Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
by
BENJAMIN EWING
Boudha, Kathmandu
January 2017
Abstract
This thesis investigates the songs (mgur) of Lingrepa (gLing ras pa pad ma rdo rje, 1128-
1188) contained in Grub thob gling ras kyi rnam mgur mthong ba don ldan (GT), a biography
written by Lhatsun Rinchen Namgyal (Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal, 1473-1557). It argues that
these songs play an important role in characterizing the legacy of Lingrepa and, through him, the
foundation of the larger Kagyu sect. Through both their content and their significance as a potent
literary trope, these songs connect Lingrepa to the philosophy and antinomian ideals of the
Indian siddhas and Tibetan yogis of the past, promoting a vision of the wandering, ascetic yogin
as the idealized Buddhist practitioner. This thesis contributes the understanding of the
narratological function and literary significance of song in Tibetan hagiography and specifically,
in the literary project initiated by Tsangnyon Heruka. This thesis also provides the first English
2
Contents
I. Acknowledgements 4
II. Introduction 5
-Conclusion 45
III.Translation 49
V. Bibliography 173
3
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Dr. James Gentry for suggesting I look at the early Drukpa masters
and their songs when I came to him with a vague idea of a thesis topic, and for his invaluable
feedback throughout the process of writing this paper. I am also grateful for the patient support
and attention Catherine Dalton gave to my early attempts at these translations. I would have been
completely lost with most of these translations without the help of Tenzin Phuntsok of Rangjung
Yeshe Institute. I would also like to thank Khenpo Shedup Tenzin of Shri Gautam Buddha
Vihara in Kathmandu, Nepal, who provided me with my first copy of Lingrepa’s songs. Also,
many thanks to Drs. Michaela Clemente, Jim Rheingans, Marta Sernesi and Dan Martin for their
expertise and willingness to help a struggling MA student they had never met.
4
Introduction
At least since the time of the famous Tibetan saint Milarepa, a genre of Tibetan folksong
known as mgur has been used to express the inexpressible. These songs, which could just as
easily be called poems, are said to arise spontaneously from a state of rapture. Like many other
lyrical religious traditions across the globe, Tibetan mgur pair profound spiritual realization with
an every-day, popular style that could be heard in markets, in monasteries, or among groups of
renunciate meditators in the mountains. Given that Tibetan society was largely illiterate, and the
general public would have had limited access to Buddhist scriptural texts, the appeal of the
accessible to the public in a society where education and textual knowledge were reserved
primarily for the monastic elite. For Milarepa and the generations of practitioners that followed,
such songs were not only an effective way to transmit their teachings, but also became a
testament to the singer’s level of accomplishment. Yet Milarepa’s songs are alive today not only
as part of an oral tradition, but, most famously, as the result of a massive 15th and 16th century
literary project that printed the biographies and songs of some of Tibet’s most famous saints.
How, then, did mgur, with orality and spontaneity as central elements of its appeal, become a
5
literary genre? How, moreover, do mgur function in the life stories of their singer-saints? In this
thesis, I will attempt to address this set of issues by translating songs contained in a biography of
the famous Tibetan yogi, Lingrepa Pema Dorje1 and analyzing their roles within the narrative of
his life story. My broader goal is to shed some light on the roles these songs play as a literary
While it is a decidedly Tibetan genre, mgur, in many ways, is the Tibetan heir to the
Indian dohā famously sung by great mahāsiddhas such as Saraha and Tilopa. Around the turn of
the first millennium, these masters of tantric Buddhism wandered India as mendicants using their
philosophy, and strong critiques of social and religious norms.2 The powerful iconoclasm of
these songs is clearly exemplified by a famous story about Atiśa (980-1054), the great Indian
scholar who helped to re-introduce Buddhism to Tibet in the 11th century. Soon after arriving in
Tibet, he was advised by his students to stop teaching the dohās to Tibetan disciples out of
concern that, without formal initiatory rituals, the esoteric songs would lead to moral
degradation3. He and his monastic students believed that the transgressive behavior and the
immanent philosophy espoused by the songs was dangerously removed from the traditional
Despite these fears, in the 11th century, the Indian mahāsiddhas and their anti-
institutional teachings were transmitted to Tibet via the great translator, Marpa Lotsawa (Mar pa
chos kyi blo gros, 1012-1097). The Tibetans readily embraced the Indian siddha tradition and
1
Lingrepa is also known as gLing rje ra pa, gLing chen ras pa, or sNa phu pa.
2
Schaeffer (2005) p.6
3
Guenther (1968) p.15
6
translated it into their own, wholly native form, with the pre-buddhist mgur4 taking the place of
the siddhas’ dohā 5. Like their Indian forebears, the songs of great Tibetan saints such as
Milarepa and Drukpa Kunley (’Brug pa kun legs, 1455-1529) confront the established religious
structures of the day from the monastic code, to the complex rituals and initiations of tantra, to
siddhas, such as the esoteric mahāmudrā philosophy and the Yogas of Nāropā 6, came to
constitute a large part of the scriptural core of the major schools of Tibetan Buddhism.
While all of the Kagyu sects stem from the lineage of the siddhas, and even the
academically-focused Gelugpa preserve their mahāmudrā practices, the Drukpa Kagyu stand out
as perhaps the most vigilant stewards of this siddha tradition. The Drukpa lineage can claim
some of the most famous and eccentric mgur-singing yogis in Tibetan history such as Tsangnyon
Heruka7 (gTsang smyon he ru ka, 1452-1507) and Drukpa Kunley; it also preserved the esoteric
Aural Lineage (snyan brgyud) stemming from Milarepa and Rechungpa (Ras chung pa, 1083/4-
1161). The close connection between Drukpa Kagyu and the Indian siddha tradition can be seen
from the very beginning in Lingrepa, who is the subject of this study and the founder8 of the
Drukpa Kagyu. A famous mgur-singer himself, Lingrepa was the author of one of the first
4
As mentioned above, mgur existed as a genre of song even before the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet, but
during this period, the genre was given a new significance and eventually became associated primarily with the yogi
tradition.
5
Kapstein (2003, p.772)
6
See Kragh, 2006 for more on the Yogas of Nāropā and their important place in the Kagyu and Gelugpa schools.
7
Although Tsangnyon famously never held any institutional affiliation, his legacy has posthumously been
incorporated fully into the Drukpa Kagyu.
8
His role as "founder" is somewhat debatable as he is generally considered the ideological source of the Drukpa,
while his student Tsangpa Gyare (gTsang pa rgya ras, 1161-1211) founded the monasteries and began the
institutions of the sect. In what appears to be the first Western scholarly treatment of Lingrepa’s life, Dan Martin
(1979) discusses Lingrepa’s role in the founding of the Drukpa Kagyu. More recently, Blythe Miller (2005) wrote an
excellent discussion of the historical legacy of Lingrepa and his heir, Tsangpa Gyare.
9
See Schaeffer (2005), p. 72
7
In this study, I will present a translation of 27 songs (mgur) as well as the last testimony
of Lingrepa which appear in a biography that was compiled in the 16th century10 by Lhatsun
Rinchen Namgyal as part of a larger project to edit and print the biographies of Kagyu masters.
While biographies and song collections are found throughout Tibetan literature, this text is a
rnam mgur11, a hybrid combination of the two genres which is much less common. This
combination is perhaps appropriate for Lingrepa, who was renowned for his skill in song during
his lifetime; yet here, that reputation is taken a step further. Couched in the authority of historical
record, this text, which was the first of Lingrepa’s biographies to be mass-produced with carved
wooden blocks, indelibly tied Lingrepa’s legacy to the style and message of his songs. It uses a
variety of rhetorical tools to present a literary persona that would have been easily recognizable
ascetics of the past. Furthermore, the songs themselves reinforce this image again and again
using Lingrepa’s own voice to engage in a polemic of style and remind of his place in the
"unbroken lineage of siddhas"12. Taken as a whole, this text works through songs and their
in short, as an heir to the unbroken lineage of the Indian siddhas, forefathers of the Kagyu.13
This study presents English translation of a selection of songs found in the text, Grub
thob gling ras kyi rnam mgur mthong ba don ldan (GT).14 This work was edited by Lhatsun
10
The exact date is unknown but the closest estimate is between 1538 and 1557 based on the names of the block-
print carvers (Clemente, personal communication).
11
Combining rnam from the Tibetan word for "biography", rnam thar, with the word mgur for "song."
12
Tib. grub thob brgyud chad med
13
My attempt at taking this narratological approach was heavily influenced by the work that Jim Rheingans did in
his study of the dialogues included within a biography of the 8th Karmapa. See Rheingans (2014).
14
Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal, grub thob gling ras kyi rnam mgur mthong ba don ldan. 1 volume; 57 ff.. TBRC:
W4CZ1043. Also see NGMPP E2518/6: f. 57–61a7–b1 (last folio is numbered 57–61), NGMPP L194/11 (some
folios are difficult to read), L12/1 (difficult to read) and L581/5 (incomplete; last folio is missing). I consulted these
records and found them to accord exactly with the TBRC W4CZ1043. They were no easier to read so I did not
consult them in the process of translation.
8
Rinchen Namgyal and printed between 1538 and 155715 as part of the large biography-printing
project initiated by Namgyal’s teacher, Tsangnyon Heruka. Printed at the famed printing house
at Drakar Taso (Brag dkar rta so) by means of carved wooden blocks, GT is 57 folios in length,
written in dbu can script, and contains 95 songs in total16. I consulted two witnesses of this text
that appear to be different printings from the same blocks as they are completely identical except
for a few small orthographic differences that could have resulted from the printing process or
some other extremely slight changes to the blocks.17 The first witness is published on its own by
TBRC and was the witness I began with (GTa). I later found the second witness appended to the
end of a collection of Shangpa Kagyu (Zhangs pa bka’ brgyud) texts (GTb).18 This witness was
much clearer and easier to read, elucidating many confusing passages. Certain songs also appear
in their entirety in two other biographical sources, allowing fruitful comparison between
- "Grub chen gling kyi rnam thar" (SGB) in Rwa lung dkar brgyud gser 'phreng19
Printed in 1771-1772, this biography of Lingrepa includes 24 full-length mgur and is part
of a "golden rosary"20 collection from Ralung Monastery21 (Rwa lung), the main seat of the
15
This date is based on the names of the wood-block carvers given occasionally throughout the text. Michaela
Clemente, personal communication, January 2016.
16
Here and throughout, I am only enummerating songs that appear at least as a fragment. In many cases only song
titles are given, but these titles appear to be fluid and do not correspond precisely between sources.
17
There were scattered discrepencies btween the two versions of GT, but the more likely reading was consistently
found in GTa, leading me to wonder if they were printed from different sets of blocks.
18
"Grub thob gling ras kyi rnam mgur mthong ba don ldan" in Shangs pa bka' brgyud pa'i rnam thar dang gsung
skor. (Appended) TBRC W23708 Vol. 2/2; pp.291-412.
I have not been able to find any connection between Lingrepa and the Shang-pa, a lineage that branched away from
the mainstream Kagyu sect generations before Lingrepa. Dan Martin suggests it may have been included simply to
meet the minimum page limit required by Gene Smith during his collection process for the Library of Congress.
(personal communication, January 2016).
19
"Grub chen gling kyi rnam thar bzhugs so" in rwa lung dkar brgyud gser 'phreng TBRC W19222 Vol. 1/4 pp.347-
404 [tha]
20
Tib. gser ‘phreng; a type of biographical collection, common in the Kagyu sect, that traces a particular succession
of masters by giving short biographies.
9
Drukpa Kagyu until the 17th century. While several of the biographies of Lingrepa’s
contemporaries included in this collection22 were written by Sangye Bum (Sangs rgyas ’bum, b.
12th century), this text lacks even the distinctive colophon that allowed Quintman to attribute
Milarepa’s biography to this author.23 While the original authorship likely predates its date of
printing, nothing more can be reliably said at this point about the authorship and date of this text.
It does, however, provide many interesting alternate readings of the songs and a slightly different
biographical narrative. Printed in dbu can script in 29 folios, SGB is about half as long as GT
with the amount of songs making up the majority of the difference in length. Six of the songs
- "Grub thob chen po'i bka' 'bum las gsung mgur gyi rim pa" (NP) in gLing chen ras pa pad ma
This is a modern collection of Lingrepa’s songs included in his "collected works," which
was assembled under the auspices of Khamtrul Rinpoche in India and printed in 1985. The
original sources for these songs is not noted and I have found no earlier examples of song
collections, so it seems likely that they were taken from sources such as SGB and GT, although
this is speculation. This collection also includes many songs that are not found in any available
biography. This text includes some 200 songs with no discernible order or organization along
with very brief contextual introductions that mainly name the place where the song was sung.
Like SGB, these songs cannot be dated accurately so their value in tracing a historical
progression is minor, and their extremely minimal context provides little interesting information.
21
Ralung Monastery is the seat of the so-called "Middle Drukpa" sub-lineage. The abbot of this monastery was the
de-facto leader of the Drukpa Kagyu from the time of its founder, Lingrepa’s student Tsangpa Gyare, until the
schism of 1592 following the death of the 4th Drukchen (Kun mkhyen padma dkar po, 1527-1592). See Samuel
(1993), pp. 106, 279 and http://treasuryoflives.org/institution/Ralung-Monastery
22
Including Gampopa (sGam po pa, 1079-1153) and Tsangpa Gyare.
23
See Quintman (2014) p.71
10
I used this text only as a reference to help with understanding songs with difficult orthography
and it will be excluded from further discussion of sources. Every song translated here except for
The mgur translated here were chosen from among GT’s ninety-five songs because they
illustrate with particular clarity the relationship between the songs and the biographical narrative
and/or because they reinforce themes that are important to Lingrepa’s literary identity. This
selection includes songs that mark important occasions in Lingrepa’s life story; songs that appear
in other available sources or were mentioned by name in other sources; and songs that are
emblematic examples of the importance Lingrepa placed on the concepts of lineage, mahāmudrā,
and criticisms of Buddhist institutions. Using GT as a copy text, I created critical editions of each
song translated here; incorporating variant readings from other available witnesses where the
variants gave a clearer reflection of the sense of the song, either in terms of meaning or
While all three of these texts differ from each other, it seems that in terms of spelling and
word choice, NP and SGB agree more often with each other than with GT and may represent a
different line of textual transmission. Also, while GT was the primary text and the basis of this
study, occasionally it was necessary to use an alternate reading found in one of the other
24
See Stearns, 2000 p.xii; Sernesi, 2004 p.263; and Clemente, 2014 p.436.
11
I undertook this comparative work recognizing the impossibility of determining whether
these songs were the "original" words of Lingrepa. The fact that these songs were sung, and not
written, is an important aspect that will be discussed later on, and brings up the issue of who
actually put them into writing, if not Lingrepa. Furthermore, our main text, GT, was written over
350 years after the death of Lingrepa and is an edited compilation of many earlier sources, some
of which may have been passed on orally25 or descended from oral versions. In addition, at least
three of the songs found in GT are the same or very similar to songs attributed to Godrakpa (Ko
brag pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan, 1170-1249) in a biography that was also produced by Rinchen
Namgyal and translated into English by Cyrus Stearns26. So, while it would be difficult to ascribe
certain authorship of any of these songs to Lingrepa, our earliest sources record him singing
many songs with titles that correspond to some that we find in GT, allowing us to assume that he
was at least singing songs that were similar to the ones we find here. There is no doubt that a
person known as Lingrepa did exist in 12th century Tibet, but it is important to remember that the
person remembered in this text is a literary persona; this character is the 300 year-old memory of
a man that had been shaped by the telling and retelling of his story. Like so much of history, GT
is a record not only of who the subject was and what he did, but also of what historians, with
their own biases, thought was important to record about him. In this case, we have a record of
Lingrepa’s life and songs, but we also have a record of what the historian, Rinchen Namgyal,
and the historians before him, saw as the most important aspects of Lingrepa’s legacy.
While there is no earlier, extant, collection of Lingrepa’s songs for us to compare GT to,
the biographical narrative of this text is not original and largely mirrors earlier biographies. The
25
For more on the primacy of the written vs. oral tradition in the history of Tibetan biography, see Quintman (2014,
p.53)
26
Stearns (200, p.15) mentions this similarity but apparently didn’t find the other instances. Tracing the
relationships between these songs and the various other famous song-singers would provide a interesting avenue for
further research. None of the songs in this study have been previously translated in full except for song 11 which
was included in Stearns (2000), although my translation was completed before I had read Stearns.
12
story of Lingrepa’s life has been told by biographers over the past 700 years with the various
versions generally following a similar arc, but with each offering some important differences.
The two other biographical sources27 I consulted did not include songs in their entirety but in
many cases gave the first line or simply the title of many songs. These records are useful to see
which songs were considered worthy of inclusion throughout the history of Lingrepa’s literary
persona. A complete survey of the various biographies and their progression over time in the way
that Quintman and Roberts have treated Milarepa and Rechungpa28 would be outside the scope
of this paper; rather, these alternate versions will serve as important points of departure as we
examine Lhatsun Rinchen Namgyal’s text and it’s particular literary qualities. These two
biographies are:
-"Grub thob kyi rgyal po gling chen ras pa’i rnam par thar ba" (DD) in dKar brgyud gser phreng
This early account of the Drukpa Kagyu lineage includes the earliest biography of
Lingrepa that I have found and likely one of the earliest that was written. It was composed in the
mid-13th century,29 about 70 years after Lingrepa's death, by Gyaldangpa Dechen Dorje (rGyal
ldang pa bde chen rdo rje, 12th-13th century), who is presumed to have been a disciple of
Gotsangpa (rGyal ba rgod tshang pa, 1189-1258).30 This biography is part of one of the earliest
examples of a "golden rosary" collection and includes 12 biographies of other great masters of
the early Drukpa Kagyu lineage. This text includes six song fragments: four clearly appear in GT
with very similar constructions, while the other two share introductory context with two songs in
27
I also consulted Roerich’s translation of Blue Annals (1979, p.659) but, given the brevity of that biography, I treat
it as an example of the many other, non-specific, popular biographies of Lingrepa that appear in general Kagyu
histories and biography collections.
