CHAPTER II

THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION, CONSTITUTION

AND STRUCTURE
 Union is a group of workers organized themselves to solve problems in

a collective manner1. Unions exist because groups have more power and

strength than individuals. This power enables unions to require employers to

do things they might otherwise be reluctant to do. It enables them to bargain

before employers collectively, to lobby government for labor friendly

legislations and to solve amicably the industrial disputes related with labor

either before a court or tribunals or in arbitration councils.

Contemporary writings interpret the need for unions in economic

terms 2 . For instance, it is stated that 90 percent of employees in police,

firefighters, teachers and hospital nurses receive defined pension benefits,

compared to the 60 percent in the private sector. Further, in a report

published by Employee Benefit Research Institute, public employees earn on

an average US$ 49,275 and it is US$ 34,461 for private sector employees.

The reason for the larger difference between public and private sector

employees are attributed to the fact that, larger portion of public sector

employees (37 Percent in the US) are members of a union, compared to the 8

percent in private sector.

The official website of AFL-CIO provides further economic

interpretation to the need for unions. It states that the need for forming and

sustaining unions is to earn better wages and benefits to members. For

instance, in the US, union workers wages are 29 percent more than their

1
Why do we need unions? National Union of Workers (North Melbourne, VIC),
http://www.nuw.org.au/aboutlwhydoweneedunions/, as accessed on 10 May 2006.
2
Part Deux, Why we need Labor Unions? Confined Space: News and Commentray on \Vorkplace
Health & Safety, Labor and Politics, (Mountain View, CA), 9 June 2005,
http:/lspewingforth.blogspot.com/2005/06/why-we-need-labor-unions-part-deux.html, as accessed on 5
July 2006

59
nonunion counterparts 3. However, the need for unions can not be interpreted

only in economic terms, but also in sociological, psychological and

humanitarian terms. That is, the trade union movement is part of labor

movement which is a broader concept.

The labor movement has been defined as "an organized and

continuous effort on the part of wage earners to improve their standard of

living over a national area. The outward and visible aspects of this movement

are trade unions, national federations, strikes, boycotts, lockouts, labor

leaders, labor conferences and programs, injunctions, legal battles,

prosecutions, cooperative societies, labor and socialist parties, a labor press

and labor propaganda, participation of labor in partisan politics, labor lobbies

in legislatures and labor colleges and educational experiments. "4

Among the above listed attributes of labor movement, the trade unions

are considered as the foundation of labor movement. According to various

experts, trade unions are the principal mechanism which keeps workers intact

in facilitating them to achieve their objectives.

Owing to its complex nature, scholars find it difficult to define it in

precise term. The definitions that are available are based on the various

available approaches to trade unionism. These approaches also provide

different interpretation to existing trade unions.

While the approaches offered explanations for the existence of trade

unions, they did not predict the future developments. Though these

approaches are comprehensive, there is absence of larger influence of the

3
Why you need a union? AFL-CIO: America's Labor Movement (Washington DC)
http://www.aflcio.org/joinaunion/why/, accessed on 24 June 2006

4
B.R.Luthra, Labour Movement in India (1919-1929) (Ambala Cantt: IBA Publications, 2004), p.2

60
growth of trade unions rather they were influenced by it. This can be

substantiated by the fact that, all these theories except the Marxian approach

appeared in the twentieth century, the time American trade unions had

reached their end of experimentation and started showing signs of

stabilization.

The theoretical explanations to the rise, growth and continuity of trade

unions were provided during first half of the twentieth century. The Webbs 5

provided their economic interpretation by largely studying unions in Britain

and Tannenbaum 6 and Hoxie produced their classics by pondering over the

American unions.

These approaches were the legacy of the dilemma faced by American

unions during second half of nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century.

The dilemmas faced by American unions include, whether to involve in politics

or not to be involved, whether unions should adopt a radical approach or a

business union approach, whether unions should abide by co-operatives

ideology or show cooperation to management, whether abide by the Marxist

ideology or keep itself away from it, or whether to participate in First World

War or not to do it.

As for as Indian trade unions are concerned, they had a rather late

start at the second half of nineteenth century, they were more humanitarian in

nature than economic, sociological, psychological or political.

5
Ron McCallum, Justice at Work: Industrial Citizenship and the Corporatisation of Australian Labour
Law, The 2005 Kingsley Laffer Memeorial Lecture, (New South Wales: University of Sydney)
http://www.usyd.edu.au/news/84.html?newsstoryid=8l, accessed on 6 June 2006
6
Lucio Baccaro, Union Democracy and the Itaiian Labor Movement, (Cambridge, MA:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006), http://depts.washington.edu/ilwu/baccaro italy.pdf.
accessed on 18 June 2006

61
 The dilemmas faced by trade unions in the world, especially in the US

prompted theoreticians like Hoxie and Tannenbaum to interpret the reasons

for it. This initiative in interpreting resulted in the emergence of prominent

approaches to trade unions. In their zeal to offer a comprehensive explanation

to American trade union dilemmas, they studied nature of trade unions, their

ideologies, nature and style of leadership and the need for third party

mediation.

Theoretical Approaches to trade unionism

The stud of various approaches facilitates deeper understanding of the

nature, scope and objectives of trade unions in a comprehensive manner. In

this process, it also enables an understanding of the organization,

constitution, components and functioning of the individual trade unions.

Though it may not be the general formula, it might help in gaining an insight

into the complex phenomenon of trade unionism. These approaches also

provide insight into the reasons for the emergence of trade unionism in

general.

