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Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Allen, Archlbald:
The Fragments of Mimnerrnus : text and commentary I
Archibald Allen. - Stuttgart : Steiner, 1993
(palingenesia; Bd. 44)
NE: Mimnerrnus <Colophonius>: Fragments; Mimnerrnus
<Colophonius>: [Sammlung] Fragments; GT

Jede Verwertung des Werkes außedJalb der Grenzen des Umeberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig und
strafbar. Dies gilt insbesondere für Übersetzung, Nachdruck, Mikroverfilmung oder vergleichbare
Verfahren sowie für die Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen. © 1993 by Franz Steiner Verlag
Wiesbaden GmbH, Sitz Stuttgart. Druck: Druckerei Peter Proff, Eurasburg.
Printed in Germany

George Huxley

Preface ............................................................................................................i
TESTIMONIA ............................................................................................... 3
Mimnerrnus' Life ........................................................................................... 9
Writings .................................................................................. 20
Manuscripts .................................................................................................. 30

F 1 1 W = 7 G-P ........................................................................ 31
2 2 8 ................................................................................ 40
3 3 9 ........... ......... ....... .......... ........................................... 51
4 4 1 ....... ...... ................................................................... 53
5 5 1 ................................................................................ 58
6 6 11 ................................................................................ 64
7 7 12 ................................................................................ 69
8 8 2 ................................................................................ 72
9 9 3 ................................................................................ 74
10 10 4 ............................................. ...... ............ .... .... .... .. ... 86
11 11/11a 10 ................................................................................ 87
12 12 5 ............................. ...... ........ ..................................... 94
13 13a 21 .............................................................................. 110
14 13 22 .............................................................................. 113
15 14 23 .............................................................................. 116
16 15/16 13 .............................................................................. 123
17 17 15 .............................................................................. 125
18 18 16 .............................................................................. 128
19 19 18 ..... .................... ...................... ...................... .... ..... 129
20 20 20 .............................................................................. 132
21 21 19 .............................................................................. 133
22 21a 24 .............................................................................. 135
23 22 17 .............................................................................. 136
24 24 6 .............................................................................. 138
25 25 14 .............................................................................. 139

Appendix A ....................................... ......................................................... 140

Appendix B ................................................................................................ 146
Selected Bibliography ................................................................................ 157
Index .......................................................................................................... 166

Mimnennus has never had a full edition to himself in any language, the
dosest thing still being N. Bach's Mimnermi Colophonii carminum quae
supersunt with its epimetrum ad Solonem poetam, published almost one hun-
dred and seventy years ago. This Text and Commentary then might be said to
fill a gap.
Anybody who has worked on the texts of the early Ionian elegists in the
past fifteen years or so must confess indebtedness to the editorial expertise of
M.L. West, Iambi et Elegi Graeci (1971-72) and B. Gentili & C. Prato, Poetae
Elegiaci (1977/19882). Let me add, however, that while I have found both of
those editions to be extremely useful, I have kept as dose as possible to the
numbering of Mimnermus' fragments employed by West, who followed Bergk.
Since I suppose that Minmermus' Nanno, in two Alexandrian book-rolls, con-
tained all of our surviving fragments, I have feIt no need to group together those
fragments which are said specifically to come from Nanno, and then to
speculate on the placement of the rest; in short, the complicated re-numbering
of the fragments offered by Gentili-Prato seems to me to be without good
On practical maUers, I may note that scholarly editions are cited usually
by editors' names only and other scholarly works by years of publication, with
full references for both in the Bibliography. Abbreviations are largely con-
ventional or fairly obvious (so, e.g., F = fragment, T = testimonium, H.h. =
Homeric hymn). Unless printed otherwise, all ancient dates are B.e.
I am grateful to Prof. D.E. Gerber and Prof. R. Hamilton who read an
earlier draft of my manuscript and offered a number of helpful suggestions. I
should also like to thank Prof. P. Steinmetz and Prof. O. Lendle for accepting
the work for publicarion in their Palingenesia series, and Diane E. Smith,
Scholarly Typesetter, who prepared the camera-ready copy. And, finally, to
Dr. G. Huxley, my dedicatee, I offer a special note of thanks. He introduced
me to Mimnermus et al. when I was a student at Queen's, Belfast, patiently
supervised my initial researches into fragmentary texts (diss. Belfast 1970), and
has been a firm friend across Ocean' s streams ever since.

Washington, D.e. January 1993

& University Park,

The most comprehensive co11ection of Mirnnerman testimonia is that of

Szadeczky-Kardoss 1959 (= S-K). It numbers 100 items, including the poetical
fragments, a11 arranged in chronological order, from the Archaic age to the
Medieval period. Its large total is to be explained, however, by the device of
double and even tripie listings, and by the inclusion of dubia and spuria; for a
stiff review, see A.P. Burnett, CP 56 (1961) 264 ff.
The Gentili-Prato co11ection (= G-P), with 22 items, is much more man-
ageable and useful and serves as a model for the present compilation. Thus Tl
- T3 have to do with dates and facts; T4 - TlO contain possible fact and probable
fancy about Mirnnermus' work; Tll - Tl7 are concerned with bis reputation in
antiquity and beyond; and Tl8 - T23, corresponding closely to 17-22 G-P,
preserve various assertions about Mimnermus and the elegiac metre.
The testimonia are presented here without critical notes; textual problems
will be considered infra.

1(1 G-P; 77 S-K)

Suda s.v. Millvepll0<; (ITI 397, no. 1077 Adler)

Atyup-ruuoou, KoA.oqxOvtO<; 11 Lllupveiio<; 11 'Aem>1tcxAcm:l><;,

v..eyet01tot6<;. ,,/qove O· bet 'til<; A~' 'OAU!!1ttUOO<;, cix; 1tpCYtepe6etv 'trov
~' aO<pCOv. 'ttvE<; OE cxu'tOt<; KCXt aunpovEtv Aqouatv. €KcxAet'tO OE KCXt
AtYUCXta'tu&,<; Ota. 'tO €!!1lfAf.<; KCXt At'yl>. eypcx'l'e ßtßAicx t 'tcx1hcx

2 (4 G-P; 27 S-K)
Strabo 14.643

ävope<; O· qEvOV'tO KOAoqxOVtot 'trov IlVl1JlOveoOJlEvCOV MiJlvepJlO<;,

CXUATrrf1<; ällcx KCXt 1tOtlltTt<; €'Aeydcx<;.

3 (6 G-P)
Ael. Herodianus. Kcx8oAtKi, ITpoacototcx, Cod. Vindob. Rist. gr. 10 F 1" (ed.
H. Hunger, Jahrb. d. öster. byzant. Gesellschaft 16 [1967] 20)

KOAcxproVtCXK6<; ... MtJlv€pJlOU 'tou KOAO<p<OVtCXKOU

4 Teslimonia

4 (2 G-P; 5, 41 S-K)
Hennesianax F 7.35-40 Powell (ap . Athen. 13.597a)

Mif.l.vepf.l.o~ OE, 'tov Muv ö~ EÜpetO 1to')..).JJv av(l"tM~

~XOV Kat f.l.aA.aKOO 1tVeUf.I.' U1tO 1tEVtal1{'tpou,
Kaieto f.l.Ev Nawou~, 1tOAu'Jn 0' mt 1tOANXKt A.oYcon
1CVTlf.l.(09Et~ Krof.l.OU~ dXE aUv 'ESaJ.l.UTJt ·
t-riÖTJX9Ed Ö' 'EpJ.l.oßwv 'tOV ud ßapuv -riöE cI>EPEKA.TlV
Ex9p6v, J.l.tmloa~ ot' UV€1t€J.l.\jftv rnr,.

5 (3 G-P; 9, 84 S-K)
Posidippus AP 12.168 (= 3086-93 Gow-Page)

Nawou~ Kat AuÖTJ~ miXEt Mo, Kat t CPEPEKUO'tOU

MtJ.l.v€pJ.l.OU .Kat 'too oc.Ocpp<Ovo~ 'Avn~xou·
OUYX::EpCtOOV 'tov 1tEJ.l.1t'tOV EJ.l.OU, 'tov ö' ElC'tOV E!cao'tou,
'HAt6ÖffiP " Et1tae;;, ö<me;; EPffiV lfruXtv·
eßöo!!ov 'Hotoöou, 'tov Ö' Ö'yooov d1toV 'O!!TJPOU,
'tov 0' Eva'tov MoU<Jrov, MVll!!ooUVlle;; oEKa'tov.
!!w'tov t>11:EP XEtAOUe;; 1tio!!Ctt, KU1tpt, 't&Ma 0' ''Epffi't~
vi]cpov't ' oivm9€v't' oUxt A1TJV {ixaptv.

6 (13 G-P; 8, 12,43 S-K)

Alexander Aetol. F 5. 1-5 Powell (ap . Athen. 14.699b)

ffi<; 'Aya90KA.tto~ Mmm CPPEvtc;; TlAaoav ESffi

1ta'tpiöoe;;, upxaimv ~v 00' UvTlP 1tPOYOVffiV,
doffi<; EK VEÜ'tT]'tOe;; ud Sdvototv O!!tAE'iV
sE'ivoe;;·Mt!!v€p!!oU 0' Eie;; rno~ {iKPOV irov
1tatoo!!avi]e;; Ev Epffi'tt 1tO't' ~v toov ...

7 (7 G-P; 41 S-K)
Athenaeus 13.597a

1tapEAt1tOV OE Kat 'tf]V Mt!!VEP!!OU aUATJ'tpioa Nawro Kat 'tf]v

'Ep!!TJotavalC'to~ 'too KOAocpffiViou Arovnov.

8 (5 G-P; 3, 33 S-K)
Ps. Plut. De musica 8 (= Hipponax F 146 Degani, F 153 West)

ICat äMoe;; 0' EO'ttV upxa'ioe;; VO!!O~ KaAOUJ.l.€VO~ Kpaoia~, OV cpTJmv

'I1t1t&vas MiJ.l.vepJ.l.Ov aUATlOat. Ev uPXTlt yap €AtyE'ia
J.l.€J.l.tAo1tOtTJJ.l.Eva oi aUAmtoot ~toov.
Archibald Allen 5

9 (9 G-P; 46 S-K)
Porphyrio ad Hor. Epist. 2.2.101 (Holder p. 399)

Mimnemms duos libros <luculentibus> scripsit.

10 (10 G-P; 10 S-K)

Callimachus Aetia I F 1.9-12 Pfeiffer

&lli Ka8&.LKet
1tOJ AU 'tl]V J.l.aKpT)v oJ.l.1tVta E>roJ.l.<><pOpo[t;·
'COlV oe] ~tV MiJ.l.vepJ.l.O~ ö'Ct YAUKU~, a Li Ka'Cu 4mov
. . . . .. ] T)• J.l.C'Y''\ . S:'
al\.T) •
u OUK wtuu-:,e YUVT).

10A (44 S-K)

Schol. Flor (PSI XI [1935] No. 1219 F 1, 12-15)

1tapa] 'Ci8etai 'Ce bv o(uY)Kpi(Jet 'Cu oAiyrov mi-

X(rov) ov]'C(a) 1totftJ.l.a'Ca MtJ.l.vipJ.l.QU 'Cou Ko-
M<pro]vioo Kat <l>t"-ha 'CoU KOHOU ßeA'Ciova
'C(rov) 1tOA]UO'CtXrov au'C(rov) <P&OKroV etvat [ ....

lOB (28 S-K)

Schol. Lond. (P. Ut. Lond. [1927] No. 181, co!. II, 9-13)

Tl'COt 1tOAU Ka8&.IKEt Tl 'C(ilv) 1tOAU J.l.UKp(ftV) I

roioa~av ai Ka'Cu AE1t't(OV) I oUK roio(a~ev) i1
J.l.EYaA(T) I Ae'(et ön YAUK(U~) b M{J.l.vepJ.l.o~ I

11 (11 G-P; 22 S-K)

Horace Epist. 2.2.99-101

discedo Alcaeus puncto Ulius; ille meo quis?

quis nisi Callimachus? si plus adposcere visus
fit Mimnermus et optivo cognomine crescit.

12 (12 G-P; 20 S-K)

Propertius 1.9.11-12

plus in amore valet Mimnermi versus Homero:

carmina mansuetus lenia quaerit Amor.

13 (14 G-P; 31 S-K)

CIG II 2.3376
6 Testimonia

'tfKVOt<;. nO(1tAt09 netprolvtO<; 'AXo.uco<; 'tEtJlT) lee\.<; \!fll<picsJlo.cstv KaI. I

cs'te<p<lvw8d<; XPooflu)t cs'tapWWt U1tO -yepoulcsio.<;, VfwV MtJlvepJl€iou, I
1to.toeu'trov CSUVOÖOu' 'AXo.tKe xo.tpe

14 (13a [Addenda, p. 246] G-P; 29 S-K)

Apollonius Tyaneus, Epist. 71 Penella<; oi>oe 'tOt<; 'tcl<püt<; eKetvOt oexOtv't' ö.v ä'te o.-yviO'to.<; o.{)'tOt<;
-YeYOJlEvOU<;, -Yf.. 1tP6'tepov 'hpffirov ~v OVOJl<l'to. KaI. Vo.UJlclXrov KaI.
vOJl08etrov, VUVI. Oe AeuKOAA.wV 'te KaI. <l>o.uptKicov KaI. AeuKavtrov
'trov Jlo.Ko.ptroV. 'EJlOI. JlEv etT) Jlillov ÖVOJl<l MiJlvepJlO<;.

IS (8 G-P; 50 S-K)
Solinus 40.6 (Col/ectanea rerum memorabilium rec. Th. Mornrnsen [Berlin
18952] p. 167).

ingenia Asiatica inclita per gentes fuere. poetae Anacreon inde Mimner-
mus et Antimachus (T 11 Wyss), deinde Hipponax (T 66 Degani),
deinde Alcaeus, inter quos etiam Sappho mulier.

16 (15 G-P)
Janus Lascaris Ep. 20 (Epigrammi Greci ed. A. Meschini [Padova 1976]
p. 49)

Jlktpov MtJlvfpJlou KaI. Bo.'t'ttclÖOu 'to 'tep1tVOV

O"Ö'tOt liveu Jlktprov f,(}'tt Jl<leetV rnfwv.
d 0' OAt-YOt<; eA.eyOt<; cs1truoet<;, o.Kixmo. OtroKEt<; ·
t~ 1tp6tepo<; ßatvet, 1tMe 1tOCSI.V 0' etepo<;.

17 (16 G-P; 100 S-K)

Petrus Alcyonius, Medices legatus sive de exilio I
Petri Alcyonii Medices legatus sive de exilio libri duo .. .cum praejatione Jo.
Burchardi Menckenii et indice copioso (Analecta de calamitate litteratorum),
Lipsiae 1707. p. 69.

Audiebam etiam puer ex Demetrio Chalcondyla, Graecarum rerum

peritissimo, sacerdotes Graecos tanta floruisse auctoritate apud Caesares
Byzantinos, ut integra, illorum gratia, complura de veteribus Graecis
poemata combusserint inprimisque ea ubi amores, turpes lusus et nequitiae
amantium continebantur, atque ita Menandri, Diphili, Apollodori,
Philemonis, Alexis fabellas, et Sapphus, Erinnae, Anacreontis, Mimnermi,
Bionis, Alcmanis, Alcaei carmina intercidisse.
Archibald Allen 7

18 (17 G-P; 49 S-K)

Ps.-Censorinus, De musica. Gramm. Lat. ree. H. Keil VI, 607-08.

Priorest musica inventione metriea. Cum sint enim antiquissimi poetarum

Homerus, Hesiodus, Pisander, hos secuti elegiarii Callinus (T 4 G-P),
Mimnermus . . .

19 (18 G-P; 55 S-K)

Seholia Bobiensia in Cic. pro. Archia 25 (Hildebrandt, p. 164) = Aristot. F
676 Rose.

Primus autem videtur elegiaeum earmen scripsisse Callinos (T 3 G-P).

Adicit Aristoteles praeterea hoc genus poetas Antimaehum Colofonium
(T 10 Wyss), Arehilochum Parium, Mimnermum Colofonium, quorum
numero additur etiam Solon ...

20 (19 G-P; 71 S-K)

Photius, Biblioth. eod. 239 (Procli Chrestomathia), 24-27, p. 319b, 6-14.
A. Severyns, Recherehes sur la Chrestomathie de Proclus. Le codex 239 de
Photius 11 (Lic~ge-Paris 1938) p. 38.

Akyn OE (sc. Proclus) KaI. apl<J'tcikml 'trol ~PCI)t KaU'ivov 'tE 'tov
'E<poowv (T 14 G-P) KaI. Millvep~v 'tov KoA.o<p<Ovwv, a')..)..,O. Kat
'tov 'tO'u TllAhpov <l>v..."'tav 'tov Krowv (T 8a Kuehenmüller) Kat
KaUi/lUXov'tov Bcl't'tou ...

20A (76, 87 S-K)

Canones Byzantini, Tab. M, poetae elegiaei.
O. Kroehnert, Canonesne poetarum scriptorum artificum per antiquitatem
fuerunt? (Königsberg 1897) p. 6.

'EA.eyEt01tOlll'tat 0'· KaU'iv~, MiIlVep~~, <l>tA.iJ't~, KaUi/lUXo~.

Tab. C (Kroehnert, op. cit. p. 13), eod. N. (add. H. Rabe, Rh. Mus. 65 [1910]

20B (90 S-K)

Tzetzes in Lyeophr. Alex. (n, p. 3 Seheer)
8 Testimonia

21 (20 G-P; 51 S-K)

Marius Plotius Saeerdos, Artes Gramm. III 3 Gramm. Lat. ree. H. Keil IV,

Auetorem vero huius metri, id est elegiaei, alii Pythagoram, alii Ortugen,
non nulli Mimnermum dicunt.

21A (54 S-K)

Marius Vietorinus, Ars gramm. III. Gramm. Lat. ree. H. Keil VI 107.

Quod metrum invenisse ferturCallinous Ephesius. Alii vero Arehilochum

eius auetorem tradiderunt, quidam Colophonium quendam, super quo-
rum opinione apud grammatieos magna dissensio est.

218 (70 S-K)

Isidorus Hispalensis, Orig. I 39,14-15.
Isidori Hispalensis . . .Etymologiarum sive Originum libri XX, ree. W.M.
Linsay, I, 39,14-15.

Nam quidam eorum Colophonium quendam, quidam Arehilochum

auetorem atque inventorem volunt.

22 (21 G-P; 17,67,86 S-K)

Orio S.v. €ACYO~ = Didymus F 1.
Orionis Thebani Etymologieon, ed. F.G. Sturzius (1820), eol. 58.

Didymi.. jragmenta .. .eolleg. et dispos. M. Sehmidt (1854), p. 387.

EuPetlJv OE 'tot> fAeyeiou oi. !lht 'tov 'ApxtAoxov, oi. OE MtIlVePIlOV, oi.
OE KaUtvov 1taA..a.lOtepov (T 5 G-P).

Cf. Etym. Gudianum s.v. €Ae'YO~ (p. 452 De Stefani):

EupetlJv OE tfl~ fAeyda~ oi. IlEv 'tov 'Apxv.oxov, oi. OE MiIlVepJlO~, oi.
OE KaMtVOV 1taA..a.lOtepov.

23 (22 G-P; 7,42,81 S-K)

Athenaeus 14.620e

XaWX,tAEroV OE (F 28 Wehrli) ~ 't&t n;ept :I:'t11cJtXopOU KatllEArotÖTl-

eTlvai <P1l<ilV oU J.L6vov 'tu 'Üllftpou, aMa Kat 'tu 'HcJtoöou Kat
'ApxtAOxOU (T 32 Tard.), ett OE Mtllvepllou Kat <1>C:OlCUAiöou.

Solon of Athens, solar eclipses, and excavations in Turkey all have some-
thing to offer on the dating of Mimnermus, but the most reliable guide to his
date, no less than the date of Archilochus, is Gyges of Lydia.1
The elegy (v..qEla) which Pausanias (9.29.4 = F 14) says that Mimnermus
composed on 'the battle' (-rf1V llaX1lv) between the Smymaeans and Lydians
under Gyges is to be identified with the work which a commentator on
Antimachus calls Smyrneis, for the couplet which he quotes from this Smyrneis
(F 13) refers to a king and his men on the field of battle, and the title implies
a Smymaean focus. The distinct title, the surviving couplet, which emails
oratio recta, and Pausanias' testimony to an ornate proem in which two gen-
erations of the Muses were named, all suggest that the Smyrneis was a com-
paratively lengthy, narrative elegy. As such, it cannot have been the source of
F 15, which celebrates a hero who routed Lydian cavalry in the plain of the
Hermus river, for that fragment is too personal and concise to have come from
an expansive battle poem. 2 But the e1egy ofwhich F 15 is part and the Smyrneis
both had to do with the same battle. The hero will have been a Smymaean,
since the valley of the Hermus was the natural place for Smymaeans to resist
advancing Lydians (see MAP, p. 79), and the cavalry will have been Gyges'
cavalry, since the Smymaeans' stand ag,ünst Gyges was their only memorable
stand against any of the Lydian kings. 3

1 On the chronology of the Lydian kings, see Kaletsch 1958; for the importance of
Gyges in dating Archiloctms, see F. Jacoby, 'The Date of Archilochus,' CQ 35 (1941) 97 ff.
2 My assumption that Mimnermus speaks in F 15 in propria persona will probably
strike some readers as somewhat rash, or at least a bit quaint. Let me note in passing,
therefore, that I am weil aware of the risks which accompany biographical interpretations of
fragmentary Greek poetry; cf., of course, Dover 1963, 203 f. and 211 f., and, for a gloomy
assessment of the value of seeming references to self and kin in Mimnermus' fragments, see
Tsagarakis 1977,26 ff. But an overly cautious approach in one case may be just as unsat-
isfactory as an overly credulous one in another; for full and balanced discussion, with special
reference to the practices of A1caeus, Alcman, and Archilochus, see W. Rösler, 'Persona reale
o persona poetica? L'interpretazione deli' 'io' nella lirica greca arcaica,' QUCC n.s. 19 (1985)
131 ff. If Mimnermus is not speaking in propria persona in F 15, the speaker will have to
be identified as a character in a narrative poem of sufficient size and scope to contain direct
discourse. Whatever might have been the subject of such a poem, it obviously could not have
been the battle by the river, which the speaker recalls tangentially in a dozen or so lines.
3 Rhianus may have referred to it in his Messeniaka, since Pausanias (whose source for
Messenian history made use of !hat third century epic) teils how Aristomenes and Theoclus
lried to inspire courage in the Messenians during the defence of Ira by recalling the
Smymaeans' bravery in expelling Gyges from their city: Kat Lf.l.upvairov 'tU 'tOAI.tTU.t.a'ta
10 Mimnennus' Life

Mimnennus heard about the hero's bravery from his elders, who had seen
the man in action: 'to'tov €~ 1tpo'tEprov, 01. ioov ... (F 15.2). One
is not obliged to believe that those elders are still alive, for present tense may readily refer to an act of leaming in past time. 4 Besides, the
poet's own elders were obviously not the city's sole eyewimesses to the heroic
feat, and if they are still alive some of those other eyewitnesses, the 1tpo'tEPOt
of men in the poet's audience, are probably also still living. But €J.l.eU ('my
elders') is exclusive, denoring sources of information which are not available to
the audience. It is probably better therefore to suppose that all of the eyewit-
nesses are now dead, and that Mimnennus refers to his 1tPO'tEpOt in the manner
of an historian eiring his sources, authorities from an earlier day.5 Since Gyges'
campaigns against the Greek eities may be dated roughly to the decade 670-60,6
the generation of Smyrnaeans who were of Eghting age when the hero excelled
hirnself may be presumed to have passed away by c. 610 at the latest, so that
Mimnennus will have written his rousing lines on the battle by the Hennus in
the closing years of the seventh century, when Smyrna was again threatened by
a Lydian king. The more leisurely Smyrneis will have been an earlier compo-
Alyattes mounted his massive anack on Smyrna in the early years of his
reign, and excavation has revealed that the city was captured and de:.;troyed
about the year 600, after a spectacular siege.7 The weeks before the siege, when
the Lydian menace was looming, will have been the time for hortatory elegy in
the style of Callinus and Tyrtaeus, and F 15 would seem to belong to just that
SOft of elegy. Employing a venerable technique, the poet draws a shaming
contrast between the hero's bravery and his listeners' sloth or cowardice: 'not
his such a feeble spirit (as you display) ... .'8
To those same anxious weeks may have belonged the elegy which sur-
vives only in the six lines ofF 9. Mimnennus teils how 'we' sailed from Pylos
to Asia and settled with overwhelming force at Colophon, 'instigators of painful

avalltllvl](J1COVm;, cO.; 'Irovrov Ilo'lpa ov'tec; rUY'1V 'tov ßW::J1cUAoU KaI. AuöoUC; ExOV'tEC; oeprov
Ti]v ltOAtv apETi\c; KaI. ltp09Ulllac; €KßtiAotEV (4.21 5). On Rhianus and the date of
Aristomenes (probably early fifth century), see Huxley 1962, 89 ff.
4 Cf., e.g., Pind. Pylh. 4.109- 10, lteU90llat,.up nEAlav .. .an()(J\)A.aoat; Thucyd. 7.12.2,
Otavoouv'tm rUp, cO.; f:yOO ltUv9<iv0llm; Xen. Anab. 4.6.17, 'tou'trov Kal.ltUv9<iv0llat än OUK
üßa'tov €o'tt 'to opoc; (Kühner-Gerth 1.135).
5 Cf. Lasserre 1976, 125: 'Les tennes ltPO'tEProv lteU90llat...font I' effet d'une
reference d' historien citant ses sources et monttent a nouveau combien Ie soud d' etre trouve
veridi~ue l' emporte SUT celui de reveiller l' ardeur de son auditoire.'
Cf. Kaletsch 1958, 25 ff., and Dihle 1962,270.
7 See KaIetsch 1958,35 f., and Cook 1958-59,25 ff., with Cook's more recent paper,
'On the Date of Alyattes' Sack of Smyrna,' ABSA 80 (1985) 25 ff.
8 Cf. Jacoby 1918288 ff.; Cook 1958-59,28; Fränkel 1962,239. On hortatory elegy,
see below, p. 21 and note 2.
Archibald Allen 11

hybris;' and setting offfrom there 'we' captured Aeolian Smyrna 'by the gods'
counsel.' The juxtaposed references to hybris and divine counsel or design are
comprehensible only if the capture of Smyrna by the poet's ancestors is
favourably contras ted with his Pylian great-ancestors' forceful settling at ColD-
phon. Mimnermus may be telling his Smyrnaean listeners that, while they do
have the stain of hybris on their ancestral record, they must not resign them-
selves to the imminent Lydian onslaught as something fated, a divine punish-
ment for their ancestors' seizure of Aeolian Smyrna, because that was not just
another adventure in hybris but rather an act sanctioned by the gods them-
Dihle 1962 estimated that Mirnnermus may have been about thirty years
old at the time of Alyattes' attack, but his estimate was based in large part upon
the excessively late date which he assigned to the Ionian capture of Smyrna (an
obvious terminus post quem for Mimnermus ' birth). He dated the capture to the
middle of the seventh century, appealing to Herodotus' account of the wars
waged by the Lydian kings against the Greek cities. Of Gyges, Herodotus says:
~p~e ~ 'te MIATj'tov KaI. ~ LJ.l.UpYT1V, KaI. KoNxp&vo~ 'to äcr't\) etAe (1.14.4).
And of Alyattes, four sentences later, he says: LJ.l.UpYT1V . . .-rilv a7to KOA<><P&VO~
K'tlcrBetcrav etA€. .. (1.16.2). On the strength of that participial phrase,
'colonised from Colophon,' Dihle argued that Herodotus must have placed the
annexation of Smyrna by Colophon between the wars of Gyges and Alyattes,
towards the middle of the century; Mimnermus then was bom in the next
generation, c. 630. But Herodotus' addition of -rilv a7to KOAü<p&vo~ K'tlcrgetcrav
is surely a good example of his 'correction-in-stride' technique;IO he simply
forgot to include the detail in his earlier rnention of Smyrna. Pausanias (5.8.7)
observes that Smyrna was already subject to Ionian rule by 688: 'tpt'tT]l oe
'OAUJ.l.7tHXOl Kat dKOcrTI]l 7tUrvfl~ &BM a7tOOocr<xv. 'Ov6J.l.acr'to~ Oe evtKTjcr€V fK
LJ.l.UPVTj~ cruv't€A.oU(jTj~ ilOTj 'tT]V1Katha ~ '10)va~. And even if Pausanias'
chronology is shaky, as Dihle thought, the archaeological evidence suggests that
the city was under Ionian influence during the ninth century and had become
thoroughly Ionian by the early eighth century, when Aeolian plain grey ware
yields in the records to Ionian painted pottery .11 If therefore the reference to the

