CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW

UNIVERSITY,patna

FINAL DRAFT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE COURSE TITLED SOCIOLOGY OF LAW ON THE
TOPIC : “NAXALISM AND ITS IMPACT ON THE SOCIETY”

SUBMITTED TO:

MR. SANGEET KUMAR

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY

SUBMITTED BY:

ABHIJEET KUMAR CHOUDHARY

ROLL NO- 1904

B. A. LLB 2 ND
SEMESTER

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The researcher takes this opportunity to express his profound gratitude and deep regards to
his guide DR. SANGEET KUMAR for her exemplary guidance, monitoring and constant
encouragement throughout the course of this thesis. The blessings, help and guidance given
by her time to time shall carry the researcher a long way in the journey of life on which the
researcher is about to embark.

The researcher is obliged to staff members of Chanakya National Law University Patna,
for the valuable information provided by them in their respective fields. The researcher is
grateful for their cooperation during the period of his assignment.

Lastly, the researcher would like to thank almighty, his parents, brother, sister and friends for
their constant encouragement without which this assignment would not be possible.

THANK YOU

ABHIJEET KUMAR CHOUDHARY

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 DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the work reported in the B.A. LLB (Hons.) project report entitled

“Tribals of Jharkhand and their problems” submitted at Chanakya National Law

University Patna, is an authentic record of my work carried under the supervision of Dr.

Sangeet kumar. I have not submitted this work elsewhere for any other degree or diploma. I

am fully responsible for the contents of my project report.

ABHIJEET KUMAR CHOUDHARY

CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY PATNA

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TABLE OF CONTENT

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 I. INTRODUCTION

A Naxal or Naxalite is a member of any political organisation that claims the legacy of
the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), founded in Calcutta in 1969. Communist
Party of India (Maoist) is the largest existing political group in that lineage today in India.

The term Naxal derives from the name of the village Naxalbari in West Bengal, where the
Naxalite peasant revolt took place in 1967. Naxalites are considered far-
left radical communists, supportive of Mao Tse Tung’s political ideology. Their origin can be
traced to the split in 1967 of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) following the Naxalbari
peasant uprising, leading to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–
Leninist) two years later. Initially, the movement had its epicentre in West Bengal. In later
years, it spread into less developed areas of rural southern and eastern India, such
as Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana through the activities of
underground groups like the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Some Naxalite groups have
become legal organisations participating in parliamentary elections, such as the Communist
Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-
Leninist) Janashakti.1

The term Naxalites comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of
the communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) led by KanuSanyal, and JangalSanthal
initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On May 18,1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which
Jangalwas the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal
and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. The following
week, a sharecropper near Naxalbari village was attacked by the landlord’s men over a land
dispute. On May 24, when a police team arrived to arrest the peasant leaders, it was
ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal, and a police inspector was killed in a
hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals and other poor people to join the
movement and to start attacking local landlords. These conflicts go back to the failure of
implementing the 5th and 9th Schedules of the Constitution of India. See Outlook India
comment by E.N. Rammohan‘ Unleash the Good Force’ edition July 16, 2012. In theory
these Schedules provided for a limited form of tribal autonomy with regard to exploiting
natural resources on their lands, e.g. pharmaceutical and mining), and land ceiling laws,
1
"Naxalite". Collins English Dictionary

5
limiting the land to be possessed by landlords and distribution of excess land to landless
farmers and labourers. The caste system is another important social aspect of these conflicts.

Mao Zedong provided ideological leadership for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that
Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government and upper classes by force.
A large number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread through
Majumdar’s writings, particularly the ‘Historic Eight Documents’ which formed the basis of
Naxalite ideology.2

In 1967, Naxalites organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist

Revolutionaries (AICCCR), and later broke away from CPM. Violent uprisings were
organized in several parts of the country. In 1969, the AICCCR gave birth to the Communist
Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI(ML)). Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin
to the CPI (ML). A separate offshoot from the beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre,
which evolved out of the Dakshin Desh group. The MCC later fused with the people’s War
Group to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). A third offshoot was that of the
Andhra revolutionary communists, mainly represented by the UCCSI (ML), following the
mass line legacy of T. Nagi Reddy, which broke with the AICCR at an early stage.

The Naxalite movement began principally on the foundations of an ‘agrarian struggle’ as

encapsulated by the events at Naxalbari, West Bengal in 1967. Since then, the movement not
only went through conflicts and organizational upheavals, the basic ideology and the
objectives of the movement also took a different turn with the strengthening of the People’s
War Group (PWG) in the late 90s. “In our agenda for a new democratic revolution, there are
two aspects-the agrarian revolution and fight for nationality.”

Between 15-30 November 1995, the PW conducted an All India Special Conference in some
unknown locality of Dandakaranya. There, it adopted two important party documents. The
‘party programme’ as adopted in the Conference reads, “India is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial
society; here the New Democratic Revolution (NDR) has to be completed victoriously paving
way to the Socialist Revolution and to advance towards the ultimate goal of Communism.
The Indian people are weighed down by three big mountains: feudalism, imperialism and

2
Ramakrishnan, Venkitesh. "The Naxalite Challenge". Frontline Magazine (The Hindu). Archived from the
origina

6
comprador bureaucrat capital; these are the targets to be overthrown in the present stage of
NDR. The four major contradictions in the present-day Indian society are: the contradiction
between feudalism and the broad masses; the contradiction between imperialism and the
Indian people; the contradiction between capital and labour and the contradiction within the
ruling classes. While the first two are fundamental contradictions to be resolved through the
NDR, the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses is the principal
contradiction at the present stage. India is a multi-national country—a prison-house of
nationalities and all the nationalities have the right to self-determination including secession.
When NDR is victoriously completed, India will become a voluntary and genuine federation
of all national people’s republics.”3

The second document, which was adopted in the conference, was the document on the
‘Strategy and Tactics’. It reads,‟ The political strategy to be pursued in the present stage of
NDR in India is one of forming a broad united front of all the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist
forces—the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the national
bourgeoisie—under the leadership of the working class to overthrow the common enemies—
feudalism, imperialism and comprador bureaucratic capital. The military strategy or the path
of Indian Revolution is the path of protracted people’s war i.e, liberating the countryside first
through area wise seizure of power establishing guerilla zones and base areas and then
encircling the cities and finally capturing power throughout the country. The unevenness in
the economic, social and political development of Indian society calls for different tactics
i.e., forms of struggle and organization, to be to be pursued in different regions of the
country, while the political tactic line throughout the country remains the same. In urban
areas the political and mass work should be carried out observing utmost precaution and the
organizational work should proceed keeping in view the long-range perspective. Caste is a
peculiar problem in India; and appropriate forms of organization and struggle should be
evolved vigorously to fight out untouchablility, caste discrimination and to finally root out
the caste system. The tactics of boycott of elections have to be pursued for a long time in the
prevailing conditions in India; and participating in parliamentary and assembly elections
under any pretext only weakens the class struggle. These two documents, containing different
organizational aspects of PW, make a clear cut demarcation for the issues pertaining to
organizational conflict between the Liberation and PW. However, during the 1990s the

3
"The contours of the new Red map". The Indian Express.

