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‘No Rules, Just Right’ or is it? The Role of Themed Restaurants as Cultural
Ambassadors

Article  in  Tourism and Hospitality Research · June 2007

DOI: 10.1057/palgrave.thr.6050047

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 www.palgrave-journals.com/thr
‘No rules, just right’ or is it?
The role of themed restaurants
as cultural ambassadors
Natalie T. Wood* and Caroline Lego Muñoz
Received (in revised form): 1st March, 2006
*Department of Marketing, Erivan K. Haub School of Business, Saint Joseph’s University,
5600 City Ave, Philadelphia PA 19131, USA
Tel: + 1 610 660 3452; Fax: + 1 610 660 3239; E-mail: nwood@sju.edu
Natalie T. Wood obtained her PhD from Auburn
University and is an assistant professor of
Marketing and Assistant Director of the Insti-
tute for Lifestyle Research at Saint Joseph’s
University in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Her
specialisation is consumer behaviour, specifi-
cally, cross-cultural consumer behaviour. She
has extensive international experience both
as a marketing educator and as a marketing
practitioner.
Caroline Lego Muñoz obtained her PhD from
Auburn University and is an assistant professor
of Marketing at Fairleigh Dickinson University
in Madison, New Jersey. Her research inter-
ests include the influence of reference groups
on consumption, themed environments, and
marketing pedagogies.
ABSTRACT
KEYWORDS: Australia, ethnic restaurants,
culture, authenticity, themed environments
After mass media, ethnic-themed restaurants are
possibly the second most influential socialising
agents of foreign cultures. Whereas the media
often depicts foreign cultures in a stereotypical
manner, the opportunity exists in the hospitality
field to offer consumers a more detailed and accu-
rate insight into a culture. Yet, is this what
consumers really want? This paper addresses an
important question: How do spaces of consumption
242 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
affect the perception and representation of
‘authentic’ culture? To explore this, a four-stage,
cross-cultural (ie Australia and United States)
qualitative study was undertaken to examine the
role the Outback Steakhouse chain of restaurants
plays in representing Australian culture in the
United States. Findings revealed that US subjects
were more accepting of the restaurant environment
where it matched the images of Australia perpet-
uated by the media. By contrast, Australian
subjects indicated that the image this restaurant
provides is a largely stereotypical, outdated, inac-
curate representation of their culture. Research
implications and recommendations from a
marketing, hospitality, and tourism perspective
are provided.
Tourism and Hospitality Research (2007) 7, 242–255.
doi:10.1057/palgrave.thr.6050047
INTRODUCTION
Cultural interpenetration is ‘the exposure of
members of one culture (or subculture) to
another through direct experience and/or indi-
rectly through the media or the experiences of
others’ (Andreasen, 1990). Cultural exposure is
impacted by a variety of ‘image formation
agents’ including direct contact (travel), travel
agents and organisations, acquaintance know-
ledge (knowing someone who has travelled
and/or lived in the host country, and then
relayed their experiences), news and popular
culture (movies, television, articles, etc), destination
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00

advertising, and spokesperson endorsements
(Gartner, 1993). An additional form of contact
involves cultural products and their commer-
cialism (ie products originating or perceived to
be originating from the host country and their
advertising).
This paper examines one type of cultural
product, ethnic-themed restaurants, as vehicles
of foreign cultural representations. Ethnic-
themed restaurants provide consumers with
accessible gateways into the exotic through
‘culinary tourism’ (Germann Molz, 2003; Long,
2003). Their permanence in consumers’ daily
lives makes them important cultural mediators.
More specifically, this research examines the
interplay between the media and consumers’
cultural expectations as they relate to ethnic
restaurants. We begin with a discussion on the
history and the popularity of themed restau-
rants. Next, we examine the role of the media
as a frame of reference for the creation,
consumption, and evaluation of ethnic-themed
restaurants. Findings of a cross-cultural study
between Australian and US consumers exploring
perceptions of the Outback Steakhouse, as an
authentic Australian restaurant and as an ambas-
sador of Australian culture, are then presented.
We conclude by highlighting implications and
recommendations from a marketing, hospitality,
and tourism perspective.
THEMING
We live in a themed world; malls, museums,
retailers, amusement parks, events, and restau-
rants have embraced these often sanitised, idyllic
themed packages (Gottdiener, 2001). Themed
environments are ‘socially constructed, built
environments that are designed to serve as
containers for co modified human interaction …
[they are] material forms that are products of
a cultural process aimed at investing constructed
spaces with symbolic meaning and at conveying
that meaning to inhabitants and users through
symbolic motifs’ (Gottdiener, 2001: 5). From a
marketing perspective, themes are utilised as a
method of differentiation. They are carefully
crafted narratives that enable individuals to
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
Wood and Muñoz
transport themselves (at least temporarily) to
another time and place that they would not
otherwise have the opportunity to experience.