28
See Quintman, 2014 on the biographies of Milarepa and Roberts, 2007 on the biographies of Rechungpa.
29
See Roberts (2007) pp. 14-15 for discussion of this date.
30
Gyaldangpa’s identity is unclear but more information on him can be found in Quintman (2014) p.72 and Roberts
(2007) p. 11.
13
GT but do not resemble any songs that appear in GT. There is also one song title that I cannot
find in other sources. DD is interestingly structured as 16 root verses which cryptically tell the
-"Grub thob chen po gling chen ras pa pa dma rdo rje’i rnam par thar ba" (BR) in 'Ba' ra bka'
The author and date of this text is not stated in the colophon, but Roberts traces it to one
Montsepa (Mon rtse kun dga’ dpal ldan, 1408-1475) and dates the text to ca.1450-147531. It is
part of a collection of biographies tracing the lineage of the Bara (’Ba’ ra) sub-sect of the Upper
(stod) Drukpa Kagyu. This text follows a narrative arc and song order similar to that of SGB. BR
gives the first four-line verse of 30 songs in addition to the titles of at least 10 others. Except for
the first song, which is written in full but is not found in any of the other sources, all of these
song fragments can be traced to songs found in GT and 26 of them are shared with SGB as either
fragments or titles. While their order does vary slightly, the fact that so many songs are shared
between the witnesses points to a textual tradition that was widely available across centuries.
Treating any of these texts as purely historical sources of Lingrepa’s life and teachings
misses the fact that they were written many years after his death, at a particular time, in a
particular context, and for a particular audience. Rather than attempt a historical analysis of
Lingrepa’s life based on these texts, each with its own complicated and ambiguous history, I will
follow after the excellent work done by Andrew Quintman and Peter Alan Roberts on the
biographical tradition of Milarepa and Rechungpa respectively, and attempt a close reading of
GT, using these other sources as references to see what makes GT similar or unique. From
reading DD, which is surely the earliest of these sources, it is clear that the characterization of
31
See Roberts (2007) p. 29 for more on Montsepa and this text.
14
Lingrepa as a siddha existed from early on; it is also clear, however, that GT pushes this
characterization beyond the other sources. In the following study, I will attempt to point out
certain key themes and rhetorical devices within the text that further this characterization, and
then discuss how the context of 16th century Tibet would have influenced this aspect of the
text’s production. GT, then, is not unique for its portrayal of Lingrepa, but rather for how its
particular narrative form worked within its own cultural context through a variety of means to
reify this image. Acknowledging that this text is as much a literary production as it is a work of
history, this study will focus not on whether the story is true or not, but rather, how it is told. I
will take the perspective of what Nunning has called "applied cultural narratology"32 to look at
the aspects of content, voice, and style that are working together to make this text particularly
compelling.
All the biographies begin by tracing Lingrepa’s previous births back to a story attributed
to the Ratnakūṭa-sūtra.33 The story takes place during the aeon of a previous buddha, when
Lingrepa was one of sixty monks who ridiculed and criticized a pair of bodhisattvas.34 This
resulted in many lifetimes in the lower realms until he was able to once again reach human form.
Eventually, Lingrepa meets the Buddha Śākyamuni in his birth as a bodhisattva known as
Vīryaprabha35 and receives prophecies for his rebirth in Tibet. He eventually takes birth in Tibet
to a noble family and is called Pema Dorje. His father was a member of the local king’s court,
32
Nunning (2004).
33
I have not been able to locate any of the quoted passages using the TBRC search function.
34
Kapstein (2003, p.774) notes this development of Tibetan hagiography whereby the authority of India was
accessed by tales of masters’ previous births, saying that, “spiritual authority within the Tibetan world was justified
not by a reference to prior authority in Tibet, but by a history of self-cultivation in India.”
35
Tib. brTson ’grus ’od
15
either as an astrologer or a doctor, and Lingrepa was educated in reading and writing from an
early age. He then followed a path that is very reminiscent of other famous Tibetans: first
studying the "old" ways of Imperial-era Nyingma tantras, and then quickly becoming famous in
his region for both his skill as a sorcerer of black magic as well as a doctor.
The next part of his life varies slightly across sources, but most agree that this is when he
met his consort, Menmo (sMan mo), as well as "the lama from central Tibet, Zhang."36 In most
versions, this Lama Zhang takes both Lingrepa and Menmo to meet Ra Lotsawa,37 from whom
the couple receive many of the important transmissions such as the Kālacakra-tantra and the
Cakrasamvara-tantra. Perhaps the most important part of this stage of Lingrepa’s life, however,
was that Ra Lotsawa introduced them to his teacher Kyung Tsangpa (Khyung tshang pa ye shes
bla ma, 1115-1176), who would be the first of many connections between Lingrepa and the great
yogi Rechungpa. Although Kyung Tsangpa was the student of Rechungpa, who lived as a
wandering yogi and had relationships with women, Kyung was known to disapprove of any
practitioners who were not monks. He criticized Lingrepa for this and convinced him to abandon
his wife and take ordination, "just as the completely pure Buddha himself had done."38 Lingrepa
acquiesced. But his ordination was shortlived; about a year later, Lingrepa, "powerless to resist,
reverted"39 and restarted his relationship with Menmo. This episode intones a theme of
indifference towards monasticism and strict vows that would continue through his life.40
36
GT, 4.b-.2: dbus pa’i bla ma zhang. This is most likely referring to Zhang Lotsawa (Zhang lo tsa ba grub pa dpal,
d.1237) and not the notorious Lama Zhang (Zhang g.yu brag pa, 1123-1193) although both are from Central Tibet
and Lingrepa does encounter Lama Zhang later on. I was initially very confused by this passage but it seems clear
now due to Zhang Lotsawa’s connection with Khyung Tsangpa and Ra Lotsawa. See, for example, Sernesi (2006)
p.185.
37
ra in GT, rwa in SGB, BR; DD uses both. This seems to be a general title for the holder of the Rwa lineage, in
this case it is probably Yeshe Sengey (Rwa ye shes seng ge, 12th century).
38
GT, 4.b-.5 yang dag par rdzogs pa’i sangs rgyas nyid kyang rab du byung nas mdzad
39
GT, 5.a-.1: rang dbang med par ldog
40
Blue Annals (p.660) attributes Lingrepa’s transgression of his monastic vows to his previous life as one of the
monks who criticized a bodhisattva in the famous story from the Ratnakūṭa-sūtra.
16
Kyung Tsangpa was one of the four principal students of Rechungpa41 and is thought to
be one of the few holders of Rechungpa’s esoteric Aural Lineage (snyan brgyud),42 a lineage that
was of much importance to the later masters of the Drukpa Kagyu such as Tsangnyon Heruka
and Pema Karpo (Pad ma dkar po, 1527-1592). Although none of the sources consulted here
explicitly state that Lingrepa received this lineage from Kyung Tsangpa,43 it was at this stage that
Lingrepa developed great faith in Rechungpa and his teachings, a faith that eventually led him to
question Kyung Tsangpa’s pedigree; at the age of 31,44 he left for Loro (Lo ro) in search of
Rechungpa himself.
Lingrepa and Menmo donned the single white cotton robe of a yogi (ras pa) and left for
Loro, only to arrive one year after Rechungpa’s death. Instead, they studied under the great
yogi’s two main attendants and disciples, Dampa Sumpa (Dam pa sum pa,45 c. 12th cent.) and
Gyalwa Lo (rGyal ba lo, c. 12th cent.). From these two masters Lingrepa received the teachings
of the Rechungpa lineage, including "all 60 of the oral instructions."46 While the Aural Lineage
is, again, not mentioned by name in any of the biographies, it is clear that Lingrepa spent many
years receiving and practicing the oral instructions (gdams ngag) of Rechungpa, which would
41
The others, according to Roberts, are Sumpa Repa (Sum pa ras pa), Gyalwa Lo (rGyal ba lo), and Yang-gon
(Yang dgon).
42
The Aural Lineage will be discussed again later on, but has been the subject of much scholarly interest recently.
The precise transmission history seems to be slightly unclear, but both Sernesi (2004) and Toricelli (2000) suggest
that Khyung Tsangpa may have been the only inheritor of the full instructions of Rechungpa’s Aural Lineage (Ras
chung snyan brgyud).
43
DD is the only biography that mentions the Aural Lineage by name and Lingrepa receives it from Phagmodrupa in
that biography.
44
This is agreed on by all sources.
45
Also known as Sum pa ras pa¸ Sum ston, and gTsang pa sum pa.
46
GT, 6.a-.2: gdams ngag drug bchu kha yar rdzogs par zhus. This number appears in all of the biographies except
DD, which says, "he received all of the instructions of those two lamas like filling a vase to the brim"; bla ma dam
pa de gnyis kyi gdams pa thams cad bum pa gang byo’i tshul du zhus DD, 6.b
17
Then, in his late thirties,47 Lingrepa decided to venture to the southern border region for a
meditation retreat, only to meet a naked being of white light who told him to seek out
Phagmodrupa (Phag mo gru pa, 1110-1170), one of Gampopa’s three main disciples. Despite the
earlier influence of the Rechungpa lineage, Phagmodrupa is considered Lingrepa’s root guru,
placing Lingrepa and the eventual Drukpa Kagyu sect within the larger Dakpo Kagyu.48 It is
important to remember that historical masters such as Lingrepa had much more complex webs of
connections than is portrayed by the linear lineage histories. Of Lingrepa’s songs that refer to
lineage, there is equal mention of Rechungpa and Gampopa, and much more emphasis placed on
the lineage of siddhas and the Kagyu in general than any specific institutional line49.
Lingrepa clearly had a profound connection with Phagmodrupa and became remembered
as the "greatest in realization"50 among Phagmodrupa’s four main disciples for his mastery of the
highest teachings. From this master, Lingrepa received teachings on a particular aspect of the
esoteric mahāmudrā teachings called sahaja yoga,51 or co-emergence, which emphasizes the
primordial presence of an enlightened nature. This teaching is associated with the dohās of
Saraha and forms a distinctive aspect of Gampopa’s teachings on mahāmudrā. It is at this point
in all of the biographies where Lingrepa begins to gain recognition for his high realization as
well as his ability to articulate that realization in song. Soon after receiving teachings from
Phagmodrupa, Lingrepa commits to a multi-year retreat only to come back after three days
proclaiming he had accomplished full realization. He is chastised by his guru for breaking his
pledge and, in response to this criticism, Lingrepa sings perhaps his most important mgur, noted
47
DD gives his age as 37 while SGB and BR give 35 or 36. GT does not give a specific age.
48
Tib. Dwags po bka’ brgyud. This lineage encompasses the 12 sub-lineages that stem from Gampopa and generally
refers to the mainstream Kagyu sect.
49
See songs 4 and 13 which both trace Lingrepa’s lineages, making mention of both the Rechungpa and Gampopa
lines. This accords well with Kapstein definitions of "sect" and "lineage". Lingrepa viewed himself as a member of
two lineages that would later be separated into separate sects. See Kapstein (1979) p.139
50
rtogs pa’i mthar thug: Roerich (1976) p.566
51
Tib. lhan gcig skyes sbyor.
18
here as Song 12. Phagmodrupa was overjoyed and proclaimed that, "Up to [i.e., on the far side
of] the Ganges River, there has never been nor will there be anyone with greater realization in
this teaching than the Great Brahmin Saraha; on this side of the Ganges River, there will never
be anyone with higher realization in it than you, son!"52 This exchange would eventually give
This song and its reception are perhaps the most significant event in the life story of
Lingrepa, marking his ascendance to a level of enlightenment. This event is reported quite
consistently across the biographies and marks the beginning of his song-singing.53 Furthermore,
it is the only point where BR gives a song in it’s entirety, and the Blue Annals even give a song
fragment at this point.54 This moment and Phagmodrupa’s resultant affirmation of Lingrepa’s
high level of realization mark an important transition in Lingrepa’s life as he moves from student
Following his first mgur, the sources agree that Lingrepa stayed with Phagmodrupa but
was criticized for having a wife in a monastic camp; with the guru’s help, he sent Menmo back
to her parents. He then began wandering around Tibet, begging for alms, singing songs, and
giving teachings to students and admonitions to monks, scholars, and tantric lamas. During these
travels he performed miracles such as walking through solid rock and accumulated significant
wealth, only to leave it behind. During this period of travel, retreat, and teaching, his root guru,
Phagmodupa, as well as his earlier teacher, Sumpa Repa, both passed away and he conducted
their funeral ceremonies. He went on to establish a hermitage (dgon pa) at the valley of Napu
(sNa phu) after receiving the blessings of both the area’s protector deities and the local lord,
52
GT, 15.Lb-.7: chu bo gha gha yan chad kyis bstan pa ‘di la bram ze chen po sara has/ rtogs pa che ba ma byung/
mi yong/ chu bo gha gha tshun la/ bu khyod pas rtogs pa mtho ba mi yong mi ‘byung// The wording varies across the
biographies but all except BR mention Saraha and the Ganges.
53
GT includes 11 songs prior, beginning with one song offered to Lama Lo. Interestingly, these 11 songs include
most of the references to previous masters and the prayers to the lineage of siddhas.
54
Roerich (1976) p. 662.
19
earning him the nickname "Man of Napu" (sNa phu ba). During a trip to Samye55 (bSam yas) he
encountered a blue woman who identifies herself as Prajñāpāramitā after bestowing all of the
knowledge and empowerments of the tantras by touching him with the tantric texts.56 Following
this transmission, he composed some texts on tantra57 but was criticized for not having actually
studied the esoteric systems in any formal capacity. He responds to this criticism with a song
that, apparently, silenced his detractors. Then, later, a ḍākinī arrived who was the "protector of
the Kagyu doctrine and guardian of the Practice Lineage."58 Following her prophecy that an
emanation of Nāropā would come that day to hold his lineage, Lingrepa’s chief disciple and
called on by the notorious Lama Zhang,60 first, to finance his enormous Buddha statue, and then,
to intervene in the wars over control of Lhasa on Zhang’s behalf. Interestingly, this interaction
with Lama Zhang and Lingrepa's involvement in the wars does not appear at all in DD, but
receives considerable attention in the later biographies. Its treatment in these biographies,
however, portrays a pacifist Lingrepa who first discourages the war-mongering parties and then,
after aiding Lama Zhang, apologizes for his involvement by saying he was merely a servant of
the lama.61 Rinchen Namgyal’s decision to deviate from DD by including these events is
especially interesting given their similarity to the disputes of the 16th century over the spiritual
55
The first monastery in Tibet, founded by Padmasambhava, Śāntarakṣita, and king Trisong Detsen.
56
In GT she touches his head, while in SGB it is his tongue. DD and BR are unspecific.
57
According to Miller (2005, p.388) the four tantric texts attributed to him are as follows: bDe mchog dkyil ‘khor
gyi cho ga yon tan kun ‘byung, bCom ldan ‘das dpal phyag na rdo rje’i dkyil ‘khor cho ga, rTen ‘brel snying po’i
las byang, and rGyud kyi rnam bshad.
58
GT, 38.La-.4: bka’ rgyud chos kyi bdag po yin/sgrub rgyud chos kyi bstan bsrungs yin//.
59
SGB and BR do not mention Tsangpa Gyare at all.
60
For more on this interesting character, see Yamamoto ( 2012).
61
GT, 42.a-.3: bla ma zhang gis ‘brug pa’i grogs byed ba zer ba la/sdig pa sog kyang mi skyon rang gi zhe ‘dod ni
ma yin/bla ma’i zhab tog byas pa yin gsung.
20
and temporal control of Lhasa.62 Then, following an encounter with a student who had broken
his sacred vows, Lingrepa falls ill and dies at age 61. Before his death, Lingrepa wrote down a
final testament and hid it inside a text, to be found later by his disciples. This testament is
interesting in that it is repeated almost verbatim in every one of the biographies and its verses are
very similar to Lingrepa’s mgur, yet it is storied to have been written, not sung.63
While some aspects, such as the last testament, are consistent across all of the
biographies, there are "secondary" events not marked by song that are more varied. In DD, there
is much more emphasis on extraordinary events that do not appear in the later sources, perhaps
being deemed old-fashioned or hyperbolic by the later biographers. For example, one episode
that appears only in DD is Lingrepa’s subjugation of local deities, following which, the gods
declare, "even the Lotus-Born One could not [tame] us like this. Someone with greater power
than Padmasambhava has arrived."64 Another important example is when Lingrepa journeys to
Kham and is given more offerings than he can carry, eventually deciding to leave them and
travel home empty-handed. In GT, this episode is glossed over quickly, but in all of the other
sources, it is more extended and involves Lingrepa rejecting the advice to keep the offered
riches. In BR and SGB, this advice is given by a lama known as Geshe Wataton (Wa ta ston),65
while in DD, it is Lama Zhang encouraging him to keep the wealth. In both versions, however,
62
For more on the political situation of this time, see Samuel (1993), or Divalerio (2015) among others.
63
This uniformity perhaps points to the consistency of written records across centuries, while the variability of the
songs may point to at least some level of orality in their transmission history.
64
DD, 16.b-.3: de yang sngon snlob dpon padma ‘byung gnas des ni/nged la ‘di ‘dra byung ba med/slop dpon
padmas kyang nus pa che ba cig byung ngo zer//
65
This spelling is taken from the first appearance in GT (GT, 18.b-.1), but the name appears in many variations such
as Wam rta pa (GT, 18.b-.6), Kha rta ston (BR, 13.a-.4) and Zhu rta ston pa (SGB, 10.b-.5). All sources, however,
refer to him with the title Geshe (dge bshes). I have not been able to confirm any information on this teacher.