7
growth of militarization became the characteristic feature of the PWG. The formation of
People’s Guerrilla Army (PGA), special guerrilla squads, Permanent Action Team (PAT) and
Special Action Team (SAT) were the distinctive features of PWG activities for quite some
time, before it merged with MCC to form the CPI (Maoist).

https://www.google.com/search?q=IMAGES+OF+NAXALS&rlz=1C1NDCM_enIN7

The Naxalite movement came into being as a result of prevailing social and economic issues.
In fact, while conducting an enquiry into the uprising, the West Bengal State Secretariat of
the CPI(M) stated, “Behind the peasant unrest in Naxalbari lies a deep social malady –
malafide transfers, evictions and other anti-people actions of tea gardeners and jotedars,.”
These issues were longstanding and there was no dearth of reform legislation. But the spirit
of the law remained confined to paper and the people were left to languish. Therefore, it
recognized that the causes were in essence, socio-economic.4

After independence the Indian government started the protracted and difficult process of
abolishing the Zamindari system, To eliminate the role of intermediaries. By the end of the
1950s, the process was completed on paper. This meant that 20 million erstwhile tenants were

4
Sen, Sunil Kumar Peasant movements in India: mid-nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Calcutta: K.P.
Bagchi.

8
now landowners One rough estimate says that area under tenancy declined from 42% to
around 20% by early 1960s However, to a large extent this was caused due to eviction of
tenants by landlords and not by actual reform in the system. The next part of land reform was
tenancy reform. Its objectives were to guarantee security of tenure to tenants, to ensure fair
rent rates and to gain rights of ownership of land he/she cultivated, subjecttosome restrictions
at well below market rates. In west Bengal, two major acts for land reform were passed in the
1950s aimed to eliminate intermediaries (zamindars and jotedars) and bring fixed rent
tenants into a direct relationship with the state. It gave the state powers to inquire into land
transfers and cancel the transfer if it was not bona fide. Abolition of intermediaries was
generally successful. However numerous loopholes and poor implementation meant that the
landlords were able to retain control over large tracks of land. It did not protect the rights of
Bargadars (sharecroppers), who were the most deprived section of society. From 1947 to
1969, as part of land reform implementation in west Bengal, only 300,000 acres of above-
ceiling land was redistributed, a little less than 3% of the cropped land in the state. The 1961
census estimated that 82 percent of the tenancies in the country were insecure. Bargadars
received no protection until 1970, when the government, woken from stupor by the
Naxalbari uprising amended the west Bengal land Reforms Act to cover them also. The
legislations themselves were not strong enough and implementation was extremely
ineffective.5

India was ones considered to be the land of peasants and snake charmers. The picture of India
in the minds of the invaders and the Britishers was, a country which is rich in minerals and
resources but lacks unity. But today the picture of India has completely changed. India is now
one of the largest economies in the world holding 4th position in terms of armed forces. The
year 1947 was a bloodshed but after 1947 India didn’t look back. Though there has been
political instabilities and lot of internal disturbances still it has grown and has achieved this
position, due to a better Constitution, people and economy.

It was the era of the green revolution and India had marked its economic presence in the
world by the way of green revolution when in the corners of West Bengals city of Darjeeling
an uprising was about to erupt and evolve. On 26th May, 1967 the main uprising of Naxalism
happened in a village called Naxalbari in West Bengal. After which it has spread gradually in

5
Diwanji, A. K. . "Primer: Who are the Naxalites?"

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 https://www.google.com/search?q=IMAGES

West Bengal and the neighbouring states of Jharkhand, Bihar, Chattisgarh, Orissa etc. The
main cause of the rise of the Naxal movement was a revolt against the government and the
land ceiling acts that were implemented and practiced at that time. The peasants were ignored
predominantly by the government which lead to an uprising with armed rebellion during that
time. The main ideology of the Naxals was to take over the government and establish their
own government in the state because after years of neglect they lost every faith that they used
to have on the political system of the country.6
The Indian aboriginals, known as Adivasis, live these richly forested lands, which are wanted
for development by businesses. The conflict between economic progress and aboriginal land
rights continues to fuel the Naxalite’s activities. Their strongest bases are in the poorest areas
of India. They are concentrated on the tribal belt such as West Bengal, Orissa, and Andhra
Pradesh where locals experience forced acquisition of their land for developmental projects.
Arundhati Roy, a Naxalite sympathiser said that the tribal forestlands should be called a
“Maoist Corridor”. Naxalites usually use the method of guerrilla warfare and attack the
central forces and the state police forces, making them their targets and killing many.

6
See Outlook India comment by E.N. Rammohan 'Unleash the Good Force'

10
Naxalism is one of the main concerns of the government and a major bone of contention
between the progressive development of the forest areas and backward areas which are the
breeding grounds of Naxalism. Naxalism is mostly present in central, and eastern India,
though as per the latest statistics it is also present in the areas of North East Maharashtra and
is spreading its wings.7

The Naxalite movement in India is not a thing that the movement is singly based on the
strategies adopted by Naxals. Geography and locations also play a major role in the spread of
Naxalism movement and their ideology. As mentioned above settlement plays an important
role in the planning processes of Naxals, Naxals choose a location which is dense and a place
where they cannot be easily identified. Hence, they mostly choose forests to hide out. But
recently the Home Ministry has expressed utmost grief and high level investigation of the
matter of Naxalism spreading into urban areas. The Naxals have a good reach out and one of
the wings of the Naxals are the front organisations, which provides safe hide outs to the
armed Naxals and also facilitate the procurement of arms and ammunitions for the Naxal
groups in the cities and urban areas. The front organisations are the facilitators of the Naxal
movement, they initiate action on various legal issues to slow down the enforcement
management of the state. They are also skilful at dissemination of propaganda and deception
to demonize the state and security forces. To fulfil the main motive and to spread the
ideology of Naxalism the Naxals engage is ‘socio economic’ investigation. Currently, the
Naxals are in a propaganda to change the current strategy and move in to the urban areas of
the cities in India, to gain popularity, spread their ideology and to involve new cadres in their
group from urban areas. Their strategy involves shifting the focus form the villages and rural
areas to the great urban population. The new strategy includes the spread of the Naxal
ideology amongst the working population. To achieve such results the Naxals have evolved
the strategy to make a strong hold of Naxalism in the surrounding villages’ then move to the
urban areas. The rural areas remain the core and the heart of Naxal spread and the rural areas
remain a base for the Naxals whereas the urban areas become a secondary importance but a
necessity for the Naxals spread of Naxalism.