Theoretical approaches to trade unions provide economic, socio-

cultural and psychological interpretation to the existence of trade unions. The

economic and political interpretation was provided by Sidney and Beatrice

Webb and Karl Marx. The sociological interpretation was provided by Frank

Tannenbaum. The humanitarian one was contributed by Mahatma Gandhi.

The psychological interpretation was offered by Robert Hoxie. In all these

approaches varying degree of explanations are given, based on the

differences of the authors in terms of place and time that they wrote.
Marxist Approach

It is the earliest and most popular approach to trade unions. This

approach is well enunciated by Marx and Engels in their monumental work

entitled Manifesto of the Communist Party published in the year 1848. The

approach enunciated by Marx and Engels provided economic and political

interpretation to trade unions.

In the Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, give the

origin of trade unions in the following words,

"with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases in

number, it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows and it feels
that strength more ... the collision between individual workmen and individual
bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between the two classes.
Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against bourgeois,
they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages, they found permanent
7
associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts."

This approach is bas,ed on the concept of class struggle between

employers and their workers. They view trade unions as a revolutionary

political organization playing supplementary role to the party 8 .

According to this approach, trade unions carry economic struggle to

win increase in wages, reduction in working hours and improving the working

and living conditions of workers. To Marxists, the trade unions are part of

working class, which not only include the economic aspects but also the

political. Their emphasis is that the ultimate aim of workers is to overthrow

capitalists and establish socialist society. Thus, workers struggle has two

aspects within it, namely, political and economic and each facilitates another.

They emphasize the need for trade unions because they feel that trade unions

7
Karl Marx and the Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party: 1848,
http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html, accessed on 5 June 2006
8
B. T. Randive, Marx and Trade Unions, The Marxist (New Delhi), vol.2, no,l, Jan-Mar 1984, pp.40-
48

63
stress on economic demands which are more familiar to workers and on this

ground it is possible to mobilize and organize them. Further, they also

consider it as a training ground for the workers in their struggle for

emancipation.

Marxian approach finds the origin of trade unionism in the growth of

industrial capitalism and it emphasizes that "the working class, exclusively by

its own effort, is able to develop only trade union consciousness, that is, the

conviction that it is necessary to combine in unions9 , fight the employers and

strive to compel the government to pass necessary labor legislation."

Therefore, the cooperation between political struggle and trade unionism

becomes necessary. It also recognizes that improvement in the conditions of

workers is possible through trade union activity but it is of a limited nature.

And lastly, the working class must protect itself from the insidious methods of

capitalists and must not lose sight of its historic role.

Marxist approach viewed workers in a radical perspective. The available

records show that trade unions in USA at that time that is in the year 1814

were not radical and became radical after the publication of Communist

Manifesto and after the Marxist ideology become popular. The influence of

this approach can also be seen in the later years.

Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb

Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb, the famous Fabian Socialist

published several books together including The History of Trade Unionism

9
Karl Marx and Frederick Angels, Manifesto of the Communist Party: 1848,
http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/c\assics/manifesto.html, accessed on 23 June 2006

64
(1894) and Industrial Democracy (1897). 10 They published their monumental

work in Britain. In these classic works, they elaborated trade unions as a

necessary response to industrial revolution 11 •

When Webbs published their work, there was already an upsurge in

the trade union growth in the US. For instance, from the year 1860 to 1869,

24 national unions were established in the US. By 1870s, 20 other new

international unions were established. However, the number of workers

registering with unions for membership increased gradually only after

establishment of AFL in the year 1885.

To the Webbs, the role of trade union was to protect their members by

engaging in collective bargaining for better wages, thus they focused on an

economic interpretation to trade unionism. It was also the period when there

was a subtle change in the emphasis on means to achieve the end of better

working condition for workers in the US. It was evident in the formation of

American Federation of Labor In 1885 emphasized on business unionism,

which was committed to the cooperation with the employers rather than

confrontation.

The main emphasis in Webbs approach was on the industrial

revolution as the catalytic agent in the emergence of trade unionism. In their

view, it resulted in permanent separation of functions of direction of industrial

operations and execution, by making workers specialized in particular area of

work.

10
Sidney Webb, http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk!TUwebbS.htm, accessed on 21 June 2006
11
Ron McCallum, Justice at Work: Industrial Citizenship and the Corporatistion of Australian Labour
Law, The 2005 Kingsley Laffer Memorial Lecture, 12 April2005, (NSW: University of Sydney,
2005), http://www.usyd.edu.au/news/84.html?newsstoryid=81, accessed on 11 June 2006

65
 It was also pointed out by them that one of the major reasons for

absence of permanent labor organization in earlier American labor history was

the fact that there existed enough opportunities for worker to become master.

Further, this happened frequently which resulted in the situation where the

em·ployee organization was devoid of experienced members and hence, the

sustainability of earlier labor organization was affected.

In their works, Sidney and Beatrice Webb elaborated the objective of

trade unions as taking labor out of the competitive process. What it meant

was that employers in order to gain market for their products and to gain

consumer support, reduced prices of their product. However, this reduction in

prices was done by reducing employee wages. In order to stop this arbitrary

reduction in wages, trade union was formed. They emphasized that by

forming trade unions workers interests can be protected, either by adopting

the principle of restriction of numbers or by adopting the principle of common

rule. By the former mechanism, the wages of union members are either

maintained or raised. Through the latter, the objective of ensuring a minimum

standard of living for workers is achieved by methods of trade unionism. The

methods of trade unions included method of mutual insurance, method of

collective bargaining and the method of legal enactment 12 .