21
Lingrepa evokes the Kagyu masters of the past in his rejection, saying, "I will not shame the
The lack of reliable dates for most of these sources makes it difficult to fully trace their
historical development, but looking at the inclusion and exclusion of secondary narrative
episodes and songs, there are some clear relationships. SGB and BR share much in common,
from their order and selection of songs to the inclusion of Lingrepa’s interactions with Lama
Zhang. DD does not share these elements but does include the meeting between Tsangpa Gyare
and Lingrepa which does not appear in the former two. GT includes both of the above mentioned
episodes but also shows unique elements of its own, such as the de-emphasized rejection of
offerings in the episode mentioned previously. This editing of the biographical narrative
conforms with the research done by Roberts and Quintman on similar biographical collections to
indicate the historical priority of the other biographical sources as compared to GT. This would
suggest that DD, as well as SGB, BR, or their common ancestor, would have been available to
Rinchen Namgyal and, further, that he made editorial choices to include, exclude and re-word
As far as the songs included, these biographies show an apparently linear process of
accretion. Five of DD’s six songs appear among the 25 songs of SGB; all of SGB’s songs are
included among the 30 songs of BR68; and all of BR’s songs appear in the 95 songs of GT. The
mgur that appear in DD, such as those sung following Phagmodrupa’s death and Lingrepa’s
reception of the tantras, can be seen as the "core" songs of Lingrepa’s biographical legacy and,
66
SGB, 11.a.1: nga bka’ brgyud kyi bla ‘tsong mi byed nor gyi dgos pa med gsungs// The episode in DD is more
extensive but carries the same message.
67
This conclusion is dependent on the assumed completeness of the available textual collection. It is very possible
that Rinchen Namgyal was using a biography that is no longer extant, or that he was reading other biographies that
were related but not identical to these sources. I am basing this assumption largely on the exceptional work of
Roberts (2007) and Quintman (2014).
68
Many of the 5 songs that appear in BR but not in SGB are mentioned by title only in SGB. Furthermore, all of the
titles mentioned in SGB appear in BR as well.
22
accordingly, appear in all of the later biographies. These early songs are not simply inserted into
the flow of the story, but rather, are integrated into major life events. Most of the songs in GT
were inserted without affecting the primary narrative of Lingrepa’s life and can be considered
"embedded texts". The "new" songs that appear in successive biographies are inserted before and
after these "core" songs and their corresponding events. The new songs come with brief
introductory context, explaining where they were sung or giving a brief description of who they
were sung to, but they have no actual impact on the larger narrative, and the events of Lingrepa’s
life generally unfold independently of them. In the admittedly limited sources presented here,
"fleshing-out" of Milarepa over time, where the songs fill in the skeleton of Lingrepa’s life story,
Following Quintman’s logic then, it is reasonable to sketch the general chronology of these
biographies with DD as the earliest layer, followed by SGB, then BR and, finally, GT.
So, where did the new songs come from over the 350 years between Lingrepa’s death and
GT’s publication? Can we know that Lingrepa actually voiced these songs? It is distinctly
possible that there existed a written collection of Lingrepa’s songs, perhaps even during his
lifetime. It is also possible that there was an oral tradition of bards or meditators passing down
the songs orally until they were written down at some later point. The most likely situation,
biography; that written records existed from the very beginning but were constantly edited and
23
amended in conversation with a living oral tradition.69 In the case of our text, the most interesting
aspect of this editorial process is that some songs are attributed to both Godrakpa and Lingrepa
in their respective biographies, both of which were edited by Rinchen Namgyal. This
commonality suggests not only that there was a kind of general storehouse of songs in
circulation, either orally or textually, during and perhaps before the 16th century. It also points to
just how ambiguous and, I would argue, unimportant, the concept of authorship is with these
sources. It is unclear when these songs entered the respective legacies of these two figures, but
regardless, their shared attribution illustrates how the literary legacy of Lingrepa corresponds
with Kurtis Schaeffer’s general observations about the Indian siddha Saraha: such liminal yogic
figures are "a construct of the religious imagination, and a vibrant one at that."70
Our text, GT, is the most developed version of this construct; it is the fully "fleshed out"
version−to use Quintman’s analogy of Lingrepa’s literary identity. The creator of GT, Rinchen
Namgyal, edited and published this biography following the example of his main teacher,
Tsangnyon Heruka, the notorious "mad yogi" and creator of Milarepa’s classic biography. 71
These biographies were just two texts among dozens produced by the massive printing project
begun by Tsangnyon and continued by his disciples, primarily Rinchen Namgyal and Gotsang
Rechen (rGod tshang ras chen, 1482-1559). These masters used the relatively new technology of
wood-block printing72 to mass-produce biographies, song collections, advice, and other types of
texts written by the previous masters of their lineage. The literary and editorial skill involved in
this project is evident in the lasting impact of some of the texts it produced, such as the Life and
69
See Quintman (2014) Chapter 1. It is interesting to note that the songs that appear in DD, while clearly being
"shared" with the later versions, have a very low level of commonality, whereas the songs that are "shared" by the
later biographies match each other very closely. This seems to point to the establishment of a written standard
sometime after DD.
70
Schaeffer (2005), p.4.
71
For more on Tsangnyon and his literary project see, for example, Larsson (2012), DiValerio (2015) among others
72
Many scholars, such as Larsson (2012), cite the beginning of the 15 th century as the starting point for native
Tibetan printing, although van der Kuijp (2010) has drawn attention to some possibly earlier Tibetan printings.
24
Songs of Milarepa.73 But more than individual works of literature, the biographies and other
works published by this project can all be seen as part of a larger vision of "glorifying" and
The key teachings of this lineage were storied to have been heard by Tilopa directly from
the ḍākinīs hence the name "aural" and "whispered" from teacher to student all the way to
Tsangnyon.75 Although it includes some of the most profound esoteric teachings of the Kagyu
tradition, the Aural Lineage existed outside of monastic institutions. The transmission history
given by Tsangnyon shows that these teachings were never held by abbots of great monasteries
or lamas of prestigious reincarnation lineages.76 Rather, they were passed down discreetly along
a line of renunciate yogis in the mold of Milarepa and the Indian siddhas before him. This
lineage never became an independent order and largely remained outside any institutional
affiliation or doctrinal systematization77 until reaching Tsangnyon. This is not surprising given
that this tradition questioned moral standards, advocated living in poverty and isolated
meditation retreats and often criticized monasticism and wealthy monasteries. Although the
Aural Lineage had been maintained secretly for generations, the work of Tsangnyon’s school had
73
This is perhaps the most famous Tibetan text and has been republished and translated numerous times. Smith
(2001) p.61 and Larsson (2013) p.74
74
Clemente (2015) p.185 and Sernesi (2006) p.181 respectively
75
See Sernesi, (2004) fn. 8
76
An interesting possible exception is Lingrepa’s student Tsangpa Gyare, who is considered both the first abbot of
Ralung Monastery, the seat of the Drukpa Kagyu order, as well as the first of the Drukchen incarnation line.
However, these designations, as is so common in history, were assigned retrospectively after his life. His second
reincarnation was not recognized for 200 years after Gyare’s death and the transmission was notably passed to the
yogi Gotsangpa, (rGod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje, 1189-1258), not Gyare’s nephew, the abbot of Ralung and
inheritor of the main Drukpa line, Dharma Senge (Dhar ma seng ge sangs rgyas dbon, 1177-1237). The Aural
transmission remained in the Upper Drukpa branch initiated by Gotsangpa as opposed to the mainstream Middle
Drukpa (bar ’brug) of Ralung monastery.
77
The first attempt to systematize these teachings was made by Zhang lotsawa (Zhang lo tsā ba, c. 13 th century).
25
an immediate impact and these teachings quickly became incorporated into doctrine of the
Perhaps due to the difficulty of maintaining a lineage without institutional support, the
Aural Lineage was splintered by the time it was received by Tsangnyon.79 It was out of fear that
this "root" of the Kagyu would be lost or distorted that Tsangnyon embarked on his literary
project.80 This work of preservation demanded not only the publication of rare texts, but also the
delineation and definition of the lineage. Tsangnyon and his school used biography to establish
the roots of their lineage in the authoritative soil of the great Indian and Tibetan masters that
came before them. In this way, this literary project not only delineated but also justified and
granted authority to the Aural Lineage; or, in other words, it provided "implicit structural
statements about the historical continuity and genealogical integrity"81 of the lineage. The
subjects of these biographies, however, were largely already considered part of the mainstream
Kagyu institutions and the biographies of saints such as Milarepa and Rechungpa had been
written many times before. It stands to reason, then, that if these biographies were meant to serve
as "the preliminaries to [Tsangnyon’s] grand record of the aural transmission tradition,"82 that the
unique qualities of these biographies would reveal much about Tsangnyon’s particular vision for
his lineage.
78
This is attested by the writings of both the 3rd Drukchen incarnation (1478-1523), who received the Aural
Lineage empowerments from Tsangnyon, as well as the famous 4th Drukchen, Pema Karpo, who wrote extensively
on the Aural Transmission.
79
The line of transmission following Milarepa is subject to some debate. A version of these teachings had been
passed to Milarepa’s student Gampopa, the founder of the Kagyu sect, and is preserved in the mainstream Kagyu
doctrine, but most scholars agree that this version was incomplete and the highest teachings were only given to
Milarepa’s other disciples Rechungpa and Ngen Dzong (Ngan rdzong ras pa, 11th cent). Lingrepa’s role in this will
be discussed later.
80
Larsson (2012) p.246.
81
Yamamoto, (2012) p.270.
82
Quintman (2014) p. 152.
26
Aside from the narrative changes made by Tsangnyon, as noted by Quintman and
Roberts, the most unique aspect of these biographies, and, in fact, all of the literature produced
by this school, is the emphasis placed on song. Song has been an integral part of the Aural
Lineage since its inception in the form of the "vajra verses" the core teachings of the lineage that
were received by Tilopa from the ḍākinīs.83 It should be no surprise, then, that Tsangnyon and
his school viewed song as an integral part of their lineage and produced so many song-based
works, ranging from the biographies and song-collections of their lineage masters, to re-printings
of Saraha’s dohā and Milarepa’s esoteric "Six secret Songs." Schaeffer goes so far as to say that,
"a quick glance down the list reveals that the printers in Gtsang smyon’s tradition collectively
created a sort of canon of siddha story and song."84 Tsangnyon himself explicitly lays out the
importance of song to the Aural Lineage in his text, Opening the Eyes of Faith,85 a catalog that
outlines the mgur tradition and effectively characterizes the Aural Lineage as a succession of
mgur-singers. Song, then, was an important literary trope employed by Tsangnyon in his project
appear in large numbers within each work as well. With its 95 songs 65 more than any other
source the distinguishing feature of GT is clearly its larger number of mgur. It is difficult to
quantify the amount of space taken up in GT by narrative as opposed to song, but to give some
perspective, the average length of a song is about one folio side, so with its 95 songs, GT would
be approximately 80% mgur. By including mgur to such an extent, Lingrepa’s life story becomes
83
Larsson, (2012) p. 85.
84
Schaeffer (2011) p. 467.
85
mGur gyi dkar chags ma rig mun sel dad pa’i mig ‘byed zhes bya ba. See Quintman and Larsson (2015).
86
As above, Sernesi (2006), p. 181.
27
a mere frame for his songs. It would seem, then, that Rinchen Namgyal compiled GT to indelibly
the lineage as a whole and individual masters by means of mgur. Song was not a mere
coincidental trope, however, and has long been associated with a particular brand of Buddhism.
As Quintman says, Tsangnyon "employed the song tradition to construct a distinctive religious
identity. And as with his better-known literary achievements, that identity was fashioned around
the ideal of the ascetic yogin and his spontaneous expressions of spiritual awakening in song."87
More specifically, Tsangnyon himself explains the relationship between song and the siddha
tradition as follows:
directly realize the nature of mind [...] This resulted in the actualization of
songs. The experience and realization that arose in the minds of previous
This revealing statement lays out three major elements of the specific religious identity that
Tsangnyon was cultivating: predilection for a certain kind of literary form (song), lifestyle
87
Quintman, (2015) p.89
88
Translation by Quintman, see Quintman (2015) p.113
28
(radical asceticism, unconventional behavior), and philosophy (eminence, sudden realization).
This identity, or religious specialization, composed of these elements, would stand in direct
opposition to the institutionalized sects of Tsangnyon’s time. In contrast to the siddha ideal,
The differences between these two styles of Buddhist religious observance point to a
division of religious specialization that has shown up throughout Buddhist history. Ruegg
identifies similar distinctions within first millennia Indian Buddhism when he writes of the
"cataphatic aspect" taught by Saraha in his Dohākośa and the "apophatic aspect" taught by
Tibetan Buddhism have divided the religious specialists of Tibetan history into groups along
similar lines. Geoffrey Samuel labels the two groups "shamans" and "clerics," identifying the
former with a cataphatic philosophy and mahāmudrā practice while the latter is associated with
the sutras and "academic analysis in purely negative terms."91 For the purposes of this study, I
will refer to these generalized groups as "institutional" and "anti-institutional" for convenience,
but these binary distinctions only point to ideal types, opposite poles on the spectrum of religious
specialization.
Perhaps the most well-known teachings of "anti-institutionalist" Buddhists are the dohā
of Indian siddhas such as Tilopa, Saraha, and Kāṇha who roamed India towards the end of the
first millennium CE. Jackson identifies a "focus on the innate", "celebration of the guru", and a
"critique of social and religious convention" as three of the key themes running through the
89
Quintman, (2014) p.122; Davidson, (2005) p.114-115; Smith, (2001) p.60
90
Ruegg, (2010) p.335.
91
Samuel, (1993) p.479.
29
songs of these masters92. That these mahasiddhas sang songs as their preferred method of
expression seems to be a direct result of their philosophical beliefs. Schaeffer, in his analysis of
Saraha’s dohā, identifies the importance of written song to the siddha tradition being its
"conformity with the general tantric rhetoric of orality," and the "primacy of the master’s oral
instructions over the written word."93 Furthermore, the spontaneity that is commonly associated
with the composition of dohā and their Tibetan counterparts, mgur, seems to be a natural
the siddhas.94 Take, for example, the closing verses of both songs 25 and 40 of GT, which
Lingrepa says he sang as they "arose in my mind." The inherent connection between form and
Nāgārjuna:
"With regard to Nāgārjuna, for example, the predominantly positive ideas and
the cataphatic language found in the hymns ascribed to him stand in marked
and methods between the “Scholastic Corpus” and the “Hymnic Corpus.”95
92
Jackson, (2004) p.16.
93
Schaeffer, (2005) p.98.
94
Sometimes this is referred to as “sutric mahāmudrā,” as it did not rely on the tantric systems of initiations.
95
Ruegg, (2010) p.146.
30
The siddhas’ songs embodied the positivist philosophy of mahāmudrā with a rhetoric of
The distinctive voice of the siddhas’ songs was transmitted to Tibet in the 11th and 12th
centuries, where it was particularly embraced by the Tibetan yogis of the Kagyu tradition such as
Milarepa, Rechungpa, and Lingrepa.96 Like the Indian siddhas before them, these Tibetan yogis
continued the criticisms of institutional Buddhism, the focus on guru-devotion, the positivist,
mahāmudrā philosophy, and importantly for us, their tradition of singing songs. By writing one
of the first commentaries on Saraha’s Royal Song, Lingrepa, along with contemporary translators
and commentators, domesticated the Indian tradition to Tibet. These early masters sang their
songs before Sakya Pandita established Sanskritic poetry and its formal, intellectualized
structures as the highest standard of poetics in Tibet.97 In singing their mgur, these early Tibetan
yogis, beginning with Marpa and Milarepa, adapted a domestic genre of folk-song to express
esoteric Buddhist ideas while retaining the songs’ colloquial language, just as the siddhas had
done with dohā and carya songs in India.98 The mgur of Lingrepa’s time were the Tibetan take
on the spontaneous, populist style of the siddhas’ songs. The connection between mgur and dohā
says, "The lord of yogis, Great Saraha, composed his realization into mgur,"99 and then
96
Schaeffer (2005, 59)
97
Kapstein (1993, p.777) notes that according to Sakya Pandita it was "poetic excellence that was regarded as the
touchstone for moral and intellectual refinement". Following Sakya Pandita, Tibetan scholars translated many
influential texts on formal Sanskrit poetry such as Daṇḍin’s Mirror of Poetry and Jñānaśrī mitra Metrical Garland
Eulogy among others that would influence Tibetan poetry, including mgur, until the present day.
98
As noted by Kapstein (Ibid., fn.72), dohā primarily refers to a specific type of poetic meter that was used outside
of the context of Buddhist mystical song. Kapstein also points out that although they mirror doha in many ways,
mgur maintain a uniquely Tibetan voice and style.
99
DH, 2.a-.4: rnal ’byor gyi dbang ’phyug sa ra ha chen po/rtogs pa mgur du bzhengs pa
31
immediately uses the word do ha to refer to the songs, demonstrating a conflation of the terms in
These mgur, such as those recorded in GT, were viewed by the masters who sang them as
a central part of their inheritance of the siddhas’ tradition. Much of the esoteric teachings that
were transmitted from India, such as those of the Aural Lineage and even Mahāmudrā itself,
were based on authoritative song collections that became the core scripture for Tibetan sects such
as the Kagyu. The Tibetan yogis who inherited these lineages not only preserved the siddhas’
songs, but also saw it as an integral part of their own identity to continue singing. Lingrepa
acknowledges as much in the first song of GT, when he describes the second of a yogi’s three
tasks:
Godrakpa is even more explicit on this point in the following song, which appears in his
100
Much has been written about the history and particularities of these genre labels. See, for example, Gamble
(2015) or Kapstein (2003), where he points out the differences between the two forms. The following quote shows
that Lingrepa, at least, conflated mgur and dohā. I will not delve too deeply into this discussion, but rather, I am
only trying to point out that both Indian and Tibetan groups of "anti-institutionalist" Buddhists used folk song to
convey their teachings and that the Tibetans viewed their mgur as the successors to the siddhas’ dohā.