The Naxals had a vision that they will be able to over throw the government and get into
power if they organise such terrorist acts. In villages, which is the main source of the Naxals
for the recruitment are usually uneducated, has a lack of infrastructure, and lack of per capita

7
"History of Naxalism". Hindustan Times.

11
income of the area. Hence, the Naxal gangs put money in front of them for a bait. In such
situation, people who are given the money, do whatever the boss or the head of the group
says. The Naxals have also decided currently to spread across to city and its limits[5]. Cities
usually have a good amount of people who are educated, well established and where the per
capita income is also very high. There is a good number of English speaking educated
Indians. If there is urbanisation in the cities and there is development. Then whom does the
Naxalites target in the cities?
The focus of Naxalites in urban areas is to mobilize industrial workers, students, people from
the lower strata of society, those who occupy lower positions in the government and private
sectors and left leaning intellectuals and academics.

The current movements of the Naxals are towards the cities and are covering the parts and the
outskirts of the cities with an intention to make their networks stronger and advances.
Presence of Naxalism in cities will attract more of media attention and the attention of
people. The Naxalite’s urban strategy, which is free of violence, is different from the
strategies they follow in rural areas. However, it seems that in the medium to long run they
are interested in replicating the strategies they follow in rural areas in the urban areas. 8 This is
evident from the fact that they had carried out a few attacks in the urban towns in Orissa and
Bihar. For example, on 15th February 2008 over 400 Naxalites attacked Nayagarh and
Daspalla towns in Orissa. 13 policemen and a civilian were killed. They targeted the district
armoury, a police station and a police training school. In another incident, on March 2006,
over 500 Naxalites attacked the Orissa State Armed Police camp at Udayagiri town in Orissa.
Here, three policemen were killed. In this era of globalisation and technological prosperity,
media has been a major role evolutions and revolutions. Media as a force multiplier can make
a person a celebrity in a flick and can also bring that personality on roads. The perception of
media is very high in this country and people think what the media says. Media can paint
pictures too and create false assumptions which has a deepening impact in the minds of the
people. Likewise, if the Naxalites attack the cities, it will be in a wide scale and that will for
sure attract media and multiply the effect of the attack making the group known to the people.

Naxalism in India poses a wide scale threat today and if we do not agree by the terms of the
Naxal groups or do not supress their movements, there is a possibility that major parts of the
country and major cities will be under the control of the Naxals. Naxals can be a hidden or a

8
Loyd, Anthony. "India's insurgency". National Geographic

12
sleeping ISIS of tomorrow. We know the power and the strength of the Naxals but we never
know when their power multiplies and becomes double that shall pose a serious threat for the
sovereignty and national security of India. If we don’t take measures now, we may face
serious consequences ahead.

Moreover, if the Naxal activities in the cities spread amongst industrial workers and students,
the state will have to implement and run proper sabotage mechanisms to deal with the
industrial unrest and industrial movements. When the Naxal movement in the urban areas
become strong the state will have to tackle with the urban terrorism. Urbanisation and
expansion of towns and cities are a bait to terrorism and Naxalism, the more will be the
development the higher infiltration by the Naxals in the cities would be seen in the near
future. It is very high time that we put a stop to the urban terrorism by the Naxalites before it
is too late for us to react in a proportionate manner.

1.1 AIMS AND OBJECTIVE

The researcher intends to find out :

(i) Why naxalism emerged in india.

(ii) What is the impact of naxalism.
(iii)What are the problems faced by the people due to naxalism.
(iv) How government is handling the problem of naxalism.

1.2 RESEARCH QUESTION

The researcher presumes to find out following questions from this project:
(i) What is the reason for the emergence of naxalism.
(ii) Why youth are more attracted towards naxalism.
(iii) Is government main reason for the emergence of naxalism.
(iv) Is naxalism providing any profit to the commom people.
(v) What are the difficulties faced by the people due to naxalism.

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1.3 HYPOTHESIS

The researcher has formulated the following hypothesis, the validity of which has
been tested in the course of the research project:
(i) There is a generation gap between the parents and their children.
(ii) Most naxals are youth.
(iii) There is lack of facilities for the people.
(iv) There is anger against the officials and the government.

1.4 LIMITATIONS

Efforts were made to make this study as objective as far as possible and as systematic
as far as possible even though the investigation suffered from serious limitations of
time of 5 days, fund and other facilities. However, the research contains both
doctrinal and non doctrinal works. Because of the several limitations and nature of
the study, only six persons were selected for in depth study. Also, the field work was
confined to Gumla and Ranchi, Jharkhand.

1.5 REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The researcher has examined the primary and secondary sources of data in the project. The
primary sources are field work, Constitution of India, legal provisions. The secondary
sources are books, journals, magazines, newspaper, websites etc.

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The researcher has adopted doctrinal as well as non-doctrinal method of research.

a) Area/site of investigation

Gumla and Ranchi, Jharkhand.

b) Sampling technique

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 The researcher has used purposive and convenient method of sampling
due to paucity of time and various limitations of research.

c) Sources of data

Primary sources------

 Constitution of India

 Legislative provisions

 Field work

Secondary sources--------

 Books

 Newspapers

 Websites

d) Method of data collection

 Observation

 Interview

 Questionnaire

e) Tools of data collection

 Observation guide

 Interview schedule

 Camera

 Questionnaire

 Pen and paper

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 II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The term Naxalites comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of
the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal,
and Jangal Santhal initiated an uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha,
of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu
Sanyal, and their readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. The
following week, a sharecropper near Naxalbari village was attacked by the landlord's men
over a land dispute. On 24 May, when a police team arrived to arrest the peasant leaders, it
was ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal, and a police inspector was killed in
a hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals and other poor people to join the
movement and to start attacking local landlords.9

These conflicts go back to the failure to implement the 5th and 6th Schedules of
the Constitution of India. In theory these Schedules provide for a limited form of tribal
autonomy with regard to exploiting natural resources on their lands, e.g. pharmaceutical and
mining, and 'land ceiling laws', limiting the land to be possessed by landlords and distribution
of excess land to landless farmers and labourers.

Mao Zedong provided ideological leadership for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that
Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government of the upper classes by
force. A large number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread
through Charu Majumdar's writings, particularly the 'Historic Eight Documents' which
formed the basis of Naxalite ideology. Using People's courts, similar to those established by
Mao, Naxalites try opponents and execute with axes or knives, beat, or permanently exile
them.