Beyond the obvious entertainment benefit
that consumers derive, themed environments
can also serve to educate individuals about
historical events, lifestyles, and even foreign
cultures.
Themed environments seem to flourish by
giving consumers a very expected, standardised,
and controlled environment (Hannigan, 1998).
Many consumers can recognise that themed
environments are idealised, orchestrated repre-
sentations, yet others have a hard time distin-
guishing fact from fiction (Munoz et al., 2006).
This blurring of reality is referred to as hyper-
reality, ‘the transformation of a simulation of
hype into something that is taken by an audi-
ence as real’ (Solomon and Englis, 1994: 4;
Baudrillard, 1983). These venues provide
consumers with a portrait of reality that can
be better than the original. For many, this
romanticised version is more desirable than real
life (Eco, 1986).
THEMED RESTAURANTS
Themed restaurants, sometimes referred in the
industry as ‘eatertainment’ for their blend of
entertaining and food, are defined as, ‘an eating
establishment which clothes itself in a complex
of distinctive signs that are largely extraneous
to the activity of eating itself ’ (Beardsworth and
Bryman, 1999: 228).
Ethnic theming makes use of ‘ethnic art,
decor, music, external façade, name, and various
stereotyped signals to create a distinctive setting
which lays claim to being a reflection of some
exotic but recognizable culture’ (Beardsworth
and Bryman, 1999: 242). Unlike other types of
themed restaurants that often offer an exagger-
ated, artificial experience devoid of meaning
(Norton, 2003), ethnic-themed environments
have a greater chance of providing consumers
with a meaningful dining and entertainment
experience, such as the opportunity to connect
to their heritage (Negra, 2002) and interact
with foreign cultures and cuisines (Barbas, 2003;
Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255 Tourism and Hospitality Research 243
 Role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors
Bailey and Tian, 2002; Germann Molz, 2003;
Long, 2003; Tian, 2001).
For many consumers, ethnic-themed restau-
rants may serve as their sole or primary contact
with a foreign culture. An ethnic restaurant
functions as a ‘cultural ambassador’, providing,
for some, an initial exposure to and means of
evaluating a country’s food and people (Bailey
and Tian, 2002; Tian, 2001). In some instances,
these restaurants may become a ‘stand-in for
travel, or an enticement to it’ (Spang, 1999: 80).
Furthermore, experiences within these envi-
ronments often serve to create or reinforce
cultural stereotypes. As such, the claim may be
made that those environments that focus specif-
ically on limited and/or clichéd stereotypes fail
in their efforts to provide an accurate, complete
or authentic insight into a foreign culture.
Authenticity is an attractive, albeit compli-
cated, attribute utilised within the foodservice
industry (Cobe, 2004; Boyle, 2003; Germann
Molz, 2003; Negra, 2002; Halter, 2000).
Consumers desire authenticity (MacCannell,
1976), yet are provided with standardised menus
and interior-design plans in many ethnic fran-
chises.These constructed venues are often more
a reflection of consumers’ own expectations
than an accurate cultural portrayal (Germann
Molz, 2003). Authenticity can be regarded as a
‘locally constructed folk idea’ (Lu and Fine,
1995). It is a negotiated practice that is socially
created (Lu and Fine, 1995; Cohen, 1988).
When consumers determine the authenticity
of a restaurant, their evaluation is mediated by
their own exposure to culturally related ‘image
formation agents’. They also decide when to
‘apply this measuring stick, and they judge their
own level of expertise’ (Germann Molz, 2003:
62). Yet some consumers do not desire a ‘true’
authentic experience; for them, the ‘illusion of
authenticity’ is often good enough (Ebster and
Guist, 2004; Lego et al., 2002; Lu and Fine,
1995; Cohen, 1988).
Furthermore, individuals (even residents of
the home country and those who visit) can
have a hard time deciphering reality from simu-
lacra (Munoz et al., 2006; Richards, 2001). In
244 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
the end, restauranteurs have an arduous but
important task: to construct an engineered
environment that is in keeping both with
consumers’ cultural expectations and with what
is economically feasible. In doing so, they often
fail to provide an accurate insight into a national
or ethnic culture, working in opposition to and
so often undermining the efforts of those in
the tourism industry to accurately promote
these cultures.
THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA
Popular culture and the mass media are instru-
mental in both the process of production and
the consumption of ethnic-themed environ-
ments. Reality engineers (designers and
marketers who create these environments)
depend upon these socially constructed, often
inaccurate, themes for atmospheric and aesthetic
cues (Gottdiener, 2001; Solomon and Englis,
1994). Similarly, consumers rely on the condi-
tioning of the media to enjoy and consume
within these symbolic landscapes (Gottdiener,
2001; Lego et al., 2002). Therefore, the reality
engineers producing these environments need
to be acutely aware of how a particular ethnic
culture is presented in the media and what
symbolic motifs best depict and match
consumers’ cultural expectations.