101
GT, 6.a-.7: ngag gi las su dbyangs chung len/las su dbyangs chung mi len du/rdo rje ’chang chen la sogs pa’i/rje
gong ma rnams kyi spyod ‘gros yin//
32
was the tradition of the Great Brahmin (Saraha),
Perhaps ironically, the siddhas and their song collections were, in fact, important for the
establishment of the strong institutionalized lineages that would begin to form around the time of
Lingrepa. Later sects such as the Kagyu and Sakya were able to integrate, or "domesticate" the
charisma and authority granted to these songs through a process of taming their anti-institutional
aspects. These mainstream sects celebrated the individuality of the past masters, but, in practice,
reinterpreted their teachings through exegesis and encouraged scholasticism and externalized
tantric systems that better suited aristocratic values.103 Lingrepa self-identified first and foremost
as a member of the "unbroken lineage of siddhas"104 and it is this lineage, more than the Kagyu
or the Dakpo line, that he refers to throughout GT. For Lingrepa and, no doubt, many of his
contemporaries, writing commentaries on his lineage masters’ songs, as well as singing his own
Given this long-standing and apparently integral relationship between song and anti-
102
rtogs pa glu ru len pa de/bram ze chen po’i bka’ srol lags/ming yang mdo ha skor gsum zer/nyams myong glu ru
len pa de/grub thob gong ma’i bka’ srol lags/ming yang nyams kyi skye tshul zer// Translation and transliteration by
Stearns. See Stearns, (2000) p.59-60.
103
Davidson (2005, p.354) does an excellent study of the domestication of the esoteric Lamdre (lam ’bras) system
into mainstream Sakya institutions. Rheingans (2010, fn.4) also notes that the mainstream Karma Kagyu school, and
the Seventh and Eight Karmapas specifically, developed a commentarial tradition and encouraged scholasticism and
the founding of monasteries.
104
Tib. grub thob brgyud chad med
33
Tsangnyon Heruka’s literary project. In creating a literary project to define a tradition that was
based so heavily on the instructions of one’s master, song served a functional role of maintaining
Schaeffer’s idea of the "rhetoric of orality."105 Furthermore, in creating what was essentially a
record of history, song served as a potent signifier to the readers of Tsangnyon’s school’s works.
Tsangnyon and his students’ use of song seems to be a prime example of what Nunning refers to
as, "the ways in which narrative forms function as an active cognitive force in the generation of
attitudes, discourses, ideologies, and ways of thinking."106 The association between song as a
literary form and the ideals of anti-institutional Buddhism, such as those espoused by the Aural
Lineage, would have been instantly recognized by the 16th century Tibetan audience of the
works of Tsangnyon’s school and instantly set it apart from the scholasticism popular at the time.
By organizing GT around such a potent trope as song, Rinchen Namgyal created a powerful
Our text, GT, can be broadly divided into two distinct parts: The narrative prose and the
songs themselves. As mentioned above, the distinguishing characteristic of GT, when compared
to other biographies of Lingrepa, is that the songs comprise the vast majority of the text. This
predominance of song, then, creates a text that is mainly cast in Lingrepa’s own voice, imbuing
this written collection with a "rhetoric of orality" that is so important in a Kagyu tradition that
emphasizes the importance of the guru’s oral instruction. In his discussion of Milarepa’s
105
Schaeffer (2005) p.98
106
Nunning, (2004) p.356.
34
biography, Quintman notes how the text’s first-person perspective "invests the text with a layer
of authenticity" and, further, allows the editor, Tsangnyon Heruka, to use a voice that is
"unimpeachable and in a sense unmediated, as if speaking out directly to readers across a span of
four centuries."107 Yet GT is not strictly a song collection. Prose sections frame the songs within
Lingrepa’s life and effectively use the narrator’s omniscient voice to lend objective credibility to
the songs and events of the text. While the two sections of GT are written with a vastly different
style, word choice, and composition, they are integrated to create a complete text. Here I will
discuss the dynamic between these two distinct, but related parts and attempt to clarify why
Rinchen Namgyal may have chosen to create this hybrid text instead of separating the two.
In the context of the early Kagyu masters such as Lingrepa, the word mgur is most
commonly translated as "song of experience" or "song of realization". These songs are exalted as
being the spontaneous expression of a master’s enlightened mind, or, to paraphrase John Ardussi,
the words that naturally appear in the mental experience of one who has achieved the longs
spyod108 level of Buddhahood.109 Looking at the translations provided here we find songs that
range in style and tone from confessions, to chastisements, to polemical refutations, to expansive
expositions on the nature of reality. Overall, however, the songs are all united around a
consistent set of issues reflecting Lingrepa’s core religious values, including asceticism, guru
devotion, and mahāmudrā philosophy. Lingrepa is uncompromising on these topics, calling out
hyposcrisy and false interpretations where he sees them, and in these songs, he takes
monasticism, scholasticism, and materialism as his most frequent opponents. These songs and
their polemic of style would have been just as poignant and biting in their criticisms of 16th
107
Quintman, (2014) p.157.
108
Skt. sambhogakāya; literally "the enjoyment body" of a Buddha.
109
Ardussi (1977) p. 117.
35
The philosophical underpinning of Lingrepa’s position is the mahāmudrā philosophy
espoused by Gampopa and his Kagyu descendents and it’s assertion of a "direct path" to
enlightenment by means of the relationship with one’s guru. This philosophy holds that each
individual possesses an inherently enlightened nature that can be uncovered spontaneously with
the blessing and instructions of a qualified master. Lingrepa refers to this enlightened nature with
a variety of terms throughout the songs, including "innate nature," "essence of mind," or
"Buddha-mind" among others. 110 This approach obviates the need for the gradual, progressive
steps of traditional tantric systems’ initiations, commitments, and practices. It also emphasizes
the importance of one’s own meditative experience as a path to enlightenment, a path that does
Lingrepa using a variety of means, ranging from provocative language and allusions to more
subtle images and phrases, to assert a position in line with Gampopa and his Kagyu compatriots.
Rather than examine how Lingrepa treats each aspect of his position, it will be more revealing to
look at the rhetorical strategies he uses and the three ways he engages in this polemic; namely,
how he promotes his position, criticizes others’, and defends his position against critics.
Lingrepa is frequently explicit about key aspects of his position, repeatedly promoting a
life of wandering asceticism and begging, an accessible, cataphatic philosophy, and a reverence
for lineage masters. It is interesting to note that these aspects of lifestyle and philosophy are
neither disjointed nor coincidental, but rather, generally appear together within the same songs as
parts of a cohesive vision for what Lingrepa would term a true "yogi." Begging and wandering in
the mountains would have been an important distinction for the yogi of 11th century Tibet as it
would clearly separate him from the established monks and lamas who accumulated wealth. In
fact, Lingrepa seems to hold the term "yogi", with its accompanying implications of ascetic
110
gnyug ma’i don; sems nyid; sems chos kyi sku
36
solitude of authentic practice, as a signifier for his whole vision. Songs such as song 40 in GT
clearly elevate the term "yogi" to a title of the highest respect.111 The overall impression of the
songs, then, is that Lingrepa follows very closely the positions of the Kagyu mahāmudrā lineage,
casting him in the mold of Saraha, Milarepa, and Gampopa before him.
Lingrepa commonly asserts his philosophical view through the use of imagery that
expresses the aspect of spontaneity and effortlessness that is integral to the mahāmudrā view.
His repeated use of phrases such as "dawning" or "rising" evokes the idea of the sudden
appearance of something that was present yet unseen. Song 20, for example, explicitly uses the
As mentioned earlier, Lingrepa even describes these songs themselves as having "arisen" in his
Another important, yet occasionally opaque, aspect of these songs is the use of certain
phrases that are characteristic of the mahāmudrā position such as this verse from song 12:
111
Not to mention Lingrepa’s own self-ascribed nickname used to introduce many songs: "this solitary yogi" Tib:
bdag phyis kyis rnal ‘byor ‘dug pa ‘di.
112
GT, 18.b-.4: chos nyid kyi nam mkha' mtha' nas langs/'od gsal gi nyi ma mkha' la shar//
113
GT, 15.Lb-.3: sngar 'dris mi dang phrad pa bzhin/rnam rtog chos skur ngo shes pas//
37
Or song 78:
As unborn dharmakāya.114
In his paper on the 8th Karmapa, Jim Rheingans notes how these specific phrases relating the
conceptual mind to the pure mind of a Buddha, or dharmakāya, are characteristic of the
In these songs, we also see Lingrepa directly challenging and even overtly criticizing
many of the established norms of Buddhist institutions of his day which he saw as neither
effective nor authentic. Lingrepa does not mince words with his criticisms of monastic
institutions, taking issue with both their behavior and their philosophical approach. Take these
And:
114
GT, 46.a-.2: tshig lhag pa'i bstan rgyu mi gdog ste/ji zhig ltar la rang gi sems/skye ba med par chos skur rtogs//
115
Rheingans, (2012, p.8)
116
GT, 22.a-.1: sprang po'i dman sa mi 'dzin par/da dung gzhan gyi phye mthor 'gam/tshul 'chos mkhan khyod la
dgos pa yin/chos brgyad kyi mgo bo ma snyoms par 'dug pa/mno bsam thong la snying rus bskyed//
38
Not looking at the inexpressible meaning
As in the above verse, the intellectual approach, in particular, is challenged and denigrated
repeatedly in Lingrepa’s songs. His use of pejorative terms such as "little books", and "mere
rhetoric" as well his "confessing" to the use of logic and reasoning, among other things, clearly
show that he regarded the exegetical and dialectical approach of many Buddhist schools to be
mired in conceptual thinking. In Lingrepa’s view, meditation gives access to one’s innate
considered worldly or even hypocritical constructs. While he follows his predecessor Gampopa
closely in his philosophical views, Lingrepa differs from him greatly in his disapproval of
monasticism; Lingrepa’s whole life story could, in fact, be considered a direct challenge to the
monastic system. Both in his life as Lingrepa as well as in previous lives, he is forgiven for
transgressing his monastic vows and achieves much higher levels of realization once he adopts
the lifestyle of a yogi. Lingrepa even famously tried to convince his disciple Tsangpa Gyare to
117
Tib: zin bris mkhan; literally, "note-taker" or maybe "scribe," but the connotation is pejorative towards someone
who puts too much emphasis on the written word of the texts.
118
GT, 22.a-.1: brjod med kyi don la mi lta bar/da dung yig nag gi dpe cha blta/zin bris mkhan khyod la dgos pa
yin/snang ba dpe char ma shar 'dug pa/mno bsam thong la snying rus bskyed//
119
She and Tsangpa Gyare end up agreeing that consort practice is not necessary for him and he remains a monk.
39
Less overtly, we also see Lingrepa challenging established norms by interpreting them
symbolically rather than literally. Take, for example, these verses from song 17, which offer
Song 26 uses a similar logic in systematically asserting the superiority of the mahāmudrā view to
all other major Buddhist schools. Take, for example, these verses that challenge some norms of
tantric systems:
120
GT, 17.b-.4: bdag longs spyod 'dod yon lnga la byed/dka' thub khyad par 'phags pa yin/lam du nyon mongs dug
lnga slong/gnyen po khyad bar 'phags pa yin/mchod pa sgyu ma'i lus la 'bul/mchod gnas khyad par 'phags pa yin/lta
rtog rang gi sems la byed/dpe cha khyad par 'phags pa yin//
40
Unity with the true deity innate, essential nature—
Is the samaya.
This strategy of reinterpretation allows Lingrepa to, in effect, adopt the important characteristics
One of the most controversial episodes in Lingrepa’s life story was when he began
writing compositions on the tantras despite his lack of formal education. The biography explains
121
Reading rnam rtog from NP, although the reading rlung sems; "vitality and mind" from GT is also plausible.
122
This seems to be a reference to the tantric practice of consuming "impure substances" such as meat and alcohol
during ritual feasts. Lingrepa is discrediting the idea of impurity.
123
GT, 20.b-.5: sku gsum don gyi dkyil 'khor du/sems nyid bzhugs pa dbang bskur yin/rang bzhan/bzhin gnyug ma
don gyi lha/'bral ba med pa bskyed rim yin/skye ba med pa don gyi sngags/rgyun chad med pa bzlas pa yin/skye ba
med pa'i chos dbying su/rlung sems yal ba rdzogs rim yin/de rnams don la mi gda' ba/brtan par byed pa dam tshig
yin/thob pa med par bde bas na/ye shes tshogs kyi 'khor lo yin//
41
his scriptural understanding as being the result of the divine inspiration of Prajñāpāramitā, who
transmits "all that could be known" directly to Lingrepa. Some of Lingrepa’s contemporaries
object to his compositions, citing his lack of education, to which he responds by sarcastically
asking for forgiveness in song 60, which contains verses such as this one:
Abide in my heart
Following this song, we are told that the criticisms were "cut off." This interaction between song
and narrative forms one of the "core" events of Lingrepa’s life story, which, as mentioned above,
are reproduced consistently across sources. While all the songs of GT are contextualized via a
prose introduction, the songs of these "core" events also have stated effects on the narrative,
serving to "explain and determine the primary fabula," to use the terminology of narratologist
Mieke Bal.125 These songs are the only ones where a reaction is described by the omniscient
voice of the narrator and offered to the reader, giving, as Bal puts it, "explicit commentary on the
embedded text which influences our reading of that text."126 In this case, the impact of song 55
In the above song, Lingrepa is defending the validity of the Kagyu mahāmudrā approach
by asserting that the blessings and oral instructions of his teacher are viable means for access to
124
GT, 38.a-.2: bla ma yid dam mkha' 'gros'i tshogs/bdag gi snying du zhugs lags pas/rang dbang med pa'i slab bcol
shor/dpe med snyam na bzod par gsol//
125
Bal (1985, p.54)
126
Ibid., p.64
42
esoteric knowledge.127 This idea has been both celebrated and reviled as a "sudden" path to
exegesis. As mentioned above, and then addressed in the verse quoted above, the chief criticism
of this path is that it is an innovation without scriptural precedent.128 Lingrepa was apparently
aware of this criticism; he frequently invokes his view’s accordance with scripture, as in this
Establishing certainty in the nature of mind in accord with all sutras and tantras,
These instructions place buddhahood in the palm of your hand;130 how amazing!
127
Guru devotion was seen as the "single means of realization" by some Lingrepa’s Kagyu contemporaries. See, for
example, Sobisch (2011, p.211)
128
Jackson (1994, p.84)
129
GT, 17.a-.7: phyogs med thos pa ma byas te/sgro 'dogs nang nas chod lags pas/gnas lugs tshig du brjod lags
kyang/bka' mdo rgyud gnyis dang ma 'gal tsam//
130
Tib. sangs rgyas lag du gtod; While this may be a more common phrase than I am aware, it is interesting to note
its usage in Saraha’s Doha, as translated by Guenther. See Guenther (1968) p, 37
131
GT, 14.La-.2: mdo rgyud kun dang 'thun par sems nyid gtan la phab nas/sangs rgyas lag du gtod pa'i gdams
ngag 'di nyams re dga'/nges shes 'phral du skye ba 'di dang re spro//
43
Despite the accusations of innovation, scholars such as Lara Braitstein have shown that much of
Gampopa’s mahāmudrā approach can actually be traced to south India and the songs of
Saraha.132 While this does not necessarily solve the question of authenticity, it does, at least,
mean that this philosophical position had a long history before Lingrepa and Gampopa and is
tied directly to the authority of the Indian siddhas such as Saraha. It stands to reason, then, that in
the face of questions of authenticity, many of Lingrepa’s songs would invoke the established
authority of the Indian siddhas by repeatedly using the phrases such as the "past masters" and the
Lingrepa is further tied to the siddha lineage by another of the "core" events of his life—
when he sings a song to his teacher, Phagmodrupa, to demonstrate to him the high level of his
realization. As mentioned above, upon the completion of the song, Phagmodrupa is elated and
gives Lingrepa the nickname "Saraha of Tibet."133 Similar to the effect discussed above, the
narrative, speaking through the voice of Phagmodrupa, effectively prescribes a reaction to the
song. Lingrepa’s elevated status is doubly confirmed: first, in the logic of the song, the "truth" of
Lingrepa’s realization is shown by the profound meaning expressed by the song’s words.
Second, the narrative surrounding the song confirms to the audience that that was, in fact, an
enlightened status is reinforced to the reader by the "truth" of the narrative in the form of the
132
Braitstein and Mathes both trace the origins of much of Gampopa’s philosophy to the mahāsiddhas of India. See
Bratstein (2006), p.57.
133
While all the sources compare Lingrepa to Saraha at this point, only Blue Annals explicitly uses this nickname.
134
For more on this terminology and the interaction of truth modalities with regard to embedded texts, see Bal
(1985) p.55.
44
association with Saraha,135 effectively casts all of Lingrepa’s following words and deeds as that
Interestingly, while this event is marked by the first song to appear in most
biographies,136 and the reaction to the song is almost identical across sources, the sources do not
agree on which song is actually sung at this point.137 The variability points to the importance of
song as a rhetorical trope; the editors of these biographies may not have agreed on which song
best proved Lingrepa’s enlightenment, but they all agreed that a song was necessary at this
point.138 In a kind of circular logic, the songs are said to be the natural expression of Lingrepa’s
heightened realization, but to any reader or listener from 16th century Tibet, the appearance of
songs would signify his realization, and, moreover, affirm Lingrepa’s association with Saraha
Conclusion
In this study, we have seen how the mgur of GT both explicitly and implicitly tie
Lingrepa’s literary persona to the legacy of the Indian siddhas. Working as a literary trope, these
songs remind of the siddhas’ dohā and project the rhetoric of orality that is so important to the
Kagyu sect. Throughout the songs themselves, Lingrepa reinforces this connection by invoking
his place in the "unbroken lineage of siddhas" and echoeing their iconoclastic critiques of
135
This association accomplishes what Kapstein describes as "finding India in Tibet" 135 and lends Lingrepa’s words
even more weight.