9 Gentili 1965, 382, believed that Mimnermus is not spea1cing for his ancestors in F 9;
rather, the lines are spoken by Andraemon, the founder of Colophon (F 10). But even a
mythical founder of Colophon, supposedly sailing from Pylos at the time of the Ionian Mi-
gration, would have been long dead by the time Ionians from Colophon captured Aeolian
Smyma (see following discussion on the date of the 'capture'). Only the poet can say that 'we'
settled at Colophon and then (i.e., generations later) 'we' seized Smyrna. For further discus-
sion, see below.
10 On this Herodotean technique, see R. Lanimore, CP 53 (1958) 10; cf. T.E.V. Pearce,
'Epic Regression in Herodotus,' Eranos 79 (1981) 87 ff.
11 See Cook 1958-59, 13; cf. M. Moggi, I Sinecismi Interstatali Greci (Pisa 1976)
40 ff.
12 Mimnermus' Life

annexation in F 9 is to be used for dating Mimnermus, the best that can be

deduced from it, along with the pertinent external evidence, is that he lived at
some time after the eighth century-certainly not that he was born c. 630.
It is hardly likely that the poet of F 15 and his listeners were of the same
age; rather, the implicit rebuke and the exclusive claim, Ef,LtU 1tp<YtEProv
1tru80f,Lat, point to Mimnermus' seniority. Pasquali 1923, 293 ff. (= 1935, 113
ff.), suggested that Mimnermus may have been named in honour of the cel-
ebrated stand by the river; if his derivation of Mlf,LVepf,LO<; from f,Llf,LV- and
''Epf.!O<; (= 'quegli ehe resista sull' Ermo') could be established (see below, p.
14), it would imply that Mimnelrnus was born not long after the battle--c. 660,
say, at the latest. 12 But of course the name rnay have nothing to do with the
battle by the Hermus; Mimnermus might have been a young boy when the
Smyrnaeans resisted Gyges, emd he could thus have been close to seventy years
of age at the time of Alyattes ' advance.
A dating of Mimnermus' birth to c. 670 will agree with the Suda's notice
(T 1) that he flourished in Olymp. 37 (632-29), and will mean that he was about
thiny years older than Solon, who was born c. 640. 13 An age difference of that
sort will accommodate Solon ' s correction (F 20 West = 26 G- P) of
Mimnermus' wish to die at the age of sixty (F 6). On its own, the correction
provides only a vague terminus ante quem for Mimnermus: he lived no later
than the time of Solon. And it has been read as a mature criticism of a younger
poet (so Wilamowitz 1913, 280) and as a respectful appeal to an older poet (so
Jacoby 1918,279). In light of the extern al evidence, however, Solon must have
been a relatively young man when he advised Mimnermus to wish for death at
the age of eighty rather than sixty. One might even fancy, with Szadeczky-
Kardoss 1942,80 f., that he visited Ionia c. 610, when he was about thiny years
old, and there met Mimnermus, who was then in his sixtieth year, heard hirn
express his wish to die, and urged hirn to emend it. 14
If Plutarch's repon (Mor. 931 e = F 20) that Mimnermus told of a solar
eclipse is correct, and if Mimnermus hirnself witnessed the event, and if he was
in Ionia at the time, the eclipse in question is likely to have been that of 6 April
648n, which was total at Smyma. 15 The phenomenon certainly would have
impressed a youthful Mimnermus, perhaps guaranteeing the sun its seemingly

12 Cf. West 1974, 73, who thought Pasquali's suggestion 'an ingenious conjecture.'
13 For a firm reassertion of the ttaditional dating of Solon' s archonship and reforms to
59413, see Podlecki 1984, 142.
14 FOI further discussion, see below, F 6 Comm.
15 See Th. Ritter von Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse (1887), Eng. ttans. O. Gingerich
(New York 1962) No. 1328; cf. H. Mucke and J. Meeus, Canon der Sonnenfinsternisse -2003
bis +2526 (Wien 1983) 693. The eclipse of 28 May 585/4 (Oppolzer No. 1489; cf. Mucke
and Meeus 697), which was total in Asia Minor and interrupted Alyattes' battle with the
Medes (Herod. 1.74.2), is too late for consideration, if Mimnermus was sixty years old c. 610.
Archibald Allen 13

special place in his poetry.16

'Leaving Pylos, we sailed to Asia and settled at Colophon; and setting off
from there, we captured Aeolian Smyma.... ' Such is the gist of F 9, in which
Mimnermus compresses several centuries of his ancestors' cornings and goings
into three deft couplets. The fragment is examined later in detail, but its men-
tion of Colophon and Smyma may help to throw some light now on the ancient
confusion over Mimnermus' horne city. For although it has been assumed
above that he was a man of Smyma, ancient tradition was not unanimous in
calling Mimnermus a Smymaean. Strabo (14.643 = T 2) names hirn among
famous men of Colophon, and the Suda (T 1) records that he was KOAo<p<.OVto~
11 LJ.lupv(iio~ 11 'A(j'tu1wAau,u~.17
Wilamowitz 1913, 283, thought that Mimnermus speaks in F 9 as a
Colophonian, as a descendant of those immigrants from Pylos who remained in
the city (4, E~OJ.lEB' = 'we are settled') when some of their kinsmen ('we,' by
association) set off and captured Smyma. On the other hand, Jacoby 1918,271,
argued that a Colophonian, speaking in Colophon, scarcely can say, of Colo-
phon, 'setting off from there' (5, Kßt8€V ... ClrtOpwJ.l€VOt): the speaker must be
a Smymaean. Jacoby is surely right, although one cannot help wishing that
MimnemlUs had been less detached in referring to his native city (6, LJ.lUPV1lV
elAoJ.l€V AioAi8a). Yet the remnants and notices of Minmermus' martial poetry
are all on Jacoby's side, and a Smymaean audience would have had a special
interest in Niobe (F 19) and the goddess Athena CF 15.5 and F 21).
Whatever may have been the date of Smyma's annexation by Colophon
(on which see above, p. 11), Mimnermus' readiness to identify hirnself with
those Colophonians who effected it may have encouraged Alexandrian scholars
to place his horne in Colophon rather than Smyma. And as Jacoby 1918,269,
suggested, Colophon' s strong cultural u'adition, unbroken into Hellenistic times
and contrasting with the cultural dernise of Smyma after Alyattes' victory, will
have played its part in fostering the belief that Mimnermus was a poet of
Colophon. Jacoby (loc. cit.) supposed that Nicander of Colophon will have
included Mirnnermus in his work on the poets of Colophon. And West 1974,
72, adds the suggestion that Antimachus may have daimed hirn for his native

16 In addition to F 12 (Helios' cup), the sun appears in F 1.8; F 2.2, 8; F 11.5; F 15.11;
cf. Bowra 1935, 35: ' .. .a favorite symbol with hirn because in the Sun's light and strength
he found something wh ich touched hirn deeply and resembled the glory which he found in the
fiecting joys of youth.'
17 'A<HumxAmWS probably derives from a reference to the 'old city' of Smyma; cf.
Strabo 14.634, n,v nUAatw LfLUPVUV, cited by Jacoby 1918, 269, n. 1. West 1974, 72,
suggests thaI 'some writer with local knowledge' might have spoken of Mimnermus as (e.g.)
LfLUpvuios eS 'Acr-:unuAa[a.<;.
14 Mimnennus' Life

city, as he claimed Homer; West cites his own Antimachean fragment *192 (=
T 3), MtJ1VEPIlOU 'taU KOAO<jXOVlUKOU, of which he wrote (ad loc.): 'aut
Antimachi aut recentioris poetae esse credo, illi autem potius evincendum erat
Mimnermum Colophonium fuisse .... '
It should not be surprising, then, if the common opinion among
Alexandrian and Roman literati was that Mimnermus belonged to elegy's
' scuola colofonia,' as Patocchi 1983, 75, put it. As late as the first century A.D.,
however, Smyrna's claim to the poet was evident in the name of a gymnasium
in the city, the MlIlVEPIlEtOV, whose VEOl, along with other civic groups
(YEPOUOtU, 1tUloemrov ouvooo<;) voted a golden crown to one P. Petronius
Achaicus (CIG II 22, 3376 = T13).18 And Apollonius ofTyana was apparently
visiting Smyrna, during Nero's reign, when he wrote a letter to the Ionians
criticising them for abandoning their Greek heritage and embracing things
Roman, even adopting the names Lucullus, Fabricius, Lucanius; €,.tOt IlEv, he
concludes, Etlllla.MOV ÖVOIlU MtIlVEPJlO<; (Ep. 71 = T 14).19

Pasquali' s explanation of MtIlVEPIlO<; ('quegli ehe resista sull ' Ermo') has
been mentioned above, p. 12. 20 West 1974, 73, compares NlJd]OEPJlO<; the
name of a potter on a cup from Chios, dated c. 600 (Jeffery 1961, 338, pI. 65,
no.42e). And Gentili-Prato add "ApxEPIlO<;, the name of a sixth century Chian
sculptor (I.G. r 487; XII 5.147; Jeffery 1961,294 f. , pI. 56, no. 30). But names
in -EPIl0<; (e.g., HUYllOEPIlO<;, 'Ava~EPllo<;, TIU8EPJlO<;, <l>wKEPIlO<;, as well as
NlJd]OEpIlO<; and "ApxEPIlO<;) appear to have been fairly common in Ionia in the
sixth and fifth centuries,21 and it is hardly likely that they all somehow referred
to the Hermus river.
E. Sittig (De Graecorum nominibus theophoris [diss. Halis Saxonum
1911] 113 ff.) saw in MtllvEPIlO<; a reference to the god Hermes,22 but Pasquali
1935, 113, objected that the name would then mean, somewhat irreverently,
'colui ehe fa fronte, ehe tien testa a Hermes.' Szadeczky-Kardoss 1968, 937,
avoided irreverence by taking the presumed IltllV<O in MtllV- as ' await; '

18 See 1. Delonne, Gymnasion. Etude sur {es monuments consacres ci l' education en
Grece (paris 1960) 134 f.; 318; 339. Cf. Jacoby 1918,269.
19 But of course the letter may not be genuine, or even date from the flTSt century A.D.;
fOT discussion , see RJ. Penella, The Leiters 0/ Apollonius 0/ Tyana (Leiden 1979) 127 f.
20 De Marco 1965,367, accepts this explanation, but thinks that MtfLV- ought to denote
'remaining' (at one's place in the battle) rather than 'resisting' (in combat); he compares
MlfLvcryOPa.c; (on which see Bechtel 1917, 318). Earlier, De Marco 1939-40, 313 f., had
detected in MtfLvfPIlOS an expression of the aggressive Ionians' wish that their settlement
would endure (= 'colui che s' indugia, reSla suB' Hennos').
21 See Bechtel 1917, 165; cf. Maas 1935, 1725.
22 So, 100, Bechtel 1917, 164 (' .. . zu "EpllOS, einer kose fonn zu 'EpllaFoov ... ).
Archibald Allen 15

MiIlVtPIlO~ then means 'der den bereichernden (EptOUVtO~) Hermes erwartet'

But the detection of 'EPllfl~ in a name ending in -€PIlO~ must be considered
doubtful, for, as K. Meister noted (Die Homerische Kunstsprache [Leipzig
1921] 215, n. I), the god's name ought to be the ftrst member of such a com-
pound, not the second. 23 Meister hirnself thought that MiIlVf-PIlO~ and other
names in -€PIlO~ echo the Homeric designation EpIlU 1t6A110~ ('Schutz, Schutzer
der Stadt').
No certain conclusions, then, can be drawn about Mirnnermus' name,
which may not even be Greek. 24 Adrnittedly, the use made of it by Apollonius
of Tyana in his letter to the Ionians (see above) might seem to imply that it is
in fact a Greek name, as Szadeczky-Kardoss 1959, 297 f., assumed. 25 On the
other hand, as A. P. Burnett observed (CP 56 [1961] 265), Apollonius may
simply mean that it is better to have even the Asiatic name of a Greek poet than
one of the Roman narnes.

The Suda (T 1) calls Mirnnermus a son of Ligyrtyades, At'yufYtUaoou,
whose name resembles the seeming patronymic 'Ligyaistades' which Solon
employs in his correction of Mirnnermus' wish to die at the age of sixty (F 20
W = 26 G-P 3):26

(Atyuut<:rtaol1 Diels 1902, 482: AtyuuO'taol1 Bergk: Atytuo'taol1 West:

vatytuo'tuÖT}, u(t)ytuo'tuÖT} MSS) Solon's readiness to coin new words, along
with an Athenian propensity for hurnorously linking a man's personality with
the name of his father,27 will help to account for that mock patronymic: 28 he
addresses Mirnnermus, not as the son of a particular father, but as a poet who

23 Cf., e.g., such genuinely theophoric names as 'EP~OYEV%, 'Ep~6ö(j)po~,

'Epfl6KMt't~ (Bechtel 1917, 164 f.).
24 Schmid 1929, 361, n. 5, thoughl that it might be related to the name of the Mermnad
dynasty of Lydia. As noted, however, names in -EP~~ were common in lonia, and the ex-
istence of other compounds in Mt~v(o)- (e.g., Mlflvay6pTj<; and Mlflv6~ax~; cf. Bechtel
1917,318) argues against the 'Reduplikationsbildung' (Ml~EPflv~) which Schmid postulates.
25 He also assumed that Apollonius used it slightingly: the name of a Greek poet of
low social standing is preferable lO a Roman name. But if there is belittlement in that
rderence lO WJimnermus, it is likely lO be philosophieal. not social. The ascetic Apollonius
may mean that he would prefer lO have even the name of Smyma's hedonistic Greek poet,
however distasteful it might be, rather than bear one of the Roman names; cf. Penella (cited
above, n. 19) 128.
26 For discussion of Solon's address lO Mimnermus, see pp. 65 ff.
27 Szadeczky-Kardoss 1968,940, mentions the plays on Ul<X; Aafluxou (ßoUMf,L<lXOU
1Cal KAaUOlflUXOU .. .U1.6c;) at ArislOph. Peace 190 ff.
28 Diels 1902,482, compares the ArislOphanic 'Ungetüme,' <J'tCOflUAtOOulJ..e1C'tMTJ and
paKtOcruppam6.0Tj, addressed lO Euripides by Aeschylus in Frogs 841-42.
16 Mimnennus' Life

belongs to the family of clear-voiced singers;29 as the Suda puts it, fKaJ.eho OE
(Mij.LVfPIlOC;) Kat At'YUU01:aOllC; Ot<x 1:0; Kat Aryl>.

The possibility that the Suda's Atyupmao(llc;) is derived from Solon's

Atyuau:nao(llC;) , and that the real name of Mirnnennus' father was unknown to
the Suda's source, or even Solon, cannot be ruled out; cf. Diels 1902,481, and
Wilamowitz 1913,280, who deduced that Mirnnermus was a commoner, a man
with no known yEvOC;.30 But it is more likely that the mock patronyrnic plays
on a real name, and Atyupma.OllC; has an authentie Anatolian ring to it. 31
Wilamowitz (loc. cit.) thought that his lowly ranking of Mirnnermus was
supported by the tradition that he had been an aulos-player ('ein Plebejer. .. und
ein Flötenspieler dazu'). The earliest witness to Mirnnermus' aulos-playing is
Hipponax of Ephesus who, according to Ps. Plut. De Mus. 8 (= Hippon. F 153
West = F 153 Masson = T 8), said that he played the Kpaoiac; VOIlOC;, the 'fig-
branch tune,' which was performed on auloi at the Ionian festival of Thargelia,
when scapegoats were fIogged with fig-branches and driven from the City.32
More fanciful, perhaps, but not to be ignored, is Hermesianax's statement (F
7.37-38 Powell = T 4) that Mirnnennus often played the aulos in KrollOt along
with Examyes. 33 And then there is Strabo's description of Mimnermus as
aUAll't11C; älta Kat 1tOtllTItC; eAtyfiac; (643 = T 2). None of these testimonies to
his aulos-playing, however, implies that Mimnermus was a professional auletes
whose music was his livelihood. 34 Rather, they serve as areminder that early
elegy and the aulos went hand in hand. 3S It should not be at all surprising if
some of the early elegists had themselves mastered the instrument which regu-
larly accompanied the presemation of their poems. The Suda describes

29 Cf. Diels, loe. eil.: 'Das palronymische Suffix, das an AlYUUlO"tT]S anlriu, soll die
Zugehörigkeit zur Zunft der 'hellen Sänger' bezeichnen.'
30 Cf. n. 25 above (Szadeczky-Kardoss' appraisaJ of Mimnennus' narne).
31 Cf., e.g., the names of Homer's Mysian leader Hyrtius, son of Gyrtius (Il. 14.511-12,
''Y P'tlov ... fup,tlci&rJv) and Hyrcacus, father of Asius (Il. 2.837, 'y p'tuKi&T1S ... "AOl<><;). And
for Anatolian narnes with d- suffix (e.g., OUAtci&rJS, rouILILUpoU&rt~, see Kretschmer 1896,
32 For discussion of this grim ritual, see V. Gebhard, RE V A (1934) 1290 ff. (s.v,
'Thargelia'); W. Burkert, Strueture and History in Creek Mythology and Ritual (Berkeley and
Los Angeles 1979) 64 ff.; J. Bremmer, 'Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece,' HSCP 87
(1983) 299 ff.
33 See below, p. 18.
34 On the legalised payment of (female) aulos·players and other musicians at Colophon
in its decadent heyday, see Athen. 12.526c.
3S The elose association of the {Wo was doubted by D.A. Campbell, 'Flutes and Elegiac
Couplets,' JHS 84 (1964) 63 ff. and by T.G. Rosenmeyer, 'Elegiac and Elegos,' Cal. Stud.
Class. Phil, 1 (1968) 217 ff.; but see Bowie 1986, 14. The early tradition (Chamaeleon ap,
Athen. 14.62Oc = T 23) that Mimnennus' poetry was sung or chanted implies musical accom-
Archibald Allen 17

Tyrtaeus (s.v.) as €Aeyn01toto~ Kat aUA;rrrfl~, but nobody would seriously sug-
gest that he was a man of huroble binb who made his living by playing the
aulos at symposia and the like (cf. Jacoby 1918, 283, n. 1).
The fragments themselves contain nothing to suggest that MimnemlUs
belonged to a lowly family. Wilamowitz (1913, 283 ff.) believed that in F 9
Mimnermus the commoner attacks the Colophonian aristocrats for theil"
hybris-an impossible interpretation of the phrase apy~C; üßpto~ ll-rq.tovE<;
(see below, p. 77). And in F 15 he ctiscemed (1913, 276 ff.) the eulogy of an
ordinary hoplite soldier whose bravery had not been celebrated before the time
of Mimnermus, the people's poet. But the hero's display of bravery would
appear to have all the makings of a noble's aristeia (cf. Jacoby 1918,287 ff.).
So, too, in F 7, on indifference 10 the talk of 'grievous citizens,' we should
detect aristocratic disdain for public opinion, not-·with Wilamowitz 1913,
285--vulgar contempt for bourgeois respectability.36
In sum, it ought to be expected apriori that a poet who was prominent in
an Ionian city of the seventh century, writing songs for the aristocratic sympo-
sium and putting the city':; past into poetry, belonged to that city's aristocratic

Book 13 of Athenaeus contains an account of famous hetairae, and it is
there that Nanno makes her appearance. The speaker Myrtilus states (597a =
T 7): 1tapeAt1tOV 8e Kat 'tT]V Mq..l.veplJ.ou aUATJ'tpi8a Navvro Kat 'tllV
'EPlJ.TJcnavalC'toc; 'tou KOAO<p<Oviou Af.DV'ttov. And he then quotes the long
fragment from the Leontion (F 7 Powell) in which Hermesianax says, of
Mimnermus the suffering lover (lines 35 ff. = T 4):

MiIJ.VEPIJ.O~ öf., 'tov 118Uv oe; rupE'tO 1tOAAOV ava'tM~

~Xov Kat IJ.MaKoU itVtUi-!' a1tO 1tEV'talJ.etpou,
KalE'to /..ti::v Nawou~ ...... 37

The only other ancient reference to Mimnermus' beloved Nanno occurs in

Posidippus' epigram on toasts for lovers (AP 12.168 = 3086-92 Gow-Page = T
5): Nawou~ Kat Au8TJ~ miXEt BUo ....... 38 It is hardly likely, however, that

36 Wilamowitz (loe. eil.) also thought that the epigram by Alexander Aetol. on the
Sicilian parodist Boeotus (= T 6) attests to Mirnnennus' vulgar style of life (which the parodist
emulated). But the text of the poem is too poorly preserved to pennit any inferences abaut
Mimnermus' social standing; see below, p. 21.
37 On Nanno's place in the elegies, see below, p. 21.
38 On this epigram, see below, p. 21. Cicero's obscure reference 'ex Nanneianis' (00
All. 1.16.5, 'nosti Calvum ex Nanneianis iIIum') has nothing to do with Mimnennus' Nanno,
pace R.Y . Hathom, Cl 50 (1954) 33, and Szadeczky-Kardoss 1959, who printed it among his
Testimonia (No. 19). For criticism, see Della Corte 1965, 386, and Gentili 1965, 387 (the
18 Mimnennus' Life

she is wholly fictional, a late classical or Alexandrian invention. Mimnennus

must have addressed or mentioned her in his elegies, although she need not have
had a prominent place in them. His Alexandrian editors could have exploited
just a few references to her when they chose Nanno as the title for a collection
of his poems. 39
Of Nanno herself, there is tittle to be said. Her name-probably a
petname-appears to be Lydian;40 one of Croesus' daughters was called Navi<;,
according 10 Licyrnnius of Chios (PMG 772) and Hennesianax (F 6 Powell),41
and there is a 'Nanno' among references to things Lydian in Alcman's
Partheneion (PMG 1.70, OÜOE 'tal NawoU<; K6~at). Athenaeus says that she
was Mimnennus' aulos-player. If that is true, she may have been a slave,
perhaps the daughter of a Lydian woman taken captive during the Smyrnaeans'
war with Gyges. 42

Examyes et al.
In the fragment just cited (T 4), Hennesianax associates Mimnennus with
three other people, Examyes, Hennobius, and Pherecles, who perhaps deserve
some notice here:

37 7toAu7n 0' E7tl 7tOAA..aKt Arotrot

KVll~d<; Kro~O'\)<; dxe cruv 'Esa~u"t,
+ Tjo'lx9ee + 0' 'Ep~6ßtOV 'tov ud ßapUv TtOE <l>epedfjv
40 i:x9pov, ~lcrTtcra<; ot avrn~",ev ffi-T].

Playing the pipes, Mimnermus often went off with Examyes on the Kro~O<;,
which followed the symposium;43 this could mean that Examyes (whose name
is Carian 44 ) was addressed as an epro~o<; in one or more of the elegies. 45
The reference to Hennobius and Pherecles in lines 39-40 is exceedingly

name 'Nanno' in Latin would yield the adjective ' Nannicus,' not ' Nanneianus,' just as
'Sappho' yields 'Sapphicus').
39 See West 1974, 75 L
40 See Kretschmer 1896,341 f., and, for more recent and detailed analyses of the narne,
Stefanini 1970 and Lambin 1984.
41 80th cited by Parthenius, Ero/. Pa/ho 22.
42 Cf. Schmid 1929, 362 (Mimnennus found his happiness in the arms of a woman
laken from the ranks of the Lydian oppressors). For the presence of slave women at Smyrna
during the wars with Lydia, cf. the tale told by Dositheus, FGH 290 F 5 (ap. PIUL Para/i. Min.
30 A): a besieging army of Sardians had demanded the Smymaeans' women folk; slave
women, dressed as free women, were sent out and so enervated the Sardians sexually that a
Smymaean victory was secured.
43 On this detail, see West 1974, 12.
44 CL Kretschmer 1896,333. Thales' father was named Examyes (Diog. Laert. 1.22).
45 Fränkel 1962, 243, offered the charming suggestion that Mimnennus, Nanno, and
Examyes perfonned as a trio at symposia.
Archibald Allen 19

obscure, for the couplet is marred by textual problems; cf. Powell's critical notes
ad loc.: '39TjO' lix8& A: 110 deI. Musur. : olix~ Herrn. : TlX8eto Mein. : TlPe8e
Wilam.: cöx8ee Ludwich : Tl1(axe Bailey, EIlis Tjoe Casaub.: üUoe A:
.... <l>epeuTlv Dind. : <l>ep€U11v A 40 Illml(iU~ ot' av€1t€J.!\jIeY Herrn. :
IllmlOa~ 't' Olav m€J.!\jIeY A: 'tolavOmell\jleY B : 'tolaOm€J.!\jIeY Pal. : 'tOt' vel
ot' avrnell\jleY Ellis: ot' avrn€J.!\jIaV Bergk: Illmloav8', sc. dualem, olim
scripsi.' Reading Tlx8f.e in 39 and 'tOlo.O' m€J.!\jIeY E1t11 in 40, Bach 1826, 20,
and Marx 1831,23 f., thought that Herrnobius and Pherecles were Mimnerrnus'
rivals for the love of Nanno. Wilamowitz 1913,278, supposed that they were
riYal poets, whom Mimnerrnus 'provoked' or 'angered' (39, TlPe8e for TlX8&),
hating-in Pherecles' case-'the verses which he sem forth' (40, IllmlOa~ ot'
avrnEjl\jleY E1t11).
Certainty of interpretation is clearly out of the question here, although one
may safely reject TlX8& as a valid verb form, and CÖX8& and TlX8eto as rea-
sonable conjectures, for they are excessively difficult, if not impossible, to
construe with 'EpIlOßlOV ... Tjoe <l>EpeUTlv. Perhaps Herrnobius 'the ever
grievous' was a youth whom Mimnerrnus importuned, unsuccessful1y, in his
elegies; the 'hostile' Pherecles then might be Herrnobius' lover, whose (suc-
cessful) love poems Mimnerrnus hated. If such were the gist of the couplet, one
might consider reading rox'A.eE. 'harassed,' in 39; cf., e.g., Herod. 5.41, au't11v
CÖXAmV, and Theocr. 29.36, 'tl 1lE, Oalllovl, Evv6xA11~ ... ; (the imagined response
of a youth to a lover's complaints).46

46 For funher discussion of these lines, see below, p. 21.


'Let us have truth, you and me ... ' With its lover's plea, F 8 belonged to
an elegy which Mimnermus probably wrote for the symposium, as the evidence
afforded by a red figure vase painting strongly suggests (see below, p. 73). And
that elegy found its way ultimately into the work called Nanno, so that Stobaeus
can quote the fragment Mt~lVepJlOU No:vvou~. Four other fragments, on
Tithonus (F 4), youth and age (F 5), Ionian history (F 9), and the voyage of the
Sun (F 12), are also quoted from Nanno, and there are reports thal Nanno had
something to say about the foundanon of Colophon (F 10) and about doctors
(F 24). Given such diversity of themes, and the evidence of F 8, it is a fair
assumption that Nanno was a collection of Mimnermus' elegies, chiefly of the
sort performed at civilian symposia. 1
It is probably also fair to assume that none of the reflective or moralising
fragments which lack an ascription to Nanno would have been out of place in
that collection. Take, for example, F 11 (on Jason and the fleece), quoted by
Strabo with no mention of Nanno. As suggested in the commentary, the elegy
represented by that fragment cannot have been a long poem. If it had sixteen
lines it was not much Ion ger than F 12 (eleven lines, on the voyage of the Sun),
quoted by Athenaeus from Nanno. Both fragments are narrative, but neither is
merely narrative; both have reflective, moralistic overtones which point back to
their sympotic beginnings, and the)' could easily have appeared side by side in
the same collection. Again, there is no obvious reason why the couplets on
Tithonus (F 4) and the victim of old age (F 3) should not both be quotations
from Nanno, although Stobaeus writes No:vvoU~ only of the former. And F 5
(Stobaeus: MtJlvepJlou No:vvou~), on the 10ss of youth and the woes of old age,
is thematically dose to the last half dozen lines ofF 1 (Stobaeus: MtJlvepJlou)
or of F 2 (Stobaeus: MtJlvepJlou).
Sirnilarly, since Strabo identifies Nanno as the source of F 9 (on the set-
tling of Colophon and Smyrna), it would not be surprising if Nanno were also
the source of F 15 (on the Smyrnaean hero of an earlier generation). For F 9,
with its light compression of Ionian history and references to painful hybris and
the gods' design, probably comes from a poem which was castigatory and
hortatory in spirit, and so too, probably, does F 15 (see above, pp. 9 ff.). And
the presence of such poems in the company of elegies lamenting the brevity of
youth would not have been unnatural, for hortatory elegy was dosely related to

I On early elegy's elose ries with the symposiwn, see Reitzenstein 1893, 50 ff.; Gentili
1968,37 ff.; Giangrande 1968,93 ff.; West 1974, 11 f.; Vetta 1983; Bowie 1986; Rösler 1990.
Archibald Allen 21

reflective, sympotic elegy.2

There would not appear, then, to be any significant difference between the
ascription of one fragment to Nanno and the ascription of another simply to
'Mimnermus,' and one rnight well conclude that Nanno contained all of
Mimnermus' collected poems-even the narrative elegy called Smyrneis, which
seems to have been a comparatively lengthy work but was almost certainly not
long enough to deserve aseparate book-roll (see below, pp. 23 ff.).
The Nanno got its name from Nanno, allegedly "Nlimnermus' aulos-
playing lover, but there is not a trace of her in thefragments. 3 In fact, there is
not much trace of love at all in the fragments. Only F 8, the symposiast's plea,
which will have been addressed to a woman or a youth (001. Kat EIlOt), re-
sembles what rnight be called Theognidean love elegy (e.g., 1283 ff., IlTt Il'
uOiKTt). Yet Mimnermus was remembered by later authors as a love poet, and
Nanno as his love. Posidippus includes the tv"o of them in his epigrarnmatic
toasts for lovers (AP 12.168 = 3086-92 Gow-Page = T 5):

Navvouc; KaI. AuOy\C; mixet Mo KUI. + <pepeKuo'tou

Mtllvepllou, KaI. 'tou offi<ppovoc; 'Avttllaxou.4

And Hermesianax (F 7.37 Powell = T 4) says that he 'burned' for her (Kaie'to
IlEv Navvouc;), which could mean that he expressed his desire for her in his
As noted earlier (p. 18), Hermesianax also associates Mimnermus with one
Examyes (and perhaps another youth, Hermobius). There is a clearly erotic
reference to 'boys' in F 1.9 (cf. F 3 Comnl.), and Alexander of Aetolia may also
attest to the presence of pederastic themes in Mimnermus' poetry. In an elegiac
fragment quoted by Polemon the geographer (F 45 Preller) in his discussion of
parodists, Alexander praises the Sicilian parodist Boeotus (T 6):

upxatrov ~v 00' UvTjp 7tpoyovrov,

d&OC; EK veO'trt'toc; ud sdvotmv OlltAelV

2 On hortatory elegy, see Reitzenstein 1893,45 ff.; West 1974, 10 f.; Bowie 1986, 15
ff., and 1990 stresses its sympotic pedigree.
3 On Nanno, see above, p. 17.
4 The standard correction of <pEPEKQ:cr'tOU, which looks like an anticipation of EKO:cr'tOV
at the end of line 3, is Jacobs' <ptAEpO:cr'tOU. But <ptAepcw'tO<; properly means 'fond of lovers'
and so might be used of Nanno but hardly of Mimnermus; see Gow-Page on AP 5.136
(Meleager) 5 = 4226 Gow-Page. Jacobs also suggested <ptAaKpTJ'tOU, but as Gow-Page ob-
serve (ad loc .), one would expect an adjective contrasting with crclxppovo<;. I should prefer
<ptAEProtO<;, 'amorous;' cf. AP 5.171 (Meleager) 1 = 4182 Gow-Page, 'tu<; <ptAEProtO<;
Zl]vo<piAru;; AP 5.206 (Leonidas) 5 '" 2235 Gow-Page, Tt <piAEpro<; w:ruPl]; Nicander F 16
Gow-Scholfield, vau'tTjlow ... / ... <plAEpCOOl. For discussion of the epigram, see G.
Giangrande, Rh. Mus. 106 (1963) 260 ff. ; Herrnes 97 (1969) 440 ff.; L' Antiq. Class. 40 (1971)
658 ff.
22 Mimnermus' Writings

~flVO<;' MtllvepllOu 0' Ei<; rno<; (iKPOV irov

1tatOOllavfl ouv €p(J)n + 1tO't11V tOOV + qpa<pf 0' cOvrlP
tÜ 1tap' 'OllllPflllV UYAalllV rnwv ...