These methods were not to eliminate competition among the

employers but to take labor out of the competitive process. That is the

employers can not use workers wage rates as a tool to manipulate their

competition in the market. The fixing of the national minimum level for wages

12
Theories oflndustrial Relations, Trent University (Ontario),
hrtp://64.233 .161.1 04/search?g=cache:SQ4PBZP084kJ :www.trentu.ca/economics/documents/350-
Ch02-2005-6.ppt+method+of+mutual+insurance+-+ Webbs&hl=en&gl=in&ct=clnk&cd=5, accessed
on 7 July 2006

66
might facilitate employers to compete in the fields of technological progress

and utilize men, machine and material more efficiently. It may also eliminate

inefficient producers and this will result in benefit to the whole working class

community.

Webbs viewed trade union as a player in strengthening democracy in

the country. The role of trade unions extends beyond industrial problems and

extend democracy to industry, so that, democracy in society at macro level

can be given meaning in industry at the micro level.

Robert Hoxie

Robert F. Hoxie in his classical exposition Trade Unionism in the

United States: General Character and Types, published in the year 1914,

explained trade unionism by extending it beyond the economic interpretation

to the psychological realm. To him, factors behind the formation of trade

unionism involve not only external but also the factors within individual, that is,

psychological.

In his major work entitled Trade Unionism in the United States: General

Character and Types, he elaborated on the nature of trade unionism. He

argue that trade unionism can not be understood just by studying the

organizational types, but needed to be studied through the functional

classification of the unions. He provided a psychological interpretation by

studying the functional type of unions. He enlisted four functional types,

namely, business unionism, revolutionary unionism, friendly or uplift unionism

and predatory unionism. However, he clarified that these classifications were

found in mixed form in reality rather in an isolated manner. This classification

was based on the aims, objectives and methods adopted. These types were

67
alternative forms of union action. These types represented fundamentally

different logics of unionism. Breaking them down into such types was a

statement that unions "from the practical stand point cannot be interpreted,

evaluated and judged as a simple consistent whole or as a succession of a

more or less accidental and temporary variations from a single normal type." 13

These ideal types as pointed out by Hoxie, do not represent exactly and

exclusively the ideas and activities of any particular union organization or

group. Instead they are mechanism to assist us in recognizing various broad

approaches that differ significantly.

As for as the functional types of unions are concerned, the aim of

business unionism is economic (higher wages, shorter hours of work and

better working condition). This type of unionism emphasizes on economic

improvement. It accepts the capitalistic system as inevitable and operates

within its framework. The union is regarded mainly as a bargaining institution

and the leadership, which tends to be strong and autocratic, is expected to

deliver goods. It adopts the method of collective bargaining, favors voluntary

arbitration, deprecates strike and avoids political action, but when they serve

its interests, it may use the weapon of strike and resort to political action also.

The classic example for this form of union is AFL-CIO.

The friendly or uplift unionism is idealistic in nature and aspires to

elevate moral, intellectual and social life and culture of workers and advocates

plan for social resurgence. It is conservative and employs the method of

collective bargaining. It also accentuates the need of mutual indemnity and to

achieve its goals it prefers political action. It appears closer to American

13
Hoynt N. Wheeler, The Future of the American Labor Movement (University of South Carolina:
Cambridge University Press), 2002,
http://assets.cambridge.org/05218l/5339/sample/0521815339ws.pdf, accessed on 5 July 2006

68
indigenous concept of co-operatives which is the theme behind survival of

Knights of Labor. This philosophy existed as a counter to AFLs business

unionism.

The business unionism and the friendly unionism of Hoxie are

categorized as reformist unions. These are the unions that believe in the

cordial employer- employee relationship. 14

The revolutionary unionisms is class conscious than trade conscious,

radical in approach and renounce the established rights and ethical standards

which, in its opinion, are inventions of the capitalistic class and suits their

interests only. Its objective is to annihilate the capitalistic system. The trade

union of Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)15 subscribe to this ideology.

The revolutionary unions are divided into two, namely, anarchist and the

political unions or socialistic unions on the basis of methods and goals. The

ultimate objective of the socialistic unionism is to replace the capitalistic

system by the socialistic system through the method of political action.

Unionism and socialism are two wings of the same movement. In the

meantime, however, the method of collective bargaining may be employed to

improve the conditions of workers, provided the working class does not lose

the focus on the main objective. Though Hoxie, referred socialism as one of

the types of unions existing in USA, John R. Commons, looked at socialism

as an alien concept to American workers psychology, in which job rights

meant shorter hours and the freedom to escape from economic oppression

14
History and Evolution of Trade Union, Rai Foundation (New Delhi),
http://64. 23 3.161.1 04/search?q=cache:Xpu6SLodRzY J :www.rcw.raiuniversity.edu/rnanagernent/rnba!
rnanagernento findustrialrelations/lecture-notes/lecture-05. pdf+ Hoxie+-
+business+unionisrn&hl=en&gl=in&ct=clnk&cd=4, accessed on 5 May 2006
15
Robert F. Hoxie, The Truth About the Industrial Workers of the World, Journal of Political
Economy (Chicago), Vol.21, pp.785-97, 1913,
http://www. workerseducation.org/crutch/others/movements/hoxie.html, accessed on 7 June 2006

69
rather than socialist higher idealism of owning the means of production. 16 And

the second type of unionism, the anarchist unions are those which try to

destroy the existing economic system by revolutionary means.

Predatory unionism does not subscribe to any ideology it adopts any

method that suits its selfish needs. Its distinguishing characteristic feature is

the ruthless pursuit of end objective by any means regardless of its ethicality

and the legality and its effects.

He also recognizes the fifth functional type, called dependent unionism,

whose existence is dependent wholly or in large part upon other unions or

upon employers. Employers may initiate a union "with the purpose of

combating or displacing independent unionism." This may be referred as

company unionism.

