Sie sind auf Seite 1von 4

A Hittite Calque in the Iliad

Author(s): Jaan Puhvel


Source: Historische Sprachforschung / Historical Linguistics, 106. Bd., 1. H. (1993), pp. 36-38
Published by: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG)
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40849077 .
Accessed: 18/06/2014 08:39

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Historische Sprachforschung / Historical Linguistics.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.78.109.162 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 08:39:01 AM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
A HittiteCalque in the Iliad

In a coda to a previous discussion {AJP 109 [1988] 591-593) I


made the offhandsuggestionthatthe uniquelyHomeric Greek aorist
passive διέτμαγεν 'theyparted*(verb διατμήγω, literally'cut through'),
ratherthan being a random itemof figurativesemanticslike English
'split*(or German scheidenand Swedish skilja beside the literalGreek
cognates σχίζωand σκάλλω),mightbe a caique on the formulaic
phraseologyof departurein Hittite epic which uses the verb sarra-
'sever, split'. The reason was mainlythat διατέμνω'cut through'in
extra-HomericGreek neverhas such a secondarysense,which is thus
a peculiarityof Asianic epic diction.Apart fromthis argumentume
silentio,the idea remainedhangingon a question mark.
Furtherpositive,thoughindirectsupportcan be gleaned fromthe
Iliadic textitself.No less stylizedand formulaicthan the terminology
of departureis that of purposefulmeeting,usually expressedby the
aorist εύρεϊν (εύρέμεναι)'find', occasionally with preverb (έφεύροι,
έξεύροι).Many attestationsare seeminglystraightforward and com-
monplace (e. g. 5:794 εύρεδε τόν γε ανακτά. . .); others call for special
attention, thus the passage where Priamos makes his way to Achilles'
tentin order to ransomthe corpse of Hektor (24:471-473):

γέρωνδ' ίθύςκίενοίκον
rfjρ ΆχιλεύςϊζεσκεΔιίφίλος,εν δέ μιναυτόν
εύρε
Here the tmeticεν ... εύρε is unique, and a compound ένενρίσκω
hardlyexistsin AncientGreek (unlikee.g. εγκρίνωbesides 1:309 εν <5'
έρέταςεκρινεν,or έμβαίνωbesides 1:311 εν δ* άρχοςεβη). Tmesis'
beingbut a misnomerforthe non-contiguity of preverband verb,one
mightalternatively argue that εν need not even be a preverb;it could
be a free-floating adverb,thus within he found him',as in 9:359-361
ό'ψεαι. . . νήαςεμάς,εν δ*άνδραςέρεσσέμεναι μεμαώταςyou will see
my ships, and withinmen eager to row'. The lattercan perhaps be
explained as "tmetic"for δ'
άνδρας έρεσσέμεναι έμμεμαώτας, even as
Od. 13:244-245 έν μεν γάροι σίτοςάθέσφατος,έν δέ τε οίνοςγίγνεται
has a double "tmesis" for έγγίγνομαι. But otherwisethere clearly
Hist. Sprachforsch.106, 36-38, ISSN 0935-3518
© Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht1993

This content downloaded from 195.78.109.162 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 08:39:01 AM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
A Hittite
CalqueintheIliad 37

existsan εν δε meaningwithin,withal',similarto ένδονon theone


hand and to ενιon the other(cf. e.g. Od. 19:176εν δ*Έτεόκρητες
μεγαλήτορες with//.20:248πολέες δ' ενιμύθοι).Such ενδε seemsto
be in origina Homericimitation of theprofuseHittiteclause-initial
anda withal',as in Od. 5:260 εν δ* ύπέραςτε κάλουςτε πόδαςτ
ένέδησεν εν αύτηwithalhe tieduntoit (= thesail) topropes,reefs,
and end-hawsers'.
Besidesbeingthe normalpostposition withdative-locative for'in'
(cf. Horn, τω ενι), Hitt. anda(n) can be either adverbial ('inside,
within,withal')or preverbal. Hence εν δε μιναυτόνεύρεcan also be
explicatedas a specificcaiqueon theHittiteanda wemiya-(sumero-
graphicanda(n) KAR, akkadographic anda KASÃDU), whosesim-
plex means 'find'
but which as a compoundsignifies not'findwithin'
butrather'meetup with,catchup with,gettogether with',as in the
following attestations:
nu-mu... menahhanda uernu-muanda wemiyer
'theycameto faceme and metup withme'(KBo IV 4 III 20-22).
[nu]-smasmahhan kãs [tupp]ianzaanda wemizzi
whenthislettercatchesup withyou'(Ma§at75/13,11-12).
nu GIM-an DUTU-57 EN-K4 [a]nda[n] KAR-yami
withhis majestymylord'(KUB XL 1 Vs.
whenI get together
30-31).
ABU-YA-maINA VKl]Udaesta nu-za EZEN.HI.A esestan-an
apiyaandaIKSUD
feasts,and he met
*butmyfatherwas in Uda and was performing
up withhimthere'(KBo V 6 II 13-14).
I wouldthusrender24:471-473as 'theold manwentstraightto the
Achilleshad his quarters,and cameupon
housewhereZeus' favorite
himin person.TurningtheselinesintoHittitewe get
hüdakÉ-riaras
LÚ§U.GI-wtf
lA.
kuwapi NARAM DIM n-an-patanda
êskattati
wemiyat
In thismannerit is possibleto probeforan Asianic"subtext"of
Homerand measurean underlay whichresonatesin manya peculia-
rityof Greekepic utterance.The lastbook of theIliad is especially
sensitivein thisregard,suffusedas it is by its Anatolianambiance.
For once thenativesare themainactors,evenAchillesrefersto the

This content downloaded from 195.78.109.162 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 08:39:01 AM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
38 JaanPuhvel

"sorrowingNiobe" of the rock-carvingsat Sipylos with theirHittite


hieroglyphs(albeit in the frequently
athetizedlines 614-617), and the
book petersout in the performanceof the last ritesforHektor which
matchin detail the mortuarytextsfor Hittiteroyalty.

Universityof California Jaan Puhvel


Departmentof Classics
Los Angeles, CA 90024-1475/USA

This content downloaded from 195.78.109.162 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 08:39:01 AM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Das könnte Ihnen auch gefallen