Despite the textual problems in which it is embedded, the reference to

Mimnermus appears to be fairly clear: Boeotus came to the peak: of
Mimnermus' adviee, i.e., followed that adviee to the full, and did so with his
'boy-crazy' love. 5
The testimony of Alexander, Hermesianax, and Posidippus to the eontents
and eharaeter of Mimnermus' poetry cannot be regarded as completely reliable;
Hermesianax in particular is capable of outrageous distortion. But on the as-
sumption that there is no smoke without fIre it seems safe to eonclude that
among the eollected elegies there were some which might be ealled love poems,
a few perhaps addressed to Examyes or other males, and some surely addressed
to Nanno. And Nanno's name was chosen as the title of the eollection.6 It will
have been an Alexandrian collection-unless, as West 1974, 75, suspected, it
arrived in Alexandria as an Antimachean colleetion. West's hypothesis is at-
traetive: Antimachus, that Alexandrian scholar-poet before his time, had com-
piled an edition of Mimnermus' elegies and named it Nanno, a eonvenient
aneestor for his own elegiac Lyde.
None of the ancient authors who cite Nanno reveals (with a reference such
as €v 'tijt Nawol a') that the collection fllied more than one book-roll, but that
does not mean that there was only one book. Müller 1988, 206, observes that,
in referring to books of poetry, Strabo does not generally eite volume numbers,
while Athenaeus and Stobaeus eite them only exeeptionally. Our sole reliable
witness to the size of the collection is Porphyrio, and he says that Mimnermus
'wrote two books.' His note is elicited by Horace's mention of Mimnermus in
Ep. 2.2.10 1 (= T 11). Horaee imagines himself, as a Iyrie poet, in a eontest of
flattery with an elegist, and gives the result:

diseedo Alcaeus puneto illius; ille meo quis?

100 quis nisi Callimaehus? Si plus adposcere visus,
fit Mimnermus et optivo cognomine crescit.7

5 For treatment of the textual problems in this fragment, see W. Headlam, loum. Phi/.
30 (1903) 307 f.
6 Wilamowitz 1913,287, suggested that Mimnermus may have used Nanno's name as
Theognis used the name of Cymus, as asphragis. Della Corte 1943, 4 ff., thought that the
name-a 'parola-chiave' --was asphragis attached to the complete collection.
7 For discussion of these lines, see C.O. Brink, Horace on Poetry. Epistles Book 11: The
Lellers to Augustus and Florus (Cambridge 1982) 326. The elegist, who has been flattered
with the name of Callimachus, is flattered furlher with the added cognomen 'Mimnermus,' the
name of a venerable founder of elegy; cf. Brink's note on crescit: 'he grows in standing, and,
if the pleasantry which smacks of Roman comedy is spelt out, with the length of his name,
XYZ Callimachus Mimnermus.'
Archibald Allen 23

Porphyrio explains: 'Optivo, adoptivo et adscito. Alcaeus autem lyrici canninis,

Callimachus elegiaci auctor est Mimnennus duos libros + luculentibus +
scripsit' (f 9). The corrupt luculentibus has been emended in various ways:
luculentius (Hauthai), luculentos (= the vulgate, Edmonds), luculent<is
vers>ibus (Garzya), UUA:ll'ttlCOU<; (Holder) UUACOOtlCOU<; ? (Edmonds)
YAU1C\)AOyOU<; and i]8uA.6you<; (Della Corte). Perhaps: 'luculent<e ex elegiacis
flet>ibus scripsit,' i.e., two books of elegiac 'laments. '8 However Porphyrio
described the books, at least his statement that there were two of them is sec ure.
And it is good to have it, for the Suda's entry on Mirnnermus' writings is
desperate indeed (T 1): eyPa\jfE ßtßAtU + 'tUtl'tU 1tOMa. 9 Relying on
Porphyrio, therefore, we may posit that Nanno had two books, and we rnight
then estimate that the entire collection comprised a total of between 2000 and
4000 lines of poetry.l0

The Smyrneis is named only once, by the Antimachean scholiast who
quotes a distich from it describing a king's men on the battlefield (F 13), but
it is to be identified with the elegy (fAE-yE'iU) which Pausanias (9.29.4 = F 14)
says that Mimnermus composed on the Smymaeans' battle with Gyges and his
Lydians. 11 It had an elaborate proem, according to Pausanias, in which two
generations of the Muses were invoked or at least distinguishcd, and it was of
sufficient length to contain the oratio recta which is implied by F 13 (rnqt p']
qV]EOesU'to Jlu90[v]).12 Nearly everything else which has been said about the
Smyrneis has bee'n inferred from its title and a possible allusion to the work by

8 For luculente (or luculenter) ... scripsit, cf. Cic. Brut. 76, luculente ... scripserunt; the
adjective lucu/ent<os would also be possible. And for ex .. .j1etibus, cf. Porphyrio hirnself on
Horace's miserabi/es ...e/egos (Odes 1.33.2-3): 'Proprie elegiorum versus aptissirni sunt
fletibus, quo ideo miserabiles dixit; nam et nomen ipsum elegiorum 1tapu 'taU EE, quae vox
est lamentatium, dictum putant.'
9 Bernhardy suggested ßlßAla ß' epoytllcu 'tu 1tOMa, and Gutschmid ... 1t(XVU 1tOMa.
Müller 1988,208, has offered qpaljlE ßlßAla (ß')· 'taiha (oi: EA.eye'ia) 1tOMa or 'taiha (oi:
i!m]) 1tOMa. I thought once of ßlßAla (ß') 1tOl"l1a'ta 1tOMa.
10 On the sizes of book-rolls, see J. Van Sickle, Arethusa 13 (1980) 5 ff., with bibli-
ography; on the length of Mimnermus' two books, cf. Müller 1988, 207.
) 1 Only F 13 may be assigned to the Smymeis. Adrados 1956 places F 9 ([= his F 12)
on the settling of Colophon) under the heading rMYPNHlr, and Szadeczky-Kardoss 1968,
945, asks: 'Stand frg. 12 in der Einleitung der rllVpVl1lS als ein kurzer historischer
Rückblick?' (Cf. Töchterle 1980,231, and Bowie 1986,29 f.) However, as suggested above
(pp. 10 f.), that fragment probably comes from a poem wh ich was hortatory rather than
narrative. And the same may be said for F 15 (on the Smymaean hero), which Diehl' 1954
and Adrados 1956 give to the Smymeis; cf. Töchterle 1980, 230 (but with corrective note,
234). There is also the objection that the fragment is too concise and personal to have come
a lengthy narrative elegy (see above, p. 9).
12 Cf. M. Treu, QUCC 6 (1968) 105; West 1974, 74.
24 Mimnennus' Writings

The difficult reference to Mirnnermus in lines 11-12 of the Aitia prologue
CF 1 Pf. = T 10) is examined in detail in Appendix B but this much may be said
about it here and now: such evidence as there is, internal and external, strongly
supports the view that the couplet compm-es, unfavourably, a long poem (the
'big woman') of Mirnnermus with his sweet, shorter poems:

'tOtV oe] &OOtv MiIlVEpIl0<; än yA"\.)lcU<;, alt Ka't<X A.emOv

... . .... ] lllleyaAll 0' oUK roioa~€ yuv".

Taking up a suggestion of Della Corte 1943, 11, that the Smyrneis might have
been a narrative elegy of the type represented by Xenophanes' K'ti<n<;
KoNxp&vo<; and Semonides' 'ApxawAoyta LaIlÜUV, Colonna 1952 argued that
Callirnachus refers allusively to it as just such a !aisis poem in the words
lleyMll ... yuyfI: the eponymous founder of Smyrna was Smyrna the Amazon,
a 'big woman,' and Mimnermus will have included her in his account of
Smyrna's beginnings.
Although it failed to win scholarly support in the years irnmediately fol-
lowing its publication, Colonna's proposal has been received more favourably
of late. Thus West 1974, 74, deems it a possibility, and Gentili-Prato (on their
Test. 10 and Fr. 24) note their approval of it. Töchterle 1980, 232 f., has tried
to strengthen it by recalling the identification of Smyrna the Amazon with
Cybele, the lleyMll 1l"1:1lp. And Bowie 1986, 28, argues against the possible
objection that reports naming Amazons as founders of the Greek cities in Asia
Minor are all relatively late. 13

13 Against P. Devambez, 'Les Amazones et l' Orient,' Rev. Arch. fase. 1 (1976) 265
ff., who doubts that the Amazons appeared in foundation legends before the middle of the fifth
century, Bowie thinks that more attention should be paid to Pindar ap. Paus. 7.2.6 (= F 174
Snell-Maehler), 0<; 'AI.J.(X~ova.c; 'to tEPOV (sc. 'to f.v ~tÖUJ.10l<; 'toll 'Ano'JJ...ßJvo<;) E<pTJ 'to\)'to
topucracr8at cr'tPU'; btl 'Aei]va.c; ... , and to Hecat. FGH I F 226 = Steph. Byz. s.v.
·AJ.1U~OVEtov ... oihroc; beaJ,..El'to IOCtt ;, KUJ.111, f.v ~l Ut 'AJ.1u~ovE<; rolKOUV. 'E1Cu'tuto<; 0' f.v
'tOt<; AiOAlKOt<; oux 'tou 1 ypa<pet 'to OVOJ.1U. The earliest repons explicitly linking Smyma the
Amazon with Smyma are Strabo's: lC'tlcrEl<; youv noA.Erov KUt rnrovUJ.1la.l Atyov'tat (sc. 'trov
'AJ.1U~ovrov), Ku8anEp 'E<PEcrov KUt LJ.1Upvll<; KUt KUJ.111<; KUt MvptVll<; (11.505); KUt
EmÜVVJ.1ov<; (sc. 'trov 'AJ.1u~ovrov) nOA.Et<; 'ttVa.c; cl:VUt <pacrl, KUt"up "E<PEcrov KUt LJ.1{' PVav KUt
KUJ.111V IOCtt Mvptvav (12.550). In 14.633-34c, he gives a more detailed accounl of Smyma's
foundation : Ephesus used to be called Smyma, after Smyma the Amazon who had captured
it, and a distriet of the city continued to be known as Smyma even in the time of Hipponax;
setting off from that Smyma, 'Ephesian' Smymaeans advanced on one of the Leleges' settle-
ments, expelled the inhabitants, and there founded Old Smyma; later, after being expelled in
turn by Aeolians, they took refuge at Colophon and then reclaimed the city with Colophonian
assistance (cf. F 9.6 n.). In this repon, the Amazon simply gives her name to Smyma. For
other, later repons, see Cadoux 1938,29 ff., and for fuH discussion of the foundation legends
involving Amazons, see O. K1ügmann, 'L'ber die Amazonen in den Sagen der kleinasiatische
Städte,' Philo/. 30 (1870) 524 ff.
Archibald Allen 2S

The big difficulty in believing that the Smyrneis was a !aisis elegy sterns
from Pausanias' testimony that its subject was the battle between Smymaeans
and Lydians under Gyges-assuming of course that Pausanias is in fact talking
about the Smyrneis. In light of that testimony, the work simply cannot be called
a !aisis elegy, although it may have included a short digression on Smyrna's
founding, in which Smyrna the Amazon was mentioned. But even if it said
nothing about that founding, and made no mention of the Amazon, one might
still believe that the poem was known familiarly to the Alexandrian literati as
the 'big woman,' for its theme was the victory of Smyrna over Gyges, and those
leamed Alexandrians knew of Smyrna's associations with Smyrna the Amazon.
It is conceivable that in Callimachus' day the title of the poem was not Smyrneis
but simply Smyrna. 14
It is ha.-rd to imagine that Mimnermus could have written an ample book
of 1500-2000 lines on the Smyrnaeans' single battle with Gyges. Rather, the
Smyrneis is likely to have been a poem of maybe 400-500 lines, and to have
had a place in Nanrw along with the other collected elegies. One might think
of it as an 'epyllion,' as Müller 1988, 206, suggests, comparing its scale in
Nanrw to the scale of C. 64, the 'Marriage of Peleus and Thetis,' in the Liber
Catulli. Yet it would still have been a 'big' poem, stylistically speaking, for
'big' here must connote epic style and treatment, and it would even have been
physically big when compared with the rest of Mimnermus' work, the indi-
vidual, small-scale elegies. But the comparative smallness of this 'big woman,'
measured against the length of other epic poems, presumably suited
Callimachus' polemical purposes in the Aetia prologue. His critics grumble
because he has never written a single continuous poem in many thousands of
verses on kings and heroes (Aetia F 1 Pf. 1 ff.). What better way to answer
those critics than to remind them that even Mimnermus' modest venture into
'epic,' in a poem which had to do with at least one king, Gyges, and the heroes
of an earlier day, had contributed nothing to that reputation for sweetness which
his small-scale elegies had secured. Thus the phrase 'tOtV OE ] OUOtV ('and of
the two ... ') in line 11 refers, not to two books, but to the two different kinds
of poetry found in Nanrw: those short, small-scale elegies and that single long
elegy, the 'big woman.'15
The Smyrneis may be assigned to that genre of narrative elegy which
treated historical events. And a shadowy genre it iso As examples of it in the
seventh century, Bowie 1986, 33, names, along with the Smyrneis, Tyrtaeus'
PoliteiaiEurwmia (1000 lines?) and Semonides' Archaiologia of the Samians

14 But ~f!lJpvl]i<; may be quite early. It resembles 'lAuX<;, which was known to
Herodotus (2.116.2, rnoil]cre Ev 'IAuX~h. .. ; 2.117, Ev öe 'IAuX,öl A€yEl); see E. Schmalzriedt,
nEPI IPYI:EilE Frühgeschichte der Buchtitel 1970, 23 ff.
15 For further discussion, see Appendix B.
26 Mimnennus' Writings

(over 2000 lines?); for the following centuries, there are Xenophanes ' Krisis of
Colophon (2000 lines?) and Panyassis' lonica (7000 lines?). Bowie reasonably
supposes that such narrative elegies were too long for singing at symposia and
suggests that they were perforrned in competitions at public festivals. The
Smyrneis will have been a comparatively short representative of the narrative
genre, but even an elegy of 400-500 lines would have been unsuited to the
symposium. Yet one may doubt that the Smyrneis told its story simply for the
sake of the story and a prize in a contest; an elegy celebrating Smyma's resis-
tance to Gyges is likely to have carried a moral for its fIrst Smymaean audience
(cf. West 1974, 14).

No ancient authority states that Mimnerrnus wrote iambic poetry, but his
name is attached to a stray trimeter and an iambic epigram, and two other
iambic fragments might appear to be attributed to him; and from time to time
he has been implicated with iambs by scholarly inference from ancient allusions
and references to bis work.
First, the epigram. AP 7.405 (2861-66 Gow-Page) consists of six trimeters
supposed1y written for the grave-stone of Hipponax (who is named in line 2).
Their author is said to be Philip, but one manuscript (C) names Mimnermus
(MqlvEPlloU, 01. OE <l>v..t1t1tOu). Mimnerrnus could not have been alive when
Hipponax died (c. 535), so that the ascription to him is a puzzling mistake. 16
Gentili-Prato print the epigram as their (spurious) F 26.
The single trimeter in question appears in the section of the Epimerismi
Homerici published by J.A. Cramer, Anecdota Graeca I (Oxford 1835) 102.7
(= Herodiani technici reliquiae, collegit... A. Lentz, 11, Lipsiae 1868, 218, 2),
s.v. yUvat· K"U'tU a7tolCoxi1v 'taU~' 'to OE 7tapa MtllVEpIlOU (Crarner: 1.lllll1EpJlVO>

The line also appears, without ascription to any author, in Etym. Gen. s.v.
LUpalCOU<; (ed. M.E. Miller, Melanges de ütterature Grecque [Paris 1868]
275). Conjecturing MEVUvOPOU for Jltlll1EPIlVO>, Meineke claimed the line for
Menander (Com. Graec. IV 327 F 480). BergJc4 thought that it might belong
to Hermippus, and Koerte feit that it might have come from Old Comedy; it
stands as (doubtfuI) F 937 in Koerte-Thierfelder, Menander. Reliquiae 11,
Lipsiae 19592.
In an exarnination of the line in QUCC 26 (1977) 83 ff., M.G. Fileni has

16 It is hardly likely that a sepuIchraI epigram by Mimnennus, standing before PhiIip' s,

has dropped out of the text, leaving only the ascription MlIlVEpjlOU. For discussion, see H.
StadtmueIler (ed.), Anthologia Graeca II pars prior (Lipsiae 1899) ad loc.
Archibald Allen 27

presented a strong argument for Menander's authorship. She shows that nom.
plural yuvat is a form which belongs to the comic diction of Pherecrates' day,
while Menander has the phrase ro Zci> 1toA:\YtiI!T\S' in F 289 and the dual vrotV
in F 281 Koerte-Thierfelder; and she notes the confusion between the names of
Mirnnermus and Menander in the Stobaean manuscripts (see F 3 and F 8).
The other two iambic fragments (see F 24 and F 25) appear at ftrst glance
to be attributed to Mirnnermus by Stobaeus, but of course Mirnnermus cannot
be their author, for they are written in Attic rather than lonic. In each case, one
must suppose that a lacuna exists, between the ascription MqlVEpI!OU Nawou
(F 24)!M tl!VEpI!OU (F 25) and the beginning of the iambic citation, in which will
have stood the missing quotation from Mirnnermus and the name of the iambic
Very little needs to be said now about the old theory (see, e.g., Sternbach
1886, 70) that the ancient division of Mirnnermus' work into two books was
based on genre, one volume containing elegies, the other iambic poetry. As
Sz8.deczky-Kardoss 1964 notes, the texts which attest to that division have
problems of their own and will certainly not support that theory.
Two references to Mirnnermus by Hellenistic poets have been offered in
arguments that he wrote iambics. In [amb. XIII (F 203 Pf.), according to the
Diegesis, Callimachus defends his practice of writing in different genres, and
cites, as his model from antiquity, the versatile Ion of Chios. Mirnnermus too
is mentioned, in line 7, and one might be tempted to suppose that Callimachus
introduces hirn as yet another poet who was free from the restrietions of one
poetic form. 17 But the lines in question are far too poorly preserved to permit
any kind of reasonable inference from them (cf. Szadeczky-Kardoss 1964).
Hermesianax' lines on Mirnnermus have been discussed above (pp. 17 ff.).
Szadeczky-Kardoss 1964 favours the following reading of lines 39-40 (with
Ellis' 'tol' ave1tel!'I'tv in 40):

ilxSee 0' 'EPIlOßtOV 'tov ud ßapUv iloe

exSpÜv I!to11oa<;· 'tOt' uvm€!!'I'tv ffiT}.
The fmal ffiT}, he thinks, will refer to abusive iambics, which Mirnnermus di-
rected against Hermobius and Pherecles. 18 But that is hardly a happy reading,
for the punctuation -oa<;· 'tOt' leaves the participle hanging awkwardly, and
'tOt' ... ffiT} cannot be readily referred to anything in the preceding statement.
The unfortunate truth is that whatever Herrnesianax said about Mirnnermus and

17 Cf. Puelma 1954, 102, 106.

18 O. Crusius (RE V 1905, S.v. 'Elegie,' 2260 ff.) cited this passage in his reference 10
Mimnerrnus, 'der auch kraftige Iamben in archilochischer Art schrieb, s. Athen XIII 597' (p.
2267). Cf. also G.A. Gerhard, RE IX 1914 (s.v. 'Iambographen,' 651 ff.) who echoes Crusius
28 Mimnennus' Writings

Herrnobius and Pherecles is quite obscUJ't'.d by textual uncertainty. But even if

uvrnqnjlEV Em-J could be made somehow to refer to Mimnerrnus' poetry, it is
hard to believe that Em-J could signify iambics. 19 Szadt'..czky-Kardoss says that
Em-J does refer to iambics in Philip' s epigram on Hipponax (AP 7. 406. 6 = 2866
Gow-Page, (nca~ou<H f.lktPOt~ op9a 'to~eUou~ Em-J. But that Em-J, which really
means 'words,' is preceded by a direct reference to iambic metre «(J1ca~ot)ot
,"uhpot,;) and by the verb lallßta~Et (line 3), whereas Herrnesianax, in his
opening couplet on Mimnennus, alludes clearIy to his work as an elegist (36,
llaAU KOU ... 1tEV'tuf.lktpou).
The publication in 1910 of a new manuscript text of the old proverb
äPlO'tU XroAO~ Ol<PEl (an iambic dimeter catalectic), along with the statement
Il4tVll'tat TIl~ 1tapotlltU~ Mill<v)EpIlO~, rnight have been expected to encourage
belief in Mimnerman iambics. 20 Yet in the veI"! volume of publication (p. 77)
O. Crusius, who was not unsympathetic to that belief,21 suggested that
Mimnerrnus rnight have put the proverb into an elegiac couplet: äpto'tu (yap)
ol<pEl / XroM,;.22 A few years later, Wilamowitz 1913, 282 n. 1, ruled out any
association of the proverb with Mimnerrnus, for Ol<PElV, he said, is a Doric word
which Mimnerrnus could not have used; and Jacoby i 9] 8, 266 n. 3, added his
doubts. Yet the proverb did manage to find a place in DiehJl (1925), under the
heading IAMBOI, in this arrangement (FR. 15):

u - äpto'tu XroM~ Oi<pEt - u _ 23

Diehl did however note ad loc.: 'Mimnerrnum auctorem merito in dubio

vocaverunt. .. ' (with a reference to Jacoby and Wilamowitz). Similarly,
Edmonds (1931) and Adrados (1956) printed the proverb as a poetical fragment
(23 and 15, respectively), but with notes expressing their doubts.
Wilamowitz' objection may have been answered in palt by Szadeczky-
Kardoss 1964 who cites Archil. F 219.4 Tard. = 251.5 West, Oi<püAtrot, to
demonstrate that the root Ol<p- was in fact available in seventh century lonic.
However, even if Mimnerrnus did know the verb oi<pElv, there are still no
grounds for believing, with Szadeczky-Kardoss, that he incorporated the prov-
erb into an iambic trimeter catalectic or an iambic tetrameter, for, as R. Kassel
(Rh. Mus . 112 [1969] 98) has shown, the statement j.I.€/lVll'tUt 'til~ 1tUpotll{U~
Mtll<V)EPIlO~ means only that Mirnnermus recalled or mentioned the proverb; it

19 Cf. Oe Marco 1940, 327.

20 For details of publication, see F 22.
21 See above, note 18.
22 Cf. Ercole 1929,487, n. I, who suggested X{j)~ äp~cr't(l (,.np) Ol<PEl, and Gentili
1965,386, who offered -~- ...... ~-v äpw't(l (oe) X{j)~ /Ol<pEl.
23 It survived into OiehP (1954), in a different scheme: ü~-ü-lipw'ta X{j)~ (ON) /
Archibald Allen 29

does not imply timt he quoted it verbatim. 24

In shon, then, there is not the slightest hint in the fu'1cient repons on his
work that Mirnnerrnus wrote iambic verse, and not a single iamb can be clairned
for hirn.

24 Kassel compares Zenob. 5.20, 1lEp. CPPOVEl J.1&.A.A.ov 1\ nllAEU<; bd. "t11l J.1lX.xalpal·
IlEllvll'tal 'tau't'll<; 'AV{lJCPEO>V (PMG 497) 1Ca.1 nlvooPoc; i::v NEjJ.EOVllCm<; .... . ; this is the
relevant passage of Pindar (Nem. 4.59-60): 'tih ömOOA.oo 'tE J.1lX.xalpal cpU'tEUE oi SWa'tov
/ EIC t.irx,ou, nEt..lao miic;. D. Bain echoes Kassel's conclusion: 'All we know is that
Mimnermus mentioned the proverb.. .' (CQ 41 [1991] 72). See, 100, D.L. Page in his review
of DiehP (on Fr. 15): 'There is no point whatever in pretending that these words are attested
for Mimnermus, nor yet in supplying them with ametrical background .. .' (CR n.s. 1 [1951j

Stobaeus (Fragments 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 15, 24, 25)

S = codex Vindobonensis Sambo (ph. gr. 67) saec. X

M = codex Scorial. (94) saec. XI-Xll
A = codex Paris. gr. 1984 saec. XIV
L = codex Laurent. plut. 8.22 saec. XIV

Strabo (Fragments 9, 10, 11)

F = codex Vat. 1329 saec. XIV

C = codex Paris. gr. 1393 saec. XIV
s codex Paris. gr. 1408 saec. XV
x codex Laurent. gr. plut. 28, 19 saec. XV

Athenaeus (Fragments 12, 18)

A = codex Marc. gr. 447 saec. X

C codex Paris. suppl. gr. 841 saec. XV-XVI
E = codex Laurent 60.2 saec. XV-XVI

Cf. critical editions ofWachsmuth-Hense (Stobaeus); Kramer (Strabo), with W.

Aly, Strabonis Geographica I (Bonn 1968) 101 ff.; Kaibel (Athenaeus). On the
Etymologica (F 16) and Theognis (for F 5 and F 7), see West, lambi et Elegi
Graeci I pp. ix ff., and for Diogenes Laert. (F 6), c.G. Cobet, Diogenis
Laertii ... /ibri decem (Paris 1878).
Archibald Allen 31

F 1 (l W, 7 G-P)

(I) Stobaeus 4.20 (TIept 'A<ppooi'tTJ~). 16, p. 439 Hense: MtllvEPIlOU'

(11) Plutarch, De virt. moral. 6. p. 445 f. (vv. 1-2):

(II1) Apostolius (sive f. Arsenius), Corp. Paroem. Gr. II (ed. Leutsch) p. 678
(vv. 102, ex S~ob.) :

1 'ti~
OE ßio~, 'ti OE 'tep7tVOV <'hep Xpl>OErJ~ 'A<ppooi'tTl~;
'tEBvaillv, Ö'te IJ.Ot 1l1lKett 'ta,ha JW..ot,
Kpl>1t'taoill <ptA6nt~ mtllEiAtxa oropa Kat eUVTl'
ot ' flß1l~ &vem yiVetat ap7tciJ..hJ.
5 avoPUOtv iJoE yuva#v ' €red 0' OOuVTlpOv €re~t
yilpa~, Ö 't' aioxpov ÖIJ.O)<; KatKaAOv &vopa neu,
aiet IltV <pp€va~ alJ.q>t KaKat 'tetPOOOt IlEpt/.tvat,
ou 0' aU'Ya~ 1tpOOOP®V 'tEp7tetat iJeAiou,
aU' ExepO~ IlEv 1tatotv, a'ttllao'to~ yuva#v 'oe
10 oü't~ apyaJ.1ov yilpa~ ffirlKe ero~.

