political participation
that while church attendance may be imp
future analysis, it should not be the sole
researchers must include more detailed meas
Third, and more central to our article, i
portance of religious beliefs. Of more specif
focused types of religious beliefs, more than
impact political participation. Research on
beliefs is often too narrow and qualitative
political participation at a national level.
Fourth, it is important to note that religio
with the religious tradition or the level of i
matter. Religious beliefs about social just
volved God are significantly related to na
Respondents with prayer topics about "ge
who believe that "actively seeking social and
being a good person" will participate in polit
hold these beliefs, even when controlling fo
participation. These are beliefs that transcen
Fifth, since the scope of the belief fits
activity, fixture research should further
relationship between religious belief and pol
cro religious beliefs as they apply to loc
topics about people whom the respondent
sonal finances or spiritual life, we suspect, w
local politics, as these beliefs are more perti
issues. Since macro religious beliefs influenc
further research should examine if micr
political participation or translate to local civ
found for macro-level beliefs. However, give
eration of religious beliefs, none of the ques
One final observation: our study suggests t
Emile Durkheim and traditionally focused
to the exclusion of religious beliefs may
portant about religion. Following Max
beliefs predict political participation better
suspect this may be true in other politica
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Influence of Religious Beließ on Political Participation 311
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