This analysis of functional types led Hoxie to conclude that "unionism is

not a unified, consistent entity ... unionism is at bottom non-unitary."

He dwelt into the different types of union at the time when American

trade union history was experimenting with the same from business unionism

of AFL to cooperatives of KOL to radicalism of IWW. Through his

classification, it appears that he clarified the differences among them.

Linking leadership to union formation

His views on leadership are a direct sequent to his exposition on types

of leadership. That is, the leadership of any of the types mentioned above

such as business unionism, uplift unionism, revolutionary unionism, predatory

and dependant unionism, emphasized on economic improvement, cultural

16
Jack Barbash, "John R. Corrunons: Pioneer of Labor Economics", Monthly Labor Review
(Pittsburg, PA: Department of Labor Statistics), l May 1989,
http://www.highbeam.com/library/docfree.asp?DOCID= l G l :7696289, accessed on 4 June 2006
growth, replacing the existing system, extracting resources from rank and file

and means of controlling workers respectively.

While providing psychological interpretation, he also dwelt in the kind of

leadership that existed in the trade unions. He interpreted the problems

between leadership and the trade union members. As American labor

movement witnessed frequent changes in the style and nature of leadership.

According to him, the resulting changes in structure and ideology of trade

unions provide an explanation for these frequent paradigmatic shifts in the

leadership, structure and ideology of American unions.

This view is particularly relevant as it posits significant aspects of

unions. For instance, it was pointed out that unionism is a spontaneous

outcome of common needs of workers and the change in style of leadership

and the structure of unions is directly attributed to the needs of workers.

However, to Hoxie, the workers by themselves cannot solve the problems

owing to their paucity of time and knowledge. Due to this, they depend on

leaders and this dependency factor made the latter powerful.

Till the time, when the unions remained smaller in size and had not

opted for paid officers to lobby for their welfare, there remained less friction

between leaders and members. But as the unions grew in size, the full time

officials were appointed and there was scope for friction and suspicion. It was

pointed out that frictions arose as a rank and file was ignorant of the financial

and commercial side of business and presumed that employers were making

enormous profits. They were also unaware of the power of the employers.

Leaders, on the other hand, realized the power and limitations of employers

71
and were also influenced by the latter. This caused friction between union

leadership and the rank and file.

Further, leaders are generally not good workers. They are "natural born

politicians, possessed of considerable administrative ability, men with the

talent and instinct of boss and employers, men who love power for its own

sake." Some of the leaders can not withstand temptations of prosperity and

become dissipated and dishonest and there is a "constant drain of leaders by

corruption and politics."

Due to this, he concluded that the weakness of unionism is it is not

effective at the top. Yet the leaders retain power, because workers have

learned the lesson of democracy and its inefficiency. Here, Hoxie differs from

Webbs, who believed that both industry and democracy facilitate each other.

Hoxie on the other hand, projects democracy as a failed concept before

workers and he attributed this to the failure of leadership.

Once a person is elected leader he has every advantage over a new

aspirant in the form of knowledge, experience and backing of followers. Thus

arises the paradoxical situation that while unionism in its ultimate effect on

industrial organization and conduct of industry is democratic, in the sense of

its effort to take from the hands of employers autocratic feudalistic control and

put a share of their control and conduct into the hands of the workers, tending

to democratic industrial revolution, unionism in its own organization and

conduct is hardly to be called democratic. Indeed, he provides answer to the

call of need for democracy in industry by Webbs. Hoxie might have been

influenced by the intermittent developments in trade unions between 1894

72
and 1914, the years wherein, both the classics were published by respective

theoreticians.

Third Party Impact on Union Functioning

According to Hoxie, "present social conflict is due mainly to the

existence and mutual opposition of an employer and working class". This

conflict must be resolved and in resolving the conflict, he like the Webbs,

emphasized the role of the third party.

The importance of the role of third party is well illustrated by the fact

that after the conclusion of the First World War, President Woodrow Wilson,

organized Industrial Conference in the year 191917 , to provide the basis for

voluntary co-operation between labor and management.

Though the direct influence of the approaches offered by Webbs and

Hoxie on Indian and American unions is difficult to both qualify and quantify,

the following statistics point out the growth in the membership of trade unions

during this period, the period when the classic works produced by these

theoreticians were published.

Year Membership as

percentage of total

labor force

1900 3.0

1905 5.7

1910 5.5

17
Paper of the Herbert Hoovers: Description of Sub Groups, National Archives and Records
Administration (College Park, MD),
http://www.ecommcode2.com/hoover/researchlhooverpapers/index.html, accessed on 4 June 2006

73
 l

191 5 6.3

1920 11 .9

1925 7.8

1930 6.9

1935 6.7

1940 15.5

1945 21.9

1950 22.0

1955 24.4

*Growth of trade unions 18

union membership

1960
1955
1950
1945
1940
... 1935
Ill 1930
Q)
>-
1925
1920
1915
1910
1905
1900
0 5 10 15
membership in millions

In the case of Ind ia also , there was upsurge in the growth of unions.

1
' L'ni on Reso urce Boo k 19-D- 1983: U.S. Bureau of Labor stat istics.
http ://www labo rresearch.org/c hart s. php')id- 29 . accessed on 2-+ June 2006

74
India

Year Number of

Registered unions

1927-28 29

1929-30 104

1931-32 131

1933-34 191

In India, the number of registered trade unions increases to 11614 in 1961-62

to 52016 in 1990. 19

In India, these statistics are related only to unions which are registered under

Trade Unions Act, 192620 .