At the time, the leaders of this revolt were members of the CPI (M), which joined a coalition
government in West Bengal just a few months back. Leaders like land minister Hare Krishna
Konar had been until recently "trumpeting revolutionary rhetoric, suggesting that militant
confiscation of land was integral to the party's programme." However, now that they were in
power, CPI (M) did not approve of the armed uprising, and all the leaders and a number of
Calcutta sympathisers were expelled from the party.

9
See Outlook India comment by E.N. Rammohan 'Unleash the Good Force' – edition 16

16
Subsequently, In November 1967, this group, led by Sushital Ray Chowdhury, organised
the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR). Violent
uprisings were organised in several parts of the country. On 22 April 1969 (Lenin's birthday),
the AICCCR gave birth to the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI (ML)).

Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). A separate offshoot from
the beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre, which evolved out of the Dakshin
Deshgroup. The MCC later fused with the People's War Group to form the Communist Party
of India (Maoist). A third offshoot was that of the Andhra revolutionary communists, mainly
represented by the UCCRI(ML), following the mass line legacy of T. Nagi Reddy, which
broke with the AICCCR at an early stage.10

The early 1970s saw the spread of Naxalism to almost every state in India, barring Western
India. During the 1970s, the movement was fragmented into disputing factions. By 1980, it
was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a combined membership of
30,000.

Contention was over the development of minerals and raw materials in the area, and
development of a paved road to transport them, along with the order the road brought. If the
government could construct a road, the rebels would have lost; if the rebels could continue
thwarting road development, the government would have lost.

Around 1971 the Naxalites gained a strong presence among the radical sections of the student
movement in Calcutta. Students left school to join the Naxalites. Majumdar, to entice more
students into his organisation, declared that revolutionary warfare was to take place not only
in the rural areas as before, but now everywhere and spontaneously. Thus Majumdar declared
an "annihilation line", a dictum that Naxalites should assassinate individual "class enemies"
(such as landlords, businessmen, university teachers, police officers, politicians of the right
and left) and others.

The chief minister, Siddhartha Shankar Ray of the Congress Party, instituted strong counter-
measures against the Naxalites. The West Bengal police fought back to stop the Naxalites.
The house of Somen Mitra, the Congress MLA of Sealdah, was allegedly turned into a torture
chamber where Naxals were incarcerated illegally by police and the Congress cadres. CPI-M
cadres were also involved in the "state terror". After suffering losses and facing the public
rejection of Majumdar's "annihilation line", the Naxalites alleged human rights violations by

10
"History of Naxalism". Hindustan Times.

17
the West Bengal police, who responded that the state was effectively fighting a civil war and
that democratic pleasantries had no place in a war, especially when the opponent did not fight
within the norms of democracy and civility.

Large sections of the Naxal movement began to question Majumdar's leadership. In 1971 the
CPI(ML) was split, as Satyanarayan Singh revolted against Majumdar's leadership. In 1972
Majumdar was arrested by the police and died in Alipore Jail presumably as a result of
torture. His death accelerated the fragmentation of the movement.

In July 1971, Indira Gandhi took advantage of President's rule to mobilise the Indian
Army against the Naxalites and launched a colossal combined army and police counter-
insurgency operation, termed "Operation Steeplechase," killing hundreds of Naxalites and
imprisoning more than 20,000 suspects and cadres, including senior leaders. The paramilitary
forces and a brigade of para commandos also participated in Operation Steeplechase. The
operation was choreographed in October 1969, and Lt. General J.F.R. Jacob was enjoined
by Govind Narain, the Home Secretary of India, that "there should be no publicity and no
records" and Jacob's request to receive the orders in writing was also denied by Sam
Manekshaw.

Between 2002 and 2006, over three thousand people had been killed in Naxalite-Government
conflicts, and by 2009, the conflict had displaced 350,000 members of tribal groups from
their ancestral lands.

In 2006 India's intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing, estimated that 20,000
armed-cadre Naxalites were operating in addition to 50,000 regular cadres. Their growing
influence prompted Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to declare them to be the most
serious internal threat to India's national security. Naxalites, and other anti-government
militants, are often referred to as "ultras".11

In February 2009, the Indian Central government announced a new nationwide initiative, to
be called the "Integrated Action Plan" (IAP) for broad, co-ordinated operations aimed at
dealing with the Naxalite problem in all affected states (namely Karnataka, Chhattisgarh,
Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and West
Bengal). Importantly, this plan included funding for grass-roots economic development
projects in Naxalite-affected areas, as well as increased special police funding for better
containment and reduction of Naxalite influence in these areas.

11
Singh, Prakash. The Naxalite Movement in India. New Delhi: Rupa & Co., 1999. p. 101

18
In 2009, Naxalites were active across approximately 180 districts in ten states of India. In
August 2010, after the first full year of implementation of the national IAP program,
Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxalite-affected states. 12 In July 2011, the number
of Naxalite-affected areas was reduced to 83 districts in nine states (including 20 additional
districts). In December 2011, the national government reported that the number of Naxalite-
related deaths and injuries nationwide had gone down by nearly 50% from 2010
levels. Maoist communist groups claimed responsibility for 123 deaths in 2013, which was
nearly half of all deaths from terrorism in India. The movement is described as “terrorist” by
the Indian authorities but it is however popular in the regions where it is present. According
to a study of the newspaper The Times of India 58% of people surveyed in the state of
Andhra Pradesh, had a positive perception of the guerrillas, 19% against them.

In a 2004 Indian Home Ministry estimate, their numbers were placed at that time at "9,300
hardcore underground cadre ... [holding] around 6,500 regular weapons beside a large
number of unlicensed country-made arms". In 2006, according to Judith Vidal-Hall, "Figures
(in that year) put the strength of the movement at 15,000, and claim the guerrillas control an
estimated one fifth of India's forests, as well as being active in 160 of the country's
604 administrative districts." India's Research and Analysis Wing believed in 2006 that
20,000 Naxals were involved in the growing insurgency.13

12
"Naxalite violence continues in Calcutta". The Indian Express.
13
Judith Vidal-Hall, "Naxalites", p. 73–75 in Index on Censorship, Volume 35,

19
 III. CONTEMPORARY STATUS

Many civil society activists working in Maoist-affected areas are similarly finding themselves
under assault from both sides. The Maoists claim to be fighting for the poor and the
marginalized, demanding loyalty and shelter from villagers, while government forces seek
public support in protecting those same villagers from the Maoists. But the activities of civil
society activists on behalf of the impoverished and vulnerable local population put them at
risk from the Maoists and government security forces alike. The Indian prime minister has
described the fight with the Maoist insurgents as India‟s “biggest internal security
challenge.” According to the Home Ministry, over 3,000 people have been killed in the
Maoist conflict since 2008. In recent years the Maoist movement has spread to nine states in
central and eastern India. The Maoists have a significant presence in the states of
Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, and West Bengal, and
a marginal presence in Assam, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The Maoists assert that
they are defending the rights of the marginalized: the poor, the landless, Dalits, and tribal
indigenous communities. They call for a revolution, demanding a radical restructuring of the
social, political, and economic order.iii The Maoists believe the only way marginalized
communities can win respect for their rights is to overthrow the existing structure by violent
attacks on the state. Various state governments have responded to this challenge by carrying
out security operations to defeat the Maoist movement, provide protection for local residents,
and restore law and order. The police in these states receive support from central government
paramilitary forces. Various state and national forces often conduct joint operations, in part to
deny the Maoists sanctuary in other states. Because of the ineffective response by states, in
2009 the central government started to coordinate security operations.14The situation in
Chhattisgarh is undoubtedly deeply distressing to any reasonable person. What was doubly
dismaying to us was the repeated insistence that the only option for the State was to rule with
an iron fist, establish a social order in which anyone speaking for human rights of Citizens
are to be deemed as suspect, and a Maoist.