136
It appears first in all sources except GT where it is song 12.
137
This first song, in fact, is the most variable of all the songs shared between the texts. While all biographies have a
song marking this occasion, only GT and DD agree on which song that is, with the others including completely
different songs, with SGB 1 appearing as song 31 in GT and BR 1 not appearing anywhere else.
138
This is the only song that appears in full in BR and Blue Annals quotes a fragment of this song.
45
religious and social norms. Furthermore, we have seen how the narrative frame of the biography
encourages a particular reaction to the songs, granting them added weight and authority. We
have also seen that GT was part of a larger literary project begun by Tsangnyon Heruka and
continued by his disciples that was aimed at preserving the antinomian, mystic ideals of the
foundational figures of the Kagyu sect. Centered on the esoteric teachings of the Aural Lineage
and the biographical legacies of the yogis that held it, the works produced by Tsangnyon’s
school presented a vision of Buddhist practice that would have been in stark contrast to the
This study has been primarily concerned with the literary aspects of GT and the impact
they have both on the reader and Lingrepa’s historical legacy. These rhetorical tools, however,
do not operate in a vacuum; their impact and import would have been dependent on the wider
socio-political context. GT was printed during a time of political turmoil as well as "fervent
religious reform and doctrinal systematization"139 in Tibet. Since the time of Milarepa,
Tsangnyon’s Kagyu sect had solidified into a number of distinct lineages with powerful monastic
structures were closely tied to the aristocratic clans of Tibet and held political as well as religious
influence. As mentioned above, these monastic establishments largely maintained the esoteric
teachings of figures such as the siddhas as part of their doctrinal core, yet with the vestiges of
139
Smith (2001, p.60)
140
Rheingans p.249. This period saw a growing shift from familial lineages, which generally passed from uncle to
nephew, to the now-common tradition of reincarnate lineages. During this period, the Drukpa Kagyu, for example,
recognized the birth of the 2nd Drukchen (Kun dga dpal ‘byor, 1428-1476) more than 200 years after the death of
the first, Lingrepa’s chief disciple Tsangpa Gyare. Until that point, the Drukpa leadership had been passed along
between members of Tsangpa Gyare’s Gya (rGya) clan.
46
anti-institutional rhetoric transformed through a process of "domestication".141 It was in the
context of the growing power and systemization of religious bodies that Tsangnyon and his
disciples printed their texts, promoting an alternate vision of religious reform centered on the
Tsangnyon himself embodied this ideal.143 He was one of the most famous of the "mad-
yogis", who emerged in the 15th century and emulated the antinomian behavior of the siddhas
and Kagyu forefathers such as Milarepa. The mad-yogi "phenomenon", as Gene Smith terms it,
is the "antithesis of the scholastic-monk" and is widely considered to be a response to the "great
prestige and wealth of the hereditary lineages".144 As such, they opposed the moral code,
scholasticism, and ritualistic approach of the mainstream monastic institutions through their wild
behavior and songs. Tsangnyon’s response extended far beyond his own conduct, however, as he
initiated his great printing project in order to reach the whole Tibetan population, from kings, to
commoners, to learned monks, whom he claimed were on the verge of becoming "non-
Buddhists".145
141
Davidson notes how monastic institutions grew to mirror the clan-based political system of Tibet and used
"institutional esoterism" based on externalized mandalas and complex tantric rituals and initiations which sacralized
hierarchical relationships. See Davidson (2005, p.353). Samuel discusses this process as the synthesis of shamanic
and clerical elements, with increased institutionalization coming at the expense of the shamanic. See Samuel (1993,
p.497)
142
Quintman (2014, p.122)
143
In this section, I will largely refer only to Tsangnyon Heruka, despite the fact that most of this printing project
was carried out by Tsangnyon’s disciples. I am employing this conflation partly in the interest of simplification but
mostly because Tsangnyon is responsible for initiating the project. Rinchen Namgyal, the editor of GT and
Tsangnyon’s most important disciple, was not a "mad yogi", but he was a follower of Tsangnyon and he composed
most of his texts following visionary experiences with the great mahāsiddhas such as Saraha, Tilopa, and Nāropa.
See Diemberger (2013, p.135) Furthermore, while Tsangnyon had no part in the creation of most of the texts of this
project, he did lay out the vision for the project and the main figures included in the biographies in his catalog,
Opening the Eyes of Faith mentioned above. See Quintman (2015) for more on this text.
144
Smith (2001 p.60). Tsangnyon’s Aural Lineage had been continued without any institutional affiliation.
145
Tsangnyon’s full statement on the intent behind his biographical project is quite interesting. He claims such a
biography would be an alternative to "bubbles of technical jargon" and a cure for arrogance. Furthermore, it would
serve as a support for those undertaking ascetic hardships and a response to those who doubt enlightenment is
possible in one lifetime. See Quintman (2014, p.128)
47
Tsangnyon’s project is something of a paradox. Simultaneously innovative and
conservative, he systematized the secret, whispered teachings of the Aural Lineage and exposed
them to the general public.146 At the same time, these biographies and song collections celebrate
a time before the systematization and institutional esoterism of the established sects. GT was not
revolutionary in portraying a forgotten figure of history, but rather, it is focused on shaping and
popularizing the literary identity of a master who was at the very heart of the Kagyu sect.
Lingrepa was already a legend, with authority beyond reproach, but this biography casts him as a
Tibetan siddha while the songs convey his anti-institutional message directly to the audience.
This text would have played an integral part in taking the whole narrative of the Kagyu as an a
established, solidified sect, and shifting it back to its roots as a lineage of spiritual instruction,
passed from one ascetic yogi to the next.147 Speaking from the grave, across a span of hundreds
of years, this "Saraha of Tibet", criticized the religious institutions of the day, questioned the
necessity of monastic vows and scholasticism and exhorted the students of his lineage to
abandon worldly concerns and retreat to the wilderness. This message would have been a
powerful voice for reform in the time of Tsangnyon Heruka, with the growing political and
scholasticism, and hierarchical tantric systems; it is a message that continues to ring true today.
146
See Sernesi (2004, p.259) for an interesting discussion of how Tsangnyon justified breaking the "seal of secrecy"
that was put on these teachings.
147
It appears Tsangnyon was very effective, as, following him, the third and fourth Drukchens would compose
extensive commentaries and treatises on the Aural Lineage, effectively incorporating it into the mainstream. See
Sernesi (2004, p.252).
48
Translation
Song 1
Staying between gNyal and Loro for several years, he sang this song upon his farewell:
49
Have only three things I must do:
148
thag pa
149
Tib. ma mo; Skt. mātṛkā; A class of ferocious female semi-divine beings. RY
150
Tib. mkha’ ‘gro ma; A class of female deitites who serve and protect the Dharma. RY
50
That is the realization of the buddhas of the three times,
Song 2
Then, Lingchen Repa said, “I truly see the protector of beings, Phagmodrupa, as the Buddha and
I have not, for even an instant, have the misconception of him being ordinary." Then, he offered
51
I pay homage to the master-buddhas.151
151
rje, is translated first as "master" and later as part of the compound "master buddhas". In the Tibetan, rje appears
as the last word of the third line and the first word of the fourth line of each verse. This seems to be emphasizing the
view of one’s earthly masters as actual buddhas.
152
Tib. dbang phyug brgyad; these are mastery over the body, speech, mind, miraculous feats, all-pervasiveness,
desire, granting whatever is desired, and the abode. (Rangdrol, 2009) p.79
153
Tib: chos sku; Lit. "dharma body"; I back-translate into Sanskrit "dharmakāya" here because there seems to be
no good English translation and the Sanskrit is more commonly used than the Tibetan. Variously explained, it is the
third if the three "bodies" that constitute a Buddha and is closely related with the aspect of ultimate truth.
52
I pay homage to the master-buddhas.
Song 4
Then in front of his own lama, when Lingchen Repa requested many ordinary teachings, Je
Phagmodru said, “Tell me how you meditated before”. [Ling Repa replied] “I meditated short154
154
Tib. aen re (sic)
53
sessions.” [Phagmodru said,] “Train in the mind’s abiding mode by means of sahaja yoga."155
Then, one month after beginning, he saw the essence of meditation156 and he offered this lineage
supplication:
155
"Coemergent wisdom" Skt sahaja; Tib. lhan gcig skyes sbyor
156
sgom gyi ngo bo
157 Could be referring to Dingipa, “the teacher who introduced Dharmakīrti to the system of the Secret
Mantra.” (Taye, Jamgon. The Treasury of Knowledge: Book Six, Part Four: Systems of Buddhist Tantra. p.378)
158
thugs dgongs
54
I supplicate you! Look [on me] with your compassionate gaze!
The destroyer of the illusion of true existence, the great Dampa [Sumpa]163,
159
Tib: pho nya’i lam, probably refers to consort practice
160
Tib: bdag med ‘khor lo’i zhal. Nairātmyā is the consort of Hevajra
161
rNgog ston Chos sku rDo rje (1036-1097)
162
The somewhat ambiguous epithet, ras chen zhabs, is clearly Milarepa by context
55
I supplicate you! Look [on me] with your compassionate gaze!
The precious [master] endowed with the splendor of all the bliss-gone-ones,165
The precious one who sees the six classes of beings as their children;
163
Gyal-lo (rgyal ba lo) and Dampa Sumpa (dam pa sum pa) were two of Rechungpa’s closest students, dates
unclear.
164
mthar tsa pa; Likely a misspelling of mtha’ rtsa ba, which is a epithet of Phagmodrupa. See (Stearns, 2001)
p.27
165
Skt: sugata, Tib: bde bar gshegs pa is an epithet for the buddhas, or literally, "those who have passed to bliss"
56
The precious one who places the Buddha in your hands;
Song 6
57
He offered this song after His devotion yielded especially great results:
166 The term used here, mkhas btsun, implies a scholar-monk, so the point here seems to be that the “secret
instructions of the siddha lineage” would be something outside the normal monastic education of an educated monk
and something he may not initially have trust in.
58
And meditate, it become stronger and stronger still.
But if signs and marks167 are all you’re concerned with, it is far away
59
Intrinsically and originally abide
Song 9
He sang this song of regret after thinking, "I only paid attention to the close lineage168, even
The instructions are meant to be practiced, but I took them as [mere] words;
168
rgyud pa nye ba; the idea here is that he prioritized the shorter lineages instead of seeing all lamas as buddhas.
169
SGB repeats this introduction exactly, but it comes in the narrative directly after Lingrepa is recognized as Saraha
by his teacher.
60
The conventional is mere label, but I took it to be truth;
song 11171
Then, when he was travelling to central Tibet, he maintained the same behavior as before and
170
SGB: bzung. This reading maintains the parallel structure of using "took" throughout the song.
171
This song appears in Stearns, 2000: p.90
61
The undistiputed Kagyus are known throughout the land;
The great saints have all the essential qualities and benefit both self and other;
They are the source of all one needs and desires; how delightful!
Establishing certainty in the nature of mind in accord with all sutras and tantras,
These instructions place buddhahood in the palm of your hand; how amazing!
The one who leaves his home behind with no particular plans at all,
Having abandoned the cheating and lying of commerce, he no longer strives after reputation,
The one who has abandoned normal family life and given up the endeavors of the world,
172
NP: mkhar las ru ‘pho mi dgos has more of a connotation of not needing to do housework which is also a
plausible reading and it is possible that the slightly archaic phrase, mkhar bsrung ran could be implying that aspect
of "keeping a house" rather than protecting it.
62
Stays all alone, by himself; how amazing!
He doesn’t [need to] clean his mouth and nose;173 how delightful!174
The view surpasses all objects of thought and speech176; how amazing!
By precisely focusing on the blessings, enlightened qualities will dawn in the mind.
This is the fruit in which all enlightened qualities are perfected; how amazing!
Song 12177
173
The meaning of this passage is slightly unclear, but reading nyog from NP makes more sense than nyol: "to lie
down", so it seems to be referring to the need to keep up appearances and hygiene when one stays with other people.
174
The Godrakpa song (Stearns song 13) is quite different after this verse.
175
grub mtha’i zhe ‘dod
176
Here, "objects of thought and speech" seems to be referring to the ordinary subjects that form the basis for debate
among the various philosophical schools.
63
Lingrepa went before the lama and offered a pledge to meditate for three years, but then, he left
after three days. The precious lama sent for him, and scolded him, because all beings have faults.
He told Lingrepa to sing a song about the manner of his view, so he offered this mgur:
So I meditated.
And I cast off both meditator and object of meditation and went beyond.
So I cast off my uncertainty about "is" and "is not" and went beyond
64
Like meeting an old acquaintance,
And this illusory body could burst178 like a bubble at any time
178 Great wordplay here with the use of 'jig; to destroy and 'jigs; to fear and the repetition of 'chi; death
65
When I am cold, I keep warm by the fire of gtum mo.179
After offering this song, lama Phagmodru said: "Up to [i.e., on the far side of] the Ganges River,
there has never been nor will there be anyone with greater realization in this teaching than the
Great Brahmin Saraha; on this side of the Ganges River, there will never be anyone with higher
Song 16
Some students of a fake181 Geshe questioned him with religious terms, so he sang this song in
response:
179
The yogic practice of generating inner fire
180 In Tibetan medicine imbalance of elements makes you sick
181 There is some discrepancy concerning this introduction. They all preserve tog-sounding words, but NP and SGB
use rtog while NP uses mdog.
66
You won’t place your hope in those little books.
67
If the mind of the buddhas of the three times is planted
Song 17
Some monks asked Lingrepa, "How is your behavior dharma activity?" He sang this song in
response:
183
Tib.bcud len; SKT: rasāyana, one of the 8 ordinary siddhis, subsisting off the elements of nature. (RY)
184
This is possibly a reference to other yogis or monks who do demon-abating rituals for pay.
68
I indulge in the five sense pleasures—
Song 18
Then, an arrogant teacher arrived and he said, "In order to practice the pure dharma, the basis
must be the discipline of monasticism. Having cut misinterpretations through study and
69
reflection upon the Conqueror’s speech, it is resolved through understanding and experience.
What will come of your stupid meditation?" Then Lingrepa sang this song to the pious one:
70
You have wanted to subdue your own mind
Song 19
Then, after he went to Nyangpo, when Lingrepa was staying in the turquoise sphere of a glorious
forest,185 someone like the prideful teacher arrived. He said, "You wear the earring of a king186,
what do you know about divination, medicine, astrology, and Bon?" So Lingrepa sang this song:
71
Do not know about healing medicine,
I have transcended the disease of a mind that is born and then dies.
[But] I don’t play the drum and cymbals of the heathen Bon.
189
I am repeating this line at the beginning of each stanza as it is done in NP.
190
Tib. yung drung bon. The Yungdrung Bon tradition maintains the pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion.
191
bon po can refer to either a practitioner of the pre-Buddhist Bon religion or a practitioner of religion in general.
This stanza is playing with the double valance in the same way that the previous stanza played on the concepts of
mantra and medicine.
192
This could be a play on the word "Yungdrung" from the previous line, which can be translated as "unchanging".
72
I think I must be the king of astrologers,
Song 20195
193
This confusing verse appears to be describing some of the activity of a Tibetan astrologer who would have
determined the auspiciousness of a child’s birth date.
194
bka’ rtsod pa med pa could also be an abbreviation for the commonly used phrase bka’ brgyud rtsod med,
referring to the Kagyu lineage in general
73
Then, when Lingrepa was invited by Geshe Watatonpa and he was staying among the nomads in
195
This song may be the one referred to in SGB as, "Ru pa’i mi ste kun bcos pa’i mgur" since a very similar line
appears here and the setting and placement in the narrative match. In SGB this song is only referred to by name; the
poem itself is not reproduced there.
196
byang nags shod, this could be the same place in Western Kham mentioned by Yamamoto (2012) p.52, but the
introductory narrative says it was sung in g.yas ru, which is in Tsang.
197
It is very interesting here that the introduction and the song repeat almost the exact same line but with slight
differences. This seems to show clearly the different authors of the prose contextual material and the verse material.
The introduction reads: wa ta ston pas spyan drangs whereas the song reads: wam rta ston pas zan drangs
198
zang zing gi longs spyod
74
The watchman of careful mindfulness
199
dam tshig; these are the sacred pledges, precepts, or commitments of Vajrayana practice. RY
200
Tib. rtag chad; rendered as "extreme views", it refers specifically to nihilist and eternalist views.
75
And the burglar of hope and fear disappeared automatically.
song 26
Then, at that time, many monks said to him, "teach the details of the views of the non-Buddhists,
the greater and lesser Buddhist vehicles, and the like." So he sang this song:
201
This seems to be a play on the word ‘dzad which seems like it could, as in the English "exhaust", have both the
meaning of "finish" as well as "tired", in keeping with the watchman metaphor.
76
Thoughts have no fundamental basis.
202
The alternate reading here, ‘od gsal, is quite different. It yields a line that reads, "the essence of mind is
emptiness and clear light".
77
The absence of concepts, that is wisdom.
Is the samaya.
203
Reading rnam rtog from NP, although the reading rlung sems; "vitality and mind" from GT is also plausible.
78
Because it is blissful without impurity,204
Is spiritual accomplishment.
As it arose in my mind.
Song 27
204
This seems to be a reference to the tantric practice of consuming "impure substances" such as meat and alcohol
during ritual feasts. Lingrepa is discrediting the idea of impurity.
79
He sang this song when he was staying in the Chokang205 of Loro, in response to the requests for
dharma teachings from some arrogant meditators and dialecticians who were bemoaning the
205
Tib. cho skang; I could find no reference to this place.
206
This most likely refers to the prātimokṣa, bodhisattva, and vidyādhara vows. This set of vows was one of the
focal points for debates between Sakya Pandita and his opponents. In this song, they are being used as a reference to
the path of a tantric practitioner and are being contrasted with the monastic vows, likely because of the third vow
which would have included tantric empowerment. For more on these vows see Sobisch, 2002.