Codd. MA 1-10, S 1-2

11:tsl)eßtos, 1:tl)eA :1:tsI)U1....1:tl)utSM ßtos)xapte; Plut. il'tEp]üvEuPlut. xpuab)s
Brunck : xpua'iIs codd.• Plut. 3 f.ldAlXu Gesner: f.lElJ.tXlU MA 4 ot Bergk: oi M :
Ei A : ot· Ahrens ytYVE'tUlA 5 E1td 1)' Gesner : E1td 1:' MA : E~v 1)' Brunck E1tElJh,l
A: f1tEA9olM 6tcr:tJ..Ov MA :tcUtcOV Hermann :'taAavSitzler 7uielA : aelM jllV
Bergk: f.lEv MA 'tEtVO\)(H M 81tpoaopt!9v West ('fort. '): 1tpoaopiiiv MA
32 F 1


The early Greek poets pull no punches when they talk about old age. For
Homer, it is A:UYPOV (I/. 5.153; 10.79; 18.434; 23.644; 24.249), XCJJ...ertOV (Il.
8.103; 23.623; Od. 11.196), ot..oov (Il. 24.487), O/lOllOV (Il. 4.315), and
<HUY€POV (Il. 9.336). Hesiod personifies it as a destr"Jctive child of Night
(Theog. 225, fllPw; üUA.O/l€Vov) and describes it as ot..oov (Theog. 604), o€tA.Ov
(Erg. 113), and ro/lOV (Erg. 705). Semonides calls it ä~l1f...ov (F 1.11 West),
Solon KUKOV (F 24.10 West = 18.10 G-P), Theognis üUA.O/l€Vov (272, 527,
768), KUKOV (728, 1011), and apyoJ.1ov (1132), Pindar avrovulJ.Ov (01. 1.82),
OUA.O/l€Vov (Pyth. 10.41), and artex,66/l€Vov (Nem. 10.83). And Alcman (PMG
26), Sappho (F 21 and F 58 Voigt) and Anacreon (PMG 395) mention the
physical debilities brought about by old age. But nobody denounces old age at
such length and with such intensity as Mirnnermus. His first six fragments (44
lines, from an entire corpus of 81 lines) all have to do with ageing, and his
descriptions of the miseries anending old age, especially in the first two frag-
ments, are without parallel in Homer, Hesiod, the lyric poets, and the other
The extremity of Mirnnermus' view is even more apparent when one
notices that arnid all the negative references to old age in the early poets there
are also signs of a more positive attitude to the advancing years. Thus, for
example, in Homer, Nestor's old age, which has made him wise, is a blessing
as weH as a curse. And it is hardly a coincidence that Hesiod (Theog. 233 ff.)
introduces Nereus, the Old Man of the Sea, 'unlying and true,' shortly after
mentioning hateful Geras. So, too, Solon can say that he grows old rtolJ.JJ.
OtOUcrKO/l€VO<; (F 18 West = 28 G-P), and Sappho appears to have found
contentrnent in her old age (see below, line 8 n., and F 4 Comm., with reference
to Di Benedeno 1985). Sometimes, therefore, Yilpa<; might indeed be t..t1tupOv,
'sleek' or 'easy' (cf. Od. 19.368; 23.283; Pino. Nem. 7.99)----but never for
Mirnnermus. (For further discussion of the early poets' attitudes to old age, see
Preisshofen 1977.)
Schmiel 1974 compares the poet's 'point of view' in this fragment with
his 'point of view' in F 2: in the first of 'these two poems' (as Schmiel rightly
refers to them; cf. below, line 1 n.), Mirnnermus strikes a defIant opening note
and views old age from the perspective of youth alld its pleasures, whereas in
the second he looks back on the short-lived joy of youth from the vantage point
of old age and its imminent woes.

1. Rhetorical, emotional questions of the type, 'What life is now left to me ...
what joy... ?' are naturally associated with bereavement; cf., e.g., Il. 18.80, fi).)Jx
'Cl /lOt 'Cmv ~öo<;, rnd q>lf...o<; wAte' huipo<;/llu'CpOKAo<; .. . ; Soph. An!. 548, KUt
'Cl<; ßio<; /lOt crot) t..tA.Et/l/lfvr!t q>lf...o<;; 566, 'Cl yap !lOVl1 /lOt 't1lcrO' ä'C€p
ßtfficrt/lov; Pind. Nem. 10.77 f., 'Cl<; oil t..ucrt<; rocretUt rt€V9wv; KUt €lJ.Ot
Archibald Allen 33

9avo:tov <TUV 'trotO' rnEl'tEtAov .... ; and for discussion, see Di Benedeno 1985,
156 f. Mirnnennus' adaptation of such questions to the 10ss of erotic pleasure
is surely meant to be bold and provocative. Simonides may be imitating
Mirnnennus' directly (PMG 584):

't~ yap Mova.~ lhEp eva-

'trov ßl~ 1to9Etvo~ Tl1tOl-
a 'tUpwvl~;
'ta.cro' lhEp ouoe 9t&v ~TlA.rotO~ airov

C. Segal (QUCC 22 [1976] 71 ff.) thinks that Pindar echoes this line at Pyth.
8.95, 'tl OE 'tt~; 'tl 0' oün~; (and that his 'Zeus-given-gleam' in the next line
'answers the departing light of Mirnnennus' ). But the questions are quite
different. Sirnilarly, M.R. Halleran (CQ n.s. 38 [1988] 559 f.) supposes that
there is an echo in Eur. Bacch. 773 f., OtVO'I) OE J.lTlKtc' öV'to~ oUK ä:mv KU1tp~
/ ouo' ~ 'tEp1tVOV ouoev avep<lmot~. But it is more likely that Euripides is
using the tradition al language of bereavement and separation, especially since
OtVO'l) may be a gloss on an original Buqou ('with Bacchus no longer here ... ').
On the other hand, there can be linle doubt that Horace was thinking of this very
line when he wrote (Ep. 1.6.65):

si, Mimnermus uti censet, sine amore iocisque

nil est iucundum, vivas in amore iocisque.

Diehl also cites Hor. Od. 1.30.7 f. (to Venus), 'et parum comis sine te Iuventas
Mercuriusque,' and Cat. 5, 'vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus.'

1. tl~ OE ß{o~: for inceptive oe, see Denniston 1934, 172 f. (cf. W. 1.
Verdenius, Mnem. 27 [1974] 173 f.). The use of adversative or continuative
particles such as <iM.<i, rap and OE at the start of short elegiac poems may
reflect elegy' s dose association with the symposium, in which the practice of
' taki:lg up the songs' will have entailed some sort of thematic continuum in the
symposiasts' individual contributions; see Reitzenstein 1893,45 ff. For ellipse
of dvat (cf. e.g.ll. 5.633 f., 'tl~ 'tOt ava)'KTl / 1t'tcOcrcrEtV), see Kühner-Gerth 1.40
(b). Plutarch' s xapt~ for ßlo,; is weak and, along with his ävru for the old Ionic
lhEP (cf. Bechtel 1924, 240), suggests that he quoted inaccurately from
memory, perhaps unconsciously associating Aphrodite with the Graces.
XPu(J€Tl~ 'A<ppooitTl~: Brunck's correction of MSS xpoof1~ is supported by
F 11 .6, XpooErot. . .€v 9aA.O:J..LO)t. Gold connotes divinity. So, for example,
Homer uses xpucr6.opo~ of Apollo (ll. 15.256) and Hera (Il. 1.611) and
xpucro9povo<; of Artemis (Il. 9.529), and golden sandals are wom by Hermes
(Il. 24.340), Athena (Od. 1.96), and Hera (Od. 11.604). But only Aphrodite
herself is 'golden' : Il. 3.64; 5.427; 9.1; 19.982; 24.699; Od. 4.14; 8.337, 342;
17.37; 19.54; in H.h. 5, she is 'very golden' (1 and 9, 1tOAUXpUcrou 'Aq>poOl'tT1<;).
34 FI

For Hesioo too she is 'golden' (Theog. 822, 962, 975, 1005 1014; Erg. 65) and
'very golden' (Theog . 980; Erg. 52; F 185.17 and F 253.3 M-W). There is no
obvious parallel in early poetry for a figurative use of 'golden' in such fonnulas.
But H.L. Lorimer's suggestion (Greek Poetry and Life [Oxford 1936] 29) that
AphrOOite owes her epithet 'golden' to rumours of a golden statue in one of the
Phoenician cities is not convincing. Verdenius 1985,52, cites K.R. Ameis and
C. Hentze, Homers Odyssee (Leipzig u. Berlin 1908), who on 7.337 render the
adjective 'goldgeschmuckt,' and he also mentions a suggestion by 1. van Eck,
The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (diss. Utrecht 1978) 40, that the goodess' s
golden jewelry will have served 'to arouse love.' For further speculation on the
epithet, see Boedeker 1974,22 f.

2. 'teOva{,lV: the rhetoric of bereavement is sustained. For the real thing, cf.
1/. 18.98 f., aütilca tESvaillv, E1td. OÜK €JlEAAOV haipoH 1crElVOJlEvOH
uOvalr\v .. . J.Le).o\: Goodwin 1889, 61 f., quotes this line among his ex-
amples of optatival assimilation in conditional sentences; he maintains that
Ötav JlllKEtl JlfAlll might be substituted for ÖtE... J.LfAol without change of
meaning. But assimilation here is unlikely. With the subjunctive, the clause
will mean, 'when I (shall) care no longer'; with the optative, it means, 'when
I should happen to care no longer.' Cf. Bach's note ad loc. : 'Mirnnennus non
optat mori simulac senectus ipsum corripuerit, sed, si forte eveniat, quoo non
sperat, futurum esse, ut unquam amori operam dare nequeat, turn sibi mortem
dicit expetendam fore ... '; cf. also Theogn. 343 f., teBvaillv 0', Ei Jl" tl KaKrov
äJl1tauJla . .. rupoiJlllv .. . ('may I die if I should not happen to find .. .'), another
example of an indistinct future condition.
'tauta J.L€A.o1.: cf. Theogn. 612, OE1.A.ot~ &vopaOl tauta J.LfAel with tauta
referring backwards rather than forwards.

3. Kp\l1t'taO{ll <ptA6't,,~: in Homer's account of Bellerophon, Anteia longed

to sleep with the blameless youth Kpu1ttaoilll qnA.O't1ltl (I/. 6.162). And Hesioo
speaks of the adulterer who 'goes up to his brother's bed' (Erg. 329,
lCpu1ttaoill~ ruvil9. But Mirnnermus can hardly be talking here of adulterous
love; cf. L.M. Positano, pp 1 (1946) 362, and Dawson 1966,49, who compares
I/. 14.333 ff., where Hera suggests to Zeus that they should retire to the privacy
of the bedroom for their love-making. Almost by definition, 'secret' love sug-
gests passionate love.
J.LeiAtXa öropa Kat eüv,,: it is Aphrodite who gives J.LEtA.txa 06>pa to
mortals (cf. H.h. 10.1 f., 11tE ßPO'tOtOl / J.LEtA.lxa oropa OiOO)(HV. At I/. 3.54 f.,
Hector says to Paris:

OOlC äv tOl Xpai<JJllll Kieapl~ ta tE orop' 'Acppoöi't1l~,

11 tE lCOJlll to tE döo~, Öt' Ev KovilllOl JllYEill~.
Archibald Allen 35

And Paris replies (64 ff.):

liTt J.l.Ot &op' Epa'ta 1tP6<peps xpuae.,<; 'Aq>poot'tT\<;

oU 'tOt U1tOßA1jt' rott O€iOv EptlCUOEa &opa,
ooaa Kev amot oaXHV, eKrov 0' OUK äv 'tt<; EAot'tO.

From that exchange, it is clear that Aphrodite's gifts are attributes of sexual
attractiveness; cf. Theogn. 1303 f. (warning a youth) OUK€'tt &,pÜv / ~st<;
Ku1tpoyevou<; &opov. But in H.h. 2.101 f., Demeter is said to resemble an old
woman ii'ts 'tOK01O / elP'Y'l'tat oroprov 'ts q>tAoo't€:cpavou 'Aq>poOt'tT\<;, and there
the 'gifts' are sexual pleasures. So, also, [Hes.] Seut. 47 (Amphitryon),
'tep1t0j.leY0<; oroPOtat 1tOAUXpUaou 'Aq>poot'tT\<;. And so, too, here. By meta-
lepsis, the 'gifts' have become the pleasures which are associated with them.
For j.l€tAtXa, cf. Hes. Theog. 205 (on the concems of Aphrodite), q>tAOnrta 'ts
IiStAtxtllv 't€. Folk etymology will have connected j.l€tAtxo<; with I!fAt. (cf.
Frisk, s.v.). On ruvr., see F 12.5 n. Homer's phrase, q>tAOnrtt Kat ruvfjt (e.g.
Il. 3.445; Od. 5.126) is a hendiadys, and Mimnermus' offipa Kat ruvr. should
also be read as one. There is certainly no need to emend, with Hecker (offipa
L'nroV1l<;), Stadtmüller (€pya Kat ruvr.), Hartung (offip' 'Aq>pOOt'tT\9 or Leutsch
(IiTlAa Kat ruvr.).

4. ot' iißll<;.•. ap1taUa: M has 01, A has si; the small corruption has pro-
dUCed a host of conjectures: d' (at) iiß1l<; ävOro (Hertzberg), 009' iiß1l<; äv9ro
(Bergk), ävOen 'tf1<; iißll<; (Grotius), ävOen 'tauO' iiß1l<; (Hermann), ävO'
OlillAtKtll<; or llAtKtll<; 0' äv9ro (Kayser), ävOs' ud iiß1l (Schneider), ävOfn
'ttp1tV' iiß1l<; (Hartung), siv iiß1l<; ävest (Sauppe), otp or ot<; 0' iißll<; (Brugman),
ruavet,<; iiß1l yt"(Vetat (Schneidewin). Ahrens' ol' (printed by Gentili-Prato and
West) leaves Up1taAm hanging awkwardly, and Bergk's ot' is much to be
preferred; see WJ. Verdenius, Mnem. 29 (1976) 189, who notes that the
asyndeton, ruvr.· ot', will have 'explanatory (motivating) force.' The 'flowers
of youth' are the attributes of youth at its physical aKIiTt or peak, strength and
vigour with attendant chann and beauty. Cf. Il. 13.484 (of Aineias), Kat 0' exst
iiß1l<; äv90<; ö 'ts Kp<l'tO<; EeJ'tt ~l.<J'tOV; Hes. Theog. 988 (of Phaethon), 'tepev
äv90<; exov't' EptlCUOro<; iiß1l<;; Tyrt. F 10.28 West = 7.28 G-P, &pp' Epa'tf1<;
iiß1l<; a:YAaov ävOo<; Ex11l. Sexual and erotic connotations are clear; cf. H.F.
Johansen and E.W. Whittle on Aesch. Suppl. 663-64 (vol. 3, p. 31 of their
Copenhagen 1980 edition). Onians 1951,232, suggests that the expression may
owe something, in its origins, to the growth of facial and bodily hair at puberty,
but the underlying image might be that of the whole body attaining its UlCliTt of
development. For the synizesis, ävOfg, cf. F 2.2 (fgpo<;), 4 (O€!9v) , F 7.1
(1tOAt't€!9V), F 9.6 (0€!9v); see Schwyzer 1.244 f.
y{vstat: cf. F 2.7 and 11, F 5.4, and F 12.2. Old Attic yt"(V- appears in some
of the manuscripts; on the proper Ionic form, see Kühner-Blass 1.284.
36 F 1

o.pltaA€a: 'pleasing,' 'attractive,' 'desirable'; cf. Theogn. 1353 (of Epro<;),

ntKpOC; Kat yAuciC; ... Kat ap1t<v.1.oc; Kat amU1.11c;, and Pind. Pyth. 8.65 (of a
vicrory prize), apnr:iAiav OOOtv. It was presumably through association with
apnasro that the adjective acquired its later, harsher meanings (cf. Chantraine
s.v.). M.S. Silk (CQ 33 [1983] 326) thinks that apn- may be 'alluded to' here,
'but only as an extra connotation: the sensuous impression of a 'graspi..'1g' of the
ävElw. is subsidiary to the straightforward denotation' (i.e. 'pleasing').

5. aVOpo.olV TjOt 'YUval~iv: (same sedes at Od. 19.408) cf. Theogn. 1066
f. (on sexual pleasure), 'toU'tffiV oUOev (i."v> ö),)..' Enm:pnvon:pov / avopUO'tv
TjoE yuva#v.
€ltel. ... €n€!..9Tll: Brunck proposed rnl]V 0', 'fort. recte,' according to Gentili-
Prato, who cite F 12.3, rnl]v ...'Hroc; / ...
eicravaßilt. But htd may remain; cf.,
e.g., Il. 15.363, ÖC;t ' End aOv nOt1lOTlt. Bcsides, rnl]V 0' oOuv- may be thought
to lack euphony.

5-6. OO'\)VTlPov ... rfipa~: the adjective does not occur in Homer or Hesiod,
although Homer has OOUVll (e.g. Il. 11.398, OOUVll .. .&A.qetvi), found usually
in the plural (e.g. I/. 5.339, OOUVlltO't nE7tap~oc;). Cf. F 2.12, neviTlC; ... epy·
oouVllpa, and Pind. Paean. 1.1 Sn.-Maehl., nptv oOuvapa Y1lpaOC; OXeOOv
I!OAe'iv (= the pains of old age). There is partial personification of yflpaC; here,
for it 'comes upon' a man-htD...9rtt-like a foe; cf. Callin. F 3 West = 3 G-
P, vUv 0' htL .. o'tpa'tOC; ltpxetat. Hesiod personifies yllpaC; as a child of Night
(see above), and vase painters later depict it, in confrontations with Herades, as
an emaciated old man being threatened or beaten by the hero: Beazley ABV
1956, 491 , no. 70; ARV 1963, 284 (Matsch P.) no. 1; 286 (Geras P.) no. 16; 653
(Charmides P.) no 1; 889 (penthesilea P.) no. 160; cf. F. Brommer, 'Herakles
und Geras,' Arch. Anz. 67 (1952) 60 ff. For discussion of 'abstrakte
Gottesbegriffe,' including rilpac;, see Usener 1896,364 ff., who thinks that they
were more important in poetty and painting than in real life, and for further
discussion of old age personified, and its representation in vase painting and the
plastic arts, see Richardson 1933, 72 ff.

6. ö 't' aioxpov ÖI!Ol<; !Cal. !Ca!..ov ävopa 'tlgel: for epic, generalising
'te with relatives (cf. F 2.1,8, 13; F 5.4; F 11.5; F 17), see Denniston 1934,
321 f.
aioXpov: 'ugly'; cf. I/. 2.216 (of Thersites), atOXto'tOC; OE avflp uno '1AtOV
~Aee. Gentili-Prato print the manuscripts' ollii>c; Kat KaMV, with this note on
the clause: 'intelligendum 'quae (senectus) facit et pulchros turpibus esse
pares' ... vel quae peraeque vel pulchrum virum deformem reddit' (the renderings
of Grotius and Bach, respectively). So, too, Hudson-Williams: 'which puts the
ugly and the handsome man in the same condition' or 'which makes even a
handsome man ugly like (the plain one).· And Fränkei 1962, 240, n. 4: 'das
Archibald Allen 37

auch den Schönen ebenso hasslich macht (wie der Hässliche von jeher war).'
But it is hard to see how the Greek can yield such translations, for, as W.J.
Verdenius objected (Mnem. sero 4 [1953] 197), oJ.U7><; 'ttO€vUt surely cannot
mean 'to put in the same condition,' nor can Oj.LOx; mean 'like (the plain man).'
G. Hermann emended KaAOV to KUKOV in the 1824 edition of F. Vigier's De
praeeipuis graeeae linguae idiotismis (1627), p. 929 (p. 927 of his 1834 edi-
tion); he printed his new reading taeite, eliciting this comment from Bach in
1826: 'quod quidem utrum ipsi auctori an typothetharum incuriae debeatur
nescio' (p. 30). Syntactically, the collocation uiOXpOv oJ.U7><; KUtKUKOV has
perfect parallels in F 5.4, €x0pOv oJ.U7><; ICUt ä'ttj.Lov, and Theogn. 1019, n:p1tVOV
Oj.LOx; KUt KUt";)\!, but there is no parallel for the statement that old age makes
a man KUKO~. The orJy reasonable meaning for the adjective to bear in such
a statement would be 'worthless' --certainly not 'bad' or 'evil.' But even if it
could carry that meaning here, Hermann's KUKOV wouId be somewhat otiose
after uiOXpOv, for it is his aioxf'Ü'nl~, his loss of Kauo~, which in Mimnermus'
view contributes Iargely to the old man's worthlessness and lack ofrespect; cf.
F 3, 'to 1tptV einv KUMtcr'tO~ ... / oUoe... 'tij.LlO~ oü't€ <piAo~.

I have adopted Verdenius' emendation of Oj.LOx; to OJ.LOX; (a change sug-

gested in fact almost one hundred and fifty years earlier by L. Doederlein in his
Observ. crit. in Soph. Oed. Col. [1812], on line 662), so that the elause will
mean: 'which makes even a handsome man ugly.' To illustrate the position
of Oj.L~ (which 'may be put before the concessive elause'), Verdenius (loe. eit.)
cited Soph. O.C. 958 f., 1tpO~ Oe 'ta~ 1tpusn~ OJlO>~ / Kat 't11AtKOOÖ' WV,
UVtlOpav 1tnpUcrOj.Lat, and Plat. Phaed. 91 CD, äSlOV rap Oj.L~ Katmop 1tpO~
d86'ta~ OttAO€lV. But for this use of Oj.Lro~ in poetry eloser in time to
Mimnermus, one may turn to Hes. Erg. 20 (of Eris), U1taAaj.LOV 1t€P oJ.LOX; trct
epyov q€tPev, on which West 1978 ad loe. suggests that Q/UO<; may be thought
to belong to U1taAaj.LOV 1ttp rather than E1tt EpyOV qnpev (' ... stirs up even the
shiftless man to work'). He compares Soph. Ai. 15, KW ä1to1t'to~ ~l~ OJ.LOX;,
Soph. O.C. 956, Kd OtKat' OJ.LOX; ')..Zyro, Aesch. Cho. 115, Kd 9upal6~ WO'
oj.L~, and Homer's use of e,.m,,~ at Il. 14.399, Nanopa 0' oUK EAaOev ium
1ttvoV'tu 1t€P eJl1t1l~, and I/. 17.229 f., Kat 't~6Ytu 1ttp e,.m,,~ / TpiiXl~ ~
i1t1tooaj.LO'l)~ EpU<J11l. One should add Theogn. 1029, 'toAj.La, 9uJ-tt, 1CaKOlcrtV
oj.L~ ä'tATl'ta 1t€1tove~ (' ...even though you have suffered intolerable things').
The adopted reading, OJ.LOX; Kat KaAOV, focuses the listener's attention on
the polar extremes of beauty and ugliness, youth and age. Mimnermus is not
interested in the idea that old age is a leveller, which renders equal the ugly and
the beautiful. His concem is rather with the great darnage which old age inflicts
on youth. In making even the handsome man ugly, it destroys his sexual
attractiveness (cf. line 9 below), and even the most handsome man will lose the
respect and love of his own sons when he grows old (F 3).
38 F 1

!CaAOV clvöpa: Vivante 1982,203 ff., observes that in Horner K:0:I...6<; tends to
be used in descriptions of bodily parts-e.g. the neck (ll. 3.396), ankles (Il.
4.417), harr (ll. 14.177), skin (ll. 11.352), face (ll. 19.285), eyes (ll. 23.66)-
rather than the whole person. But cf., e.g., ll. 2.673, K:<XM.lO'tO<; CtvTtp, and Od.
9.513, qx'iYcC( ~av rot roMv.
neet: an IOllc contraction (Cf. Bechtel 1924, 179; West 1974, 106); but see
Chantraine 1958, 298 f., who says that in Horner (ll. 13.732; Od. 1.192,
1tapa'tlgel) it is an Archaie fonn and ought to be accented 'ti9El.. It occurs agam
in F 5.4.

7. ale{ lUV: Gentili-Prato retain MSS ~, dting 11. 6.255 f., ~ ~Ma Oi]
'Ceipoucrt (sc. oe or i1~<;) for ellipse of the pronoun. But Bergk's ~lV is weH
based on ll. 15.61, 6&uvarov / al vUv ~lV 'teiPOOOllC<l'tU q>peva<; (cf. too initial
aid ~lV at ll. 10.347).
eppeva<; a~ep{: for postponed a~i, cf. Hes. Theog. 554, XcOO<X'tO Oe q>peva<;
u~q>i, and H.h. 5.273, (J'J oe q>peva<; u~t )'eyr)9cO<;. In Horner, the q>peve<; are
to be identified fIrst with the midriff or diaphragm, the seat of various anatomi-
cal and psycbic organs, e.g. the ~'top (11. 16.241), the Jcilp (1l.16.481), the 9wu><;
(ll. 22.475), the lCpaoill (ll. 16.435), the voo<; (ll. 18.419). But they are also an
important psycbic organ in their own right, located vaguely in that same region
of the lower chest or midriff. People (and of course gods also) know, under-
stand, and deli berate in their q>peve<;-e.g. 11. 1.333 (qvro ~lOtV evt q>proiv),
Od. 1.328 (q>prot ouv9e'to ... aoto..,v) , ll. 5.671 (~~"'pt1;e.. .K:a'tu q>peva)-
and feel anger (e.g.ll. 1.103, ~ro<; oL .q>peve<; u~L. .1ti~<XV'C), desire (e.g.
ll. 11.89, ohou ... 1ttpt q>peva<; t~o<; aipel), joy (e.g.ll. 1.474, q>peva 'tep7te't'
U1CoUroV), grief (e.g.ll. 1.362, 'ti Oe oe q>peva<; t1Ce'tO 1teveo<;), fear (e.g.ll. 1.555,
aiv&<; ooootK:a lCa'tu q>peva), and anguish (e.g.ll. 10.347, quoted above). For
discussion, see Onians 1951, 23 ff.; S. Ireland and F. Steel, '«I>peve<; as an
Anatomical Organ in the Works of Horner,' Glotta 55 (1977) 34 ff. In her
study, 'A Person's Relation to q>pfJv in Horner, Hesiod, and the Greek Lyric
Poets,' Glotta 57 (1979) 159 ff., S.M. Darcus observes that sornetirnes in the
lyric poets 'the subject of the verb expressing influence upon q>peve<; is the
person possessing thern,' whereas in Homer 'a person generally had little influ-
ence upon his own q>peve<; ... ' (p. 170). This distinction is relevant to
Mimnennus' other mention of q>pfJv (see F 7.l n.). Here, however, as the
parallel passages show, bis conception of q>peve<; as the focus of the old man's
wearing pains is quite Horneric.
lC(XK:a\. .. ~ep\~va\: the noun is not found in Horner, but cf. Hes. Erg. 178,
XaAe1tu<; .. .~i~va<;; H.h. 4.44, .~t~vat; 160, llEfaAllv oe 1ta-cilp
eq,u'tcuoe ~epl~vav: Sappho F 1.25 f. Voigt, X<iArnav ...EK: ~i~vav: Stes. P.
Lille 76a 11 + 73 I 26, 201, ed. C . Meillier et al., Cahier de Recherches de l'
Institut de Papyrologie et d' Egyptologie de Lilie 4 (Lilie 1976) 297, rn: äA:yrot
Archibald Allen 39

IlTt XaÄrnu~ 7tOiEl j.l.EpiIlVa~; (cf. ZPE 26 [1977] 3 (c. Meillier) and 15 (PJ.
tdpo'U(n: cf. 11. 4.315 (of Nestor), <JE yf1pa~ 'tEipEl.

8. ouo •...,;tA-{o'U: cf. 11. 8.480 f. (of Iapetus and Cronus in Tartarus), om'
auyf1l~ 'Y7t€piovo~ 'Hu..iolO / 'tEp7tOV't' oih' &v~l<Jl. Mirnnerrnus' old man
is not in sunless Tartarus, so that, in asense, his joylessness in the sun's
presence is much deeper than the Titans' joyless state. For the possibility that
Sappho 'corrected' this notion that the elderly take no pleasure in beholding the
sun's mys (= in living), see F 4 Comm. On Mirnnermus' fondness for the sun,
see above, p. 12.
Jtpo<Joperov tepJtttcu: West suggested -op€.rov, but retained MSS -oprov.
For 'tEp7tr09at with complementary participle, cf. e.g. 11. 19.19, 'tetap7teto
oaiow..a<J<Jcov, and Od. 1.369, OalWj.l.EVOl 't€p7tc.OllE6a (see Schwyzer

9. aA-A- • ix9po~ J.l.eV Jt(uGiv: for ellipse of dval, see line 1 n. The old man
is hateful to 'boys,' an erotic reference; see above, p. 18, and cf. Dover 1978,
a't{J.l.aGto~ oe )'"\)Vcx\~{v: the adjective is found only here; cf. the Homeric
änllo~ at F 5.4, and for discussion see F 3 Comm. and F 5. 4n. On yuval~{v,
West asks 'an yuvaud?' (i.e. with 7tat<J{v = 'sons,' as in F 3.2, üUoe 7tatTtP
1tal<J1.V 't{1l1O~), but he also notes, contra, the erotic reference at Solon F 24.5
=18.5 G-P, 1tat06~ 't' iloe yuvauc6~. And W.J. Verdenius (Mnem. 29 [1976]
189 f.) adds Tyrt. F 10.29 West = 7.29 G-P, €pa'to~ oe yuva#.