Ethnic cultures are packaged commodities
in the mass media. Ethnicity is presented to
reflect the ‘most striking ethnic markers’ which
facilitate the consumption of the exotic (Adams,
1984). For example, differences in an ethnic
culture’s cuisine, architecture, landscape, etc are
accentuated to increase their appeal. Mass media
(specifically television) ‘cultivates’ consumers’
beliefs (especially ‘heavy’ television viewers)
about the world and, when direct experience
is lacking, its influence becomes more acute
(Fujioka, 1999; Gerber et al., 1982; Gerber
et al., 1977, 1980).
This cumulative knowledge gleaned from
various mass-media outlets formulates
consumers’ ‘image’ of a cultural destination.
Cultural representations are, however, not
always an accurate reflection; often ‘they are
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00

based on genuine ethnic markers that have
become distorted and simplified in the transla-
tion process’ (Adams, 1984: 472). These images
are often stereotypical, either positive or nega-
tive in nature, and form a group’s commonly
accepted generalisations of another group
(Ashmore and Del Boca, 1981). Rather than
providing consumers with an accurate portrayal
of a culture, the media often regurgitates
consumers’ cultural expectations (Santos,
2004).
For example, the Outback Steakhouse is
arguably an inaccurate proxy for Australian
culture, as it focuses on one major stereotypical
element of Australian culture: the outback.
Some argue that this limited and stereotypical
portrayal of the country is inconsequential, for
consumers appear to enjoy or at least use
cultural stereotypes, often seeking out the
‘iconographic representations of otherness’
when they travel (O’Barr, 1994). Others argue
that cultural commodification of this nature
does more harm than good. To illustrate, tour-
ists’ desire for stereotypical versions is some-
times so acute that residents within some
countries have altered their homes and busi-
nesses to match consumer expectations. In
these cases, consistency between the actual
destination and the media-induced image of
the destination serves to reinforce the authen-
ticity of a consumer’s visit (Adams, 1984).
The mediated Australian ‘reality’
Geographic location, high costs of travel, and
a small population (Australia reports the lowest
population density in the world) (‘Off beat’,
2004) place Australia at a ‘cultural export’ disad-
vantage. As a result, consumers are primarily
left with popular media references including
Australian movies (eg Crocodile Dundee, Mad
Max), commercials for Australian products
(eg Fosters beer), television shows (eg the
Crocodile Hunter, Survivor: The Australian
Outback) and culturally themed products and
environments (eg the Outback Steakhouse) to
form their attitudes, perceptions, and expecta-
tions of Australian culture (Rivenburgh et al.,
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
Wood and Muñoz
2004). In the media, Australia is often portrayed
as an outdated, uncivilised country and its
citizens as being friendly, down-to-earth, and
unsophisticated. To illustrate, the popular movie
Crocodile Dundee portrays a harsh, unculti-
vated country inhabited by dangerous animals
and unassuming people. Australians may argue
that this movie offers a narrow and outdated
frame of reference of their culture and, there-
fore, dispute its authenticity. This rejection,
however, may have less to do with the narrow
portrayal of their culture and more to do with
the low status of the image portrayed. Would
Australians be more accepting of a narrow and
skewed insight if it focused on high-status
images of their culture (eg Australian cultural
icons such as the Sydney Opera House)?
Concerned about the lack of specific and
accurate knowledge of Australia overseas,
the Australian Tourism Commission saw the
hosting of the 2000 Summer Olympics in
Sydney as an opportunity to eliminate the
stereotypical and colloquial Crocodile-Dundee
image and expand consumers’ perceptions of
Australia beyond the ‘sun, sea, friendly people,
and cute animals’ to include a more cultural,
sophisticated and artistic arena (Rivenburgh
et al., 2004). Unfortunately, changing public
perceptions and media-ingrained cultural
expectations is not an easy task. Despite their
strategic and media-laden efforts, the ATC was
largely unsuccessful. Post-Olympic research
revealed that, whereas the Games did margin-
ally boost perceptions of Australia as a devel-
oped and diverse society, the stereotypical
images of native animals (eg kangaroos) and
popular culture (eg Crocodile Dundee)
prevailed. Rivenburgh et al. (2004) attributed
this lack of attitude change to US media
coverage of the Games that worked in opposi-
tion to the ATC’s efforts by reinforcing existing
Australian stereotypes and perceptions.