Sociology of Trade Unions and Tannenbaum Theory

Unlike Webbs and Hoxie, the Tannenbaum was an activist, part of

Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). He presented his monumental work on

A Philosophy of Labor in the year 1951 and provided a sociological

explanation to trade unionism 21 . It was the period when American labor was

about to witness the merger of two federations. His views might have been

shaped by the emphasis given to industrial unionism by CIO and the

mobilization of industrial workers by the same.

Unlike Webbs and Hoxie, Tannenbaum emphasized the sociological

interpretation of trade unions. To him, they were the product of industrial

19
Ministry of Labour, Government oflndia, Indian Labour Year Book: 1994 (Labour Bureau:
Shimla), 1994, p.120
20
Ministry of Labour, Government of India, Indian Labour Statistics (Labour Bureau: Shim Ia) 1996,
p.l23.
21
Will Herberg, The Study of Man: When Social Scientists View Labor, Commentary (New York,
NY), vol.l2, no.6, December 1951, http://www.commentarymagazine.com/SummariesN12I6P84-
l.htm, accessed on 6 July 2006

75
revolution. Industrial revolution, destroyed old customary values and made

workers to lose his individuality. In order to regain his lost identity together
22
with his coworker formed a union.

In particular, Tannenbaum explained the impact of Industrial revolution

upon the working class. He maintained that it disrupted the society to which

the worker belonged, making him insecure. Though his old perception of

society changed, he could not live in this new society which was falsified by

the shop, the factory, the mine and the industry. It was here that the

foundation for trade unions was laid. As men continue to be employed in

these organizations, Tannenbaum argued that unionism emerged reflecting

the urge of human beings to create a society. For Tannenbaum trade

unionism was a child of industrial revolution.

Like Hoxie, Tannenbaum too explained the nature of trade unionism

but his view on nature came forty years after Hoxie. Influenced by the

intermittent developments, the Trade unionism was not merely an economic

organization, but also a social and ethical system and its ends were moral and

not economic, because it strives to re-establish the values in which man had

found his dignity. It is in this explanation that trade unionism appears to be

counter revolutionary.

As for as its impact on rank and file workers are concerned,

Tannenbaum points out that the individual worker becomes helpless and

permissive to the leadership of trade unions and alienates himself as the

union numbers grew. This argument is similar to the Hoxie view on rank and

file. Both probably reached this conclusion perhaps owing to the leadership

22
MinistryofLabour, no.l9, ibid, pp.l30-43

76
crisis in the American unions at that time. The prevailing big conflict over

industrial and craft unions, represented respectively by CIO and AFL, also

probably contributed to such thinking.

Gandhian approach

The Gandhian approach to trade unionism meant application of

principles of truth and non violence to the problems of the workers 23 •

Mahatma Gandhi emphasized the need for collective action which requires an

organization. But he insisted that such an organization must be conducted on

non violent lines, which might make employers accede to workers demands.

He did not advocate organizing trade unions on the capital and labor

antagonism basis, as emphasized by Marxian approach but was for

organizing it on the basis of class collaboration. Due to this, it is stated that,

the idea of class harmony underlies the whole of Gandhian thinking on labor

management relations.

To Gandhi, the functions of a trade union were not limited to improving

the economic conditions of workers. It must strive for raising the moral and

intellectual standards of labor and for all round development through internal

efforts. It must be conscious not only of its rights but also of its duties.

Gandhi emphasized the constructive aspects of trade unions such as

training its members in a supplementary occupation, due to uncertainty of

industrial employment. It was also pointed out by him that during a strike, the

strikers are not expected to depend upon public subscriptions or charity, but

must have capacity to work on alternative jobs.

23
Brian Martin, Non Violence versus Capitalism, Gandhi Marg (New Delhi), vo1.21, no.3, October-
December 1999, pp.283-312

77
 He was against any political activity on the part of the union. His

opposition was based on the perception that workers were not enough and

also the danger of the exploitation of workers by the political parties. He was

not in favor of sympathetic strikes also. However, the sympathetic strikes

were permitted under exceptional circumstances when strikers had exhausted

all the legitimate means at their disposal. Opposition to political and

sympathetic strike and for that matter to any form of political struggle, followed

from the basic assumption that working class was antagonistic to employer

class. Given that he favored the idea of class harmony, moral persistence

appeared in his works on the functions of trade unions.

To Gandhi, though the right to strike was recognized, it must be used

very cautiously and as a last resort when all other methods have failed. He

favored arbitration as a method of settlement of industrial disputes. Even

economic strike was justifiable only under certain conditions, viz., when the

cause was just, when there is practical unanimity among workers, when they

do not depend upon outside support, when they do not resort to intimidation

and violence of any kind and when the unalterable minimum demand has

been fixed and intimated to the employers before hand. Strike, from the

Gandhian view point, is a form of Satyagraha and must be organized and

conducted as such.

Gandhi's ideas on the aims and objects and policy of unionism are

summarized in his own words,

"it is not anti capitalistic. The idea is to take from capital, labor's due share
and no more and this, not by paralyzing capital but by reform among laborers from
within and by their own self consciousness, not again through the cleverness of non
labor leaders but by educating labor to evolve its own leadership and its own self
reliant, self existing organization. Its direct aim is not in the last degree political. Its
direct aim is internal reform and evolution of internal strength. The indirect result of

78
this evolution when, and if, it ever becomes complete, will naturally be tremendously
political."

It is to be noted that, the Indian Unions such as Ahmedabad Textile

Mills Association (ATMA) and the Indian National Trade union Congress

(INTUC), to which, ATMA became part since 1947 followed the principles of

Mahatma Gandhi.