207
mi kha; this phrase frequently refers to slanderous speech, but I am rendering it here literally.
208
This seems to be a reference to the students who would be receiving the empowerments. In effect, Lingrepa is
saying that simply knowing how to do the rituals may create the correct conditions for empowerment, but without
the blessings of a realized lama there will be no effect.
80
The lama's blessings are better.
209
ye shes
81
Gaining mastery over the eight siddhis210
song 29
210 These are the eight common, or ordinary accomplishments: seems to be some discrepancy over the exact
list, but RY has them as, flying, seeing treasures underground, alchemy, fleet-footedness, the sword, balm of magic
sight, superknowledge, and power over humans and non-humans.
211 mchog gi dngos grub, Buddhahood
212
Tib: ras pa
82
Your body doesn’t blaze with inner heat.213
213
Tib: gTum mo, is one of the six yogas of Naropa and a fundamental practice for the yogic practitioner.
214
We find the variant reading, ting ‘dzin, "samādhi" or "concentration", in SGB. This variant provides some insight
into the profound meaning likely hidden behind the reading, "immaculate food".
83
You maintain your social life and position;
Song 31216
215
Tib: zin bris mkhan; see note 116.
216
This is the song that earned him the title, "Saraha of Tibet" in SGB and BR.
84
Thinking, “A lama who is like the Buddha is staying over there. I will stay here”, and he offered
All aspects of appearances and conditions are released, just as they are.
217
ngar mo kyi mgur
85
The river of awareness distinguishes between water and debris
The pit of the six classes [of beings] has been traversed,
86
When realization arises within
218
This slightly confusing line seems to mean that like knowing that the reflection of the moon in water is not real,
emotional and cognitive obscurations are removed without doing anything.
87
Homage and praise to the precious one!
Song 32
Then, he sang this song to a group of people who been decieved220 a great meditator who taught
219
Lit. “I am compelled to enjoy yoga.”
220
Tib. kha khyer
221
This translation is depending patially on the words of the song which seem to be addressing a group of students.
The Tibetan, however, could also be interpreted as indicating a group of false teachers.
222
This could be a pejorative reference to tantric practices that do not incorporate mahāmudrā, akin to the way
Yamamoto shows it is used by Lingrepa’s contemporary Lama Zhang. See Yamamoto (2012) p.111
223
Literally, "meeting the face" this is a reference to the esoteric personal instructions given by one’s teacher.
88
These three are the certainties of the oral instructions.
89
You have fallen into meaningless activity.
225
Skt. samaya
226
The variant readings: gcod; "to sever" [NP] provides a very different, although plausible, meaning to this
sentence.
90
First is begging for alms with no attachment,
Song 36
Then, at that time, he sang this song in response to some hypocritical Jogden monks228 who said,
227
This verse uses the Tibetan word skyo: "despair" repeatedly in slightly different ways. I repeat "console" to
convey this despite the slightly awkward sound.
228
Tib. jo gdan
229
It seems that this request, usually a way of respecfully asking a teacher for a teaching, was done sarcastically by
these monks who apparently came from the Kadampa tradition.
91
Namo Ratna Guru
230
the text reads ngur smin but this seems like a likely misspelling or archaic spelling of ngur smig: saffron
231
Tib: brtul zhugs can have a much broader connotation of a particular form of antinomian behavior traditionally
carried out by yogis at a particular stage. Here, this yogic discipline would contrast the more traditional monastic
discipline. For more information, see, for example, Divalerio (2015) p.96.
232
Skt. vajradhara
92
While I may not exert myself to practice virtue,
233
This is reminiscent of a story about the mad yogi Drukpa Kunleg who was chastised by his hosts for sleeping all
day but he quickly showed their hypocrisy about dharma practice.
234
ku su lu has connotation of a tantric practitioner who puts no effort towards anything.
235
Tib: ro snyoms byed literally is "to equalize taste.”
93
song 40
Then, when he was staying in Onmeding [‘On rme sding] in the winter, he gave the example of
the winter solstice to inspire faith in some women. Then he sang this song.
236
Like most Tibetan verse, the subject of this song is not identified. I am using the first-person perspective here
because it makes sense in the context, it sounds slightly better, and there is one line in the 5th verse that uses a first-
person pronoun.
237
na re ba- Continuously (RY)
94
Plead for buddhahood, not for one or two years,
238
Here, it seems "father" Tib. pha probably refers to one’s teacher.
95
Sometimes I sing boastfully.
239
I was initially confused by this verse, but it seems that the "boasting" mentioned here probably refers to the
mahāmudrā view and its claims of sudden enlightenment which may have been considered boastful by those who
adhere to the gradual path of mainstream Buddhism., i.e. a system of "paths and levels" as Lingrepa pejoratively
refers to it it.
96
Happy are those free of uncertainty.
Song 42
One spring he made an especially big offering so his sangha pleaded with him not to give away
his food so frequently. "In the night, some robbers will come" they said. Then Rinpoche said, “If
wandering beggar.241 This is how you decide whether one is a yogi or not.”242 Then he sang this
song:
240
thug sa; I am reading this as an abbreviation for mthar thug pa’i sa
241
It seems, based on context, that the former is negative while the latter is positive in Lingrepa’s view.
242
rin po che’i zhal nas rnal ‘byor pa bya ba yod na spyod pa yin/ med na sprang du ‘gro ba yin rnal ‘byor pa yin
min ‘dis shan ‘byed pa yin gsung//
243
Tib. ’tso ba’i yo byad could be more literally translated as the "necessities of life"
97
If you worry about going hungry, you are not a yogi.
Sickness is a teacher;
244
This line presents some difficulties. Tib. brgyags chad is translated here as "Satidfying a hungry belly", but is
literally something like "not enough provisions". Tib. skya rgyal which is translated here as "donkey", can also refer
to common grains, so this line could also be translated as "A hungry belly is what drives the harvest". So this line
seems to be either commenting on the stubborn drive of a donkey, or the motivation for farmers to work in the
fields.
245
Tib. bgegs
246
Tib. stong is both the word for "emptiness" and "thousand", giving these two lines a play on the word.
247
Tib. rim gro; This can refer specifically to rituals such as healing and long-life rites. RY
98
If you call a doctor, you are not a yogi.
As it arose in my mind.
Song 45
Then at one time Megom [Me sgom] asked for a song about the method of begging for alms, so
248
Tib. gzugs sku; Skt. rūpakāya; The manifestation of form by awakened beings, such as Vajradhara, in this verse.
249
Tib. sGrags kyi yang rdzong shel gyis brag phug; A retreat cave of Padmasambhava between Lhasa and Samye
in central Tibet. (RY)
99
Namo Ratna Guru
Of ocean-like samsara
Of swamp-like samsara
250
This somewhat awkward phrasing seems to be relating cities or towns, which is where a yogi would have gone to
beg for alms, with samsara in general.
100
Yogi, be like a peacock:
Of poison-like samsara
101
Beg for alms without hope or fear.
Song 50
Then he went to Napu [sNa phu]. He was greeted by members of the assembly and when he
encountered the three supports251 he stood, joined his hands at his heart, and sang this song as an
251
statue, stupa, and scriptures
102
As far as protecting the needs and desires of beings,
103
The extraordinary method of mudrā performance is best.
Song 60
255
TIb. mtshan ma; This likely refers to the signs of accomplishment related to tantric rituals
256
Tib. sbyin sreg; Skt. homa; This is a tantric cermenony where religious offerings are burnt , frequently invoking
the four activities that are mentioned below, "pacification and so forth". The others are enrichment, subjugation, and
wrath. (Beyer, 1978) p.264
257
dgang blugs refers to the two long spoons that ares used to add oil and other substances into the fire during a fire
offering ceremony.
104
Then, when he was carrying books to offer at Phagmodru, he stayed a night at an inn near
Samye. In a state of dreams mixed with clear light, a blue woman appeared. She said, “After
placing these volumes on the top of your head, you will receive all the authorizations to give
initiation in Tibet. Now, you must write about and explain the tantras. There will be nothing you
don't know." “Who are you?” he asked. She replied, “I am the Great Mother of the Expanse”, 258
and dissolved like a rainbow. He stayed in that place for a few days and after examining the
volumes, he internalized and understood it all. He offered all of these volumes to [the library] at
Phagmodru. Later, when he returned to Napu, he composed many texts on the collections of
tantras. To those who slandered him by saying, “you have never heard the teachings, yet you
258
Tib. dbyings kyi yum chen mo; THis is an epithet of Prajñāpāramitā. (RY)
105
If this is improper, please forgive me259.
259
This construction caused me some confusion, but it seems likely to be a somewhat sarcastic request for
forgiveness.
260
This line is very terse and could be interpreted a number of ways. I believe it is a play on the word rgyud which
can refer either to Tantra or the continuity of the mind.
261
Again, this whole verse is quite terse and open to multiple interpretations. It seems that here ’brel, translated as
"connection", is referring to an external connection with something Lingrepa deems irrelevant, perhaps something
106
If you think I am overstepping, please excuse me.
Permeate my heart
By depending on me, will fall into the abyss of the lower realms.
like formal education, or contact with tantric texts. Alternatively, this line could be rendered as "I explain the
irrelevant in accordance with the tantra itself". (James Gentry, private communication, November 2016)
107
In the wilderness of the Napu dharma valley
Song 65
Also, the monks of Changdo [Byang mdo] invited him to Leu Chung [sle'u chung]. They offered
him a pleasant cave and when he was staying there alone, he sang this song:
262
The sense here is that some waste their time in a human body and do not accomplish their goals.
263
As above, this refers to the deeds, words, and thoughts of one’s "three doors": body, speech, and mind.
108
[Finding] the sacred, divine Dharma is difficult enough,
[Yet] some don’t wear the single cotton robe of a yogi. So foolish!
264
He uses the Sanskrit dukha, "suffering".
265
This line seems to be saying that once married, one is always seeking food for their family.
109
Children repay you with shit. How unfortunate!
Song 78
Then when he was staying in Pang Gong [sPang gong], some meditators requested his life story,
110
But my superimpositions were not severed.
In these instructions."
266
Tib. grwa sa; This can refer to monastic schools, but in this context, it is likely referring to centers of learning for
yogis.
111
It was like a karmic connection from previous lives had been awakened.
As unborn dharmakaya,
But from the mind of the conquerors throughout the three times,
112
It was like I had been given the initiation of blessings.
267
Skt. samaya
268
This seems to mean that after offering his experience to the lama, Lingrepa obtained a prophecy of his future
enlightenment; acknowlegment of his realization in the authoritative voice of prophecy.
113
Song 84
When he was staying at Yang Dzong [Yang rdzong], he sang this song to Megom about the way
of finding a place for retreat in the mountains and the method for keeping a kitchen:
269
Tib. mchod gnas; This can refer either to the object or the person to which offerings are made.
270
Skt. gaṇacakra; This phrase could be literally rendered as "turn the wheel of the feast".
114
In the bed of innate nature;
271
Tib. dge sbyor; THis phrase could also be rendered as "virtuous union", which would be an unusual translation
for the term, but given the sexual nature of this verse, it might be appropriate.
272
Tib. chang tshang, literally, the place where beer is sold.
115
Send out prayers with a compassionate mind
If you do,
Last words
273
Tib. yi dam
116
It has dissolved into the expanse; it is great bliss.
If you see your mind's true nature, you will meet me.
Don't think, “he’s gone and doesn't exist”; look at your own body!
If you realize the nature of the inexpressible, you will meet me.
274
Tib. rnal ‘byor sems nyid; The lack of grammatical particles in this phrase opens it up to interpretation. Another
possibility is to take rnal ‘byor literally as "to arrive at the basic state". This line would then read something like,
"The basic state, the essence of mind, is uncompounded".
117
Whoever observes the sacred vows will gain siddhis.
Whoever has perfected the two accumulations will benefit self and other.
Faithlessly, you will forever remain separate from the support, the lama.
I experienced the suffering of the hells and such until [the time of] this Buddha.
275
Here, "three gates" refers to body, speech, and mind; i.e. deeds, words, and thoughts.
276
Tib: log par dad sel; also know as ‘khor ba ‘jig, this was the fourth buddha of this eon. RY
277
Tib: brtson ‘gru ‘od
118
And I would [be born] in the Sukhāvatī pure land.
Though I understand the sutras, without exception, in order to protect the minds of others,
I did not preach them, [rather] I composed a few teachings and set them aside.
278
Skt. Adhyāśayasaṃcodanasūtra (D69); Reading lhag pa’i bsam pa bskul ba’i mdo from SGB. I could find no
record of the sutra title in GT: lhag bsam rnam par dag pa’i mdo. I could also not find any mention of the name
Tsundru O.
279
This is a reference to the Kagyu lineage, which he frequently refers to as "undisputed".
119
My previously-accumulated obscurations have been cleared during this life,
All my good deeds have been for the sake of sentient beings,
All my extensive prayers have been for the sake of sentient beings,
120
Appendix 1
I apologize for any errors made in typing this edition, especially if they lead to confusion. Words
are highlighted to indicate the extent of the variant reading in cases where it may be unclear.
gnyal dang lo ro’i bar la skyo po nyag rkyang la rten nas dgung lo ‘ga’ bzhugs dus mgur ‘di
gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
280
NP: mchis
281 NP: chad
282 NP: rje
283
NP: kyi
284
NP: te
285 NP: dka'
286 NP: bdog
287 NP: pa
288 NP: myes
289 NP: sa
290 NP: sgrub sa
291 NP: yin
292 NP: blangs
121
rje gong ma rnams kyi spyod 'gros yin
gcig bur sdong ba'i skyo rogs293 yin
mang po tshogs294 pa'i nyams dga' yin
ma dang mkha' 'gro bsdud pa yin
nyams ting nge295 'dzin gyi bogs 'don yin
de nas gling chen ras pa nyid kyis/ ‘gro ba’i mgon po phag mo gru ba sangs rgyas dngos su
mthong zhing/ tha mal pa’i log rtog skad cig kyang yong ma myong gsung nas bla ma sangs
rgyas yu gzigs pa’i gsol ‘debs kyi mgur ‘di phul lo//
na mo ratna gu ru
122
rang bzhin med par mkhyen pa yi304
snang ba chos skur gzigs pa'i rje
rje sangs rgyas x
de nas gling chen ras pa de nyid kyi bla ma’i drung du thun mong gi chos mang dag cig zhu ba’i
dus su/ rje phag mo gru ba’i zhal nas khyod kyis sdar ci sgoms gsung/ thun chog la rten pa en re
123
bsgoms zhus pas/ sems kyi bzhugs tshul bes? pa la lhan cig skyes sbyor gyis khrid skyongs
gsung/ khrid kyis mgo tshugs nas zla gcig song ba dang/ sgom gyi ngo bo mthng ba’i dus su
rgyud pa’i gsol ‘debs ‘di phulo//
na mo ratna gu ru
124
thams cad mkhyen pa rtsod med grags chen po
bde gshegs kun gyi dbal ldan rin po che
gsol ba x
bdag cag gus pa’i lus la snyan pa’i ngag bcug nas
dad ba’i yid kyis bskul zhing gsol ‘debs na
nyams myong rgyun chad med pa brtan pa dang
rtogs pa mchog du gyur ba bskyed du gsol
de nas khyed par mos gus la bogs skyed chen po thon nas mgur ‘di phulo//
na mo ratna guru
125
rgya mtsho'i gting315 nas blangs pa yi316
yid bzhin nor bu rin chen de
ded317 dpon gyi lag318 du 'grims319 tsa na
brtags shing brtags shing rin thang skye320
315
NP: gling
316
NP: yis
317
NP: dad
318
NP: lam
319
NP: ‘grim
320
NP: ring thung che
321
NP: pas
322
NP: yi
323
NP: brgyud
324
NP: sngar
325
NP: kyis
326
NP: sdon po
327
NP: ‘phrad tsam na
328
NP: na
329
NP: brnor
330
NP: sprod
331
missing from NP
332
NP: yin
333
NP: shig
334
NP: gyes
335
NP: sku’i ngang
126
'khrul snang dbyings su yal tsa na
snang ba chos skur shar ba yin
de’i dus su bla ma sangs rgyas su ‘dug pa la ngas rgyud pa nye ba kho na la gtso bor byas snyam
nas ‘gyod de mgur ‘di phulo//
na mo ratna gu ru
127
rigs349 pa rtogs350 dpyod bcug351 pa 'thol lo bshags
slar yang dbus su byon nas sngar ltar spyod pa skyong zhing yong pa’i dus su dga’ spro’i mgur
‘di bzhaso//
na mo ratna gu ru
bka' rgyud358 rtsod359 pa med par360 phyogs med yongs su grags nas361
kun gyis spyi bor khur ba'i brgyud pa 'di nyams re dga'
grub thob rgyun chad med pa 'di dang re spro
348
NP: su
349
NP, SGB: rig
350
SGB: rtog
351
NP: byad
352
SGB: rtag pa ru
353
SGB: bzung
354
Missing la in SGB
355
This verse is missing from NP
356
Reading SGB; GT: mthong
357
For folios 13, 14, and 15, there are two folios with same ennumeration. The folios with matching numbers are
differentiated as being either "upper" or "lower"/ For example, this folio is marked bcu bzhi ‘og and follows bcu bzhi
gong, aka "lower 14" and "upper 14". Here I have used "L" to denote ‘og or "lower".