RESEARCH METHOD
Previous research has investigated the role and
importance of authenticity from both a produc-
tion and consumption perspective. In particular,
Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255 Tourism and Hospitality Research 245
 Role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors
researchers have explored the negotiation
between home and host culture in the restau-
rant’s design (Germann Molz, 2003; Long,
2003; Salamone, 1997; Lu and Fine, 1995) and
the implementation of stereotypical aesthetics
elements to convey food ethnicity (Bell et al.,
1994). From a consumption perspective they
have examined the role of authenticity when
selecting a dining location (Munoz et al., 2006;
Ebster and Guist, 2004; Lego et al., 2002; Lu
and Fine, 1995) and the ability of consumers
to decipher the ‘real’ from the ‘fake’ (Munoz et
al., 2006; Ebster and Guist, 2004; Lego et al.,
2002). Furthermore, these studies (Ebster and
Guist, 2004; Germann Molz, 2003; Lu and Fine,
1995) have revealed that consumers’ cultural
experience impacts their perceptions of authen-
ticity, that perceptions of an ethnic restaurant
can differ between members of a home and
host country ( Josiam and Monteiro, 2004), and
that ethnic restaurants increase the awareness
of a particular culture (Bailey and Tian, 2002;
Tian, 2001).
This research’s unique contribution is posi-
tioned in its purpose — to investigate Australian
and US consumers’ perceptions of the Outback
Steakhouse and how it frames their perceptions
of Australia and its citizens. More specifically,
we sought to (1) understand the role of the
media in framing the expectations of host-
country (US) consumers; (2) how home-
country nationals (Australians) feel about and
respond to the way in which ethnic restaurants
(the Outback Steakhouse) portray their culture;
(3) determine to what extent ethnic restaurants
(the Outback Steakhouse) functions as cultural
ambassadors.
The study was completed in four sequential
stages. Each stage utilised a pictorial method-
ology (video footage or collages). The use of
video and photographs is a relatively common
methodology employed in the social sciences
(see Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988), particularly
when geographic location prohibits direct
experience with the environment (Munoz et
al., 2006). Furthermore, given that ethnically
themed restaurants are significantly visual in
246 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
their attempt to communicate with patrons,
collages provide a rich and effective means of
understanding consumers’ perceptions of an
authentic environment. Stage one and two
were both completed in Western Australia, and
stages three and four in the southeastern United
States. Utilising a convenience sample, 106
subjects recruited through a West Australian and
a southeastern American university participated
in one or more stages of the study.
The purpose of stage one was to introduce
Australian subjects to the Outback Steakhouse
concept and obtain their feedback on how
accurately they felt it portrayed Australian
culture. In this stage, 16 Australian subjects
(undergraduate business students aged 18–34
who had never been to an Outback Steakhouse
restaurant) viewed (for credit) video footage
and photographs of both the interior and exte-
rior of an Outback Steakhouse in the US. Both
the video and photographs were taken with the
permission of restaurant management at a time
when the restaurant was closed to business. The
video footage provided the subjects with the
opportunity to have a virtual tour of the inte-
rior and exterior of the restaurant. The video
revealed the restaurant layout, dining and
bar areas. It also focused on the number and
variety of artefacts that adorned the restaurant
walls. Photographs offered a static perspective
of the restaurant’s design elements (layout,
furnishings and decorations) for more detailed
observation.
Subjects viewed the tapes and photographs
in a classroom setting and were asked to verbally
provide feedback on these images. Initial indi-
vidual reactions and responses were recorded
by a researcher for analysis. Thereafter the
researcher, performing the role of impartial
moderator, sought clarification of individual
reactions through group discussion (focus-
group setting). Owing to the potential impact
of group interaction on each subject’s initial
responses, the researcher only utilised the indi-
vidual responses for analysis purposes. Feedback
from the group discussion served to increase
understanding of individual responses.
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00

In stage two of the study, the same 16
Australian subjects were asked to respond to
the Outback Steakhouse restaurant concept by
independently compiling a collage of images
that in their mind was a more accurate repre-
sentation of their Australia and an authentic
Australian steakhouse than the one offered by
Outback Steakhouse. Subjects were provided
with complete latitude in the source and selec-
tion of images to create their collage. The only
direction provided was that the collage should
incorporate aspects beyond décor to include
employee uniforms and menu items. In total,
16 collages were created. These varied greatly
in terms of where subjects obtained their
images (websites, magazines, and photographs)
as well as the number of images and amount
of text used to create the collage.
After creating their collages, the 16 Australian
subjects were instructed to individually recruit
and brief five additional Australian nationals
separately on their steakhouse concept, using a
convenience sampling method. Subjects
explained that they were completing an exer-
cise in designing an authentic Australian restau-
rant for an undergraduate college class and
needed some honest feedback on their design.
After explaining what each of the images in
the collage represented, the reactions and
responses to their visual creation were recorded
for analysis. It was felt that obtaining further
feedback from Australian nationals would vali-
date the authenticity of the restaurant designs.