Linking Theory and Practice of Trade Unions

As stated above, the approaches were different interpretation to the

phenomena of trade unions. Each theoretician provided interpretation based

on his experience, either as an activist, or academician or a leader of labor

union. On the ultimate analysis, it appears that each approach contains a gap

in its explanation, which is filled up by the next approach. Further, more than

any thing else, these approaches are based on assumptions and not lead to

any scientific laws, regarding origins and growth of trade unions. They have

been explanatory to the extent of projecting the impact of different milieus in

their own thinking.

For instance, Webbs considered Industrial revolution as the factor

behind emergence of trade union among workers who strive for better wages.

They also pointed out the establishment of industrial democracy as playing a

role in the functioning of trade union. Writing in the 1890s in Britain, had a

universal applicability that attracted a wide following. In case of Robert Hoxie,

who published his work in US in 1914, it was clear that he went beyond

economic interpretation and added psychological aspects into it. As his work

came when the world witnessed the First World War, when there was a need

79
for more working force, was also the period when trade unions witnessed

tremendous growth in the US. He elaborated different types of unions and

classified them, based on the existence of the same in the US. He framed

different terms and tried to confine different unions into it. He placed more and

more emphasize on leadership. He spoke of arbitration in the form of role of

third party.

However, Hoxie did not provide social and political explanation to trade

unions in his approach. This gap was filled by Tannenbaum, in Philosophy of

Labor, Published in the year 1951. Nevertheless, his work on labor came in

the beginning of second half of twentieth century, after witnessing

compartmentalization and integration among unions in various countries. For

instance, in India, labor had divided on political grounds and in USA, there

was a unity of AFL and CIO. There is influence of Elton Mayo's Hawthorne

Experiment in his writing, which emphasized the humanistic aspects in

working place. Moreover, Tannenbaum also attributed trade unions as a child

of industrial revolution. The Gandhian approach view provided further

humanitarian approach to trade unions than class struggle and emphasized

class conciliation than confrontation.

As for as Marx is concerned, his was the earliest approach to trade

unions and the only approach which created enormous debate in the society.

Marx too traced the origin of unions to industrial revolution, but perception

changes with Webbs and Tannenbaum. Above all, along with economic

interpretation, he provided the basis for political involvement of workers, to

alter the hold over means of production. He gifted to the world, his monument,

80
Communist Manifesto in the year 1834. Unlike other approaches, Marxian

was revolutionary. His influence is visible in Indian trade union

While these approaches seem to emphasize different aspects, in actual

practice for a trade union to be successful, there is a need for strategies which

include a combination of all the above approaches. Many unions today are

testimony to the fact that they incorporate some parts of all these approaches

at different times. In particular, almost all of them have a particular role to play

which allows us to compare different unions in countries such as India and the

US.

Organization and Structure

Organization is a group of people organized to achive the common or set of

goals 24 . Trade union is a group of workers organized to achive the economic,

social, psychological, political and humanitarian needs of the workers.

Strcture defines the relationship between different entities in an organization.

The structure of AFL-CIO -give the graphical representation.

AFL-CIO:

The structure, Constitution and organization of AFL-CIO reflect the

lesson learned by American labor from the past. It is a voluntary association

of unions. It is composed of free and autonomous labor unions. The individual

workers are members of individual unions 25 and due to this they are not

technically members of AFL-CIO, but unions themselves are members of the

federation. The unions associated with AFL-CIO are self governing

24
Carter McNamara, Basic Definition of Organization, Management Library (Minneapolis,
Minnesota), http://www.managementhelp.org/org thry/org defn.htm, as accessed on 25 June 2006
25
Marten Estey, The Unions: Structure, Development and Management (New York; Chicago; San
Francisco; Harcourt: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc, 1967), p.34.

81
autonomous entities and are not subordinate to the federation. The preamble

of the AFL-CIO constitution emphasizes upon labor achieving its objectives

through collective bargaining 26

However, the preamble also pointed out that, while serving the needs

of the American workers, it is also to serve the needs of American society. It

reflects that the AFL-CIO may take up non-labor issues if needed, for

instance, its role in fighting communism.

The objectives and principles of AFL-CIO is to aid workers to secure

better wages, reduced hours and working conditions, to organize the

unorganized, treating both craft and industrial unions on par. The other

objectives of AFL-CIO include, protecting rights and liberties, along with

strengthening American democracy, co-operating with other free and

democratic unions outside the country to promote world peace and freedom,

to protect the integrity of each union in the AFL-CIO by the elimination of raids

and to encourage the elimination of jurisdictional disputes, use of union label

and promote labor press to educate workers about the labor movement, to

protect the labor movement from communism and corruption by taking

appropriate measures, to protect the autonomy of unions as well as to

safeguard democratic character of labor movement and finally, to preserve

independence of labor movement from political control, at the same time

encourage workers to participate in the democratic process like voting. 27

26
Preamble: AFL-CIO Consitiution, AFLCIO: American Labor Movement (Washington, DC),
www.aflcio.org, as accessed on 15 May 2006.
21
Arthur J. Goldberg, AFL-CIO: Labor United (New York; Toronto; London: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1956), p.l08.

82
 The preamble as well as objectives and principles of AFL-CIO points

out the objectives of the American labor movement. They recognize the social

responsibility of labor unions both to the community and to the individual

workers. The objectives of AFL-CIO go beyond economic function and it also

includes social and community function. It is in this perspective it finds place

within the interpretation of Webbs, Hoxie and Tannenbaum. However, AFL-

CIO clearly do not subscribe to the ideology of Marxian approach and it can

be pointed out that it has learned from the futility of this approach in American

soil from the previous experiments like Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).