358
NP: brgyud
359
NP: brtsod
360
NP breaks the first line of every verse into two lines
361
NP: pas
128
mtshan nyid kun dang ldan pas don gnyis phun sum362 tshogs nas
yid bzhin nor bu lta bu'i rje btsun 'di nyams re dga'
dgos 'dod thams cad 'byung ba 'di dang re spro
mdo rgyud kun dang 'thun par sems nyid gtan la phab nas
sangs rgyas lag du gtod pa'i gdams ngag 'di nyams re dga'
nges shes 'phral du363 skye ba 'di dang re spro
pha yul rgyab du bskyur nas dmigs gtad gzhi gzung med par
phyogs med kyi364 ri khrod 'grims pa365 'di nyams re dga'
mkhar bsrung ran366 mi dgos pa dang re spro
gYo rgyu log 'tsho spangs nas ngo bsrung367 rtsol ba med bar
'phral phyid ldom bu byed pa'i 'tsho ba 'di nyams re dga'
ser sna'i368 sdug sogs mi dgos pa 'di dang re spro
mi chos khyib369 thab spangs te370 'jig rten bya ba btang nas
gnyis med gcig pur sdod pa371 'di nyams re dga'
snabs372 shal nyol373 lcibs mi srol374 pa 'di dang re spro
rtogs pa nang nas shar bas grub mtha'i zhe 'dod zad na
bsam brjod yul las 'das pa'i lta ba 'di nyams re dga'
chos nyid mngon du byas pa 'di dang re spro
byin brlabs gnad du thebs375 pas rgyud la yon tan376 shar nas
gnyug ma rgyun chad med par sgom pa 'di nyams re dga'
sgom bya sgom byed dang bral ba377 'di dang re spro
zhen378 pa nang nas log pas bcos ma'i tshul 'chos zhig nas
shugs379 'byung lhug par shar380 ba'i spyod pa 'di nyams re dga'
362
NP: gsum
363
NP: la
364
Missing from NP
365
NP: pa’i dgon pa
366
NP: las ru ‘pho
NP: 367 bsrungs
368
NP: sna
369
NP: khyim
370
NP: shing
371
NP: pa’i grogs
372
NP: snab
373
NP: nyog
374
NP: dgos
375
NP: phog
376
NP: ‘od gsal
377
NP: med pa
378
NP: zhan
379
NP: shug
380
NP: skyong
129
dgag bsgrub blang dor dang bral ba 'di dang re spro
chos nyid mngon du gyur bas sku gsum lhun kyis grub nas
yon tan thams cad rdzogs pa'i 'bras bu 'di nyid381 nyams re dga'
re dogs gyang sa chod pa382 dang re spro
de bla ma’i drung du phul te/ bdag gi lo gsum gyi sgrub pa’i dam bza’ phul ba la/ zhag gsum gyi
snga gro thon pa ‘di la mi thams cad skyon pa gda’ bas/ bla ma rin po che ‘ang bdag shog gsung
ba de bka’ skyon cig gnang ba lags sam/ bdag gi mthong lugs kyi glu zhig ‘bul pa zhu zhus nas
mgur ‘di phulo//
na mo ratna gu ru
130
sngar 'dris398 399mi dang phrad400 pa bzhin
rnam rtog chos skur ngo shes pas
skyon yon gyi401 'dzin pa stor nas thal
dgag sgrub402 bya rgyu mi gda'o//
398 NP: 'gris More evidence that NP is "corrupted". Easy spelling mistake with no real meaning.
399 NP: Insert kyi
400 NP: 'phrad
401 NP: du
402 NP: bsgrub
403
NP: Insert pa
404
NP: ltar
405
NP: sam
406
NP: bshad
407
Missing in NP
408
Strange double shad here in NP
409
NP: thar lam
410
NP: Insert yang
411
NP: shi
412
NP: ba yi
413
NP: Insert yang
414
NP: rje yis
415
Reading NP; GT: mngar
416
NP: gdod
417
NP: ri khrod 'grim
418
NP: zhan
419
NP: dbyangs su
420
This line is swapped with the next in NP
421
Reading NP; GT: sro
131
na na 'byung pa ro snyoms byed
skyid sdug gi snang pa thad kar spyod422
bdag423 spyod lam ci bder skyong ba424 zhu//
zhes pa’i mgur phul bas bla ma phag mo gru pa shin du mnyes nas/ chu bo gha gha yan chad kyis
bstan pa ‘di la bram ze chen po sa ra has/ rtogs pa che ba ma byung/ mi yong/ chu bo gha gha
tshun la/ bu khyod bas rtogs pa mtho ba mi yong mi ‘byung gsung shing shin du sges bar gyur//
dge bshes mdog gi slob ma ‘ga’ chos skad ‘drir byung ba la mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
425
bla ma bsten yun mi ring du426
gdam ngag tshig gi427 ma bslad428 ba
snying gi dkyil du thebs429 lags pas
brjed tho dpe la mi re tsam
422
NP: gcod
423
NP: missing bdag
424
NP: bskyong bar
425
NP: rje
426
NP, SBG: ste
427
NP: ru, SGB: gis
428
Reading SGB; GT: slad
429
SGB: 'khrungs
430
NP: yun
431 This line missing from SGB
432
NP, SGB: Insert kyi
433
SGB: bgyis
434
SGB: mchod
435
SGB: mi
436
NP, SGB: bdog
132
gsang sngags gnad kyi gdam ngag gis
las kyi phyag rgya bsten lags kyang
'dod pa'i dri mas ma gos tsam
yang btsun pa ‘ga’ khyod kyi spyod ‘gros ‘di chos ji ‘dra zhig byed dam zer ‘drir byung ba la
mgur ‘di gsungso//
437
NP, SGB: bsags
438
NP: 'dog, SGB: bdog
439
SGB: yid bzhin gyi nor bu rnyed
440
NP, SGB: 'tsho'i, written over by hand in GT
441
NP, SGB: 'tshol
442
NP, SGB: Insert ma
443
NP, SGB: bstan
444
NP: 'dog, SGB: bdog
445
NP, SGB: rgyal po'i
446
NP, SGB: shar
447
NP, SGB: bsgrub
448
NP: shi
449
NP: Insert gi
450
NP: 'phrad
451
NP, SGB: dang
452
NP: 'dog, SGB: bdog
453
NP, SGB: 'jigs
133
na mo ratna gu ru
ston pa nga rgyal can cig byung nas/ kho na re chos rnam dag byed pa la/ lus btsun pa’i tshul
khrims kyi gzhi gzung/ rgyal ba’i gsung la thos bsam gyi sgro ‘dogs bcad de/ go myong gi sgo
nas gtan la ‘bebs pa yin pa la/ khyod kyis blun sgom des ci yong zer khrel byung pa la mgur ‘di
gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
454
Missing from NP
455
NP: lags and repeated in the rest of the verses
456
NP: dang
457
NP, SGB: slongs
458
NP: lto
459
NP: des
460
NP: ka'i, SGB: kha'i
461
SGB: sgrog
134
bzang du re ba'i sgom nyams de
ko tshab462 bzhin du ma ltengs463 sam
de nas nyang po la thon nas nags khrod dpal gyi g.yu gong du bzhugs dus/ ston pa nga rgyal can
‘dra byung nas khyod rgyal chas gya mtho cig ‘dug pa la khyed kyis mo sman rtsis bon ci shes
zer ba la mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
135
rje sman mchog rgyal po'i gdam ngag de482
dad brtson gnyis kyi rten483 lags pas
sems skye shi'i nad las grol nas thal
bdag484 sman pa'i rgyal po cig yin nam snyam485
gshin rje'i rtsags486 cha nga mi 'dzin
480
NP: byed kyi
481
NP: dang
482
NP: ‘di
483
NP: brten
484
NP: missing bdag
485
NP: sems
486
NP: lag
487
NP: missing bdag gi and adds a line: bdag mchis kyi rnal ‘byor ‘dug pa ‘dis
488
NP: dang
489
NP: yin
490
NP: gis
491
Reading NP; GT: bslan
492
NP: ‘dzin
493
NP: missing bdag
494
NP: nam sems
495
NP: missing bon
496
NP: missing bdag gi and adds a line: bdag mchis kyi rnal ‘byor ‘dug pa ‘dis
497
NP: gtsug lag nga
498
NP: dur
499
NP: pas
500
NP: missing bdag
501
NP: sa
502
NP: sems
503
NP: missing bdag gi and adds a line: bdag mchis kyi rnal ‘byor ‘dug pa ‘dis
504
NP: rdzas
505
NP: ma ‘dog
506
NP: zhan
136
yul gang du phyin kyang ltogs507 pa med
bdag508 phyug po'i rgyal po cig yin nam snyam509
log 'tsho di510 rnyed pa nga mi tshol511
de nas dge bshes wa ta ston pas spyan drangs te g.yas ru ru ba’i bseb du bzhugs pa’i ‘tsho mgur
‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
ru ba pa yi523 mi sded de
mun pa'i smag la bab tsa524 na
yengs pa med pa'i mel tshe525 yis
zang zing gi longs spyod bsrung526 shing gda'
507
NP: ltog
508
NP: missing bdag
509
NP: sems
510
NP: ‘tsho’i
511
NP: ‘tshol
512
NP: This whole line is missing, replaced with: bdag mchis kyi rnal ‘byor ‘dug pa ‘dis
513
NP: rgyud
514
NP: nga
515
NP: Insert spangs
516
NP: bshes
517
NP: pa
518
NP: zhan
519
NP: Insert kyi
520
NP: mchis
521
NP: missing kyi
522
NP: this line is missing
523
NP: rgya shod ru ba’i; DT: slightly unclear
524
NP: tsam
525
NP: rtse
526
NP: bzung
137
de527 'phral du sdug la nam phugs528 stong
138
550
gzung 'dzin mun pa'i smag rum du
chos sku rang byung nyi ma shar
re dog551 kyi rkun mo rang sar grol
da mel tshe ma552 dgos blo re bde
yang de dus dge ‘dun mang dag gis phyi rol pa dang nang pa’i theg pa che chung la sogs pa’i lta
ba’i khyad par cig gsungs dang zer ba la mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
550
NP Includes two extra verses here: zhi gnas mun pa’i smags rum du// lhag mthong ye shes nyi ma shar// byid
rgod rkun ma rang sar grol// da mel tse mi dgos blo re bde// chags zhen mun pa’i smags rum du// zhen pa rang log
nyi ma shar// chos brgyad rkun ma rang sar grol// da mel tso mi dgos blo re bde/
551
Reading NP; GT: rang 'dod
552
NP: tse mi
553
NP: lam
554
NP: zad
555
NP: ‘phrad
556
NP: blo bder
557
NP: tsug
558
NP: rdzogs
559
NP: shar
560
NP: gnon
561
Reading NP; GT: ngan
562
NP: nas
139
sems las gzhan pa'i chos med pas
rang gi rig pa'i sems tsam yin
sems nyid 'dogs la563 stong pa la
mtha' dang bral ba dbu ma yin
'dzin pa thongs564 pa sbyin pa yin
dri ma med pa tshul khrims yin
skye ba med pa bzod pa yin
'bad rtsol med pa brtson 'grus yin
rgyun chad med565 pa bsam gtan yin
spros dang bral ba shes rab yin
sgrub pa'i566 zhe 'dod zad pa na
sa lam yon tan rdzogs567 pa yin
rnam rtog bcom pas568 bden mthong569 na
yang dag don gyi dgon pa yin
sku gsum don gyi570 dkyil 'khor du
sems nyid bzhugs pa dbang bskur yin
rang bzhin gnyug ma don gyi lha
'bral ba med pa bskyed rim yin
skye ba med pa don gyi sngags
rgyun chad med pa bzlas pa571 yin
skye ba med pa'i chos dbying su
rnam rtog572 yal ba rdzogs rim yin
de rnams don la mi gda' ba573
brtan par byed pa dam tshig yin
zag574 pa med par bde bas na
ye shes tshogs kyi 'khor lo yin
mchod bya mchod byed gnyis med bas
yang dag don gyi mchod pa yin
chos nyid rang rig ye shes kyi
mngon du byas pas dngos grub yin
kun go gcig gis chod ba 'di
dam chos phyag rgya chen po yin
rtog pa'i lam du575 'dus tshul 'di576
563
NP: ‘od gsal
564
This is one of the few occassions where the two versions of GT do not agree. GTb clearly reads thos pa while
GTa reads thongs pa. This is telling example of why I believe GTa to be more reliable
565
NP: mi chad
566
NP: bsgrub bya’i
567
Reading NP; GT: rtogs
568
NP: bcos mas
569
NP: dben pas
570
NP: snying po’i
571
NP: brjod
572
Reading NP; GT: rlung sems
573
NP: ‘da’ bas
574
Reading NP; GT: thob
575
NP: gyi
576
NP: yin
140
rje577 bla ma rnams kyis578 byin brlabs kyi579
pha mo gru yi nags khrod du
sems la shar nas blangs pa lags580
grub thob gling gis slar yang byon nas lo ro’i cho skang du bzhugs dus/ sgom pa’i sdug yus che
zhing thos pa’i nga rgyal gyis dregs pa’i sgom chen dang mtshan nyid pa ‘ga’ chos zhung byung
pa la mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
577
NP: missing rje
578
NP: kyi
579
NP: kyis
580
NP: yin
581
SGB: 'phang
582
Reading NP, SGB in each verse; GT: cig rtsigs
583
NP: cog, SGB: gcog
584
NP, SGB: rang rgyud thul
585
Reading NP, SGB; GT: cha
586
NP, SGB: yang
587
NP: thob
588
NP: sbyongs
589
NP, SGB: gdam; repeated throughout
590
NP, SGB: ngag
591
Missing in NP
141
gdams ngag tshig du thos lags kyang
nyams dga' ba592 tsam las ma gtogs pa
yon tan skye la phan rgyu chung
593
khrid kyi lag len cig rtsigs su che
de nas lo ro mgo ba’i phu yang chung du bzhugs mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
603
phyogs med kyi ri khrod mi 'grim par
da dung604 grong khyer605 gyi606 'du 'dzir607 'jug
sred ma608 can khyod la dogs609 pa yin
592
Missing in SGB, NP
593
SGB: Insert dmar
594
SGB: Insert ba
595
NP, SGB: Insert lam
596
Missing in SGB, NP
597
SGB, NP: ba
598
NP: bgrod
599
NP, SGB: khams
600
NP: rang
601
NP, SGB: Insert gyi
602
Fragment
603
SGB: insert khyod
604
NP, SGB, BR: rung and repeated
605
NP, BR: yul
606
SGB: missing gyi
607
SGB: ‘dzin
608
Reading SGB; GT: srid pa; NP: prang ma
609
Reading SGB throughout; GT: dgos
142
rje gong ma'i spyod 'gros ma610 dran par 'dug pa
mno611 bsam612 thong613 dang614 snying rus bskyed615
143
mno bsam thong la snying rus bskyed
bla ma sangs rgyas dang ‘dra ba cig pha gi na bzhugs pa la/ nga ‘dir sdod pa snyam dgongs nas
bla ma la ngar mo kyi mgur ‘di phul lo//
635
Reading SGB, NP; GT: ‘thun
636
NP: gi
637
NP: sgo
638
SGB: khrid ka; NP: khris kha
639
SGB: pa; NP: lam
640
SGB: insert bar
641
NP: ‘dres
642
SGB, NP: insert bshes med
643
NP: ma ldom
644
NP: ‘dres
645
SGB, NP: zlog
646
SGB: dung
647
SGB: insert khyod kyis
648
SGB: kyis gcig
649
NP: rgya
650
SGB: pher
651
SGB: ‘khur; NP: ‘khur gi
652
NP: mkhas
653
SGB: cha ru; NP: cha
654
NP: Insert ba
655
SGB, NP: mchis
144
rje bla ma rnams kyi bka' drin657 gyis
dpyad658 pas go ba ma lags te659
gnyug ma'i don cig660 nyams su myong
656
NP: la
657
NP: byin brlabs
658
Reading NP; SGB: bshad; GT: spyad
659
SGB, NP: pa’i
660
SGB: zhig; NP: gcig
661
NP: ni
662
NP: bzung
663
SGB, NP: par
664
NP: rgyu
665
SGB, NP: bde
666
SGB: bu; NP: bun
667
SGB, NP: bzhin du
668
SGB: ni
669
SGB: kyi nam ni; NP: nam ni
670
NP: missing mtha’
671
SGB: bde
672
SGB, NP: insert gyi
673
SGB, NP: zin
674
NP: missing gi
675
NP: ‘byed
676
NP: missing gi
677
SGB: grol
678
SGB, NP: kun
679
NP: missing kyi
680
SGB, NP: missing kyi
681
NP: de
682
SGB, NP: ngo shes
145
rigs drug gi gyang sa rbad kyis683 chod
dgos pa med pa blo re bde
683
NP: kyi
684
NP: cing
685
SGB: kyi
686
SGB: bsgrub; NP: bsgrubs
687
Unclear in GT; SGB, NP: bas
688
SGB: missing ‘di
689
NP: byar med
690
SGB: na
691
SGB: missing ‘di; NP: par
692
NP: tsam
693
SGB, NP: par
694
NP: tsam
695
SGB, NP: mun
696
SGB: khri gdugs
697
SGB: rnams
698
SGB: dangs; NP: yal
699
SGB, NP: ‘di tshig dang don du
700
NP: dpong
701
SGB: missing kyi
702
SGB: lo
146
'khor 'das zil gyis705 gnon nus pa706
shes pa 'gyur la phyag 'tshal bstod707
yang ldum bu gtso bor ston pa’i sgom chen kha khyer mang du ‘dug pa rnams la mgur ‘di
gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
703
SGB, NP: Insert verse: gdam ngag zer ba’i gnad po che/ ye shes dngos su ‘char nus pa’i/ ngo mtshar can la
phyag ‘tshal bstod//
704
SGB: pa
705
NP: gyis
706
NP: pa’i
707
SGB: lo
708