14
Planning Commission; 2008: Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas

20
  CAUSES OF NAXALISM……………..

The lack of human development causes anger and resentments amongst the people. They feel
alienated and excluded. In addition often local elites are engaged in exploiting, harassing and
even torturing the tribal populationvi. The Naxalites receive most support from Dalits and
Adivasis. Together they amount for one fourth of India’s population; most of them live in
rural India. Their causes for supporting the violent movement are manifold. Among these
groups persists low degree of employment and qualification, new forest policies with
restriction for their livelihoods, cultural humiliation, weak access to health care, education
and power, restricted and limited access to natural resources, multifaceted forms of
exploitation, social atrocities, displacement and deficient rehabilitation programs, political
marginalization and suppression of protests.15 Mehra has underlined that the most affected
states have a huge number of people facing huge deprivation, especially among Dalits and
Adivasis. Moreover these respective states show a high record on crimes that are committed
against the neglected groups as well as displacement due to economic and development
projectsvii . In fact 80% of the total displaced persons within the period of 1947 – 2000 were
tribals. A large number of tribals were not regarded by state services as well as governmental
development projects. Attempts by the states to increase its influence in the most backward
areas resulted in repression of the inhabitants by state authorities such as by the forest
departments and subsequently resulted in the destruction of their traditional social bond. The
most Naxal affected areas Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Andhra
Pradesh are rich in natural resources. In this area, natural resources are not only reason of
promoting Naxalite movement.16 It could be one of the reasons, but not the only reason. It is
doubtful whether it could be considered even as the primary reason. If natural resources or
lack of it is a major reason for the Naxalite conflict, then why is there is a Naxalite problem
in Jharkhand, but not in Himachal Pradesh? Why in Bihar, and not in eastern Uttar Pradesh?
Are natural resources an accurate parameter to measure growth of the Naxal problems in
these regions? Either the state or Union government controls natural resources like
mountains, forests, reservoirs, rivers and mineral resources like coal, mica, bauxite, and
cooper. The state remains the arbiter and distributor while the individuals or groups of
individuals have little say in this matter. Individuals have exploited the state for their own
benefits, but the problem lies with the failure of governance by the state, but not with

15
"Cops nail China link with Naxals". The Times Of India
16
Rajat Kujur, “Naxal Movement in India: A Profile,” Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies

21
individuals. The reason for the growth of Naxalite problem could be enumerated. The slow
implementation of land reforms is the main reason for the growth of Naxalism. Landlords
frequently moved the court to delay implementation of these reforms. They also connived
with local politicians and bureaucrats, making the land reform process slow and cumbersome.
Land reforms failed in the end.17

https://www.google.com/search?q=DATA+OF+NAXALISM+IN+INDIA&rlz=1C1NDCM_

The social structure of society in these areas could be cited as a second reason for emergence
of the Naxalite problem. Invariably, wherever the Naxalite problem exists, there is a poor
section of society, with no resources to meet their quality requirements. It is correct in not
attributing the caste or tribal structure as a reason for the problem. The poor include various
castes and not any particular caste or group of castes. However, their poverty and lack of
ability to improve their lot due to financial constraints by accessing education, the
government machinery or even legal remedies remains an important factor for their

17
http://www.ipcs.org/pdf_file/issue/848082154RP15-Kujur-Naxal.pdf

22
supporting the Naxalites. Though poverty limits their reach, there has been a limited exposure
to these ideas of the younger generation, making the situation dangerous.

The local adage is that little knowledge is more dangerous embodies the problem in rural
areas. The younger generation wants to have the facilities that are available in urban areas,
which remains a distant dream given the infrastructural problems and the failure of
governments to perform. Schooling is poor it not non-existent, hence the rural youth fight a
losing battle against their urban youth counterparts. This forces them to return to rural areas,
still aspiring for urban facilities. The failure of the government to reach out to these areas is
another major factor that aids the growth of Naxalism in these areas. The governance is poor
or worse, in certain places it is nonexistent. Popular schemes take long to devise but longer to
implement. Even while implementing, the benefit always reach those who are the „naves‟
and not those who are in need.18

The failure in formulation and implementation of the right schemes at the right time, and
targeting the right people is the major problem. Despite the rise of the Naxalite problem the
state failed to tackle it effectively by providing the needed economic and political measures.
The state failed to perform its duties; in short, governance, or the lack of it, in these areas is a
primary reason for the growth of the Naxalite problem. Furthermore, political interference
has also played a significant role in the implementation of governmental schemes. Leaders
have always tried to delay the projects promote by opponent parties. On the contrary, the
Naxalite groups have been collecting levies from the local population. They collect funds
from individuals, groups, and even government officials as commissions for letting them
function in areas that are under their control.

This money is used by the Naxalite groups to buy arms and recruit new members, especially
from the unemployed youths in rural areas. Since the Naxalites provide a monthly salary and
uniform, they have become popular amongst the unemployed youths. Thus the growth of
Naxalite movement is due to various factors, it is not merely a question of sharing natural
resources. The causes of the Maoist movement in India are structural. Economic, political and
cultural dimensions are closely linked. The first is the economic situation which is exploited
by Naxalites and their extreme left ideology. It seems much like a catch-22 situation. On the
one hand, India has experienced relatively fast economic growth, which has led to increased
levels of national wealth.