10. apycxA-eov: a favourite adjective of Mirnnermus, used of old age again at

F 2.6 and F 5.2, and of death (F 4.2), woes (F 6.1), hybris (F 9.4), and rurnour
(F 16). Its basic connotation will be of physical pain «*MYMro~); see
Chantraine, s.v. äAyO~. It is a fair1y common adjective in Homer, who uses it,
for example, of epyov (1/. 4.471), qroAo1tt~ (11. 11.278), lCalla'to~ (11. 13.85),
IlVTJ<JW~ (Od. 2.199), oooj.I.Ü~ (Od. 12.161).
9t6~: Zeus. In F 2.15 f., Mimnermus says that there is no human being 6>l
Zru~ IlTt lCalCu 1COAAa OlOO'i, and as Wilamowitz 1931, 350, observed, the old
age which 'god' is said here to have made painful is one of those lCalCa: 'Vor
Augen liegt, dass 9E6~ und Ze6~ dasselbe sagen.' Cf. R. Pettazzoni, L'
omniscienza du Dia: trans. HJ. Rose, The All-Knowing God (London 1956) 145
ff; Dietrich 1965, 300 ff. And for a similar combination of 9ro~, n9eval, and
apyaMo~, cf. Od. 11.101 (of Odysseus' v6<J'to~), 'tov OEtOl apyaArov 9tl<JEl
40 F2

F 2 (2 W, 8 G-P)

Stobaeus 4.34 (nEpl. 'tou ßiou, ön ßpaxu~ lCat eU'teAl,~ !Cat eppov'tio<Ov
avu~ro'to~). 12, p. 827-8 Hense: Mi~vEp~ou'

i]~ci~ 0' otu 'tE <pUM.a <pUEt 1tOAuavero~ rop11t

ropo~, ö't' ahV' auyilt~ aü~etat ';fAiou,
'to~ llC€Aot mlXUtOV E1tt Xpovov &verotV T\ßrl~
'tEp7to~Efla, 1tPO~ 8@v Ei06't~ omE lCalCOV
5 OÜ"t' aya8ov ' Kfjp~ oe 1taproTTtlCruH ~atvat,
i] ILEv €xou<Ja 'tEAo~ Y11pao~ apyMEou,
i] 0' hEp1l Savu'tOto· ~ivuvSa oe yivetat T\ßrl~
lCap7tO~, OOOV "t' rnt yijv JCtova'tat ';EAtO~.
au'tap E7tT,V ol, 'toU'to 'tEAo~ 1tapa~ll.jfetat rop11~,
10 au'tilCa or, 'tEflvavat ßEA'tEpOV il ßiO'to~.
1tOMa yap f:v 9u~O)l lCalca ylvetat· liA..AmE OilCO~
'tpoUXoU'tat, 1tI::vill~ 0' epy' üöuVllpa 1tEAEt·
äM.o~ 0' ai) 1taiOrov rntoruetat, &v 'tE ~t<J'ta
i.~Eiprov lCa'ta yij~ €pxetat Ei~ 'AiÖllV'
15 äAAo~ voU<Jov €xE! eu~cp86POV' oU oE 'ti~ oo'ttV
av8pol1t<Ov, &t Zru~ ~l, lCalCa 1toMa OlOO'i.

Codd. SMA
1 ltOAvuv8EO<; Bergk : ltoAvw8EO<; A: ltOAv0:v8q.lO<; SM O'p1ll Bergk : roPTt codd. 2
ahv ' codd.: iilV Brunck ö't· .. . av~E'tal codd. : ä. 't' .. . ä~E'tal Zacher (ä~E'tal iam
Schneidewin) auyTiu; Schneidewin: aUrl1 codd. : auya"U; Sitzler 7 y{VE'tal M :
yiYVE'tal SA 9 EnTtv codd. : end Brunck ltapaf1eilVE'tal S : ltapaf1elljlal MA :
ltapafj.dlVWl Cobet 10 öi! 'tE8v<ival SA : öi! 'tE8v&val M : 'tE8v<ifj.EVUl Bach
ßEA'tEPOV scripsi : ßEA'tlOV codd. 11 y{VE'tal SM : y{YVE'tal A WJ..atE oh:os A :
WJ..atE 't' 01](0<; SM W..AmE Ö· Grotius: äUoeEV Bach 12 ltEVil1S S: ltEpll1S M :
ltEpt ~S A 16 ÖlOOl cod. Par. 1985. et S ant. CO". (?): OlÖ& MA S post CO".
Archibald Allen 41


'The second piece is a variation on a theme of Homer ... ' So Bowra

1935, 19, and most commentators agree: in comparing the brevity of youth to
the short life of the leaves which burgeon in the spring, Mirnnermus had in mind
Glaucus' words to Diomedes at Il. 6.146 ff.:

Olll m:p <pUUrov YEVeTt, ·Wlll o~ Kat avoprov.

<pUAAa 1:a I!€v 1:' ävtl!o~ xal!<iot~ X€tt, (J).)..a OE 9' ÜAll
1:f\AeBocooa <pUtt., ro.po~ O· httytyvetat roPf\·
öx; avoprov YEVflt i] ~ <pUtt, i] o· a1toATtytt..
It is hard to be certain, however, that Mirnnermus' simile is an adaptation of
Homer's. After all, they have only 'leaves' and 'spring-time' in common.
Homer mentions the wind which brings leaves to the ground, while Mirnnermus
speaks of the sun which makes them grow; Homer sees the dead leaves of one
season foilowed by the fresh leaves of the next, Mirnnermus the leaves of only
one brief season. And their few similarities in vocabulary might suggest that
both similes were fonned from traditional, common stock. (On the risks of
detecting direct imitations and adaptations ofHomer in early lyric and elegy, see
J.A. Davidson, Erarws 53 [1955] 125 ff. = From Archilochus to Pindar
[London 1968] 70 ff.). On the other hand, Homer's simile was evidently fa-
mous (cf. the use made of it by 'Simonides,' below), and it might weil have
inspired Mimnermus to turn to the leaves as a symbol for short-lived youth. Cf.
Fowler 1987, 32 f., who suspects that Homer 'made the thought famous, and
thenceforward a commonplace,' but concludes that Mirnnermus 'is not cor-
recting Homer; indeed, his own point is dear without reference to Homer's
text.' Griffith 1975 and Gamer 1990, 3 ff., detect a distinetly allusive adap-
Of eonsiderable relevanee here, sinee it definitely uses Homer's leaf
simile, and may even owe something to Mirnnermus, is the short elegy on the
brevity of life and youth's delusion attributed by Stobaeus (4.34.28) to
Sirnonides (dub. F 8 West) but sometimes dairned for Semonides (F 29 Diehl),
and onee for Mirnnermus himself (Steffen 1955, 35 ff.). This is West's text:

Ev oe 1:0 Kallt<J1:0V XtO~ €tt7tEV <M1p.

'Otll1ttp <pUAAroV YEVeTt, 1:0lll oe Kat avoprov'·
1taupol I!EV Sv.,1:rov oüa<Jt Ot~al!EVOt
<J1:EPVOt~ €yK:a1:ffiEV1:o· 1tUPro'tt yap fA1tt~ ~:Ka<J1:rot
avoprov, 111:t VEroV <Jti]8rotv E~etat.
Sv.,1:rov 0' öq>pU 'tt<; äv8o~ exrtt 1tOAU"pa1:0V llß'r1~,
KoU<j>OV exrov 8u/!Üv 1tOU' a1:fAro1:a vod·
42 F2

oün: yap EA1ttO' exet 'Y'lpao~ oü"Ce Oavd09at,

000', uytil~ Ö'tav ~t, <ppov"CtO' exet !CajUi"Cou.
vl11ttOt, ot~ "Cat)'tllt !Cd"Cat voo~, oooe toaotv
~ xpovo~ roe' llßTJ~ !Cat ßto"Cou oAiy~
9vTJ"Co'i~. illa oU "Catha J.UlemV ßt6'tou 7tO'tt "CEpJ!a
'llUxTlt "Crov uya9ii>v "CA110t xapt~oJ!eVo~.
West 1974, 179 f., thinks that style (the elaboration upon a famous quotation;
the allusive reference 10 Homer as X'io~ <M1p) and diction (the expression
ßt6'tou 7tO'tt "CEpJ.Ul in 12 and the use of 'llUxTl in 13) ought to date the poem to
the time of Simonides, although he doubts that Simonides is its author. Babut
1971 argues for Semonidean authorship, stressing the poem's thernatic similar-
ity to Semonides F 1 West (cf. especially the reference to empty hope in lines
4 ff., along with F 1.6 ff., fut~ ..."CpEepet).
Whether its author is Semonides or-the more likely choice-a contem-
porary of Simonides who rnay have been farniliar with Mirnnennus' work, the
elegy presents a view of fleeting youth and advancing age which differs philo-
sophically from that offered by Mirnnermus in the present poem. As Babut
1971 observes, 'Simonides' dwells on human delusion, which prevents the
young from realising that old age, disease, and death lie ahead, whereas
Mimnermus has nothing to say about blind hope or delusion, but rather draws
a sharp contrast between the carefree joy of youth and the harsh miseries of old
age (see further on lines 4-5 below).

I. TtJ!ei~ ö(e): Fränkel 1962,240, thought that there may have been a pre-
ceding reference to the gods' etemal life, but OE is probably inceptive; cf.
otu 'te <puAAa: on "CE, see F 1. 6 n. Cf. Od. 7.106 (of wornen spinning),
llJlevat, otu "Ce ~Ma Jla!CeOvll~ aiyeipow.
<puet 7tOAUaVeeo~ OlP"t I €apo~: for 1tOAuaveEo~ OlMt (Bergk, after A's
1tOAUuveeo~), cf. H.h. 19.17, fupo~ 1toAuav9ro~. lf MSS OlM is retained,
1tOAUUVOeJlO~ also must stay (cf. Ale. F 286.2 Voigt, 1to]AuavOEJlO)t (~po~ [?1,
and Pind. 01. 13.17, "'Qpat 1tOAUUvOeJlOt), but then an uncomfortable change
of subject takes place in the following line (' ...the leaves which the season of
spring puts forth, when they grow . . . '). Bergk's changes are preferable (' ...the
leaves which come forth in the season of spring when they grow ...'). For
intransitive ~el, cf. Il. 6.149 (quoted above), and for locative dative OlM\' cf.
Il. 2.468 (= Od. 9.51), 0000. "Ce <puMa ... yiyve'tat WMt (Kühner-Gerth 1.445).

2. itapo~: since WM means basically a fixed or definite tirne (cf. Frisk, s.v.),
this will be an appositional, defining genitive (Kühner-Gerth 1.264 f.) : cf.
Homer's use of the deftning adjective at, e.g., Il. 16.643 and Od. 18.367, WMt
f.v eiaptvllt. On the synizesis in tBPO~, see F 1.4 n.
Archibald Allen 43

ö't' al",' aurill~ a'Ü~e'tal: cf. Timotheus, PMG 804, Öt' aÜ~etal 'hAiou
auyate;. Brunck's ihl' is unsuitable since Mimnennus is concerned with the
leaves of just one season and their quick, short life. Zacher's ä t' al",' ... a~etat
improves upon Schneidewin's Öt' ... a~etat, since leaves do not 'dry up' in the
spring-time, but any reference to decay in this line is premature, and ä t' is
awkward, coming just after ola 't' in the preceding line.
MSS auyrl points to Schneidewin's aUyl1t<; rather than Sitzler's auyate;
(and so also to Bergk's aUyl1tatv for MSS auyatat(v) at F 15.11). Since
aü~etat is middle (cf. Hes. Theog. 492 f., ~oe; lCat.. :YUta/llü~eto), the dative
will be sociative-instrumental (Kühner-Gerth 1.435): ' ... when they grow under
the rays ...' Szadeczky-Kardoss 1971,79, suggests that aÜ~etal here refers, not
to the leaves, but to the springtime ('when it waxes... '); he cites H.h. 2.455, ~poe;
UE~OJ.!EvOW . But it is hard to believe that Mimnennus could have spoken of the
spring-time waxing 'under the rays of the sun,' and he is surely thinking here
of the rapid growth of the leaves, as the next line (tOte; tlCEAot. .. ) makes dear.
The fonn aü~ro occurs first in Hesiod (above); Homer has ue;ro (e.g. Od. 2.315,
ue~etat. .. 9uJ.!Üe;; I/. 18.110 (x6A.oe;) Ue;etat timE lCaxv6e;).

3. 'to'i~ llCeAol: for 0 = demonstrative pronoun, see also line 6 below and F
12.5, F 13.1, and F 15.5 and 6; for () = artide see line 7 below and F 3.1.
Hümer uses EtlCEAOe; in short similies, as, e.g., I/. 4.253, <rut EtlCEAoe; MKtiv, and
Od. 4.304, YM<X1<1:t OE EtlCEAoV av8oe;. For Mimnennus' resumptive use of the
adjective, cf. Tyrt. F 23.16 West = 10.79 G-P, tOte; tlCEAot JJ.l ... (the beginning
of a hexameter). On the dative, see Kühner-Gerth 1.412.
1t";XUlOV i1tt Xp6vov: in measurements, 7tflx.ue; is the cubit, the distance
from the elbow to the tip of the middle fmger, about 1t feet or .457 m. (cf. F.N.
Pryce and M. Lang, OCD s.v. 'Measures'). For Homer, 7tflx.ue; is simply the
arm itself (e.g. 11. 5.314, n;Ttx& A.rulCW), or forearm (I/. 21.166, 7tflx.w .. .ß6:A.E
xnpoe; / OE~ltEpfje;), or the 'arm' or handle of a bow (Il. 11.375, t6~ou 7tflx.w),
but he is obviously aware of it as a measure, for he has Evvro1tllXue; (lI. 24.270),
hroElCa1tllXUe; (I/. 8.494), and OUOlCalEtlCOoi1tllXue; (I/. 15.678; cf. Hes. Erg. 423,
tpi1tllxuc;). However, the earliest use of 7tTlXUe; = 'cubit' is to be found in
Alcaeus (F 350.5 ff. Voigt) whose mercenary brother killed a giant of a man
who was but a single span short of five royal cubits in height (!3aOtA.llirov . ..
1taxerov arcU 1t€J.!1trov). n";XUlOe; first occurs here and does not appear again
until ApolI. Rhod. 1.378 (epetJ.!a / rcTtXUlOV 1tpoUxovta), 3.854 (av90e; ... ooov
rcTtXUlOV Ü1tEp8EV), 3.1207 (rcTtxulOv ... ß69pov 6pU~ae;), and 4.1510 (ouo'
01tOOOV rcTtXUlOV €I; "Atoa... 01J.!0C;), although 1tllXuatOC; is found in earlier prose
(e.g. Herod. 2.48, 1tllxuata uyaAJ.!ata; PIal. Phaed. 96e, tO oi1tllXu tOV
1tllXuaiou). Since it does not refer to physical measurement, Mimnennus' use
of the adjective ('for an arm's Iength of time') is quite rernarkabIe. Alcaeus'
OO:1crUA.oe; u~a (F 346.1 Voigt) is usually eited as an early parallel. For rni
44 F2

with accusative denoting duration of time (cf. e.g. Il. 2.299, rnt XpOvov, and Od.
12.407, rr.olliv rnt xp6vov), see Kühner-Gerth 1.504.
<lVge(HV iißllc;: see F 1.4 n.

4. 't€p7t6~e9o.: in Homer, 'tEprr.r09at may take a partitive genitive (e.g. Od.

3.70, rnEt'tap1t11aav €&OOilC;-' ... had taken theirpleasure offood') or, as here,
an instrumental dative (e.g. Od. 4.597, ~ueot<Jt rnroat 'tE aOlatV aKourov /
't€prr.Ollat-'! experience pleasure by means of / from ... '); see Chantraine 1953
51; Kühner-Gerth 1.439. For Mirnnermus' use of'ttprr.r09at, with participle,
see F 1.8 n.
7tPOC; ge&v ... / O\)'t' uyo.96v: the meaning of this clause has been much
debated. Following Martinazzoli 1946, 194 ff., and Broccia 1969, 93 ff.,
Schmiel 1974 translates: 'knowing neither evil nor good from the gods' (= the
young are blissfully ignorant of the existence of good and evil). So, too, Griffith
1975 ('ignorant of good and evil') and Gerber 1975 (' . . .it is their unawareness
of KaK6v and aya96v that constitutes the blissfulness of the young'). And so
also, from a more philosophical perspective, C. Josserand, Otia 15 (1967) 131
f. , who says that the knowledge in question is theoretical rather than experi-
ential: the young are unable to distinguish intellectually between good and evil;
cf. R. Crahay, Otia 16 (1968) 28 (youthful ignorance of good and evil is a bad
thing), and C. Stegen, Otia 17 (1969) 51 f. (childish ignorance does not con-
stitute happiness).
That the clause says something about the blissfulness of youthful igno-
rance is clear. But dOOtE<; OÜ'tE KaK6v surely refers, not to ignorance of evil
in general, as the translations and interpretations noted above would have it, but
to ignorance of imminent, fateful evil (cf. line 5, JcijPE<; OE rr.apro'tl!Kaat); for
oioa denoting awareness of imminent fate, cf., e.g., Od. 1.37 (of Aegisthus,
aware that he was doomed), dOffic; auruv ö}pov; Od. 2.283 (of the unsus-
pecting suitors), 0-60€ 'tt taa<Jtv'tov Kat Kl1pa llM..a.tvav; Od. 4.534 (of the
unsuspecting Agamemnon), 'tov 0' OUK Eioo't' ÖAE9pov; Il. 13.665 (of
Euchenor, aware that he must die), ci) doOx; Jcijp' o~v: Il. 22.279 f. (Hector
to Achilles), 000 ' apo. mo 't1. .. / €K ~tOC; lidollC; 'tov €J.Lov J.LÜpov. It is rr.pOC; 9€&v
that the young are spared that awareness of the evil which awaits them. Their
ignorance is like a favour or blessing 'from the gods'; cf. Od. 11.312, 'ttllllV
rr.pOC; ZllVOC; exov'tE<;; Solon F 13.3 West = F 1.3 G-P, ÖAßoV JlOt rr.pOC; 9a7>v
llaKuprov OOtE (Kühner-Gerth 1.516).
As far as it goes, this interpretation of the clause agrees with that offered
by Gentili-Prato ad loc., after Perrotta-Gentili 1965,38, and Giannini 1977 (cf.
J.-M. Pironet, Otia 16 [1968] 28). However, they would refer the final 0Ü't'
aya90v to the joy of youth, which the young take for granted without being
aware of its brevity: 'iuvenes dum viget aetas nec bona iuventae, quibus
gaudent ('tEprr.6J.Lt9a) nec mala imminentis (rr.apro'tl!Ka<Jt, cf. 1, 5 [= F 5.3]
Archibald Allen 45

U7tl:pKpE~'tat) senectutis deorum voluntate, sciunt.' But if Ei&Yt~ OÜ'tE KaKov

is to mean 'knowing neither the evil' (sc. 'which awaits us'), oü't' uya86v must
mean •...nor the good' (sc. ' which awaits us'), for KaKov and uya80v are
parallel objects of Eioo't~.
Assuming therefore that KaKov and uya86v both look to the future, one
can only conclude that the clause is built upon a so-called polar expression.
Mimnennus says, in effect, that in our youth, by the gods' favour, we are as
unaware of imminent evil as we are ofimminent good (cf. Babut 1971,39). But
it is obviously only the evil (old age more than death) which concerns hirn (lines
6-7 and 10-15). Thus in the antithesis, KaKov . . .uyaeov, the uya86v is simply
rhetorical (cf. H. J€hu, Otia 15 [1967] 131). For this kind of polar expression,
in which the second member of an opposed pair appears to be out of place or
illogical, see E. Kemmer, Die Polare Ausdrucksweise (WÜTZburg 1903) 117 ff.
(who in fact cites this line). A classic exarnple is to be found in Odysseus'
command to Diomedes at Il. 10.249, Jll]'t' äp JlE JlOA' atvu: Jll]'tE 'tt VdKEt,
where ta1k of blame is strictly irrelevant; cf. Leaf ad loc. (who paraphrases:
·there is no more need of praise than of blame'), and see WJ. Verdenius, Mnem.
35 (1982) 31 and Mnem. 38 (1985) 181.

5. Kiipt~ oe 2taptO'tl]lCaOt J..I.€A.alVa\: in Homer, as Dietrich 1965, 243

ff., and others have shown, Ki]p (sing.) is virtually synonymous with 'death'
(cf., e.g., Il. 7.254, w...rua'to lcijpa ~tvav; Il. 21.66, 8ava'tov 'tE ... Kal. Ki;pa
~atvav; Od. 4.273, <pOvov KaI. Ki;pa <PEpOV't~), while lcijp~ (pI.) may be
understood as 'fonns of death' (cf., e.g., Il. 12.326 f., Ki;p~ apoo'taatv
8avcnow / JlUptat), and then as 'agents' (modelIed on Moira) who bring death
to their victims, or their victims to death (cf. Il. 2.834 = 11.332, lcijp~ yap äyov
JlfAavo<; 8avu'tow). Achilles' two lcijp~, bringing hirn to the 'end' or 'fulfill-
ment' of death in heroic or unheroic style (lI. 9.410 ff.), will represent a de-
velopment of that conception of 'agents'-in the direction of fate, one might
Mimnennus' two Kf\p~ are also 'agents,' but while both are 'black,' the
colour of Homer' s always deadly lcijp~ (see above, and cf. also Il. 2.859; 3.360;
5.22,652; 11.360; 443; 14.462; 17.714), only one of them is an agent of death.
Even in the Archaic period, therefore, lcijp~ might be associated with some of
life's other baleful affiictions. Theognis refers to old age itself as a Ki]p (767
f., KaKa<; .. .lcijpa<; / yflp6.<; 't' OUAOJlEVOV KaI. 8ava.'tOtO 'tfAo9. For further
discussion, see the articles by Crusius and Malten in Roscher m 3215 ff. and
RE SuppI. N (1924) 883 ff., respectively, and the more recent studies by
Dietrich (cited above), Onians 1951, 395 ff., Dawson 1966, 65 ff., and
Venneule 1979, 39 ff. , with bibliography (220).
2tapto'tl]lCaOt: the two keres, with old age and death, stand right beside us in
our youth; for the verb, cf. Il. 16.852 f. (Patroclus to Hector) = Il. 24.131 f.
46 F2

(Thetis to Achilles), MM 'tOt ilÖTl / tl'at 1tapOO'tlllCev 9ava'to~ lCat jlOtp«l

il Ilev €xo'\)oa teA.o~: one ker holds the 'end' of old age, i.e. she is respon-
sible for that 'outcorne' or 'fulfllment' which consists of old age; cf. Waanders
1983, 72: 'the realization ...of old age is in the hands of one JCf]p ... ' For this
(quite Homeric) 'tfAO~ with qualifying or defming genitive (Kühner-Gerth
1.264), cf., e.g., Il. 5.553, 'tel> ... 'tfAo~ 9avo.'tow lCMU'I'ev, and Od. 22.323,
ahf]croucra 'tfAo~ ... yo.llo1O. Onians 1951,426 ff., suggests that the early poets
conceived of 'tfAo~ as something physical, a 'band' or 'bond'; this ker then
might be imagined holding the 'band' of old age which she will wrap around
her victirn. But there are no grounds for believing that 'tfAo~ ever had such a
meaning; for detailed discussion, see Waanders 1983.
apyaA.eo,\): see F 1.10 n.
il 0' etePll 9<xvatolo: the elegant ellipse of exoucra 'tfAO~ has no parallel
in early elegy; for this type of brachylogy (cf., e.g., Od. 22.183 f., tilt h~t
IlEv Xetpt <pepcov lCaA:r,v 'tp'UqxiA.etav, / tilt 0' hEp1lt cralCo~ ... ), see Kühner-
Gerth 2.565. For Greek attitudes to death, see Garland 1985. And for the
somewhat vague conception of death as a physical entity or force in Archaic
thought, see Vermeule 1979, 37 ff. Mirnnermus may have thought of it as a
dark, enveloping mist (cf. Onians 1951, 522 ff.); but see F 6.2 n.
A final note on the two keres. It is sometimes said (cf., e.g., Bowra 1935,
21; Griffith 1975) that Mirnnermus has adapted Homer's famous description of
Achilles' two keres (see above). But the two accounts are quite different
Achilles' keres represent two distinct modes of death and attend to hirn alone,
whereas Mimnermus' keres embody old age and death and stand beside

7-8. Iltv'\)v9<x oe y{vet<Xl Tißll~ / lC<xp1t6~: the adverb occurs more than
a dozen times in Homer (10 in Il., 4 in Od.), but not in Hesiod or any of the
other early elegists or lyric poets (but cf. Bacchyl. 5.151 Sn.-Maehl.,llillvu9ev
BE 1l0t 'lfUxa YAUlCeta, where the papyrus has MINYN8A, corr. Wilamowitz).
It is radically appropriate for a statement about the short life of the 'fruit' of
youth, for IltvU8ro means 'diminish' and then 'waste away' or 'decay' (cf. Od.
12.46, invoI.IHw9oucrt). On yiyvw9at with adverbs (here, simply 'is' = 'lasts'
for a short time), see Kühner-Gerth 1.43; cf. Il. 4.466, Ilivuvea BE oi ytve9'
0Pllf]. For yiv-, see F 1.4 n. With this 'fruit of youth,' cf. Pind. 01. 6.57 f. (of
Iamus son of Evadne), 'tep1tVU~ 0' rnci Xp'Ume<p<Xvoto Mßev lCap1tOV "Hßrt~,
and Pyth. 9.109 f., Tißrt~ lCap1tOv: cf. F 1.4. n.
öoov t' E1t1. yilv !dOV<Xt<Xl TteA.lo~: ' long as the sunlight spreads over
the earth' (sc . before night falls again), i.e. a single day of sunlight Cf. Il. 7.451
(458), il'tOl JCAro~'tat öcrov 't' rntJCtOva'tat ,;~ (a spatial comparison); Il. 8.1,
'HO><; ... tJCtOva'to 1tucrav rn' atav, and for rni with accusative, see Kühner-
Archibald Allen 47

Gerth 1.504 (cf. F 12.7 n.). The c1ause could hardly mean 'as brief as a sunrise'
(Carnpbell), since sunrise leads swiftly to the sun's greater brilliance and
strength, an irnplication ill-suited to the present comparison. With riova'tat,
MAtO<; here must mean <p<Xo<; TtrAiotO, or the like.

9. a'Ü'ta.p: progressive rather than adversative (Denniston 1934, 55).

trtl)v öl) tO;)to ... O>PT\<;: 'when this fulfillment of an age (= youth) passes
by.' Demonstrative tOVtO shows that tfAo<; ... rop11<; refers back to ilßT\<; in line
7; cf. Waanders 1983, 72.
1tapaJ,Lel.'l'Etat: on other short-vowel subjunctives in early elegy (e.g.
Theogn. 200, lC'ti!cretat; 709, rtapaJ,Lehjfetat; 1056, J,LVTlcrOJ,LEe(a); 1133,
KatartaOOOJ,LEV), see West 1974, 105 f. For the whole c1ause, cf. F 3.1, fmlV
rtapaJ,LEl'l'etat roPll (which incidentally mies against Cobet's rtapaJ,U:i'l'ffit in
this line); Hes. Erg. 409 (of a yearly season), i) 0' rop11rtapaJ,LElßlltat.

10. a'Üthca öl) tE9vo.vat: Stephanus read m'niKa 'trtNavat, but trtNavat
is impossible (cf. E. Fraenkel on Aesch. Ag. 539). Bach proposed a'Ü'tlKa
n:f)vaJ,LEVat, which Bergk accepted and Gentili-Prato print, but the fact that
trtNatllv in F 1.2 lacks Attic correption does not mean that trtNavat cannot
have it here (cf. West 1974, 114). The infinitive means 'to be dead,' not ' to
die.' For oi! strengdlening temporal and local adverbs, see Denniston 1934,
206 f.
ßO.. tepov: the Homeric comparative; cf., e.g., Il. 15.511, ߀An:pov Tl
artOAOOeat. .. TtZ ßUOVat / Tl Ollen crtpruyr09at; also J/. 14.81; 15.197 (Ar.);
18.302; 21.485; 22.129; Od. 6.282; 17.18. So, too, Hes. Erg. 365 and Theogn.
92, 866, and especially 181, trtNaJ.LEVat.. .rtEVtxpon ߀AtEpOV avopi. For the
manuscripts' ߀A'ttov, see Radt on Aesch. F 309.3; contra, J. Diggle, Studies on
the Text 0/ Euripides (Oxford 1981) 29 f. On the antiquity and priority of
߀A'tEPO<;, see Chantraine 1958, 257.
ßioto<;: 'life' itself; cf. Il. 7.104, ßtOtOtO 'teAeutiJ; Od. 5.394, acrrtacrtO<;
ßiO'to<;; Theogn. 905, ßtOtOU tfAo<;; Ion of Chios F 30.2 West, 'teprtVov exEt
ßiO'tov (For the secondary meaning, 'livelihood,' cf., e.g., Od. 11.490, ßiO'to<;
rtOAU<;; Theogn. 624, ßtOtOU rtaAaJ,Lat; Solon F 13.50 West = 1.50 G-P,
SUMeyetat ßiotov). For ellipse of etvat in generalising, gnomic statements,
see Kühner-Gerth 1.40. And on expressions of preference for death, see F
1.2 n.