The membership of the AFL-CIO consists of the affiliated national or

international unions and organizing committees, the directly affiliated local

unions, state and local central bodies and trade departments 28 • AFL-CIO is a

federation of autonomous labor unions in the US, Canada, Mexico, Panama

and the US dependencies. Its primary function is to lobby on behalf of

organized labor and mediate disputes between its member unions. In the year

1999, there were 68 national and international unions in AFL-CIO, with the

membership of over 13 million. The international unions are the core of the

AFL-CIO membership. They are not subordinates of the AFL-CIO. They are

autonomous unions affiliated with the AFL-CIO. All others are subordinates of

the federation.

The national unions are autonomous units within the federation. The

Bureau of Labor Statistics, in compiling its biennial Directory of national and

international unions in the USA, lists national unions as those having

collective bargaining agreements with different employers in more than one

28
Jack Barbash, American Unions: Structure, Government and Politics (New York: Random
House, 1967}, p.l 00.

83
state and federal employees union holding exclusive bargaining rights and an

international union is simply an American union which has members in

Canada. 29

The organization has five operating levels, with biennial convention

being the highest decision making authority within AFL-CIO. Between the

conventions, the Executive council (EC) looks after the organization and EC

includes within it, the Executive Officers, the President, Vice President and

the Executive Vice President and the 51 Vice Presidents. The Executive

officers handled the day today operations and in this work, they are advised

by the General Board consists of the Executive Council members, chief

officers of the affiliated unions and of each Programmatic union within the

AFL-CIO and the four regional representatives from the 51 state federations.

There are 13 programmatic departments whose major functions are

organizing, politica,l education, legislation, civil rights and workers safety and

AFL-CIO did not differentiate between craft and industrial unionism. It

is clearly due to the lessons learned due to split in the labor movement before

the merger of AFL and CIO. The principle of equality of craft and industrial

unionism is expressed in a provision that the issuance of new charters or

certificates shall be based upon a "strict recognition that both craft and

industrial unions are equal and necessary as methods of trade union

organization." Except for the power to admit and expel from

membership, the Constitution gives the AFL-CIO no explicit controls, with

29M arten,no.25, p.37.

30
American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organization, The Columbia
Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition, 2001-2005, http://www.bartleby.com/65/am/AmerFL-CIO.html, as
accessed on 15 July 2006.

84
respect to the activities of the national and international unions affiliated with it

and AFL-CIO has only the persuasive role.

AFL-CIO is for maintaining morality within the union. The section 9 of

the Article Ill elaborates this provision further. It provides that no organization,

offered, controlled or dominated by Communists, Fascists or whose policies

and activities are consistently directed toward the achievement of the program

or purposes of the Communist party, any fascist organization be permitted.

This clearly indicates the impact of cold war on these organizations.

The powers of AFL-CIO with respect to its subordinate bodies, that is,

the directly affiliated local unions, the state and local central bodies and the

departments are extensive. These bodies are subordinates, not autonomous

affiliates, and are subject at all times to the direction and control of the

organization. This shows centralized tendencies within the AFL-CIO

confederation.

At the top of the administrative structure are the three executive

officers of the AFL-CIO, the President, the Executive Vice-President and the

Secretary-Treasurer31 . The President functions as the chief executive officer.

The highest governing authority of AFL-CIO is the Convention 32 . The

functions of the convention include apart from legislating and policy making,

electing executive officers who are subject to its control.

31
Leadership of AFL-CIO, AFLCIO: American Labor Movement, (Washington, DC),
http://stage.aflcio.org:4664/aboutaflcio/leaders, as accessed on 13 June 2006.
32
Sanford Cohen, Labor in the United States (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing
Company, 197 5), p.l08.

85
Functions of the AFL-CIO (Article XI, XIII)

The function of AFL-CIO is to co-ordinate the activities of its affiliate

sand use the collective strength of its affiliates in three areas namely

organizing, lobbying and politics 33 . The well appreciated function of the AFL-

CIO does is mobilizing members to vote on critical issues during elections. It

is stated that under the leadership of J.J.Sweeney and the AFL-CIO's former

political director Steven Rosenthal, AFL-CIO through its efforts increased the

voter turnout among union households. For instance, in the last three

presidential elections, though the percentage of unionized household has

shrunk, the percentage of voters from unionized household has shown an

increase. However, where labor friendly legislations are concerned, in recent

years AFL-CIO has had only limited success. For instance, in the year 2001, it

could not influence the Congress in getting the enrolled workers of

DepartmenfofHomeland Security into.tne-union-fold.

The functions of AFL-CIO are dealt in the constitution under Article XI

and XIII. The governmental structure of the federation is primarily policy

making structure. Federation basically performs a political function. It is

engaged in lobbying, public relations, research and education to present labor

views on problems like wages, hours and working conditions as well as on

areas ranging from public housing to foreign policy.

The convention, the EC, the general board and the executive

committee all act to decide what position the AFL-CIO will adopt on each

33
Christopher Hayes, What does the AFL-CIO do, anyway?,
http://www.inthesetimes.com/site/main/article/1888/, as accessed on 18 June 2006

86
issues. The implementation of policy decisions of these bodies is vested

directly in the executive officers, the president and the secretary-treasurer and

through them, in the various committees and staff departments.

87
INTUC:

The foundation of INTUC in India was a protest as well as challenge to the

communist leadership of trade unions which fomented insurrections, violence

and revolutions against existing social set up in India. Prime Minister Nehru

also blamed the communists who indulged not in strikes of the normal type

but something far worse- sabotage, destruction and disruption.

Aims and Objectives

The aims and objects 34 of INTUC as were adopted at the twenty-third

Madurai session in 1957. The objectives of INTUC included within it the

general and specific objectives. The general objectives include the overall

development of individual, placing industry under the national ownership,

ensuring full employment, association of workers in administration of industry

and promoting social, political and economic interest of working class. The

specific objectives include the organization of unions, working conditions,

industrial relations and finally the objective of promoting the sense of solidarity

among the workers.