18
Mehra, Ajay K.; 2009: A Nowhere Approach to India‟s Nowhere Revolution; in:Mainstream;

23
To facilitate and continue this development, businesses need more land and natural resources
such as minerals. On the other hand, this economic growth has been uneven among regions,
and has widened the disparity between the rich and the poor. Proponents of these businesses
argue that these regions need economic development, if they are to catch up with their richer
counterparts. The Indian aboriginals, known as adivasis, live these richly forested lands,
which are wanted for development by businesses. The conflict between economic progress
and aboriginal land rights continues to fuel the Naxalite‟s activities. Their strongest bases are
in the poorest areas of India. They are concentrated on the tribal belt such as West Bengal,
Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh where locals experience forced acquisition of their land for
developmental projects. Arundhati Roy, a Naxalite sympathiser said that the tribal forestlands
should be called a “MoUist Corridor” instead of the “Maoist Corridor” as the people of these
tribal forest lands have been wrestling with “Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) of the
mining companies. Prashant Bhushan, a civil rights lawyer noted that businesses are making
adivasis go through “sham formal consultation” processes where interests of the adivasis are
not sincerely considered. Other hand, the alienation that is being exploited by the Maoists has
a social, communal and regional dimension.19

The battle can also be described between India‟s most neglected people and the nation‟s
most powerful industrial businesses. The adivasis make up about 8.4 percent of the
population and live in severe poverty. They live in remote areas where government
administration is weak and there is a lack of government services. These indigenous people
have the lowest literacy rates in the country and highest rates of infant mortality. Given this
socio-economic alienation, it is easy to see how the Naxalite‟s ideology is popular among the
rural poor and indigenous tribes, and why the adivasis view the guerrillas as their “saviours”.
The adivasis do not feel like they have any political power to voice their grievances
legitimately, and therefore the alternative of subversive, illegal groups seem attractive. Some
argue that Naxalites are not concerned about the social or economic welfare of these people
and are simply using them as a means to its end goal of seizing political power. The spread of
Naxalism reflects the widespread alienation and discontentment felt by large parts of the
country that are systematically marginalized. Dr. Subramanian, a former Director-General of
the National Security Guard and Central Reserve Police Force notes that Naxalism exists in
these tribal areas because of the dissatisfaction of the people against the government and big
businesses, the terrain is suitable for guerrilla tactics, and there is no existence of a proper and

19
http://www.ipcs.org/pdf_file/issue/848082154RP15-Kujur-Naxal.pdf

24
effective local administration mechanism. In these areas, the conditions are conducive to
warfare and extremist ideologies. Even if Naxalites are simply exploiting the adivasis‟
situation for their own ends, their popularity indicates the power of the root causes to create
such an environment for insecurity and violence.

 NAXALITE MOVEMENT AS THE BIGGEST THREAT

The Naxalite threat is the biggest security problem for India’s future as its effects are multi-
layered. The Maoist movement highlights India’s interior weaknesses, which makes India
also vulnerable to external threats. As part of globalization, threats such as the Naxalite
movement can no longer be viewed as simply internal as it also affects external security. The
security dangers are aptly described by a former Pakistani Director-General of the Inter
Services Intelligence and his description of India’s foreign affairs. The Director-General
equated India being busy with internal security problems to having two extra Divisions in the
Pakistan Army for free. A nation cannot effectively withstand threats coming from outside its
country if there is instability inside it. Furthermore, globalization has encouraged the
emergence of non-state terrorist actors as well as international interference in each other’s
affairs. India has been one of the victims of international and state sponsored terrorism
fuelled by fundamentalist ideologies. India’s regional neighbors are also external threats. For
example, in 2004, the MHA was wary of the “symbiotic relationship” between the
Communist Party of Nepal and Naxal groups in India.20 This means having military deployed
along the border. In the past, India has also been involved in territorial disputes with China
such as over Aksai Chin. Another reason why the Naxalites are the biggest threat to security
is because of the way the issue affects India’s economic development. This is apparent in
several ways. For example, the more the Maoists concentrate on the poor and marginalized
regions of India, the more economic development (which is imperative to improving those
regions‟ conditions) will be hampered. Furthermore, the Naxalite rebels are no longer just
focusing on remote jungles but on urban centers. Maoist leader Kishenji even declared that
the group aims to establish an armed movement in Calcutta by 2011. Internal order and
stability are necessary for a nation’s economic development. For India to continue being able
to withstand outside security threats, it must build up its infrastructure, its defence and its

20
S. Dharmadhikary, “Resettlement policy: promising start, and a letdown”,
Source:http://www.indiatogether.org/2007/nov/hrt-randrpol.htm

25
people. In terms of lifting its citizens out of poverty, India has a long way to go, and
continued economic growth is integral to India’s development as a strong global player.

https://www.google.com/search?q

The Naxalite activities are using up scarce resources on defence and internal security when it
should be spent on areas such as social development. For example in 2006, 22% of the total
government expenditure is on the military, compared with a mere 1.84% of the Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) spent on the social sector. The Naxalite movement is also the
biggest threat to India, in terms of the effects on its citizens and what it means for democracy
and rule of law. Not only has there been a great loss of life since the conflict between the
guerrillas and the military, but addressing the problem through violence risks polarising
people further and driving them to subservience.21 The guerrilla warfare is a threat not only to
citizens‟ lives but their properties. Too impatient and desperate to wait for government
intervention, civilians such as landlords are taking matters into their own hands. As writer
Navlakha noted, by portraying the Maoists as a „menace‟ and separating the movement from
socio-economic causes, it “allows the rich and poor divide to impose itself on a formal
democratic structure”. Navlakha gives the example in Bihar where Naxalite groups are
banned under the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act, yet a majority of the massacre was
committed by landlord armies which were not considered an act of terror under the law. Such

21
Mehra, Ajay K.; 2009: A Nowhere Approach to India‟s Nowhere Revolution; in:Mainstream;

26
treatment for the upper class only serves to threaten the rule of law, state legitimacy and
democracy as the political norm.

 THE LAWS MADE BY GOVERNMENT

 Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007 : The main aim of this act is to
minimize the displacement of people and to promote non-displacing or least
displacing alternatives. The Government issued a rehabilitation policy on 11 October
2007 for the easy displacement of people who lose their land for industrial growth.
Under this policy land in change for land will be given, job prospective to at least one
member of the family, vocational training and housing benefits including houses to
people in rural areas and urban areas will be some of the benefits.

 Forest Rights Act, 2006 : The Scheduled Tribe and Other Traditional Forest dwellers
(Recognition of forest Rights) Act 2006 or the Forest Rights Act recognizes the rights
of the scheduled tribes and forest dwellers who have been living in the forests for
years but their rights have still not been recognized. The Ministry of Environment and
Forests has also allowed use of 1 hectare of land for non-forest purposes and
conversion of kattcha roads into pakka roads.