A total of 80 subjects representing an array of
demographic backgrounds with an average age
of mid-20s viewed the collages. Subjects
included co-workers, neighbours, extended
family members and fellow students.
In stage three, to gauge American consumers’
reaction to the Australian-created ‘authentic’
restaurants, the collages were digitised and
placed on a website to be reviewed by Amer-
ican subjects. Ten undergraduate students aged
18–21 at a southeastern American university
were asked (for extra credit) to individually
view the website and provide written feedback
(both positive and negative) on the restaurant
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
Wood and Muñoz
concepts created by their Australian counter-
parts. Participation was contingent upon a lack
of direct exposure or acquaintance knowledge
of Australia. Although this sample is not demo-
graphically representative of the US population,
the sample’s knowledge of Australia, its people
and culture is not unlike that of the average
young US consumer. Owing to cost and
geographic location, very few young Americans
have the opportunity to travel to Australia.
During the period 1st July, 2005 to 30th June,
2006, fewer than 525,000 Americans travelled
to Australia, of whom a reported 55 per cent
were in Australia for business-related purposes
(Tourism Australia, 2006). As a result, for many
Americans their knowledge of Australia and
Australian culture is limited to what they
have seen or heard in the media and what they
have experienced in themed environments
(Rivenburgh et al., 2004).
The final stage in the study was to have the
same ten US subjects create their own visual
interpretations of a new authentic Australian
restaurant. Upon completion, a visual compar-
ison was made between the 16 Australian and
10 US collages, with their similarities and
differences noted by the three researchers.
THE OUTBACK STEAKHOUSE
Headquartered in Tampa, Florida, the Outback
Steakhouse opened its first restaurant in 1988
and now boosts approximately 950 steakhouses
(‘OSI Restaurant Partners’, 2007; Perry, 2000)
worldwide. Although predominantly located in
the US, where they have the third largest market
share of aggregate sales within the dinnerhouse
chain category (Prewitt, 2003), they also operate
in 20 foreign countries. With a target market
of 25–55-year olds, the Outback Steakhouse
strives to create a fun ‘casual atmosphere sugges-
tive of the Australian Outback’ (Perry, 2000;
‘Adventure Bound’, 1999). The ‘No rules, just
right’ slogan is consistent with the exotic,
untamed images of Australian culture rein-
forced by popular culture. This slogan, however,
contradicts the standardised, controlled setting
offered by themed environments (Hannigan,
Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255 Tourism and Hospitality Research 247
 Role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors
1998) and, instead, offers a very narrow and
clichéd insight into Australian culture.
Drawing heavily from the Australian stere-
otypes depicted in the media, the restaurant
interior comprises an array of ‘authentic’
Australian symbols including native animals
(eg koala bears, kangaroos, snakes, and crocodiles),
local artefacts (eg boomerangs, Aboriginal
paintings, road signs), and Australian products
and product-related imagery (eg Fosters beer
and Vegemite), as well as references to and
images of Australian icons (eg the Great Barrier
Reef ). The menu uses an abundance of
Australian slang and geographic locations in its
food titles and promotional materials. In
keeping with merchandising efforts of other
themed environments, consumers have the
opportunity to purchase 10-inch wooden-
handled knives (with or without the Outback
logo), a 16-inch boomerang with the choice
of rainbow, kangaroo or Aboriginal art, and an
assortment of apparel (eg jackets, t-shirts, hats,
and sweatshirts) (‘Outback Steakhouse’, 2007).
RESEARCH RESULTS
Data were analysed using a triangulation
method whereby three researchers (one
Australian, one American and one Australian
residing in America) individually reviewed
all pictorial collages and comments made
by subjects to identify recurrent themes.
Researchers then compared and contrasted
each other’s findings, collaborating on the
compilation of a final set of observations.
Sample disclosures that both represented
and illustrated subjects’ thoughts, feelings,
and beliefs on each of the observed themes
were identified.
Stage one: Australians’ reactions to the
Outback Steakhouse
The initial reaction of Australian subjects
was one of disbelief. Subjects were unhappy
and in some cases embarrassed that Australia
was represented in such clich éd icono-
graphic images. They expressed concern
that these images (video and photographs)
248 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
presented Australia and Australians in a
negative, crude, and unsophisticated light. It
was felt that too much emphasis was placed
on the historical clichés of Australia while
ignoring modern representations.
‘It’s a bit corny! It conjures up an image that
is from the past. I think Australians are a little
more sophisticated these days’.
The lack of diversity (multicultural and iconic)
in the representation was also questioned.
Subjects felt that the restaurant failed to
adequately capture the degree of variety that
is found in Australia today. It instead focused
on just one aspect of Australia, the outback, a
remote semi-arid area which is inhabited by
less than 10 per cent of the Australian popula-
tion (Australian Outback, 2004). They felt that
the restaurant portrayed Australians as being
very unadventurous.