11. rtoU.n yo.p tV 9uJ,Löh lCalCo. y{vEtat: on Su',l.(ot, see S. Darcus

Sullivan, 'The Function of Su~<; in Hesiod and the Greek Lyric Poets,' G/otta
59 (1981) 147 ff., with bibliography. This psychic organ, she conc1udes, is the
'Iocation' of a person's emotional and intellectual activities, but it may be a
'participant' in those activities, or it may act as an 'independent agent'; and it
48 F2

is vulnerable to various interna! and external influences. Here, it is clearly a

'location,' and the evils which 'happen' or 'arise' in it rnay be thought to have
insinuated themselves into it. The description is certainly more sinister than
e.g., Homer's 1t<x90v Myro. 9ullil>l (Il. 9.321; 18.397, etc.); cf. Griffith 1975,
86, n. 41.
&A.A.o't€ oh:o~: epexegetic asyndeton (cf. Kühner-Gerth 2.340 f.), with the
fragments' sole observance of initial digamma (cf. West 1974, 87 f.). But v.I.
MAme 't' (SM) is to be noted. Grotius and Brunck offered &Mo'te 0', and
Bach aA.A.09ev (' Alia senectutis sunt mala in ipso animo collocata, alia
extrinsicus irrumpentia ').

12. 'tpulou'tCl1.: Homer has 'tpUXro rather that 'tptlxoro; cf. Od. 1.248 = 16.125
= 19.123 (of the suitors), 'tpUXOUOl OE 01KOV. Mimnermus rnay mean that one
man's 'substance' or 'household' is consumed because he has too large a family
to support, whereas another man (in the next couplet) has no family at all. On
the sequence aA.Ame ... ä.AA.o<; ...MAo<;, cf. Solon's sexpartite enumeration of
different men's occupations (F 13 West = 1 G-P): 0 J.tkv (43), &Mo<; (47),
(f)..A.o<; (49), MAo<; (51) &Mov (53), &Mol (57). The sequence implies for-
tuity; ef. the weIl established äAAme alli<;, 'at one time, one man, at another
tiIne another. .. ' (on which see 1. Krause, AAAOTE AAAOl: Untersuchungen
zum Motiv des Schicksalswechsels in der griechischen Dichtung bis Euripides
[Tuduv Studien 4, München 1976]).
lt€viTl~ 0' tpy' oouvTlpa lteA.€t: the 'painful works' of poverty are the
'actions' or 'toils' associated with poverty which the poor man must face; cf.
Solon F 13.41 West = 1.41 G-P (of the needy man), 1tevlll<;... ,.nv rpyu ßlU'tUt.
The genitive in 1tevlTl<; is 'pertinentive' (Schwyzer 2.117); cf. Il. 5.429,
lllepOev'tU ... rpyu YO:1l01O; Il. 9.228, Oat'to<; rpyu; Solon F 26 West = 24 G-P,
rpyu ... KU1tpoyevou<; ... KUt ~lOVUOOu / KUt Mouoerov ... ; and also Solon F
13.16 West and Xenoph. F 2.l8 West, cited below (on 1tfAel). nevlTl occurs
onee in Homer (Od. 14.157, 1tevllll elKroV). Hesiod's father left Cyme, fleeing
KUlCT]V 1tevlllV, TItV Zru<; avÖpooOl OlÖOXHV ... (Erg. 638); cf. 717, oUAoJ.LbrlV
1tevlllV 9u1lcxp96pov, and Theog. 593, oUAoJll:.Vt,<; 1tevlll<;. On OOUVTjpO<;, see F
1.5, n. There is a suggestion of prominence in 1tfAtl: the painful works of
poverty 100m large for the old man; cf. Il. 5.729, 'tou 0' ES apy-6pro<; imllÜ<;
1tfJ...ev (= 'stoOO out,' as Leaf notes, ad loc.); Xenoph. F 2.18 West = 2.18 G-
P, PWllll<; 000' avoprov €pr' €v (= 'take place'): Solon F 13.16
West = 1.16 G-P, oU ... oTjv BvTJ'to'i<; ÜßplO<; €pru 1tfAel (~ 'stand fast,' 'endure');
for diseussion, see Chantraine 1953, 6.

13. &A.A.o~ O· u~ ltuiorov €lttO€U€'tUt: for u-o ('again' or 'in turn') with
aA.A.o<;, cf. Aesch. Ag. 1280, TlSn. .. &Mo<; u-o 'tl!l<iOPO<; (Schwyzer 2.559 f.).
The basic meaning of rnloruoo9a.l = 'to lack' is 'to be removed frorn' (cf. Il.
Archibald Allen 49

5.636, reolJJ:N lCEivrov ernoeUEat avoprov = 'far removed from' = ' inferior to'),
hence the ablatival reaiorov (Schwyzer 2.92); cf. Theogn. 942, OOq>ill~ oUlC

13-14. J>v 't€ J.l.aA10-CU / 1.J.l.eipo>v: for te, see above, line 1 n. Genitive ihv
is partitive (Kühner-Gerth 1.351; Schwyzer 2.105); there is a nice tension be-
tween the line's two different genitives, of lacking and of longing. Child-
lessness in old age was a great misfortune since (at least ideally) children
provided care and sustenance (YTlpoßooria) for their aged parents, and saw to
the proper rituals of death and burial when the time came; cf., e.g., Eur. Ale. 662
ff. and Med. 1032 ff., along with Hesiod's observation (Theog. 603 ff.) that if
a man avoids marriage and its attendant woes he reaches old age without having
anybody to care for him (6'Aoov 0' rn1. rTlpa~ tlCOltO / mni YTlPOlCOJ.l.OtO).
Griffith 1975, 80, rightly notes that lack of children also meant ' the loss of name
and memory' after death; for further discussion, see Richardson 1933, 56 ff.
lCU-CCx 'YfI~ €PXt-CUl d~ 'A{Ol1V: in Homer, the dead are said to go Ei~
'Aloao (I/. 8.367; 21.48; 22.213; Od. 10.175,491; 11.164,277,425; 12.383,
14.208), i.e. to Hades' 'domain. ' One need not assume an ellipse of OOJ.l.()'\)~,
or the like, in such an expression (cf. Schwyzer 2.120), although Homer does
speak ofHades' 'halls' and 'horne' (cf., e.g., I/. 15.251, OO>J.I.' 'AlOno; Il. 22.52,
Eiv 'AiOno OOJ.l.OtOtv; Od. 10.491 = 10.564, €i~ 'Aloao OOJ.l.Ou9. The present
Ei~ 'AiÖtlV is similar to Ei~ 'AlOno in meaning: 'to Hades in his domain.' For
this use of Ei~ with personal object, cf., e.g., I/. 7.321, Ei~ 'AyaJJ.f.J.l.vova ...o.yov;
Il. 15.402, ore€ Ei~ 'Axt'Afla; Hes. Erg . 84, Ei~ 'EmJ.l.118ea€
(Kühner-Gerth 1.468; Schwyzer 2.459; cf. Verdenius 1985,60). Cf. also Tyrt.
F 12.38 West = 9.38 G-P, €pxt'tat Ei~ 'AiÖtlv. Thc phrase lCatCx rTl~ is not
found in Homer or Hesiod, but cf. I/. 9.457 (of Hades), ZeU~ . .. lCataxeoVtO~.
Later, it refers without elaboration to the underworld (e.g. Aesch. Cho. 377;
Eum. 1007; Soph. O.c. 175). On the god Hades, brother of Zeus and Poseidon
(I/. 15.187 f.; cf. F 12.1 n.), see A. Lesky, RE V A 1246 ff.; Vermeule 1979,
33 ff., with bibliography (218); Garland 1985, 52 ff. and 152 ff., with full

15. ÜAAO~ vo-i)oov €Xtl 8u J.l.oq>96 pov: Homer has littIe to say about
disease. In the Iliad, Apollo's angry assault on the Achaeans is a vo-i)oo~ lCaJ01
(1.10), and death at horne from painful or hateful disease is an alternative to
death in battle (13.667 ff. , voucrrot ure' apyal..erJt q>8icrBat. .. ). In the Odyssey,
a hateful spirit is associated with the sick man 's wasting disease (5.396,
Otuy€pO~ oe01 Expa€OatJ.l.rov); disease comes from Zeus (9.411 , vouoov .. .~lO~
J.l.EYMOU); and it is 'lengthy' (11.172, OOAlxTl vooo09 and 'hateful' (15.408,
vouoo<; ... 0tuy€M).
For Hesiod, disease is one of Pandora's gifts. Before she opened the jar,
50 F 2-F 3

men lived without evils and harsh toils, and 'painful diseases which bring
dooms,' vou(J(ov 't' afYYawv at 't' &v8p&<n 1cilpa~ OOrolCaY (Erg. 92): now,
those diseases stalk mankind in secret silence:

VOUOOt 8' &v9pc.01tOtOlV ap' il~t, di 8' rnt V\)~a

102 a1)'t6llatot <!x)t'toxn lCalCu 9vrt't010t <pepoooat
<nyTlt, E1ttl. qxovilv ~eiAeto 1l11'tteta ZeU~.

In saying that the diseases come 'of their own accord' (103), Hesiod must mean
that they visit people at random, without the bidding of Zeus, even though he
may send them occasionally on specific punitive missions (Erg. 242), and even
if their basically punitive function is implicit in their indusion in Pandora's jar
in the fIrst place. (For other interpretations, and for discussion, see Verdenius
1985 ad loc.)
Mirnnermus too believes that diseases strike at random, for the sequence
äAAme ... MAüC; ... M.AüC; implies fortuity (see above, line 11 n.). But he also
believes, with Hesiod, that Zeus is ultirnately responsible for them, as the next
sentence makes dear. For detailed and technical consideration of the various
ailrnents which may have afflicted the early Greeks, see M. D. Grmek, Diseases
in the Ancient Greek World: trans. M. Muellner and L. Muellner (Baltimore and
London 1989) 19 ff.
8u1l0<p96poc; may mean 'life-destroying,' 'deadly' (e.g. Od. 329, GuJ.l.Ocp86pa
<papIlalCa; ll. 6.169, GuJ.l.Ocp86pa 1tOMa), or 'soul-destroying,' 'hean-brealcing'
(e.g. Od. 4.716, ~v 8' äxoc; all1tEX~ GuJ.l.Ocp86pov; Od. 10.363, lCaJlU'tov
GuJ.l.Ocp86pov; Hes. Erg. 717, oUAüJ.tivrlv 1tevtllv GullcxpWpov). Here, it will
have the lauer meaning, since 'deadly' disease would offer release from old age,
an undesirable implication for the context; see Römisch 1933, 58.

15-16. OUOE 'ti~ €<J'tlV aV9pOO7tOlV: for oU8e = lCat oU, adding a negative
statement to a positive one, see Denniston 1934, 192, and for nc; with partitive
genitive (cf. , e.g., Il. 1.88 ff., oU 'tt~ . .. ßavarov), see Schwyzer 2.117.
6>\ ZtU~ Ilfl lCalCu 7tOA.A.U 0100\: for the thought, see F 1.10 n. The form
8t801 represents an lonic contraction (Bechtel 1924, 179; West, 1974, 106); cf.
F 1.6 n. In general, and in contrast, cf. Theogn. 865, 1tOAAo~ aXPl10'totOt 9roc;
Öt801 &v8paotv ÖAßoV.
Archibald Allen 51

F 3 (3 W, 9 G-P)

Stobaeus 4.50 (",6yo~ rf1pO)~). 32, p. 1036 Hense: Mt~VEP~OU SM:

~Evaopou A:

"Co 1tP1V €rov Killtcr"Co~, rnTtV 1tUpu~{"'E'tUt roptl,

2 üUoe 1tU-rflp 1tUtcrlv "Ci~tO~ oihE <piA.o~.
Codd. SMA
1 OOPll codd. : OOPllV Ursinus 2 <p~ codd. : <plA.ol<; Ursinus
52 F 3-F 4


In the late Archaic and early Classical heyday of male homosexual eros,
K6.M.o~-'sexual attractiveness' as much as 'beauty'-brought no small pres-
tige (,nJl-rl) to those youths who possessed it, for they were courted with gifts
and graffiti and general adulation; see G. Devereux, Sym . Osl. 42 (1968) 69 ff.,
and Dover 1978, 111 ff. One cannot be sure how prevalent such eros was in
Mirnnermus' lonia, but he does refer to 'boys' in an erotic context (F 1.9), and
there are also the reports of Hermesianax (T 4) and Alexander Aetol. (T 6)
which link hirn, respectively, with one Examyes and 'boy-crazy' love; and as
further (albeit slender) evidence for homoerotic goings-on in seventh century
Smylna there is the story told by Nicolaus Dam. (FGH 2 F 62) of the flam-
boyant, bisexual poet Magrles who became a 1talOlKa of Gyges. At any rate,
Mirnnermus' use of 1CaA6~ in this fragment (see 1 n.), along with an obvious
inference that the dishonoured and unloved old man once enjoyed 'tlJl-rl and
«HAia when he was young and lCaUl(YCO~, will suggest that poet and audience
alike were familiar with the ways of homosexual courtship. And one may
imagine that Mirnnermus is here casting a sornewhat cold eye upon them: 'Even
though he was formerly very beautiful, and enjoyed great honour, yet, when his
youth is past, not even is a father honoured and loved by his own sons.'

1. 'to 1tp{v: this adverbial accusative formation (on which see Kühner-Gerth
1.315) occurs fourteen tirnes in Homer (e.g., Il. 5.54; Il. 6.125; Od. 4.32; Od.
21.32) and once in Hesiod (Theog. 505), although never in a participial clause
as here. Theognis has 'to 1tpl.V rrov crOxpprov, 'tOtE v-r11tLO~ (483).
1C6.AA.lcr'to~: cf. Theogn. 1365, i11taiorov Killlcrn:, t.lte words sung by a re-
clining , symposiast depicted on the inside of a red figure cup (CVA [Grece-
Athene's] I, No. 1357, fig. 1, 3); on the KaA6~ vase inscriptions, see D.M.
Robinson and EJ. Ruck, A Study of the Greek Love Names (Baltirnore 1937);
Beazley, ARV 1559 ff.; ABV 664 ff.
t1tl)v- 1tIXpaj.l€t'llI€'tal roPTl: see F 2.9 n.; cf. Hes. Erg. 409. l) 0' WPTl
1tapaJldßrl'tal (of a season of the year).

2. ouoe 1ta'tTtP 1talOl.v... cp{A.o~: for the ellipse of Etval, see FUn. On
the ingratitude of children to parents, cf. Theogn. 277, 'tov 1tatep' ex8aipoucrt,
and 821, oi. ... a1tüyllpaaKoV'ta~ a'tlJlasCtlcrt 'toKf1a~; Hes. Erg. 185 (on the Age
of Iron), ahl'a Oe YTlpa.crKoV'ta~ a'tlJl-rlcroool 'toKf1a~; cf. Richardson 1933, 48
't{j.llO~: see introductory remarks above, and F 5.2 n.
cp{A.O~: Ursinus' <piA.Ot~, printed by Ber~, is weak; cf.Od. 10.38, ÖOE 1t&.crt
<piA.o~ KaI. 'tiJlLO~ oonv.
Archibald Allen 53

F 4 (4 W, 1 G-P)

Stobaeus 4.50 ('I'6yo~ Yl1p~). 68, p. 1045 Hense: MtJ.l.vepJ.l.ou Nawou~

(vawou~ SM: vawou A)·

Tt9rovoh J.t€v rorolCEV ExEtV lCalCov iiq>9ttov (aid)

2 yilpa~, Ö lCat 9ava-cou ptywv apyaAiou.

Oxid. SMA
1 lOrolCEV M : lOrolCE SA ExEtv Gesner: OXElV codd. (a.i.El) Schneidewin: om. codd.:
(0 ZEUs> Gesner: (ZEUs> Trincavel/i
54 F4


In Homer, Tithonus is son of Laomedon and brother of Priam (11. 20.237)

and husband or lover of Eos (Il. 11.1 = Od. 5.1, 'H~ Ö' €x: 'Aex.fmv 1tap' uyauoU
TlSffiVOlO / öpvuS' ... ). The post-Hesiodic addition to the Theogony makes him
the father of two sons by Eos, Memnon, king of the Aethiopians, and Emathion
(984 f.); so too Hellanicus, cited below. On Memnon, see R. Drews,
'Aethiopian Memnon: African or Asiatic?,' Rh. Mus. 112 (1969) 191; he ap-
pears to have been thoroughly Asian until HeIlenistic times.
The earliest account of Tithonus' etemal old age is preserved in H.h. 5,
to Aphrodite, which may be dated to the early seventh century; cf. R. Janko,
Homer, Hesiod and the Hymns (Cambridge 1982) 151 ff. Assuring Anchises
that he is not the first member of his Trojan farnily to find hirnself in a divine
amour, Aphrodite recalls the rape ofGanymede by Zeus (202 ff.) and Eos' rape
of Tithonus (218 ff.); after snatching Tithonus for herself, she relates, Eos asked
Zeus to grant hirn immorta1ity,

VTJ1tlTJ, üUo' tvÜTJOE ).letU <ppWI. 1t&tvla 'H~

flßTJv ahfjoal suoal 't' (i1tO yfipa<; OAolOV (223-24)

When he grew old and feeble, she placed him in achamber and elosed the
shining doors:

tv Sa'Aullffil lCa't~lCE, 9Upa<; 0' rn~lCE <pa€lvu<;,

'tov ö' ~ 'tOl <pffivTt PEl (i01tetO<;, üUOE 'Cl 1Cl1CU<;
009', o'tTJ 1tUPO<; eolCEV tvl. yvamOlOl ~Olv (236-38)
And that is the end of Tithonus in the hymn. The celebrated coda, in
which Eos fmally changed Tithonus into a cicada, is a much later addition to
the myth; for references to the various scholia which mention the metamorpho-
sis, see J. Schrnidt, Roscher V 1025. It is wrong to think that HeIlanicus told
of it, for the attribution imOpEt 'EAAWl1CO<; at the end of FGH 4 F 140, a
scholion on Il. 3.151 ('tet'ttyOOOlV OOl1C<YtCC;), will refer only to the genealogical
information which the scholiast records, and not to his report of the metamor-
phosis (cf. Jacoby's comments ad loc.). Nor is there any reason to imagine,
with J.T. Kakridis, Wien. Stud. 48 (1930) 25 ff., that the author of H.h. 5 alludes
to it in his description of Tithonus' extreme old age (see lines 237 f., quoted
above). And there is certainly no reason then to conelude, with F. Domseiff,
ARW 29 (1931) 203 f., that the hymnist invented the conceit. It is altogether
more likely, as A. Rapp suggested (Roscher I 1263), that the poet's description
of the enfeebled Tithonus, closed up in his room and chattering endlessly, will
have inspired the vision of a caged cicada. (On the hymn, see P. Smith's weIl
Archibald Allen 55

documented essay, Nursling 0/ Mortality. A Study 0/ the Hornerie Hymn to

Aphrodite (Frankfort 1981), and, for structuralist assessments, C. Segal,
Arethusa 19 (1986) 37 ff., with references to his earlier studies.)
Sappho appears to have mentioned Tithonus in a poem dealing with her
own old age; for fu1l discussion of the lacunose papyrus text (F 58 Voigt), see
Preisshofen 1977,56 ff., and Di Benedetto 1985. Despite the gaps, there would
seem to be fairly certain references to skin wrinkled by age, black hair turned
to white, and feeble knees (13 ff.). There may then have been a reflection that
although Eos loved Tithonus and carried him off to the ends of the earth, old
age seized him at last (19 ff.). The last two lines of the poem had been quoted,
almost in their entirety, by Clearchus apoAthen. 687 a = F 41 Wehrli, so that
Voigt's text reads:

Leyro Öe <po.;rlllll' aßpooUvav,J ] 'tmho Kat 1101

'to t...aLJl7tPOV €p~ av.tro 'to KO:JA.oV MLA.J<YYXE

That EP~ av.tro means 'love of living' and govems ')J)..<yyxE is clear from
Clearchus' paraphrase (11 'toU ~f1v E1t1Gullta 'to A.aJl7tpOv Kat 'tO KaA.üv dXEV
aU'tTl1). Thus, after probably referring to Tithonus and the inevitability of old
age, and perhaps then expressing impatience at the notion of etemal youth,
Sappho says that she loves 'delicacy,' that fineness which she associates else-
where with Aphrodite (F 2.l4 Voigt), the Charites (F 128 Voigt), the young
bride Andromache (F 44.7 Voigt), and Adonis (F 140 Voigt), as weil as with
clothing (F 100 Voigt). And she adds that her desire for the sun, her joy in
living, has allotted brillance and beauty to her. In so affinning the value of her
own world of sensuous enjoyment, and in making such an affirmation just after
her reference to Tithonus, Sappho may weil be offering a subtle correction of
Mimnermus (as Di Benedetto suggests), recalling and implicitly rejecting his
gloomy words on Tithonus and his complaint that the old man takes no joy in
beholding the rays of the sun (see F 1.8 n.).
There is littIe trace of Tithonus elsewhere in Archaic poetry. Tyrtaeus
names him as a type of youthful beauty (F 12.5 West = 9.5 G-P, ÜUÖ' Ei
T19rov010 qm11v xap1ro'tEpo~ 10111), and Ibycus is said to have mentioned the
rapes of Ganymede and Tithonus in a poem to his beloved Gorgias (Schol.
ApolIon. Rhod. 3.114 ff.: PMG 289).
Representations of Tithonus in vase painting first appear in the late Ar-
chaic period. The Tithonus Painter's amphora at Boston (03.816), with sherds
from Naples (Beazley ARV 309.1), showing Eos in pursuit of Tithonus, de-
serves mention. And so, too, does the Telephus Painter's Boston cup (95.28:
Beazley ARV 816.1), displaying a graceful rape on the inside and a search party
on the outside. There is no known painting of Tithonus in old age, although
P. Gardner (JHS 13 [1893] 137 f.) thought that he had found one on a red figure
amphora in the Ashmolean Museum (275). On one side is a winged Eos,
56 F4

apparently hurrying, with anns outstretched, towards an old man, on the other
side, who is balding, bearded, and holding a staff. 1. Schmidt (Roscher V 1029)
accepted Gardner's identification, but the old man in question is hardly old
enough to be Tithonus (cf. Beazley ("VA [G. Br. ii, Oxf.] I, PI. 17: 'There is
no reason to call the old man Tithonus'). He may be a paedagogus, ready to
protect some (unseen) youth against the rapacious Eos.

1. The subject of EOroKEV must be Zeus (cf. F 2.15-16, OUOE 'tie; oo-et/ avSPOmrov
Ölt Zrue; IllJ Koxa rtOMa Otoo'i), although that does not justify 0 Zrue;, Gesner's

suppiernental adaptation (1559) of Trincavelli's stop-gap Zrue; (1536), at the
end of this line. West's objection to Zruc;, that 'the article with the god's name
is alien to early hexameter, elegiac and Iyric poetry' (eR 31 [1981] 1), is per-
haps not insuperable; even if, as West argues, the true reading at Theognis 25

is the Berlin ostracon's OUOE yap O'ÜV Zrue;, rather than the manuscripts' oUOE
yap Zrue;, there is still Ale. F 338.1 V., 15ft ~ 6 Zrue;. But the hyperbaton
which results from (0 ZruC;), with subject distanced clumsily from verb, and
appositional yfjpae; in line 2 severed harshly from KlXKOV &qßttov, is surely
unworthy of Mirnnermus. (On Schneidewin's (aiet), see below). If therefore
Zeus' name does not provide a satisfactory supplement for its rnissing fmal foot,
this cannot have been the opening line of a poem; Zeus must have been named
or otherwise identified in a preceding couplet-unless, in the original setting of
a symposium, 'Zeus' gifts' or the like had been the theme for song and a
previous singer had named the god, so that there was no need for Mimnermus,
in taking up the theme, to repeat the name. It is clear at any rate that
Minmermus first mentions Tit.l)onus in this line, with emphatic TtSrovii'n, so that
he will not have referred earlier to Eos' role as intercessor before Zeus.
IlEV: presumably solitary and emphatic (Denniston 1934, 380); cf. preceding
EOroKEv Exetv: Gesner's correction ofMSS OXE'iv was based (tacitly) on H.h.
5.212, 'toUC; oi O&pov EOroKEV /txEtv.
lCalCov: Gentili-Prato cite Mimnermus' use of KaKoc; when speaking of the
effects of old age at F 1.7, KaKat.. .l.lEptIlVat, and F 2.11, rtOMa .. . KaKa
ylvecat, and Solon's reference to Kamv yfjpac; (F 24.10 West = F 18.10 G-P).
For the notion of an evil which has been inlposed by heaven almost incidentally,
as here, cf. Il. 24.538, ill' rnt Kat 'tii'n 9ilKE Sme; KaKOv ... (the gods gave
glorious gifts to Peleus, but he was cursed by the birth of only one son).
äq>fhtov: this adjective is found only here and at Theogn. 246,
&qßt'tov ... övolla, in early elegy. Homer uses it of sceptres (I/. 2.46; 2.186), a
throne (I/. 14.238), fame (I/. 9.413, dEoe; &qßt'tov). Hesiod applies it to Styx
(Theog. 389, 397), Stygian water (Theog. 805), and Zeus' counsels (e.g., Theog.
545,550, 561, &qßt'ta IllJoro).
(a id): for the unsuitability of (0 Zruc), see above. I thought once of reading
Archibald Allen 57

KaKOv, ä<p9t'tov (äx909, with double apposition; for äx9oe;, cf. Theogn. 1384,
exetv xaArncOta'tov äx8oe;, and Eur. Her. 637 f., b. vro'tae; J.l.Ot cpiAov' Ö/x80e;
OE 'to yllpae;. And R. Janko (AlP 111 [1990] 154 f.) has now suggesteed
(ohov). But Schneidewin's ä<p9t'tov (aid) is surely right; for this very corn-
bination, at line-end, see Il. 2.46 and 186 and Il. 14.238.

2. yf\ pae;: see F 1.6 n.

ö... pi'Ytov: for Horneric ellipse of dvat in relative clauses (e.g., Il. 8.524,
J.l.u80e; 0' öe; J.t.f:v vUv uyule; dpruwoe; ecmo), see Kühner-Gerth 1.41. In Horner,
the neuter cornparative ptywv, frorn ptyoe; (cf. Frisk, s.v.), once rneans 'colder'
(Od. 17.191, 1to'tt Ecr1ttp<l ptywv Etnat); elsewhere, as here, it rneans simply
'worse' (e.g., Il. 1.325, 'to oi. Kat ptytov Ecr'tat, and Od. 20.220, 'to OE ptytov
aü8t J.l.CvoV'ta. This is its only occurrence in early elegy. Sernonides (F 6.2
West) has ouoE ptytov Karije; (of a bad wife; cf. Hes. Erg. 703, Karije; oU ptytov
OavO,'to'\) ... ap'Ya)"Eo'\): for the sentiment that death is hetter than old age, see
F 2.10 n. And for the adjective apyaAtoe;, see F. 1.10 n.
58 F5

F 5 (5 W, 1 G-P)

(I) Stobaeus 4.50 (\jIOyOC; yrlpro<;). 69, p. 1045 Hense: MtJ,L€pJ.1.ou Nawouc;
(vawouc; MA) '

(11) Theogn. 1020-22 (= w . 1-3):

ill ' 6AXYOXPOVlOV ylvctat OX11tep övap

iiß'rl 'ttJ.1.1lrooa · 'to 0' af1YaArov Ka\. &J.!.Op<pOv
yllpaC; U7ttp K~ilc; au'tix' U7tepKpeJ.!.<l'tal,
tx9püv oJ.lii)c; Ka\. &'ttJ.!.Ov, ö 't' &YV(J)(J'tov 'ttget ö.vOpa,
5 ßNl7t'tet 0' 6q>9aAJ.1.Oi>C; Ka\. VOOV ajHptxu9ev.

Stob. OxId. SMA

1 ovup codd. : eup Schneidewin 2 aP')'!XUov] oUAOI!EVOV Theogn . 3 yilpw; {mEp
KE~i1<; U\yciX '] U\yciX ' unep KE~i1<; yilpw; Theogn. UltEPKpEJ.UX1:<lt A : UltEPKPEILILU'tUl
SM : btlKPEl!octUl Hecker 4 Ö 't' &yvCOO'tov S: mav YVCOO'tov MA 'tl9d SM :
n9i1 A
Archibald Allen 59


As noted above, the fIrst three lines of this fragment reappear, with some
changes, in a passage of the Theognidea (1017-22):

uuttJm J.!Ol KUta IlEv XPoli)v PEel ä(J1teto~ i.8p~,

Theognis 1t'tOWIlUl 8' roop&v äv90~ OIl"Al1ci,,~
1017-22ttp1tVOV o~ KUI. KaAOV. rnl. Mrov OXptAtv dVal'
ill' OAtyOXpovlOV ytVetUt ({XJ1tgp övup
i1~ tllli)rocrU' tO 8' apyaArov KUI. äJ.!Op<pOv Mimnermus
yilpa~ 1)1tfp KapaA;il~ UUttX' 1)1ttPKP€j.l.atUl, quoted by
ex,9pOv o~ KUI. ätlllOV, Ö 't' äywoo'tov 'tt9t1. äv8pa,
- -- ----"'-'--::c::-
ßAa.1t'ttt 8' o<p9uAJ.l.(>U~ KUI. voov aIlCjnxu9iv.