 Chhattisgarh Special Public Securities Act, 2006 : This bill provides definition of
unlawful activities, declaring an organization unlawful, formation of an advisory
board wherever the state government feels the need for its establishment, procedure of
the formation of the advisory board, action of the advisory board, penalties viz
punishments even for not committing a crime, the power to notify a place being used
for unlawful activities and taking occupation of such place thereof and revision/bar
against intervention by the courts.22

 Are these laws effective? : These laws have in many ways caused a lot of problems
to the tribal’s and the scheduled castes by negating the spirit of the various safeguards
available to the scheduled tribes under the constitution and other laws in the country.
The act providing 'land for land' has become a nightmare for the government and has
become a stumbling block for ensuring industrialisation. As per the Unlawful

22
Chhattisgarh Specal Public Securities Act, 2006

27
 activities prevention act (UAPA) the government has banned all organisations that
have any connections with any Naxal movements like the MCC or the CPI-M
(Marxist-Leninist). There was no need of this bill to tackle Naxalism. This bill was
formulated, only to silence the appropriate discord and dissent brewing in the minds
of people in the areas affected by Naxalism due to persistent ignorance by the
government to their situation. This Bill has also failed to make a distinction between
the anti-social, anti-national elements from the people who are peace loving. 23

 CSPS Bill, 2005: It provides the District Magistrate unconditional powers to notify
places which he thinks are being used for unlawful activities without any prior
notification. There is no requirement of production of anything as evidence to prove
that the said place is being used for unlawful activities. It is just a violation of
principles of natural justice as the aggrieved parties don't even get a fair hearing. This
bill also provides that any revision application has to be filed with the High court
only, challenging the validity of the order of the government. This petition has to be
filed within 30 days and that no court has the jurisdiction against any decision of the
court. Any kind of application or form of revision or injunction by a court or officer
except for the High court and the Supreme Court regarding any action to be taken as
a follow up to the order of the government has been barred in this Bill. So it can be
said that this bill was totally uncalled for and has only be brought to act as a
blandishment to the people.

 THE DEBATE BETWEEN VIOLENCE AND DEVELOPMENT

The situation has now turned into a war of attrition where both sides are continuously
taking losses without an outright resolution either way. There is a vicious cycle of
violence where, after decades of conflict, both sides have committed atrocities that
have made it harder for them to reconcile their differences and come to the
negotiating table.
Critics of the Government’s response have pointed out that the years of conflict have
produced no peace, while further damaging the lives of those living in Naxal affected
areas. They suggest that the Government’s objectives would be better served by

23
Reashttp://www.indiafutureofchange.com/featureEssay_D0012.htm

28
focusing on economic development, and that the ‘state of siege’ under constant Army
presence has only perpetuated the violence. However, the Government counters this
by pointing out the Naxalites’ refusal to negotiate peace and continued insistence on
armed revolution. In the meantime, the real losers in the situation are the poor
peasants that both sides claim to be working for.

29
 IV. FIELD WORK

4.1 Field work

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE: 1

SECTION A

PLACE : GUMLA DATE : 26/1/2019 TIME : 10.00A.M.

NAME : ABHISHEK LAKRA

AGE : 25

POST : TEACHER

SECTION B

30
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32
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 V. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS

Therefore the state must start to fight the conflict legally, minimize collateral damage,
strengthen the leadership of the security forces and abstain from any human rights violation.
The security forces should better start protecting the population living within the area of
conflict instead of merely confronting the Maoists on large scale. The Naxalite movement
must be challenged politically by presenting better alternatives to the Maoist approach and
offer new perspectives. In this regard the state should start addressing the basic needs of the
poor and fulfilling its main responsibilities to deliver human development to these
disadvantaged areas.

Out of the different issues that India is fighting, the issue of the Naxal insurgency is one of
the most critical. This is a Maoist Communist rebellion that seeks to overthrow the Indian
Government, and has been at war with the country for almost 50 years. Here is a summary of
the whole story and where it stands today.

It started in 1967 in the village of Naxalbari in West Bengal, which went on give its name to
the movement as a whole. A violent agitation had ignited when a tribal youth was attacked by
a landlord due to a land dispute. It soon grew to a widespread peasant revolt that spread from
West Bengal to the less developed neighboring states of Odisha and Andhra Pradesh and
beyond. Naxalism gained popularity among Dalits and tribal people living in these areas as
Naxals helped them fight against exploitation at the hands of major Indian corporations and
local government officials.

Their ideology is usually called Maoism, referring to the Communist ideology of Chinese
leader Mao Zedong, who advocated a violent overthrow of the government in a people’s
revolution. This ideology caused a split in the Communist Party of India between those who
supported violence and those who didn’t.

Revolutionary leader Charu Mujumdar was of the view that peasants can only overcome their
problems by overthrowing the Indian state and landlords/upper castes who were the main
culprits for their plight. The insurgents blame the Government for ignoring the needs of the
peasants and supporting their oppressors.

35
The Naxalite Movement is now spread across 12 states and the most acutely affected are
Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Orissa and West Bengal.
There is a ‘Red Corridor’ consisting of large parts of eastern and central India.
Naxalites have a history of disruptive behavior like preventing people from voting and
demolishing government buildings and infrastructure. They have also resorted to violent
attacks on security forces and government officials. The insurgency has grown more violent
with time, such that the past 20 years of conflict have resulted in the deaths of over 13,000
people.
The Government of India has tended to respond with heavy force to Naxal activity, with
sporadic periods of sustained offensives. One such offensive, sometimes called ‘Operation
Steeplechase,’ was launched by PM Indira Gandhi in 1971 as a massive operation involving
both police and Army forces. This operation saw hundreds of Naxal insurgents killed and
over 20,000 suspects arrested. The controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA)
has been instituted in the worst affected areas, giving the Army sweeping powers to detain
suspects outside the judicial process.

The need for alternative solutions has also seen the Central Government pass laws (like the
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007 and the Forest Rights Act, 2006) aimed at
uplifting the economic situation of people living in Naxal affected areas. However, efforts to
boost socio-economic development in backward areas have been impeded by regular Naxalite
disruption.

Unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, equipped with cameras, data and video links are the
latest weapons to be deployed against Naxals in India. Developed by Hindustan Aeronautics,
each machine will cost at least Rs 18 lakh. Will they work to contain or subdue what the
prime minister has called the “greatest threat to India’s internal security?” I doubt.

The Naxal — or Maoist — agitations in the country today are different from, say, the AASU-
sponsored violence in Assam or the Khalistan-inspired violence in Punjab in the 1980s, or
even the militancy in Jammu & Kashmir. The violence in Assam, Punjab and Jammu &
Kashmir were orchestrated, at least initially, by close-knit organisations with a clear-cut
agenda of breaking away from mainstream India on ethnic or religious grounds. Today’s
Naxal movements have no such goals.

36
Reckoned conservatively, Naxal activity in India today spreads across 90 districts in 10
states: Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa,
Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. A look at this list will convince you that these
movements aren’t driven by the urge to break away from the country based on one
geographical, ethnic or linguistic drive: at least six languages are spoken by the natives of
these 10 states.