In the objective of organization of industry it did not differentiate the

skilled, unskilled and agricultural workers and it treated all the workers under

the single set up so that it might promote the sense of solidarity.

Further, reading into the objectives of INTUC clearly brings out the fact

that its goes beyond mere economics and aim at all round development of

workers. This aspect makes INTUC no different from the AFL-CIO. Both talk

of one single unionism and the comprehensive development of its members.

34
G.Ramanujam, Indian Labour Movement (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1986), -
p.75

88
Structure

The unions affiliated to INTUC are those who adhere to constitution of

INTUC and its aims and objectives. 35 Further, apart from affiliation, power to

disaffiliate any of the affiliated union lies with the Working Committee. It can

be done of the following grounds, namely, if the affiliated union is not paying

affiliation fee or special levy or contribution under the constitution for more

than six months, if the affiliated union is seeking affiliation with any of the rival

union. Further, the disaffiliation can also be done, if the member of executive

committee of any of the affiliated union becoming or continuing a member of

any union antagonistic to INTUC. 36

Plenary Session

Its function is to consider resolutions recommended for adoption by

subjects committee 37 . Further, it also takes up substantive motion other than

resolutions recommended for adoption by the subjects committee. Apart from

the above function, the plenary session also consider the resolution or motion

sent by the Pradesh Branches or the Federations.

General Council (GC)

The functions of the GC include, assembling as a Subjects Committee

(SC) of the plenary session to draft resolutions to be placed before the

Plenary Session and appoint an auditor for INTUC.

35
Constitution oflNTUC, Indian National Trade Union Congress (New Delhi: INTUC, 1948), p.6
36
I"b"d 7
I , p ..
37
ibid, p.ll.

89
Pradesh Branch (PB)

The affiliated organization which have completed one year of affiliation

with INTUC from each Branch will together constitute the PB of INTUC38 . The

Pradesh Branches represent the INTUC at state level. Each PB has its own

constitution and they also have to ensure that their constitution shall not be

inconsistent with the constitution of INTUC. Nevertheless, the constitution of

PB comes into effect only with the prior sanction of the WC.

Working Committee (WC)

It is the highest executive authority of the INTUC. It has the power to

carry out the policies and programs laid down by the Plenary Session and by

GC. WC is responsible to GC. WC is the final authority in all matters regarding

interpretation and application of the provisions of the constitution. we is also

empowered with power to take actions in the interest of INTUC.

The 53rd meeting of the working committee was held at Mumbai on 121h

& 131h April, 2003 and was chaired by Shri G. Sanjeeva Reddy, President

INTUC. The Working Committee meeting discussed various issues

concerning labor and economy of the country. The meeting adopted two

important papers. One is in creation of workers sector and another one is on

strike 39 • The paper on creation of workers sector urged INTUC members to

adopt cooperative attitude and approach towards their employers rather than

confrontation. It reflects typical Gandhian approach towards trade unionism. In

the second paper, which appears adjunct to the former one, INTUC reiterates

its approach and attitude towards strike, lockout, layoff or retrenchment. It is in

its opinion creates cordial atmosphere for investments, so that more

38
ibid, p.l8.
39
INTUCs New Direction to the trade union movement: Collaboration with Capitalism,
http://www.eefi.org/0703/073028.htm, as accessed on 18 June 2006

90
investment lead to more employment and more benefit to union. The second

paper also reiterates its stand on settling industrial conflicts. It is for settling all

industrial conflicts through mutual dialogues again to ensure prevention of

strikes and creating cordial atmosphere for investment.

The INTUC stand on strike is clearly visible in its stand on strike call given by

left parties on 21 May 2003 against the anti labor policies of the then NDA

government.

The decision to go on strike on 21st May, 2003 was taken by the left

dominated Trade Union Centres where INTUC was not a party. There was,

however, an approach from the other Trade Union Centres to the President of

INTUC and he conveyed to them that without the clearance of the Working

Committee, INTUC cannot be a party to any strike. The matter was placed

before the working committee meeting held at Mumbai on 1ih &13th April,

2003 and the working Committee unanimously decided not to participate in

the strike on 21st May, 2003 as the meeting viewed that the strike would not

help reversing the policy of the government. After the Working Committee

meeting, Shri G. Sanjeeva Reddy, President INTUC, briefed the media that

the Working Committee observed that the strike call was politically motivated

and INTUC should not be involved in such strikes.

He appealed to all the affiliated unions not to give any cognizance to

the strike call given by the Trade Union Centres other than INTUC. He also

requested the affiliated Unions not to be confused by any mal-publicity

involving the name of INTUC40 .

40
Indian National Trade Union Congress, Indian Worker, (New Delhi: INTUC, 2003), May 1-15.

91
Industrial Federations (IF)

The basic pattern of organization in the INTUC is the industry level

federation 41 . Under IF, the member unions are grouped together on industry

basis and the conditions of employment are negotiated collectively and

implemented uniformly all over India, wherever that industry is located. The

condition of employment includes wages rates, hours of work and other

related fringe benefits. This method enables a perspective being taken for the

entire industry, rather than individual approach for each unit.

41
National level federation, Rai Foundation (New Delhi)
http:/172. 14.235 .l 04/search?g=cache:06Z4GdXctMgJ:www .rcw.rai foundation.org/managementlmbalm
anagemento findustrialrelations/lecture-notes/lee ture-07. pdf+intuc+-+organizational +s true ture+-
+constitution&hl=en&gl=in&ct=clnk&cd= I , as accessed on 29 June 2006.

92