Brunck believed that the entire passage is Mimnerman: the three lines which
survive as Theogn. 1017-19 will have preceded the five quoted by Stobaeus
from Nanno, so that Mimnermus prefaces his reflection on youth and age with
a very personal description of his sweaty arousal at the sight of youthful beauty
(which he wishes were longer lasting). Bergk too gave the three lines to
Mimnermus (F 5.1-3); adrPittedly, he bracketed them, but he dearly expressed
his agreement with Brunck in this note: ' . .. cum v. 4-6legantur in Theognideis
v. 1020-22, recte Brunck fragmento, quod servavit Stobaeus, tres versus
praemisit: A{>'ttKU ... dvut, qui praecedunt apud Theogn. 1017-19.' Also in
agreement are Bach, Hartung, Hudson-Williams, and now West.
In a dose analysis of the eight lines as they appear in West's text, Adkins
1985, 101 ff., notes that the phrase ex9pov Oll~ KUI. ä-ttllOv exact1y balances
'ttp1tVOV Oll~ KUI. KaAOV (3), and is 'opposed in meaning' to 'tlllTJrocru (5);
since 'ttp1tVOV .. .KaAOV is 'an essential part of 1-3,' he condudes, 'the fact that
it can be linked in different ways with two phrases in 4-8 must indicate that
1-3 and 4-8 are part of the same poem.' Conversely, however, the balance
between ttp1tVov ... KaAOV and ex9pÜv ... ä'ttlloV may be feit to be a bit too
exact, too contrived, and it is salutary to recall what Wilamowitz 1913, 286,
said about line 3: 'der Vers 1019, im ersten Teile über den Leisten von
Mimnermos 4 [= F 7] geschlagen im zweiten geradezu schäbig, ist nicht als der
Gips, der die beiden alten Stücke des Pasticcio zusammenklebt.'
Particularly disturbing about the collocation of lines 1-3 and 4-8 is what
might be called the aspectual incongruity of the two passages. The defmitely
Mimnerman lines would seem to have been written from the vantage point-
or at least the view point-of old age (see below, and also F 1 Comm.), whereas
the poet of lines 1-3 must be still a comparatively young man, for it is the beauty
of his contemporaries which inspires his sweaty excitement (cf. 2, roop&v
60 FS

äv8o<; OJ.lllAudll<;). One might object, too, that there is a grotesqueness in that
description of erotic sweat which is out of place in a reflective elegy of the
seventh century. And the phrase Elt1. (Ald., West: met. MSS) lt')...ffiv in the wish
of line 3 (mt lt'Arov rocpu...ev etvat-'would that it lasted longer') has more of
a Classical than Archaic ring to it; cf. Kühner-Gerth 1.504.
West's attribution of the triad to Mimnermus accords with his separatist
view cf the Theognidea: Theognis has lines 10-254 virtually to himself (= the
'Florilegium Purum,' compiled c. 3(0), whereas lines 255-1220 represent ex-
cerpts from a third century 'Florilegium MagnuHl,' which contained a large
number of passages from other early elegists, arranged by topical similarity; the
'Excerpta meliora' (255-1022) were compiled from an earlier and better recen-
sion of the 'Magnum' than the 'Excerpta Deteriora' (1023-1220) since the text
of the doublets in the latter is generally inferior to that of the corresponding
couplets in the 'Meliora.'
Nagy 1985, 47 f., shares West's separatist view, but suggests that the
difference between doublets may reflect the dyna..'l1ics and 'formulaic versatil··
ity' of oral poetry rather than the merits and defects of different recensions; the
'factor of ongoing recomposition ... could even account for the attestation of the
'same' poem at different phases of its evolution.'
For a unitarian view of the lines in question, one may turn to Young 1964
who tries to show how Theognis used the work of several earlier poets, includ-
ing Mimnermus: by taking the fIrst three lines of the present fragment and
attaching them, with some changes, to his own three lines, Theognis has pro-
duced a poem in which the emphasis is 'not on age but on youth, on the
excitement and frustrating transience of youth.' For a favourite Mimnerman
adjective, apyaMo<; (2), Young observes, Theognis has substituted his own
favourite OUAOJ.lEVO<; (1021), used of old age at 272, 527, 678, 1012, and by
'changing the positions of yrlpa.<; and au·tix' Theognis gets a certain effect of
emphasis on yfjpa.<;' (311 f.).
Even if one cannot readily embrace Young's belief in the full unity of the
sylloge, it is hard not to conclude, for the reasons offered above, that some-
body-'Theognis'-tampered with Mimnermus' lines on old age and made
them part of his own poem. While 'recomposition' in early elegy was probably
not as 'ongoing' as Nagy suggests, there can be no doubt that some poets
occasionally used and revised the work of other poets, dead or alive (cf. Young
1964). Clement of Alexandria (Strom. 6.8.7) certainly believed that Theognis
had revised one of Solon's maxims: WAroVO<; Oe (F 6.3 West = F 8.3 G-P)

'ti1cm yap KOPO<; üßptv Ötav lto'Auc; ö'Aßo<; l6nycat

äV'ttKPUC; 0 8f.oyvtC; (153) ypa<pEt.
'tilC'tfl 'tOt KOPO<; ÜßplV ö'tav KaKoh ö'Aßo<; €m,'tal..
Archibald Allen 61

(It is worth noting that the maxim is found in West's 'Florilegium Purum'; cf.
D.A. Campbell, Phoenix 30 [1976) 285). And of course Solon himself rewrote
a line of Mimnermus (see F 6 Comm.). For another borrowing from
Mimnermus by 'Theognis,' see F 7 Comm.; cf. also F 2 Comm.
Gentili-Prat~after Ursinus (1568) and Brunck-suppose that this frag-
ment belonged to the same poem as F 4, the couplet on Tithonus, and they
combine the two as their F 1 (lines 1-2 + lacuna + lines 3-7), pointing out that
the eight lines appear together, without any break:, in the fifteenth century
manuscript, Vat. gr. 954 f. 385 v • The possibility of such an original combina-
tion cannot be ruled out, but it is difficult to imagine how the two descriptions
of old age would have stood together in a single elegy, unless it was quite

1. oAolYOXPovlOv . .. övap: the brevity of dreams is not usually stressed in

Greek poetry, but that does not justify Schneidewin' s rop for ovap; cf . Theocr.
27.8, 'taXa yap OE xapepxetat &; ovap iißrl. Mimnermus will mean that, from
the view point of advancing years, youth appears as an all too brief and pleas-
ant dream; see A.H.M. Kessels, Studies on the Dream in Greek Literature
(Utrecht 1978) 228 ff. The polysyllabic adjective may have been coined for
this line; cf. Plato F 204 Diehl, OKbjlat TIJV rop1lV ci><; OAtYOXp6vw~. For the
alliterative play between OAtyOXpovwv and ovap, see M.S. Silk, Interaction in
Poetic lmagery, with special reference to early Greek poetry (Cambridge 1974)
184 (it links the 'operative, interactive woIds' in the simile).

2. iißTl 'tl!.tt;eaaa: in Homer, nl.t1iEl~ is used of men and gods who are
' honoured.' Thus, in becoming a ßaow:u~, a man will be 'ttIlTlW'tEPO~ (Od.
1.393), and Poseidon can complain that he will be no longer 'tlIlTJEl~ among the
gods if he loses the respect of mortals (Od. 13.128 f.). The adjective is also used
of the possessions and gifts, especially gold, which confer and enhance prestige
and honour: (O&pov) 'ttIlTlev, J.l<iAa KaAOv (Od. 1.312); 0000> Ö KaMtO'tOV Kat
'tlllllw'ta'tov W'tlV (Od. 4.614); Xpt>OOtO 'tMaY'tOV ... 'ttIlTJEV'tO~ (Od. 8.393);
Xpt)OOV'tlIlTlv'ta (ll. 18.475). Callinus (F 1.6 West = 1.6 G-P) says that it is
'honourable' to fight for country and family ('tlIlTlev ... llaXr09at): courage can
bestow 'tlIlTJ. On that 'creative extension of Homeric language,' see Adkins
1984, 62 f. For Mimnermus, youth is 'tlIlTJE~ because it brings 'ttllTJ to the
person who has it; consequently, an old man is a'tillaO'tO~ (F 1.9), oUOE. ..'t{IlW~
(F 3.2), and old age itself is li'ttJ.lOv (below, line 6).

2-5: there is partial personification of old age in these lines (cf. F 1.5 n.) : like
an old man, yilpa~ itself is ugly (<XIl°p<pOv), hateful (ex9p6v), dishonoured
(<X'tlIlOV). But the predominant image seems to be that of a hannful substance
which hangs, or is hung, above a man and is then poured around hirn, or
62 F5

envelops him. This substance may have been conceived of as a veil or skin,
as Onians 1951, 430, suggests, ciring H.h. 5.224, suaai 't' ä1to yilp~ (Eos
forgot 'to scrape away old age' from Tithonus), and I/. 9.446, yilpae; a1tosuaae;
(Phoenix implies that Zeus could restore him to youth, 'scraping away old age');
later, Onians notes, yilpae; was used of the snake's slough (cf. Aristoph. Pax
336, 'to yilpae; EKOOe;, with Schol., il J.1.etrupopa a1to 'trov O<p€l.Ov).
aP'Ya~eov: cf. F 2.6 n.
äfJ.opq>ov: the adjective first occurs here. Cf. Herod. 1.196, 'tue; afJ.op<pOUe;
(sc. 1tap9tvoue;).

3. u1tep lC€q>a~ilc; ...u1t€plCpefJ.a'ta\: cf. Theogn. 1012, (yilpac;) Kapa~ile; 8'

ä1t'tetat aKpo'ta'tT1e;; Simonides PMG 520.4, 0 8' äqrolC'toe; ofJ.ii>c; rntKpEfJ.U'tat
8ava'toe; (whence Hecker's rntKpEfJ.U'tat for Mimnermus' U1tepKpEfJ.U'tat). In
Homer, dreams and phantoms regularly take up a position above the heads of
sleepers and dreamers. The dream sent by Zeus to Agamemnon, for example,
stood U1tEP Keq>Mfje; (I/. 2.20; cf. 2.59; Od. 4.803; 6.23; 20.32). Thus, as
Kessels (cited above) observes, the phrase U1tEp Keq>Mile; here will maintain the
dream imagery of line 1: youth is like abrief dream, while old age hangs over
a man's head like a nightmare. It is also possible that in imagining old age
hanging l.l1tEp Keq>Mfje; Mimnermus had at the back of his mind the pieture of
Tantalus' rock (cf. F 19 Comm.). The earliest description ofTantalus' punish-
ment is found in Pind. 01. 1.56 ff., Kopon 8' EAev / ä'tav Un:Ep01tMV, äv oi
1ta~p U1tepKpEfJ.Uae Kap'ttpov au'ton ~teou, but the rock appears as a meta-
phor in Archilochus F 91.14-15 West = 89.14-15 Tard., fJ.1l8' 0 TaJ V'taMU
~i80e; / 'tf\a8' U1tEp vf]aou Kpe!J.Üa8ro, and Alcaeus F 365 Voigt, Kel'tat 1tEp
K:~e; ~ae; ~teoe;. Pindar uses it of the Persian menace, in lsth. 8.9 ff., 'tov
U1tEP Keq>aAae; I 'tou Tav'ta~ou ~teou 1tapa ne; E'tpe'l'eV äfJ.fJ.t
8roe; .... Wilan10witz 1913, 286, detected an echo of this phrase in Euripides'
description of old age in Her. 638 ff., ä-Ix80e; 8E 'to yilpae; aiet / I3apU'ttpov
At'tVae; aK01t&rov / rn1. Kpa't1. Kel'tat. .. (1. Diggle's Oxford text, 1981). But the
image there is of a heavy load carried on the head; see G.W. Bond, Euripides.
Heracles (Oxford 1981) ad [oc.

4. EX9pOV OfJ.oo<; lCat ä'ttfJ.ov: see F 1.6 n. and above, line 2 n. and lines
2-5 n.
Ö 't' ä.,-vroa'tov: on Ö't(e), see F 1.6 n. Wilamowitz 1913,285 n. 2, glossed
äyvroa'tov with oUKEn ytyvwaKe'tat avilp rov, but that is too strong.
Mimnermus means that old age makes a man 'unrecognisabIe,' sc. from the
handsome young man he once was. Cf. Od. 13.189, 1ttpt yup 8we; i1Epa XeUe
/ ... O<ppa au'tov/äyvro<J'tov 'truswv (Athena poured a mist around Odysseus to
make hirn 'unrecognisable;' so, too, Od. 13.397, a' äyvro<J'tov 'truSro).

5. ßM1t't€t ö' oq>9u~fJ.ouC; !CUt v6ov: old age hinders or hampers a man's
Archibald Allen 63

outward vision, bis eyesight, and bis inner vision, bis mind. At the risk of
oversimplification, one may say that in Homer, the vo~ is more intellectual
than the eppEv~ and more given to perceiving than to the reasoning of the eu~~
(see F 1.7 n. and F 2.11 n., with references). S.M. Darcus, Glotta 58 (1980)
33 ff., has examined the grammatical uses of voo~ in Homer, Hesiod, and the
lyric poets (including the elegists), and concludes that in Hesiod and the later
poets vo~ largely 'retains the characteristics it had in Homer, with three quali-
ties enhanced: it is more often a location, instrument, or accompaniment. .. ; it
is in even greater degree an object to be influenced or known; it is more subject
to the control of the person in whom it is found.' For discussion of the re-
lationsbip between VOElV and the sense of vision (cf. Mimnermus' zeugma,
' ... hampers eyes and mind'), see K. von Fritz, CP 38 (1943) 88 ff.; S. Darcus
Sullivan, Sym. Os/. 63 (1988) 7 ff. For ßA.a1t'tEtV used of hampering of dulling
the mind, cf. II. 15.724, ßM1t'tE eppEva~; Od. 14.178, 'tov OE 'tt~ u8avu't(J)v
ßAU'l'E epptva~. So, too, Theogn. 705, (Persephone) 1tapEXEt M8rtv
ßM1t'toucra vOOtO, and 223, voou ßEßAaIl~~ 008AoU.
uIlCP1.xugev: 'when it has been poured around .. .' Cf. Il. 14.252 f., qro (=
Sleep) J,I1:v E9EA~a ~tO~ voov aiytOxotO / vitöu~~ Uj.l<ptXU8E~ ... ; Od. 4.716,
'tYlv 0' äxo~ ullepEXu8t) eu~opov. Adkins 1985, 105, suggests that the eyes
and the voo~ wbich are hampered may be those of the observer, who cannot
recognise the old man, disfigured as he is by age. That would seem to be a
most unlikely intetpretation.
64 F6

F 6 (6 W, 11 G-P)

(I) Diog. Laert. 1.60: ... leat MtIlV€PJ.l.OU ypa'l'avto<;,

(II) Apostolius (sive f. Arsenius), Corp. Paroern. Gr. II (ed. Leutsch), p. 256
(ex Diog.)

ai yap ä'ttp voUorov tE )(at af1'(awv ~rovwv

2 f~rl1COvtaro, Ilotpa Kixot 8avatou.

1 fU::A.eOWVWV Cabel : l-leA.Eorovwv cadd.

Archibald Allen 65


It is a nice irony that Mimnennus' wish to die at the age of sixty has been
preserved and immortalised through its critical amendment in a plea for
octogenarianism. This is G-P's text (F 26) of Solon's response to the wish, as
recorded by Diog. Laert.:

ill' El J.l.Ot 1(äv vuv ett 1tEiorot, E~M..t:: 'tOVtO,

J.l.TlO€ ~atp', Ö'tt oro A&tov mappaoO,J.l.TlV,
Kai. J!E'ta1toiTloov, AtyuatO'to'ÖTl, @OE 0' äEtOE'
'OyoroKoV'taen, J.l.Olpa Kixot 9avo''tou'

(For the proper name in line 3, see above, p. 14. West (F 20) prefaces the four
Solonian lines with Mirnnermus' pentameter: <'€I;TlKOV'taEtrt ... 9ava'tou.'>.
Diehl (F 22) adds, after a lacuna, the couplet cited by Plutarch (Pub!. 24.5:
comp. Sol. er Publ. 1.5) from Solon's poem to Mimnermus ( ... 1tPOC;
Mil!vEpJ.l.ov .... ), which Stobaeus (4.54.3) also attributes to Solon:

J.l.TlOE J.l.Ot äKAauo'toC;'toc; J.l.oA.üt, O).)...a <piAotot

KaA.AzmOtJ.l.t 9avrov w..:ym Kat o'tovax6.c;.

(= F 21 W, F 27 G-P; on the reading KaA.Azi1tOtJ.l.t, see G-P ad loc.)

Brunck had printed the six lines as a single fragment, without Diehl's
lacuna, an arrangement favoured by Steffen 1955, 46: lines 5-6 are to be read
as Solon's correction of an additional couplet by Mimnermus, in which he had
rejected the standard desire to be lamented after death. And Bach even toyed
with a reconstruction of the presumed original:

W.M J.l.Ot äKAaoo'toc;'toc; J.l.oA.üt, oUXt <pIAOlOtv

KaA.Azi1totJ.l.t 9avrov öJ...:yro Kat o'tovaxo'C;
('Haec sententia Mimnenni, dubito an non ipsissima verba,' p. 37).
But there is a lexical objection to the view that Solon rewrote three continuous
lines of Mimnennus. The demonstrative 'toVtO (sc. rnoc;) in his command, E~M.t::
'tou'to, may weIl refer to Mimnermus' entire pentameter, E~TlKov'taEtrt
. .. 9avo''tou, but it will hardly refer to the pentameter and an additional couplet.
(On 'to1>'to and v.I. 'tou'tov see West 1974, 181 f., and Tuorni 1986, 19 f.)
The presumed rejection of grief and mourning on Mimnermus' part has
been discemed by some in Theogn. 1069-70:

ä<ppovE<; äv9pro1tot Kat vTJ1ttot, o'{ 'te 9avoV'tac;

KAaiouo " 01>0' ill3r1c; &veOC; U1toUUJ.l.EVov.
66 F6

Of these lines, Bergk: ObselVed: 'Mimnenni videntur.' Blass 1888 claimed

them for Mimnermus' present fragment, to be readjust before the wish; Solon's
oblique correction of the couplet then follows his direct correction of the wish,
as in Brunck's text Reitzenstein 1893, 179, had feIt that there might be a
Mimnerman echo in Philetas F 11 Powell:

EK SuJ.U)'l) KAauoai J!t "Ca ~pta, Kat 1tPOOTlV€l;

eim:tv, ~€jlvf\oeat "C' O\>Kf:t' E6V'to~ o~.

Szab6 1968 suggested that Philetas there alludes to those 'verborgenen

mimnermischen Zeilen' in Theognis. But Mimnermus' authorship of that
couplet is highly unlikely. "Aeppo>v is a favourite Theognidean adjective (cf.
223,431,454,497,625,665), and the recurrence of äeppovEt; ... vTJmot in 1039,
äeppovEt; &vePO>1tOt Kat vTJmot Ot"CtvEt; otvov / ~i) 1tivouo(t), ought to discourage
any temptation to claim 1069-70 for Mimnermus. The truth may weIl be that
Mimnermus had not expressed any wish or preference for an unrnourned death.
In lines now lost, Solon may have added, after his correction of Mimnermus'
pentameter, his own wish to live until the age of eighty-'and may death not
come to me unwept ... ' (i.e., 'and may grief at my death prove that my long old
age was fully productive and valued').
As noted earlier (p. 12) Solon's address to Mimnermus has nothing de-
cisive to say about the relative dates and ages of the two poets. Diehl thought
that Solon's lone pentameter on growing old and wise (F 18 W = F 28 G-P,
YI1pO.OKO> Ö' aid 1tolli ötöaoK6J!tVo~) will have belonged to the same poem;
he printed it as line 7 of his F 22, after the couplet on mourning, discussed
above, and another lacuna. But of course that celebrated line must be read as
a separate fragment. Far from being old when he addressed Mimnermus, Solon
must have been relatively young, for the extemal evidence points to
Mimnermus' fairly considerable seniority. Szadeczky-Kardoss' suggestion
(1942, 80 f.) has been mentioned (above, p. 12): Solon visited Smyma c. 610
when he was about thirty years old and there met Mimnermus, who was then
approaching his sixtieth birthday. On the possibility of such a meeting, see also
H.-D. Reeker, 'Soions Reisen,' Ant. u. Aben. 17 (1971) 96 ff. (104). A less
plausible suggestion (Steffen 1955,44 ff.) is that Solon sent his poem as a gift
to Mimnermus on the occasion of that sixtieth birthday.
If the two poets met in Ionia, the most likely setting would have been a
symposium in Smyma. But the immediacy of Solon's imperatives ('erase this,'
'make a change,' 'sing in this way') does not exclude the possibility that he
never actually met Mimnermus, but rather addressed him in a lively apostrophe
at a symposium in Athens, after a recitation of the famous wish; see
Reitzenstein 1893, 62 n.; W. Schadewaldt, Die Antike 9 (1933) 285 (= Hellas
und Hesperien I [Zürich u. Stuttgart 1970, 111]); Rösler 1980,55 f., n. 68. If
Archibald Allen 67

the address is an apostrophe, however, it is not an apostrophe to a dead poet;

Mirnnerrnus must have been still alive when Solon asked him to revise his wish
(cf. West 1974, 73).
Even if the cUcumstances in which Solon presented, or published, his
address to Mirnnermus must remain unknown, it would be canying scepticism
too far to insist (with Oe Marco 1939-40,318) that the entire report of Solon's
disagreement with Mirnnermus on the ideal span of human life is simply a later,
popular tale without any historical foundation.
Broccia 1959 exarnines this fragment as a rnicrocosm of Mirnnerrnus'
thought: the distich certainly reflects the concems and forebodings of the first
five fragments.

1. ai -yap: frequent at the beginning of Homeric hexameters, but not found

elsewhere in early elegy. Archilochus has Ei yap ... yEvOl'tO (F 18 W).
vo-uorov: see F 2.15 n.
ftPlaÄ.€o>V: see F 1.10 n.
/J.eAeöo>veo>v: Cobet's correction of MSS /J.EA.toovrov. The third declension
form «~v) rnight seem to be supported by v.I. ~rova~ at Hes. Erg.
66 (YUlO1C6pou~ ,...u..oorova~) and by H.h. 3.532 (/J.EAoorova~); H.h. 4.447
(/J.EAOOffivrov), and Theogn. 883 (~va9; cf. Szadeczky-Kardoss 1971, 80.
Oespite the accentual evidence of the MSS, however, the first declension forms
«JlEAOOrovrJ) are earlier; as West notes, on Hesiod's JlEA.eorova~ (above),
JlEAoorov~ is but a minor variant for JlEAooroval at Od. 19.517, o~e'tal
JlEAeO&vat OÖUPOJlEvrtV epffiOUCHV. (Elsewhere, Homer uses ~Jla'ta: Il.
23.62; Od. 4.650; 15, 8; 20.56.) On the 'active' suffix -don- in terms of suf-
fering and malady (e.g., W.:yrlorov, ax9J)oov, gravedo, torpedo), see Chantraine
1968, 361.

2. e;l1Kov'tae'tll: the sole parallel for this adjective-apan from Solon's

oyoroKov'taetll-is to be found in a late fifth century inscription from
Panticapeum (928 Peek, cited by Gentili 1967, 75): 1tEV'teKalElKooftTt~ l1AlOV
/J.o'ipa •.•8avft'tou: ",ith its verb riXOl (sc. /J.e), the wish entails personifica-
tion of Jlo'tpa, which then must be understood as an agent-'fate'-·rather than
an apportioned 'lot' or 'share.' For this 'fate of death,' cf. Od. 3.238, J.1O'tp'
OAol] Ka9fAlllcn ... 9ava'tolO, Callin. F. 1.15 W, tv O· olKrol /J.o'tpa riXEV
9ava'tou, Tyrt. F 7.2 W, eO'tE 'tlV' OUAO/J.Evrt /J.Otp« rixol9ava'tou, Theogn.
340, El /J.(e) ... /J.o'tp« Kirnl 9ava'tou, and 820, cruvaJlq)()'tEpoU~ J.1O'tpa A.6:ßol
9ava'tou, and a sixth century inscription from Eretria (862 Peek, cited by
Gentili, 1967, 74), Eepaq>(h" 8ava'tou OE tv9aoe Jlo'tp' €xlxe. Genitive
9ava'tou has qualifying force; see WJ. Verdenius, Mnem. 25 (1972) 7, on
Callin. F. 1.15, cited above, with references to Il. 6.195, ('tEJ.LEVO~) qn)'taA.lf1~ Kat
apo'ÖPll~, and Kühner-Gerth I 264, 333; cf. F 2.7, ('t€A.o~) 9ava'tolO.
68 F 6-F 7

It is not easy to account for the personification of I-lo'ipa, to reconcile

I-lo'tpa = 'fate' or 'Fate' and I-lOlpa = 'portion' or 'share.' WJ. Verdenius,
Mnem. 17 (1964) 279, has suggested that originally the word meant, not 'por-
tion' or 'lot,' but 'distribution' or 'allocation,' referring to an activity which was
readily identified as a divine power; later, 1-l0lpa = 'allocation ' came to mean
'thing allocatt'..d,' just as other Greek words denoting actions may someti..'nes
refer to the results of those actions, e.g., aotö", 'act of singing' and 'song,'
ä:ypa, 'hunting' and 'quarry,' 06ate; 'giving' and 'gift.' Forfurther discussion,
see Dietrich 1965, 58 ff.
lCtXOl.: cf. citations in preceding note. For a study of the verb, see CJ. Ruijgh
and N. van Krimper, 'L' histoire et la prehistoire de KIXANQ', Mnem. 22
(1969) 113 ff.; on its use with Death as subject, they observe (p. 124): 'TI est
tentant d'admettre ici un emploi metaphorique ou, si l' on veut, la reminiscence
d' une croyance primitive: apres une course parfois assez longue, la MoTt finit
par atteindre le pauvre motte!.'
Archibald Allen 69

F 7 (7 W, 12 G-P)

<n Anth. Pal. 9.50 M1J.l.VEpJ.l.OU ltapaivrol~ Ei~ 'to avE1:~ ~f1v'

(TI) Anth. Plan. 1a 87 (Ei~ <ppov'tioa~), 2 M1J.l.VEpJ.l.OU·

(lll) Sylloge Euphemiana 46 (J.l.Vl1~J.l.OU)·

(IV) Cod. 95 Mon. S. Nicanoris Zavoniae f. 200 (S. Szadeczky-Kardoss, Act.

Ant. 10 [1962] 247) MIJ.l.VEpJ.l.OU Ei~ 'tov ßiov'

(V) Theognis 795-96:

crf]V au'tO'u <ppeva 'tEPltE' OUOllA.qWV OE ltOA1't®V

2 äA.A.o~ 'ti~ OE 1C(X1C~, illo~ äj.l.E1VOV EPEt.

1 en,v a\l'tOU Renner : -citv cr(Xu'toU codd. 1tOAUWV Renner: 1tOAl'troV codd. 2 'tOlcrE.
'tOlcrOE Theogn. codd. uJldvov' (I) : UJlElVOV (V)
70 F7


Theognis' adaptation of this couplet, so weIl attested for Mimnennus,

may be placed in context:

793 J.l.Tl'U: nva ~eivrov 011AciJ.1EVO~ Epwacrt AUypOt~

J.l.1l-n: nv' evOf)J.1O>v, ft).)Jx oi1catO~ Mv,
795 't1lV oau'toU <ppeva 'tEpm:' OU011AeyWV Oe 1tOAt'tOOV
äAAo~ 'tOt OE KaK~, äAAo~ ä)J.Etvov epd.

There is one change, 'tOt for 'ti~ in the finalline. Young 1964,312, thinks that
Theognis rnay have wished 'to get rid of a sigma in a line that has rather many.'
On 'Theognis' and his borrowings, see F 5 Comm. For the expression of
disdain for public opinion, one may compare Archil. F 14 West = F 9 Tarditi:

AtcrtJ.l.ioll, Of)J.l.OU rnipPll0tv JJ.EAroaivrov

ouod~ ä.v J.UiAa rcoM' i)J.EpOEV'ta rcclSot

Ca characteristically aristocratic sentiment'-H. Lloyd-Jones, The lustice 01

Zeus [Berkeley 1971] 43.)