But cutting across this diversity, there are some startling similarities about the condition of
people living there. To start with, they are poor. Studies show that 85 of the country’s 100
poorest districts are in seven of those 10 states. In the Naxal-affected districts, 32% of the
population is below the officially-measured poverty line, compared to 24% elsewhere.

Second, in these districts, state governments have a terrible record of delivering public goods
and services. Only 68% of homes in Naxal-affected districts get safe drinking water, in other
places, the number is 74%.

Many of these problems have to do with one simple fact: the people living in these areas are
tribals who, on paper, receive special rights and privileges but are actually subject to brutal
discrimination in India’s caste-conscious society. Even in West Bengal’s so-called socialist
utopia, in dry areas where a single source of water, like a well or a pond, has to be shared by
many households, the tribal is the last person in queue to get her bucketful.

Babus in state and district administrations are mostly drawn from the local elite, and their
sympathies lie entirely with ‘their’ people. So, they pour whatever resources they have in
better-off, urban, upper-caste areas. The tribal areas remain backward. What else explains the
fact that only 43% of women in tribal, Naxal-affected areas get skilled medical attention
during pregnancy, when 51% of women elsewhere get the same care?

If you place a map of India listing its mineral resources over another map marking areas of
Naxal influence, the two would overlap almost perfectly. The poorest areas of the country are
rich in coal, iron ore and bauxite seams but the ‘curse of minerals’ has gripped the area.

Coal mining was nationalised in the 1970s and, almost immediately, most activities
surrounding the actual mining were hived off to efficient private operators: the mining mafia.
Around Dhanbad and Asansol in the east, the coal mafia controlled everything: trucking,

37
transportation, the movement of railway wagons and labour contracts. With money came
political power. We’ve seen something similar in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, where the
Bellary brothers, who control large mining leases, have acquired enough clout to bring the
BJP government of Karnataka to its knees.

None of that is good news for the people who live there. The power of local mining overlords
makes it easy for them to muscle into tribal land, fell forests and sell off timber as well as the
minerals under the ground. This robs locals of land and forest resources. Over time, anger
builds up.

It’s easy to jump to the conclusion that the Naxal areas are hotbeds of crime and violence.
Research by economist Vani K Borooah, of the University of Ulster, throws cold water on
that assumption. After comparing rates of violent crimes, crimes against women and against
public order across all Indian districts with Naxal-affected ones, he finds that Naxal-affected
areas are in many ways less crime-prone than other parts.

He also finds, unsurprisingly, that urban areas are more crime-prone than rural ones — where
Naxals largely operate — that poverty has little role in influencing the number of violent
crimes, but riots and arson were more likely in poorer areas. Conflicts over drinking water led
to higher crime rates, as did discrimination against scheduled tribes.

Though Borooah finds it hard to explain why criminal activity is lower in Naxal areas than in
others, he has a provocative suggestion: “Judging from the experience of Northern Ireland, it
is plausible that Naxalites — like the Loyalist and Republican paramilitary forces in Northern
Ireland — also enforce law and order in their areas of influence.”

The Naxal issue is complex, widespread and rooted in local factors. The government can’t
end Naxalism by sending the military into villages and jungles. And it won’t help to club
Naxals as terrorists and book suspects under harsh laws.

Last year, a report on Naxalism, published by the Planning Commission, made this accurate
observation: “Mobilising the support of the people is also absolutely essential to weaken the
support base of the Naxals. The political parties are not playing their role in this regard. The
representatives of major political parties have virtually abdicated their responsibility.”

38
Perhaps the only exception to this was Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, which
backed a police boycott movement called PCAPA in the western, tribal belt of Bengal. But as
soon as the state cracked down on the PCAPA, Trinamool support for it withered.

To get Naxals into the political mainstream, the political mainstream has to make the first
move. And to do that, the government has to take the first step to reconciliation. Otherwise,
which politician would like to be seen hobnobbing with people branded as Naxals and
terrorists?

SUGGESTIONS……………

The complexity of the causes of the Naxalite problem as well as its implications both for
internal and external security reflect a solution that is multi-dimensional and calls for a
synergy between the central governments and the states. In order to comprehensively dissolve
the Naxalite threat, the government has to address its root causes. Socio-economic alienation
and the dissatisfaction with the widening economic and political inequality will not be solved
by military force alone, which seems to be the main instrument employed by the government.
The problem calls for a three-pronged solution: social and economic development, multi-
lateral dialogue and military force.

Socio-economic development: As the Naxalites are fuelled by discontent from the

marginalized and the poor, a larger percentage of the national budget must be allocated to
addressing the needs of these regions. More of the national expenditure needs to be focused
on developing these poorer regions through initiatives regarding health, education, social
welfare and rural and urban development. Government service delivery should be improved
in these tribal areas. Both state and government must ensure that things such as statutory
minimum wages, access to land and water sources initiatives are implemented. In coming up
with strategies for national economic growth, the government must always bear in mind the
possible effects of fast growth for all socio-economic groups in a country as large and diverse
as India. If the social needs of these marginalized people are addressed, there will be no
discontent to fuel the Naxalite’s movements.

Dialogue : Second, the government should initiate sincere dialogue with these marginalised
groups, the Naxalites and state leaders. The popularity of Naxalites with the adivasis is a
reflection of the fact that the government has been unaware or “unapologetically indifferent

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to their plight”. By communicating and starting a dialogue between these stakeholders, these
groups will feel that they being listened to. By opening dialogue, the government can give
opportunity for the rebels to join the mainstream by showing them that solutions can be
created together with the government, by being part of the political system in a legitimate
way. They no longer need to resort to violence to get the state’s attention. For example, the
former director-general of AP concluded that as a result of the ceasefire and dialogue with
Maoists in 2004, the violence in the state decreased by 80-90 percent in the region. As David
Pilling noted, the challenge for India’s leaders will be to allow the necessary development in
these poverty-stricken areas while acknowledging the rights of a neglected indigenous group.

Military: Currently, the main instrument employed by the government to address the
Naxalite threat is the increasing use of the military. While some military force is still needed
to combat against the Maoist guerrillas, it should not be the only solution. By only addressing
the issue by brute force, government risks alienating civilians who are caught in the middle.
Coercion of the state will only encourage people to rally against it.

Governance: The growing Naxalite insurgency also reflects a flaw in the federal structure.
Because law and order is seen as a state responsibility, the central government is unable to be
implementing a coherent national strategy to address the threat. Ganguly notes that “in the
absence of a near complete breakdown of public order or without the express request of the
afflicted state, the central government cannot intervene.” The government has the overall
responsibility of mobilizing development, but it cannot do so without the support of the
states. The central government and the states need to cooperate together to solve the internal
security threats and co-ordinate the implementation of this multi-dimensional approach. Both
organizations must complement and support each other’s initiatives and strategies.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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