SGB, NP: sgom pa
709
NP: gal
710
SGB: can; NP: ‘char
711
SGB: lo
712
SGB, NP: ‘dus
713
NP: kyis
714
SGB, NP: ‘jug
715
SGB: ‘jug ‘jug pa
716
SGB, NP: drin
717
SGB: lo
718
NP: insert ‘di
719
NP: rgyun
720
NP: ‘dren
721
NP: med
722
NP: gdengs de
723
NP: bslu
147
thabs lam dka' tshegs724 med pa dang gcig
gdams ngag725 zab mo'i ngo sprod dang gnyis
gnas lugs phyag rgya chen po dang gsum
de gsum gdams ngag kyi gdeng tshad yin
gdeng de dang ldan nam skal726 kun
khyed tha snyad tshig727 phyir 'brengs par mchi'o
724
NP: tshogs
725
NP: brda’ dbang
726
NP: insert ldan
727
NP: tshigs
728
NP: ‘gyur ba med pa
729
NP: this line is completed in each verse
730
NP: tshig
731
NP: bzungs
732
NP: ‘brel
733
Reading NP; GT: bsgroms
734
NP: sgom
735
NP: lteng
736
NP: sgrub
737
Reading NP; GT: dang
738
NP: rtod
739
NP: theng
148
gdeng de dang ldan nam X
khyed yid740 smon gyi lam du lus par741 mchi'o
740
NP: missing yid
741
Reading NP; GT: las pa
742
NP: missing bla ma’i
743
NP: insert pa’i mos gus
744
NP: bstun
745
Reading NP; GT: rung
746
NP: dbang
747
NP: skran
748
NP: insert bdag
749
NP: pa
750
NP: dkar
751
NP: gcod
752
NP: gang
753
NP: sbyor bas bcing
754
NP: kyi ldom
755
NP: byed
756
NP: rdzun
757
NP: ‘phral tshod
758
NP: skye
759
NP: insert po
760
NP: sru dang
761
NP: shes pa
149
'di gsum skyo rogs kyi gdeng tshad yin
gdeng de dang ldan nam skal ldan kun
khyed 'jig rten gyi grogs763 kyis slus par764 mchi'o
yang de dus jo gdan tshul ‘chos mkhan ‘gas chos ‘brel cig mdzod zer byung ba la mgur ‘di
gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
762
NP: insert su
763
NP: khe drag
764
NP: bslus pa
765
I could not find any other witnesses for this song
150
Ar por 'dug snyam mi dgongs 'tshal
de nas da’i dgun ‘ol rme sding su bzhugs dus/ nya ma dad pa skyes ba la dgun kyi nyi thung la
dpe blangs nas mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
766
NP: tsam
767
NP: blang
768
NP this line reads tshe dgun kha’i nyi thung ‘dra ba la
769
NP: this line is missing
770
NP: gdab
771
NP: blang
772
NP: ‘tshal
773
NP: zhugs
151
res 'ga' 'o dod774 dbyangs su len
775
skal med rna ba brag las sra
dam pa776 chos nyid kyi sgra mi thos
de phyir 'o dod777 dbyangs su len
774
Reading NP; GT: ‘od do
775
NP: insert one line: ‘od do dbyangs su mi blang du
776
NP: pa’i
777
Reading NP; GT: ‘od do
778
NP: kyi
779
NP: kyi
780
NP: kyi
781
NP: kyi
782
NP: blang
783
Reading NP; GT: rtags
784
NP: rna bar
785
NP: ‘phangs
786
NP: kyis
787
NP: kyis
788
NP: insert one line: yi mug dbyangs su mi len su
789
NP: insert pha
790
NP: insert one line gdams ngag yod de nyams len med
791
NP: mchis
792
NP: rgyu
793
NP: mya ngan ‘das
794
NP: len
152
skye ba med pa'i don rtogs kyang
las rgyu 'bras khyad du mi bsod795 'tshal
rgyu 'bras khyad du bsad796 ba na
ngan song gYang la797 lhung nyen798 yod
de phyir rgyu 'bras dbyangs su len
khyad par dpyid po zhig spong dag rgya chen cig mdzad pas/ ‘khor rnams kyis byung tshad la
zan mi sbyin par ‘tshal/ nam zla gnag pas zag rkun yong lags zhus pas/ rin po che’i zhal nas rnal
‘byor pa bya ba yod na spyod pa yin/ med na sprang du ‘gro ba yin rnal ‘byor pa yin min ‘dis
shan ‘byed pa yin gsung nas mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
795
NP: gsad
796
NP: gsad
797
NP: gsum du
798
NP: nyes
799
NP: this line is slightly different: gdam ngag ‘gran zla med pa ‘byung
800
NP: par gtugs
801
NP: insert blo
802
NP: med
803
NP: missig bdag
804
NP: ‘phrad
805
NP: zhan
806
NP: la
807
NP: pa
808
NP: ‘tsher ba
809
NP: bsog
153
brgyags kyid kyi dogs812 na rnal 'byor min
810
NP: rgyags
811
Reading NP; GT: gyi
812
NP: rgyag chad gyi dgo
813
NP: sdong
814
NP: ‘phrad
815
NP: chen
816
NP: sdong
817
NP: ‘phrad
818
NP: drung
819
NP: bkug
820
NP: ‘phrad
821
NP: stong
822
Reading NP; GT: sha
823
NP: dog
154
rje825 bla ma rnams kyi byin brlabs kyis
sems la shar nas826 blangs ba lags827
yang skabs cig tu me sgom na re/ bdag ldum bu la ‘gro bas ldum bu byed lugs kyi mgur cig zhu
zhus pa’i lan du mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
824
NP: missing sgrags kyi
825
NP: missing rje
826
NP: na
827
NP: yin
828
SGB: rnams ldom (missing ‘dir); NP: nan ltar ldom
829
SGB: la
830
SGB, NP: cig
831
SGB ldom bu
832
SGB, NP: la
833
SGB: na
834
SGB: ‘khar
835
NP: sil bsnams
836
SGB: yon
837
SGB, NP: bzed
838
SGB: thogs; NP: thog
839
SGB, NP: ldom
840
SGB, NP: pa
841
SGB: nyam
842
SGB, NP: ldom
843
NP: na
844
SGB, NP: pa
845
SGB, NP: ldom
155
sdug bsngal 'byin pa'i grong khyer du
rma bya lta bu'i rnal 'byor pas846
dug847 bdud rtsir bsgyur ba'i ldom bu mdzod
'khor ba dur khrod lta bu yi
'jigs su rung ba'i grong khyer du
lce848 spyang lta bu'i rnal 'byor pas849
'jigs pa med pa'i ldum850 bu mdzod
'dod yon me tog lta bu yi
yid du 'ong ba'i grong khyer du
bung ba lta bu'i rnal 'byor pas851
zhen pa med pa'i ldum852 bu mdzod
chos dbyings nam mkha lta bu yis853
mtha' dbus med pa'i grong khyer du
rgod po lta bu'i rnal 'byor pas854
rtsol sgrub bral855 ba'i ldum856 bu mdzod
chos nyid ri bo lta bu yi
'gyur ba med pa'i grong khyer du
seng ge lta bu'i rnal 'byor pas857
re dogs bral858 ba'i ldum859 bu mdzod
tsogs pas bsus te rten gsum dang mjal dus bzhengs te thugs khar thal mo sbyar nas rang gi spyod
‘gros la dpags pa’i mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
846
SGB, NP: pa
847
NP: missing dug
848
NP: ce
849
SGB, NP: pa
850
SGB, NP: ldom
851
SGB, NP: pa
852
SGB, NP: ldom
853
SGB, NP: yi
854
SGB, NP: pa
855
SGB: ‘bral; NP: med
856
SGB, NP: ldom
857
SGB, NP: pa
858
SGB, NP: med
859
SGB, NP: ldom
860
NP: gcig
861
NP: mus
862
NP: insert po
156
gnyis med ngang nas863 phyag btsal864 nas
rnal 'byor rdo rje'i glu cig len
157
phyag rgya gar thabs883 ngo mtshar che
de nas gsung rabs rnams phag mo grur ‘bul ba la skyel du byon pas/ lam ka bsam yas kyi ‘gron
khang du zhag bzhugs mdzad pa’i nub mo mnal dang ‘od gsal ‘dres pa’i ngang la/ bud med
sngon po cig byung ste po ti rnams mgo thog du bzhag nas boddbang sbyin lung rnams nod/ da
ni khyod kyis rgyud sde rnams la rtsom bshad gyis dang mi shes pa mi yong gis gsung ngo/
khyed su yin zhus pas/ nga dbyings kyi yum chen mo yin gsung nas ‘ja’ ltar yal song/ gnas de
kar zhag shas bzhugs nas po ti rnams la gzigs rtog mdzad pas thams cad thugs su chud cing
mkhyen nas/ po ti rnams phag mo grur phul/ slar log ste sna phur bzhugs dus rgyud sde rnams la
yig sna mang du mdzad pas/ mnyan ma myong bar bshad rtsom byed pa zer sgro skur ‘debs pa la
bzod par gsol ba’i mgur ‘di gsungs so//
na mo ratna gu ru
881
NP: de’i
882
NP: la
883
NP: stab
884
NP: rjod
885
NP: nyan bshad
886
NP: kyang
887
NP: srigs
888
NP: thab
889
NP: zhe
890
NP: dgongs
891
NP: dpul
892
NP: Insert one line: rnal ‘byor ‘tshogs na len pa yin
893
NP: pa
894
NP: rang
158
gus ldan slob mas bskul gyur nas
ma nor tshig895 don gsal bar bshad
159
ma 'brel rgyud nyid ji bzhin bshad
'thad drags snyam na bzod par gzol
920
NP: rmang pa
921
NP: sde’i
922
NP: insert nyid
923
From NP; GT: rtags
924
this line in NP: shin tu gsal bar phye nas bshad
925
NP: gsal
926
NP: gdams pa shor
927
NP: mi rigs
928
NP: stong
929
NP: sdol
930
NP: rdol
931
this line in NP: gsang gtam smras pas yongs su grags
932
NP: kyi
933
NP: na
934
NP: insert yis
935
NP: pas missing
160
song 65 GT:[F.39.a]936
yang dge ‘dun byang mdo pas sleu chung du spyan drangs te phug pa dga’ ldan phul nas dgon pa
mdzad pa’i dusu mgur ‘di ni gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
936
I could not find alternate versions for Song 65
161
gnad ka shin du che bar yong
spang gong na bzhugs dus mis sgom gyis rnam thar cig gsung du gsol zhus pa la mgur ‘di
gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
162
'dzam gling bskor956 yang gdams pa957 de
rang che'o snyam pa'i nga rgyal skyes958
gdams pa zab dgu chod lags kyang
sems kyi sgro 'dogs ma chod nas
163
dus gsum rgyal ba'i dgongs pa la
rin chen974 dbang mchog de ru thob
byin brlabs kyi975 dbang bskur bgyis ba 'dra
yang rdzong du bzhugs dus me sgom la ri khrod dgon gnas ‘dzin tshul dang thab skyong byed
tshul gyis mgur ‘di gsungso//
na mo ratna gu ru
973
NP: bgyis
974
NP: rigs pa’i
975
NP: kyi missing
976
NP: bskyar
977
NP: pa
978
NP: kyi
979
NP: po
980
NP: gnong
981
NP: ‘dun
982
NP: bdog
983
NP: rje
984
NP: bstod
985
NP: insert rje
986
NP: bstod
987
NP: rje
988
NP: bstod
164
kye ho dgongs dang me sgom989 pa
nan tar990 ri khrod 'grim pa na
skye ba med pa'i lung stong du
'gyur ba med pa'i rnal 'byor nyol991
989
NP: rnal ‘byor
990
NP: ltar
991
NP: brag phug bzung
992
Reading NP; GT: gyi
993
NP: phyag bdar
994
NP: insert pa
995
NP: pa’i
996
NP: missing kyi
997
NP: missing lor
998
NP: lam
999
NP: mdzad
1000
NP: sangs
1001
NP: ltan
1002
NP: ma’i
1003
NP: ltar
1004
NP: thabs ka
1005
NP: la
1006
NP: missing kyi
1007
Reading NP; GT: btsugs
1008
Reading NP; GT: sems
1009
NP: missing kyi
165
stong pa nyid kyi khog pa1011 ru
thabs1012 snying rje chen po'i g.yo skol1013 gyis
Last Words: (in writing) GT: [F.55.b]; SGB: [F.27.a]; BR: [F.21.b]; DD: [F.22.b]
166
dbyings su gshegs pa bde ba chen po yin
1029
DD: nga ni
1030
SGB: nyid rang bzhin rtogs
1031
BR: nas
1032
Reading SGB; DD: lus nyid; BR: sku nyid; GT: sems nyid
1033
DD: nga nyid gshegs so
1034
BR: snyams na
1035
Reading SGB, DD, BR; GT: sems
1036
DD: rig ‘dzin mthong
1037
SGB: ‘di; BR: ni
1038
SGB: la
1039
DD: gling gling ler ro
1040
DD: rnams
1041
DD: dang
1042
SGB: bzhag
1043
DD: nga
1044
SGB: thob
1045
SGB: this line missing
1046
BR: missing dag
1047
DD: gcig
1048
BR: insert gis
1049
SGB: yis sangs rgyas thob; BR: sang rgya
167
bla ma’i rtogs pa thob nas tshul bzhin du
’bral med gnas pa de yis bla ma bsten1050
sgo gsum yan1051 par btang na1052 gus med par
rtag du bla ma rten1053 dang1054 so sor gnas
1050
from SGB: GT: bstan; DD: sten; BR: brten
1051
BR: yal
1052
SGB: btan nas: DD: btang nas; BR: tang nas
1053
From DD, BR; GT: bsten
1054
SGB: skyang; BR: yang
1055
BR: brtan
1056
DD: pa
1057
DD: gang zag
1058
BR: bkur
1059
DD, BR: insert ba la
1060
SGB: ba’i
1061
SGB: stobs
1062
SGB: te; DD: la
1063
SGB: gsal
1064
SGB: mchi ma phyung; DD: ‘chi ma rlags; BR: mchi ma glags
1065
SGB: nye bar
1066
BR: gshegs
1067
DD: bzung
1068
SGB: nga
1069
BR: rgya
1070
BR: mtha’
1071
SGB, DD, BR: nga missing
1072
SGB, DD, BR: insert pa
1073
Reading SGB, DD, BR; GT: lhag bsam rnam par dag
1074
DD, BR: pas
1075
Reading SGB; DD: pas lus rnangs; BR: pas yus gnang; GT: pa’i yus brnangs
168
ngan song gsum du nam yang ma skyes te
cho1077 ris1078 dman zhing dbul po’i rigs su skyes
yul ngan rnams su sdug bsngal chos la sbyangs
yon tan ldan1079 zhing mkhas par gyur1080 kyang ni
rtsod med grags par nam yang ma gyur to
1076
SGB: nas
1077
BR: chog
1078
SGB, DD, BR: rigs
1079
SGB: mkhas
1080
SGB: insert lags
1081
From SGB, DD, BR; GT: btang
1082
SGB: nas
1083
SGB, DD: dang
1084
BR: ‘byal
1085
DD: rgyan
1086
SGB, DD: bus
1087
SGB: te; DD: to
1088
BR: rtsam
1089
SGB, DD, BR: yang
1090
DD: rig
1091
BR: mkhyen yang
1092
DD: dang
1093
BR: bgyis
1094
The next four lines are missing from BR, ending with don du byas
1095
SGB, DD: yis
1096
SGB: bsngo
1097
DD: la
1098
DD: la
1099
BR: nas
1100
SGB, DD: ‘tsho
1101
DD: missing la
1102
SGB: la byu byung ba yis; DD: yis; BR: las ‘byung pa’i
169
dgos ‘dod ma lus yid bzhin rdzogs par bskod1103
bdag gi1104 sems dang rgyal ba rnams kyi thugs
zag med dbyings su dbyer med ‘dres nas kyang
kun la khyab cing rgyun mi ‘chad pa yi
lhun gyis grub pa’i phrin las ‘byung1105 ba yin
kho bo1106 gdung zhing mos pa’i gang zag kun
zhe1107 ‘dod gyo sgyu’i1108 bsam pa kun spongs1109 la
rtag du gsol1110 ba thob cig rnal ‘byor1111 kun
dgos ‘dod yid bzhin ‘grub pa1112 bdag1113 rang shes
Abbreviations:
GT: Lha btsun Rinchen rNam rGyal. Grub thob gLing Ras kyi rNam mGur mThong ba
Copy Text Don ldan. Printed at brag dkar rta so. TBRC ref. W4CZ1043 Undated (16th
century). 61 ff.
NP gLing Ras pa Padma rdo rje. rJe Grub thob chen po'i bKa' 'bum las gSung mGur
gyi rim pa. In Gling chen Ras pa Padma rdo rje'i Bka' 'bum. Reproduced from a
collection of rare mss. from Go-'jo Nub Dgon, Khampa Gar Sungrab Nyamso
Gyunphel Parkhang, Tashijong (Palampur 1985), Vol.1 pp.49-226.
SGB Sangs rgyad 'bum? Grub chen gLing gi rNam Thar. In Rwa Lung dKar brGyud
gSer 'Phreng. Palampur, India: Sungrab Nyamso Gyunpel Parkhang, 1975-78. Vol.
1 pp. 347-404.
BR "Grub thob chen po gling chen ras pa pad+ma rdo rje'i rnam par thar pa (nya)." In
'Ba' ra bka' brgyud gser 'phreng chen mo. TBRC W19231. 1: 372 - 418. Dehradun:
Ngawang Gyaltsen and Ngawang Lungtok, 1970.
DD bDe chen rdo rje. "grub thob kyi rgyal po gling chen ras pa'i rnam par thar pa/ ." In
dKar brgyud gser 'phreng /. TBRC W23436. : 443 - 490. Palampur, H.P.: Sungrab
Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang, Tibetan Craft Community, 1973.
RY The Rangjung Yeshe Tibetan-English Dictionary of Buddhist Culture (version 3.0)
1103
DD: skongs
1104
BR: gis
1105
DD: grub
1106
SGB, DD, BR: bos
1107
BR: zhen
1108
SGB, BR: rgyu’i; DD: rgyu
1109
DD: yongs
1110
DD: gsal
1111
SGB: ci skal ldan; DD, BR: gcig skal ldan
1112
SGB, BR: par
1113
SGB, DD, BR: nga
170
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