‘I would choose décor that represents the
way we live, not something stuffed with
kangaroos, koalas and that sort of tacky stuff.
We are multicultural now. We are more
adventurous. We expect variety’.
The influence of the media and the images
they perpetuate of Australian culture were
discussed extensively. Ten out of the 16 (62.5
per cent) Australian subjects repeatedly expressed
their dissatisfaction with the abundance of
images of items (and people) that had first
brought the international consumer’s attention
to Australia and were still being used after all
these years.
‘The old ‘Crocodile Dundee’ image has been
done to death. Australians live at the beach,
not in the bush. The Sydney Opera House is
far more appropriate than the desert’.
The blending of cultures is common in the
restaurant industry, where both the foreign culture
(the unfamiliar) and local items (the familiar) are
blended to create an environment that is intended
to appeal to a wide spectrum of the population.
In the case of the Outback Steakhouse, the place-
ment of Australian representations (both food
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
 Wood and Muñoz

and artefacts) alongside those that were distinctly

American raised a number of eyebrows.
‘I don’t like the Americanisms; US football
teams, American cowboy hats, steer horns,
the lamps and especially the Budweiser. It
should be all Australian’.

Stage two: Australians design their

own authentic restaurant
When comparing the Outback Steakhouse
images to the Australian-produced collages, a
number of observations were made by the
researchers. The stereotypical images of kanga-
roos, koalas and Aboriginal artefacts found in
the Outback Steakhouse concept were absent.
By contrast, the 16 collages included items such
as ochre-coloured desert scenes, beaches and
cityscapes. Employee uniforms were casual
(open-collared shirts, walking shorts and chinos)
and there was great emphasis on fresh and
sophisticated food (ie salads, seafood, wine).
Furthermore, each collage differed in its focus.
Some collages concentrated on sports (Australian
Rules football, cricket), whereas others centred Figure 1 Australian-created collages. Emphasis
on Australian icons or the Australian landscape is on the outdoors, fresh food, happy people
(eg the ocean, Uluru [Ayer’s Rock]). When and Australians’ love of sport (Australian Rules
creating their collages, respondents expressed football)
the desire to communicate a more accurate
image of Australia as it is today.
created collages was the lack of ‘typical’
‘I would choose a décor that represents the Australian icons. Iconic representations such as
way we now live, not something stuffed with koalas and kangaroos, which Australian subjects
kangaroos and koalas …’ felt were clichéd and inappropriate, were a
primary measure of authenticity for US subjects.
The validation segment of this stage revealed Their omission raised a number of questions.
that the images of the Australian-created restau-
rant collages, despite their diversity, tended to ‘Some things were missing. Sticking with
resonate well with the majority of Australian the general picture of the Australian outback
subjects. Of the 78 subjects who viewed the with sheep and cattle ranches, desert terrain
collages, approximately 75 per cent of them and wild creatures in the bush is the best way
offered positive feedback (Figure 1). to ensure authenticity.
I would focus on the sports of Australia like
boomerang throwing.
Stage three: Americans respond to the
Australian restaurant designs I think the fish needs to be replaced with a
The first and most prominent observation kangaroo or a koala bear. They should better
made by US subjects to the 16 Australian- represent the Australian image’.

© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00 Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255 Tourism and Hospitality Research 249
 Role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors
In many instances, US subjects did not understand
the meanings represented by the collages or did
not feel that they matched their perceptions of
‘traditional Australiana’. There appeared to be
some confusion over what exactly was Australian,
with a number of subjects making reference to
American images as being Australian.
‘It has included many Australian things that
people who do not live in Australia have
come to expect from seeing movies like
Indiana Jones. (italics added)
I would get rid of everything except for the
cowboy hat, belts and belt buckles’. (italics
added)
Similarly to their Australian counterparts, US
subjects were concerned with the absence of
products and images from their home country.
Even though these items are distinctly Amer-
ican, their inclusion (or, in this case, omission)
provided to US subjects a sense of familiarity
that assisted their perception of authenticity.
‘I would think of having shrimp, cheese fries
and definitely a bloomin’ onion. I would also
have some type of brownie and ice cream on
the dessert menu. (italics added)
For beers I would add Heineken, Sam Adams,
Bud Light, Budweiser and Coors light … I
would exclude the Brush Grub because it
does not fit with the outback menu and I
would add sweetened and unsweetened tea’.
(italics added)
Based on this feedback, it became apparent that
the influence of media-generated images of
Australia plays a referential role in the creation
and perception of authenticity. A particularly
large number of comments were made about
the movie character Crocodile Dundee and the
late television personality, Steve Irwin (the
Crocodile Hunter).
‘For uniforms I think of all the typical
Australian clothing. I think of khaki shirts
and shorts that the host of the ‘Crocodile
250 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
Hunter’ wears.They could also improve their
uniforms by having a necklace or some kind
of jewelry made of crocodile teeth that is
truly Australian’.
Stage four: Americans design a new
restaurant
It was originally predicted that the Australian
collages would influence American subjects by
prompting them to include and exclude certain
items. This was, however, not the case. Despite
the fact that the American subjects had viewed
the Australian collages and so may have been
influenced by them, they still preferred the
‘fantasised’ version of Australia. Their collages
contained the stereotypical images of Australian
artefacts and animals such as crocodiles, kanga-
roos and koalas. To a large extent they ‘played
back’ the Outback Restaurant images, selecting
imagery (the desert) and items (boomerangs)
they were most familiar with, and ignoring the
more accurate images used by the Australian
subjects. Menu items continued to have an
American flavour (cheese sticks, cheese fries)
with token references to Australia (Down Under
Chicken). The Crocodile Hunter-inspired khaki
shorts and shirt employee uniform also continued
to be popular, as did reference to Australian
celebrities such as Steve Irwin (Figure 2).
DISCUSSION
As a cultural ambassador, the Outback Steak-
house offers a very narrow and clichéd insight
into Australian culture, an image that, to a
degree, offended some Australian nationals.
When presented with a more accurate repre-
sentation of the foreign culture, American
consumers, however, rejected it, displaying a
preference for the fantasised image promoted
by the media. The following discussion focuses
on the perception and importance of authen-
ticity in the hospitality industry, and the poten-
tial implications for marketers in the hospitality
and tourism industries.
To begin, this research supports the belief
that authenticity is a locally constructed and
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00

Figure 2 US-created collages. Emphasis is on
native Australian animals, beer and television
personality Steve Irwin, the Crocodile Hunter
subjective construct (Lu and Fine, 1995; Cohen,
1988). Despite Australians’ obvious familiarity
with their national culture, the Australian
subjects lacked consensus on what constitutes
an authentic environment. When compared
with US subjects, they held more diverse views
and avoided the stereotypical, iconic represen-
tations that the Americans favoured. Their pref-
erence was for an environment that was modern
and multicultural. Conversely, US subjects
demonstrated a greater consensus on what an
authentic Australian steakhouse should be like,
although their beliefs were inaccurate and
somewhat dated. Furthermore, unlike their
American counterparts, who largely viewed
authenticity as representation of the past,
Australians’ definition and interpretation of
what is authentic was clearly grounded in the
present — what Australia is like today, as
opposed to recapturing the past, the historical,
the original Australia.
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
Wood and Muñoz
The Outback Steakhouse does not openly
promote itself as an authentic Australian restau-
rant but, rather, one that is ‘suggestive of the
Australian Outback’ (‘Outback Steakhouse’,
2004). Its representations of Australia are clearly
effective in the United States. Given that, for
some consumers, it is their sole or primary
contact with Australian culture, this restaurant
plays a very important educational role and
provides a frame of reference. The permanence
of this representation for US subjects is
powerful. While some other ethnic restaurants
use authenticity as a positioning strategy, this
research suggests that it is not always
appropriate. This study revealed that patrons
preferred, and were more accepting of, a
themed restaurant that incorporated elements
(ie food, beverages, décor or artefacts) of their
own culture. It is possible that familiar elements
coupled with the ‘exotic’ create a more palat-
able, satisfying restaurant experience. Subjects
appeared to expect these ethnic-themed restau-
rants to be designed with a combination of
home and foreign elements. They, however,
were only willing to accept those foreign
elements that met their set of expectations, as
previously derived from ‘image formation
agents’. As our results found, if the item
presented in the restaurant (food or otherwise)
is not something consumers are familiar with,
then they flatly reject it.
Outback’s reliance on historical clichés and
stereotypes is, in some ways, not surprising. The
abundant use of nostalgic stereotypes may be
partly attributed to the fact that Australia is not
very different from the United States. For
example, both countries speak the same
language, dress in a similar manner, enjoy similar
activities, and cuisine, and share similar values
(‘Background info’, 2007). Patrons of the
Outback Steakhouse do not want to experi-
ence the sophisticated and cosmopolitan
modern Australia; they want something more
colourful, exotic and rugged than typical
American fare. Therefore, in order to appeal to
US consumers, the focus of the restaurant needs
to be on the differences that do exist and it
Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255 Tourism and Hospitality Research 251
 Role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors
must emphasise, even exaggerate, those themes.
Other countries such as Canada, the United
Kingdom and New Zealand may find that they
need to adopt a similar strategy in order to be
successful in the US.
Consistent with Gottdiener’s (2001) findings,
our study supports the premise that there exists
a relationship between the stereotypical cultural
images presented by the media and the
construction of franchise décor. The role of the
media as cultural mediator was apparent in the
construction of the Outback Steakhouse and
Americans’ perception of it. The ample number
of references made by US subjects to Australian
television celebrities and stereotypical media
imagery provided evidence of this phenom-
enon. Collectively, the media and themed
establishments reinforce stereotypical images
and fail to provide an accurate, broad and
modern representation of the country and its
people. The end result is ‘Americanisation’ or,
perhaps more accurately, the ‘Hollywoodisation’
of a culture through consumption. China,
Mexico, Italy, and Ireland are a few examples
of other countries and cultures that are largely
stereotyped in both the media and ethnically
themed restaurants. But is this cultural commod-
ification a real problem?
For the host country, in this case the US,
cultural misrepresentation is not necessarily
problematic; it may even contribute to the
culture’s appeal. On one hand, the use of
clichéd, romanticised images can serve to
increase interest in Australian culture, spurring
a boost in tourism and cultural products. It,
however, also has the potential to create prob-
lems beyond dissatisfaction from home-country
nationals. For example, an international visitor
to Australia may be disappointed if their expe-
rience fails to live up to their expectations. To
overcome this problem, it may be necessary to
modify the environment in order to meet these
expectations. This may result in a change of
culture which is not always for the best. To
illustrate, in Ireland’s capital Dublin, many of
the traditional Irish pubs are being modified
to meet the expectations of the international
252 Tourism and Hospitality Research Vol. 7, 3/4, 242–255
traveller. The interior design and product (food
and beverage) offerings are being altered so that
they are more consistent with the themed Irish
pubs that exist outside of Ireland. Concern has
been raised that soon there may be not one
authentic pub left in Ireland and, as a result,
part of the country’s culture will be lost (Irish
Pub Designers, 2001; Brown and Patterson,
2000). Changes of this magnitude have the
potential to affect not only the culture of the
area, but also the livelihood and lifestyle of
community members. Whereas some people
(Irish businesses and local consumers) may
consider this a positive change, in that facilities,
products and services will be upgraded and
updated, the question is, at what cost to the
community?
LIMITATIONS
Recruiting subjects utilising a non-probability
sample makes it difficult to draw conclusions
and inferences, as the sample (18–34-year-old
educated consumers) may not be entirely repre-
sentative of the population of interest (Outback
Restaurant’s core consumer is 25–55 years old).
It could also be argued that the sample size and
composition add to this problem. Furthermore,
the Australian subjects’ exposure to the restau-
rant was indirect. They were asked to base their
evaluation of the Outback Steakhouse on video
footage and photographs. As a result, atmos-
pheric elements such as music and interaction
with patrons and restaurant employees, which
are important components of the service
encounter, have been artificially downplayed.
Despite these limitations, the qualitative results
permit us to examine how one enterprise can
act as a catalyst for promoting and representing
a culture, and to examine home-country reac-
tion to the portrayal of a culture in commercial
establishments.
MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS AND
APPLICATIONS
From a hospitality perspective, this research
revealed that the further away from the home
country the themed restaurant is, the greater
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00

the need to narrow the focus of the restaurant
to one or two specific elements of the foreign
culture, and so the greater the necessity for
standardisation. This finding is consistent
with other ethnic-restaurant research (Munoz
and Wood, 2007). On the other hand, the
closer to the home country, the greater the
need for a more comprehensive representation
of the host culture and for customisation. In
addition, acceptance by the host country also
appears to be greater when the restaurant
combines foreign (Australian) and home
country (US) elements such as food, beverages
and artefacts.
Moreover, it appears that the more similar
the foreign culture and its cuisine is to the host
culture, the greater the need to exaggerate
those differences that do exist. American pat-
rons expect their dining experience at the
Outback Steakhouse to be different from what
they would experience at an American steak-
house. As a result, outdated and clichéd images
will continue to be accepted as major signifiers
of this foreign culture.
For those in the tourism industry, over-
coming international consumers’ lack of accu-
rate knowledge about a foreign culture will
be neither easy nor something that is likely to
be achieved in a short time-frame. Any attempt
to alter or expand consumers’ perceptions of
Australia needs to be achieved through collab-
oration with both the media and the reality
engineers who create these themed environ-
ments. It is also important to consider that,
whereas cultural clichés may offend those
in the home country, in situations of cultural
similarity (eg the US and Australia) they may
actually ignite interest in the culture. If the
foreign culture is perceived as being too
similar to the home culture, then the desire to
seek out and experience it may be less devel-
oped. In situations such as this, the imprecise
portrayal and promotion of a culture is not
necessarily a negative thing; service providers
(eg tour providers, restaurateurs, and other
entertainment venues) can capitalise on these
opportunities.
© 2007 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1467-3584 $30.00
Wood and Muñoz
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank Ron Groves
and Michael Solomon for their assistance with
this research.
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