1. oT)v au'tou cpp€va 't€P1tE: Renner's oT)v au'toU, after H.h. 4.565, oT)v
au'tou <ppEva 'tf.prcE, is an almost certain emendation of the received 't1lV
oau'toU, which is without parallel in early poetry (see West 1974, 101). Gentili-
Prato retain the latter, and refer to Bergk" ad loc., but Bergk's text of the
Sapphic and Alcaic lines which are eited there in support of oau'toU is simply
not reliable. On <ppf)v / <ppEv~, see F 1.7 n., with S.M. Darcus' comments; cf.
H.h. 4.565 (above), Theogn. 921, <ppEva 'tf.P'l'a~; Bacchyl. 5.6f., <ppEva 0'
ru9Uouc[o]v cl'tp€.)J. ' clJ.l.1CaUOa~ J.l.EptJ.l.v&v.
OUOllAEY€OlV oe 1tOAt't€OlV: the adjective, which is not found elsewhere in
early elegy or lyric (apart from Theogn. 796), is strong. Hpmer uses it twice,
of war (/I. 20.154) and death (Od. 22.325; so, too, H.h. 3.367), and Hesiod of
a fetter (Theog. 652) and frosts (Erg. 506). It connotes physical pain and suf-
fering; cf. Chantraine 1968-74, s.v. äAy~. In Homer, rcoAt'tat are simply the
inhabitants of eities: Il. 15.558, '1AtOV ... fAietv lcrcl09cu 'tE rcoAl'ta~; Od. 7.131
(of aspring), öeEV uopruov'to rcoAt'tat (= Od. 17.206 and H.h. 2.99); Il. 22.429,
rnt oe O'tEVclXOV'tO rcOAt'tat (the people of Troy). The word began to acquire
connotations of corporate, truly political identity only with the growth of the
polis in the eighth century, connotations which are implieit in Mimnermus' use
of the word in this fragment: the eitizens as a body are ÖU011Aey~. O . Archil.
F 109 West = 86 Tard., (fh) At1CEpvT\'t~ rcoAt'tal., 'tcl)J.iX OT) OUvietE/ PrlJ.l.Cl'ta, and
Alc. F 130.22 Voigt, clAAaAoKclKroV rcOAl'troV, and for discussion of the changes
Archibald Allen 71

which gave new meaning to the word, see W. Donlan, The Aristocratic Ideal
in Ancient Greece (Lawrence, Kansas 1980) 35 ff.; Snodgrass 1980, 15 ff.; Starr
1986, 34 ff.

2. äAAO~ .. .äU.o~: cf. ll. 8.429, 'trov äUo~ ~ a1t()(peioSw, äIJ..o~ OE

Ge 1C«1Cro~ ... ipet: for 1C<X1C~ and eO Aquv with accusative (cf. Od. 1.302,
'tv<x 'ti~ (JE... EU EÜtTlt), see Kühner-Gerth 1.295.
äAA.O~ ä~e\Vov ipet: 'another will speak: better of you,' i.e. 'better than the
man who speaks badly of you. ' On this use of the comparative, cf. Kühner-
Gerth 2.306 f.
72 F8

F 8 (8 W, 2 G-P)

Stobaeus 3.11 (nepl. UA,1l8eia<;). 12, p. 431 Hense: M1I1VEpJ.l.OU Nawou<;

(Gaisford: f.Levavopou vawou<; SMA: om L)'

M1lgeill OE 1tapro'tco
2 001. KaI. EJ.l.Oi, 1tW'tcov Xpllj.lU OtKat&ta'tov.

Oxid. LSMA
1 a""9d,, LSA' ciA"gel.a. M " ciA"9i,, Schneidewin
Archibald Allen 73


'Let us have truth, you and me, the justest of all possessions .. .' This
fragmentary exhortation, which might seem to be more philosophical than pas-
sionate, belongs to a love song. Gentili 1972,63 ff., has shown how important
the notion of reciprocity and balance was in Archaic Greek thinking about
'justice,' in love as in other spheres oflife (cf. M.G. Bonanno, QUCC 16 [1973]
110 ff., and Gentili 1983, 58 ff., 115 ff., 249). Thus, for example, the girl who
shuns Sappho is treating her unjustly (F 1.20 Voigt, aouolet), and Theognis,
perhaps echoing Sappho, accuses an unresponsive boy of injustice (1283, j..LTt I!'
aoiKet); and Anacreon seems to have lauded justice in love (F 120 Gentili =
PMG 402b, KaAOv .. :trot epo.m 'ta OiKata). Gentili also cites this fragment of
Mirnnermus, and G.A. Privitera (QUCC 13 [1972] 136) adds Ale. F 366 Voigt,
otvo<;, i1 <piAe 1tat, Kat a.Nigea. Truth (= sincerity) is essential for balanced
Oilcrl, 'fair dealing' or 'justice,' between the lovers, and that is why Mirnnem1us
can call it the 'justest possession ' of all.
A sympotic setting for the love song is virtually guaranteed by a fragment
of a red figure rhyton (Beazley ARV 872, Manner of the Tarquinia Painter, 26)
showing the upper Ixxiy of a reclining symposiast, head held back, who is
singing aot Kat EI![Oi. ... Beazley (AJA 58 [1954] 190) compared Theogn. 1056
f. (of the Muses), 'tao' OOwKaV exstV Kexapta~a O&pa / aot Kat E!!oi, and in
his description of the fragment in ARV (see above) added (thanks to M. Lang)
a reference to Mirnnermus; see also Dover 1978, 116.
aAT\9dT\: originally 'lack offorgetfulness' (a + Aav9&vo/l<Xt); cf. Hesych. s.v.
aATl9ffi (ao/euoll Kat 'ta I!Tt E1ttAav9avol!eva), and aATl9e'i<; (Ot J..l.Tloev
rntAav9avo/!EVot. .. ). In the Horneric chariot race, Phoenix is stationed at the
termata, ci><; IlEl!vEült'to opO/lOU<; Kat aATlgelTlv a1toel1tot (Il. 23.361); cf. Hes.
Theog. 235 f. (of Nereus, who is ao/euOTl<; and aATl9tl<;, 233), üUOE gel!ia'tffiv
A:iJ9etat, aAA&. OiKata Kat 111tta OTtVffi otoev; and for this association of
uATl9eia with 'remembering' in later authors, see E. Heitsch, 'Die nicht-
philosophische aATlgeia,' Herrnes 90 (1962) 24 ff.
xapsotO) / OOt lCat €J,l.o{: 'let us possess'; cf. Sol. 24.3 West = 18.3 G-P,
Kat 6>t I!Ova 'ta{ha 1tapw'tt.

2. 1tuvtO)v XPTlJ,l.a ÖtlCU\OtUtov: xp11J..l.a is a 'possession,' notjust a 'thing';

cf. Theogn. 197, Xp11l!a 0' Ö ~ ~toeev Kat auv Oilcrlt avopt YEvrt'tat. (Cf.
however L. Bergson, Eranos 65 [1967] 81, who takes it as the earliest example
of periphrastic Xp11/l<X 'ohne Genitiv. '). On OtKatma'tov, see introductory re-
marks above. Cf. Sol. F 12 West = F 13 G-P (of the sea), TlV OE 'tt<; au'tftv /
J..l.Tl KtVllt 1tav'tffiv emi OtKUtO'ta'tTl (on which see Gentili, QUCC 20 [1975] 159
ff.), and Theogn. 255, KaAAtO'tOV 'to OtKato'tu'tov. And on the concem for
superlatives in Archaic speculations (e.g., 'ti KaAAtO'tOV; 'tiJJkytO'tov), see
Gentili 1965, 381, with reference to Treu 1955, 282, n. 2 (cf. comments on F
14 and F 19).
74 F9

F 9 (9 W, 3 G-P)

Strabo 14.634:
Ka9cl7ttp Kat MiIlVtpJlO~ Ev 't'ill Navvot cpp<i~El, IlYllaed~ 't'il~ LIlUPYll~, <Ytl

ahva 8' E1tma Du/u)'\) NT)A.:ftlOv Ü<HU Al1tOVW;

t~V 'AoiT)v YllUOtV acpIKoJ.LE9a,
~ 8' epa'ti)v KOAocp&va ßiT)v 1>1tEPOrtAOV exov't~
~OJ.LE9' apyaAh1~ ÜßplO~ ilYEJlov~'
KEt9EV 8' 'AA"'EV'tO~ a1t0pvUJlEVOl 1tO'tallolo
9fii'>v ßouA.:i1t LIlUPYllV E'O.OJlEV AioA.icSo..

1 allj1a l) ' rnHm scripsi : EnEl'tE F : ainU tE C: amElw 'tE Hiller : i]~E~ l)' abtU Bergk
nUAoU Bergk : nUAoV codd. 3 ec; l)' Epa:tljv Wyuenbach: tc; l) ' äpa 'tl]V codd. 5 l)'
'AA1lEVtoc; Brunck :'tTjEVtoc; CF : l) ' acr'tTjEVtoc; s : civaO"tWtEC; x : l) ' a;h ' "AAevtoc; vel
l)' ciKtTtEVtOC; Bergk 6 r~upvTlv e'lAo~Ev Brunck : O"~upvuv ei:OO~EV codd.
Archibald Allen 75


Despite its brevity and remarkable compression, this fragment is of con-

siderable interest to students of early Greek history and historiography alike. It
contains the earliest sUIViving reference to the Ionian migration, and it reveals
a poet of the seventh century at work on what might be called the historical
records of his city. For further discussion, see above, pp. 10 ff.

From Py/os to C%pium

Mimnermus' ancestors ('we') left Neleian Pylos, sailed to Asia and
settled at Colophon (1-4), and their leader presumably was the Pylian
Andraemon who, Mimnermus said (F 10), founded Colophon. According to
Pausanias (7.3.1 -3), the earliest Greek settlers at Colophon were Cretans; next,
Thebans arrived, and then there were 'Ionians.' Pausanias does not say where
these 'Ionians' came from, but he implies that they came from Athens, for he
calls their leaders, Damasichthon and Promethus, sons of Codrus (= the son of
Melanthus the Neleid who had fled from Pylos to Athens upon the return of the
Heraclids, as the story went: Henxl. 5.65.3; Hellanicus FGH 4 F 125; Paus.
2.18.7; cf. Sakellariou 1958,52). Pausanias knows also of Andraemon-as yet
another son of Codrus-who drove the Carians out of Lebedus, and whose
tomb lay not far from Colophon (7.3.5), but he clearly thinks of Damasichthon
and Promethus as the men who led the 'Ionians' to Colophon, for it was they
who held the kingship after the Ionians swore to the 'Greeks in Colophon ' to
live on equal terms.
Huxley 1959 tried to harmonise Mimnermus' and Pausanias' accounts
with a suggestion that the Pylians led by Andraemon may have arrived at
Colophon after the Codrid 'Ionians' from Athens had already established
themselves there. The remnant Mycenaean population of Messenia was not
immediately 'Dorized' after the fall of the Neleids, Huxley argued, but retained
its identity under the land's new mlers, the Aepytids, who reigned until their
conquest by Sparta in the late eighth century; Andraemon and his followers,
who will have stemmed from that remnant population, set sail for Asia more
than a century after Melanthus had fled to Athens, and Mimnermus later re-
called that they sailed from Neleian Pylos when it had become an Aepytian
city-Aim'>nov 1:E should be read for MSS mEttE and aim'> 1:E in line 1:
Aim'>'tlOV 1:E nUAOV NTlA1llOV (ion> Al1tOV't~.
Dihle 1962 objected that such flimsy evidence as exists for the early
Aepytids associates them with the return of the Heraclids-Cresphontes the
Heraclid was reputedly the father of Aepytus-and makes inland Stenyclerus,
not Pylos, their seat of power (paus. 4.3.6-8); the establishment of the Aepytid
dynasty therefore presupposes the destruction of Nestor's palace at Pylos and
76 F9

the severance of all Neleian, or Mycenaean, roots.

In Huxley's defence, it might be argued that the identification of the
Aepytids with the Heraclids is likely to have been a late development in their
story (cf. Drews 1983, 77), and there is much to be said for his theory that the
Neleid line survivt'..d in Messenia, albeit tenuousl)', after the destruction of the
palace at Pylos about the year 1200; see Snodgrass 1971, 374, for reports of
Proto-geometric pottery from Messenian sites, including a tholos tomb at Pylos.
However, there is nothing to be said for the suggestion that the Aepytids-or
Proto-Aepytids-Iorded it over the surviving Ne:leids at Pylos itself, so that
Huxley's conjecture AiItU'ttov 'tE is irnprobable.
lf Mimnermus' Pylians put to sea for Asia about the middle of the elev-
enth century, Lhey will have been in the vanguard of the Ionian migration, which
appears to have been in fuU swing c. 1000. Huxley's secondary suggestion, that
they arrived at Colophon only to discover that there had been an earlier arrival
of Codrid Pylians from Athens, upon whom they then irnposed themselves by
force, is not convincing. Mimnermus clearly regards his Pylian ancestors as the
original settlers, led by Andraemon the founder of Colophon.
Later, Huxley 1966, 28, switched the arrivals around: the Codrid Pylians
from Athens arrived ut Colophon after the Pylians led by Andraemon. It is true
that tI'le tradition of Athenian leadership in the Ionian migration was strong and
that it gains new strength from scholarly scrutiny of the cultural and artistic ties
between Athens and the early Ionian eities (see e.g., Huxley 1966, 30 ff.;
Desborough 1972, 179 ff.; Cook 1975, 784 f.). But while a second, Codrid
migration from Athens to Colophon is not impossible to imagine, it might be
preferable to believe that it never took place, and that Pausanias' irnplicit
witness to it reflects a comparatively late attempt to include in the founding
story an expected Codrid role, a desirable link with Athens (so, e.g., Emlyn-
lones 1980, 21).

The Settling at Colophon

The Pylians settled at Colophon 'with overwhelming might' and were
'leaders' or 'instigators' of 'painful hybris' (3-4). lmmisch 1889, 143, thought
that they must have irnposed themselves upon an earlier Hellenie colony to have
deserved the charge of hybris, and he identified the colony as an (unlikely)
amalgam of Carians and Cretans. lacoby 1918,274 ff., detected in the charge
an allusion to the woes suffered by the peoples of western Asia Minor at the
time of the Ionian migration, which Mimnermus feit were being avenged by the
Lydians' campaigns against the Greek cities. Mazzarino 1966, 40 f., and
Talamo 1973, 372, also thought that Mimnermus was capable of such
Herodotean vision, in relating national excesses of the pa<;t to present reversals
in fortune. But it is surely too grand avision for a poet of the lale seventh
century, a'1d Steinmetz 1979, 76, properly observes that Mimnermus is con-
Archibald Allen 77

cemed, not with the Ionian migration in general, but only with the settling at
While it is not possible to identify the people who were living at Cola-
phon when the Pylians arrived, MimneImus must mean that his ancestors foreed
themselves upon those native inhabitants. They need not have engaged in
wholesale slaughter, as did the Ionian settlers at Miletus, according to Pausanias
(7.2.6). Rather, they may have established themselves with minimal bloodshed,
their military superiority being so much in evidence that the natives realised the
futility of serious resistance and agreed to accommodate them. Pausanias' story
of the agreement reached by the 'Ionians' and the 'Greeks in Colophon' to live
together rnay have developed from a repon of some such enforced accomma-
dation. The Pylians then would have been 'leaders' or 'instigators' of 'painful
violence' because their foreeful settling, itself an act of hybris, led to other acts
of violence, between natives and settlers initiaIly, and then between factions of
both groups' descendants, until they culminated in the civic strife which brought
about the expulsion of MinmeImus' ancestors from the city. Admittedly,
MirnneImus says nothing about such strife, but he does say that 'we' set off
from Colophon and captured Smyma, and Herodotus (1.150) explains that the
Colophonial1s who seized Smyrna had been defeated in civic strife and expelled
from their city (KoAo<pwviou~ iivöpo.<; aTom rocrr09Ma~ KaI. E1<..itroOvta~ EK
ti1~ 1ta"tpi8o~ um:öt1;av'to). In retrospect, almost five hundred years later, the
Pylians' foreeful settling at Colophon will have been viewed as the original act
of hybris.
Bowra 1935, 32 f., thought that IvfirnneImus boasts of his ancestors'
aggressive behaviour, but there is 110 room here for boasting, or for defiance,
as Cook 1958-59, 27, thought, since hybris was nothing to boast of, or be
defiant about, in Arehaic Greece. Wilamowitz divimxi that the lines were
composed at a time of crisis, when the poet's audience deserved censure, and
he suggested that Alyattes' attack on Smyma was the critical occasion. Unfor-
tunately, however, since he believed that Mirnnelmus was a Colophonian of
humble birth (see above, p. 17), he referred ußpio~ irYeJ.L6vec; (4) to the high-
handed Colophonian aristocrats, the city's 'hybristic leaders,' who in Smyma's
hour of need refused to take the field against the Lydians. But the poet-even
if he were addressing Colophonians--identifies himself too closely with those
whom he censures for such an interpretation, and ußpio~ llYeJl0vec; crumot mean
'hybristic leaders' since a descriptive genitive of the type vir magnae sapientiae
does not exist in Greek (cf. Dihle 1962, 266).

The Capture 0/ Smyrna

'We captured Aeolian Smyma gerov ßouAf1t,' MirnneImUS claims (6).
Herodotus says that the Aeolians 'threw away' Smyma (1.150, LIlUPV1lV
oe. ..
U1ttßaAoV AioAtec;): the Colophonian exiles (see above), who had been
78 F9

welcomed by the Smyrnaeans, gained control of the eity by closing the gates
when the eitizens were outside the walls celebrating a festival of Dionysus;
concerted Aeolian efforts to retake the city failed, and an agreement was
reached, whereby the Smyrnaeans recovered their movable property and were
then assigned to the eleven other Aeolian eities on the mainland, while Smyrna
was left in the hands of the Ionians.
Huxley 1959, 105, suggested that the phrase 8EiOv ßoUAfjt may allude to
the Colophonians' fortunate capture of Smyrna during that religious festival.
But an allusion or reference to some sort of positive assistance from the gods
would be more likely. Steinmetz 1969, 75, n. 2, wondered if the phrase rnight
not allude to an oracular response from Apollo's shrine at Claros, and the
suggestion is a good one. The Clarian oracle, which flourished in Hellenistic
and Roman times, seems to have been silent in the Classical period, but ex-
cavation of the Hellenistic sanctuary has revealed stonework from older
buildings. An early Archaic kore figure, dedicated to Arternis at the establish-
ment of a priesthood, has been unearthed (see T.M. Cook and DJ. Blackman,
JHS Arch. Repons, 1964-65,46), and pottery dating to the 8th and 7th centuries
has come to light (see S. Mitchell, JHS Arch. Repons, 1989-90, 99, and MJ.
Mellink, AJA 96 [1992] 142). Pausanias (7.3.1) says that the Colophonians of
his day believed the oracle to be of great antiquity, a belief echoed in Strabo's
story (14.642) that the prophet Calchas went to Claros after the Trojan War and
contended, to his great loss, in a contest of petty divination with Mopsus, a
grandson of Teiresias (cf. Imrnisch 1889, 144 and 160 ff.). Excavation and
legend, therefore, are at least sympathetic to the possibility that Mimnermus
may have represented his ancestors as the recipients of a ruling from the shrine
at Claros, telling them to proceed to Smyrna and make the city their horne. (And
this suggestion is of some relevance to the old textual problem in line 5 of this
fragment, discussed below.)
As suggested earlier (above, p. 11), the juxtaposition of the references to
hybris and 'the gods' counsel' is comprehensible only if the capture of Smyrna
is favourably contrasted with the Pylians' settling at Colophon. (Dible 1962,
265, tried to connect the reference to hybris with the capture of Smyrna and
wondered if a rap rnight be concealed in MSS ÖU1(J't1levtO~ of 5; so, too,
Patocchi 1983, 81. But Smyrna was captw"ed by divine sanction, which is
incompatible with hybristic behaviour.) The lines may have been intended to
reassure rather than censure; his ancestors settled at Colophon by force and were
thus instigators of the hybris which later cost them their horne, Mimnermus
would seem to be saying, but they captured Smyrna 'by the gods' counsel':
Their descendants have an absolute right to the city as their present horne, and
an absolute obligation now to defend it against the Lydians. Such cornfortable
words would imply rnisgivings, if not open doubts, on the part of the poet's
listeners, who may have feit that they were being asked to fight for a lost cause,
Archibald Allen 79

a city enmeshed in achain of hybristic acts, the last of which was mitigated not
a bit by the 'counsel of the gods.' And of course in the grand scheme of things,
misgivings were justified, for Smyrna did fall to the Lydians, and Theognis
could later say that the city had been destroyed by hybris (1103 f., üßp~ Kat
M6:yvrl1:a~ o.7tCOAroE Kat KoA.o<p&va I Kat LI!Upv11V).

• Magnesia

• Clazomenae

• Colophon

.I. Claros

o 10 km

MAP Central Ionia (after Kiepert)

1. (at",a Ö') €It€t-ta: the manuscripts' aim'> 'tE and me{ 'tE have elicited a
number of supplements and emendations: ftlJ.E~ Ö· ainU (Bach and Bergk, after
a sixteenth century marginal correction, on which see G-P), ftlJ.E~ 0' a-O'tE or
01l-o'tf (Meineke), a{)'tap or ainUv t7tEhE (Hoffmann), ai7tEUXv 'tE (Hiller), ainU
ö' mEhE (Edmonds), (ai1tU ö') em:t 'tE (Szadeczky-Kardoss), Aim'>nov 'tE
(Huxley), AinU( ) 'tE (West), Abtu 'tE (Kat 'to) and Alm'> KO't' (1iöe)
(Steinmetz), Alm> oe 't '1ioe (Bbert), Ai1ti> H6A.oV 't' ftlJ.Et~ (G-P). The first half
dozen are all more or less servicable. Huxley's Aim'>'tlov 'tE has been consid-
ered above. And that leaves the conjectured references to Aipy. Gentili-Prato
amply document this Aipy as a Messenifut city, but one wonders why
80 F9

Mimnennus ever would have mentioned it in this line; Pylos was the focal point
of departure, and it was Andraemon the Pylian who founded Colophon (F 10).
Besides, Aipy requires inordinate eoneessions to get itself into the line; witness
West's laeuna and G-P's displacement of TIuAOV. Wilamowitz 1913, 283,
lauded em:l1:€ as appropriately lonie but eontented himself with < ) m€l1:€.
Like Hoffman's a\mip, the present at'l'a 0' will fill the gap; cf. Od. 15.193,
ahjla 0' ibt€l9' 1lCOV1:0 TIuAou ai7ri> 1t'tOAlEBpoV.
TIuAO'l) NllÄ,til,ov <lo't'l): for TIuAou (Bergk) instead of MSS TIuAov, cf.
Homer's TIuAO'U ainU 1t'tOAlEBpoV (Od. 15.193, eited above, and also 3.485); so
too i€PTl<; .. . ao'tu ZeAelT\<; (I/. 4.103, 121), 'lfl.ßpou ao't'l) (I/. 14.281),
ao'tu ... 1A.iou (I/. 21.128). At I/. 11.682 f., 'tu IlEv ';A.aoO:lloo9a TIuAov
NT\ATtLOV dom / EwUXLOl1tPO'tt ao'tu, there is a distinetion between the Pylian
territory, TIuAoV NT\A.11LOV, and the eentral town, or city fortress, ao'tU; cf. Dihle
1962,259, n. 6; F. Kiechle, Historia 9 (1960) 20.

2. ill€PtTtv 'AoillV: 'Asia' appears fIrst in Archilochus F 217 West = 23

Taut, 0 0' 'AoiT\<; lCap'u:pOC; IlT\AO'tp6<po<;, where it obviously does not reier to
Anatolia in general. West (ad loe.) recalls Sehneidewin's opinion that the
lCap't€p6<; is Gyges, an opinion shared and developed by R.R. Dyer, 'Asia/
*Aswia and Arehilochus Fr. 23,' pp 20 (1965) 127. While 'Asia' may have
referred originally to north-west Anatolia, to the kingdom whieh the Hittites
knew as Assuwa, the horse-rearing land of the Troad, home of Laomedon and
Hesione-Asie and Homer's Asios and the sons of Asios, it seems to have
referred later, Dyer argued, to the kingdom of Lydia; and it began to be used
of Anatolia in general only after the emergenee of the Persian empire.
Herodotus is the earliest witness to an explieit association of 'Asia' with Lydia.
The Lydians, he says (4.45.3) claimed that Asia got its name from Asies, the
grandson of one Manes, after whom the Asiad clan at Sardis also was named.
Aceording to Strabo (13.627), Callinus (F 5 b West = Test. 7 G-P) said that the
Cimmerians were eampaigning mt wu<; 'HotOvTlO:<; when they eaptured Sardis,
and Demetrius of Skepsis (F 41 Gaede) guessed that 'HotOv€t<; was an lonie
fonn of 'AOLOV€t<;, for Maeonia may have been ealled Asia CA()ia)-lCa9' Ö
lCat "()tT\p0<; dP'lllCEV (I/. 2.461) 'Aoimt Ev Aetj.l.ii}Vt Kauo'tpiou O:Il<pt peI:"ßpa.
Dyer believed that Arehilochus' fragment eonfmns the testimony of
Herodotus and Demetrius, and that Lydia was ealled Asia in the time of Gyges.
But one must then suppose that by Mirnnennus' day the name had expanded,
as it were, to embraee the lonian coastallands, to whieh Mimnennus' 'Asia'
clearly refers, and had lost most of its Lydian eonnotations; for it is hard to
imagine that the poet who eelebrated Smyrna's resistanee to Gyges eould have
spoken of 'desirable Asia' if the name still evoked memories of Lydian aggres-
sion. It is surely easier to believe thal Lydia became 'Asia' after Mimr,ennus'
'Asia' became Lydian. In the Geometrie period, one may hypothesise, 'Asia'
Archibald Allen 81

referred merely to the Ionian coastal lands; thus Horner could speak of the
'Asian meadow,' by the estuary of the Cayster at Ephesus, and Callinus might
have placed his Esiones (Asians?) in the upper reaches of the Cayster valley.
Lydian control over the Ionian eities was not secured until the middle of the
sixth century, in the reign of Croesus (Herod. 1.27.1), but the Lydian kings'
effons to subdue the Asiatic Greeks dated back to the second quaner of the
seventh century (see above, p. 11) so that the association of Lydia with 'Asia'
will have had a long time to develop. It was sealed when the Greek cities
staned to pay nibute to Croesus, who took the throne c. 560. And the name
'Asia' was to expand again very soon, to embrace an empire much vaster than
the Lydian, after Sardis fell to Cyrus in 547.
(The hypothesis offered here does not necessarily rule out the possibility
that Archilochus refers to Gyges as 'the lord of sheep-feeding Asia' in the
fragment quoted above, for that description may have been inspired by repons
of Gyges' initial and remarkably successful campaign against Colophon, on
which see Huxley 1966, 53. But of course the alleged reference to Gyges is
only a possibility. Archilochus may be, rather, to Tantalus of Sipylus,
whose mythical realm probably included Mimnermus' 'desirable Asia.')
lJ,l.€p'tTtV: Vivante 1982, 120 f., examines Homer's use of adjectives meaning
'desirable' or 'lovable' or 'lovely' with the names of eities and other places. It
is because localities are inhabited, loved, and admired, he suggests, that they
merit such epithets as epavvoc;, emlpa'toc;, and fpa't€tVOc;. So, too, for
Mimnermus, Asia is 'desirable' and Colophon, in the next line is 'lovely.'
Homer uses iJ.U:p'toc; only of the river Titaresius, but in keeping with Vivante's
suggestion, one may note that the river serves to identify a people's horne: oi
't' Ufl<P' iflEp'tOV Tl't(.(p1l00l0V epy' eveflOV'to (I/. 2.751). Cf. Solon's iflEp'tflC;
LaA(.(fltVOC; (F l.l West == 2.1 G-P) and vf)oou / iflEp'tflC; (F 3.2 West = 2.7 G-
V1'luo{v: in Homer, people usually arrive 'with' or ' in' ships, as at I/. 18.213,
aUv VllUO{V, and I/. 19.298, ev\. VllUOtV. For the simple, instrumental dative,
cf. Od. 9.l29, VlluO\.v 1tEPOOXH 86.Nxooav, and Res. Erg. 808, Vlluo\.1tfAoV'tat.
a<pu:6J,1.€9(a): 'According to epic usage of U<pl1COJ.U:9a,' says Tsagarakis
1977, 27, 'the speaker or speakers took pan in the migration of the Pylians, ,
so that, whether or not he identifies hirnself with those migrating Pylians,
Mimnermus 'cannot, snictly speaking, be the actual speaker.' But what needs
to be noted here is that 'epic usage' has been superseded. Mimnermus can
indeed say that 'we' arrived in Asia and settled ar Colophon, and then at least
two hundred years later-'we' set off from there and captured Smyrna. One
may compare Tyrtaeus' statement that 'we' arrived in Peloponnese with the
Heraclids (F 2.12-14 West == 1.13-15 G-P):
82 F9

Zru<; 'HPO.1CAetOat<; 'tTtVOE öf&>KE ltOAtV

otOtV äjlCl ltPOAt1tOV'tE<; 'EptVEOV livq.tof:V'ta
ruPE'iav n€AoltO<; vTloov aqnKo~a

Rösler 1990, 232, refers to 'the need for both individual and group to found
their own present existence on the past.'

3. epa'tT)v KOAocprova: Horner uses epa'tf:tvo<; of places, e.g., AUYEUl<;

epa'tEtvu<; (Il. 2.532), and epa'to<; only of Aphrodite's gifts, orop'
epa'tu .. . 'A<ppoOL't1l<; (I/. 3.64). But cf. H.h. 4.477, ltOA1.V epa'tTtv. KoAü<pcOv,
which ftrst occurs here, is probably an Anatolian name. As such, it argues
against the detection of lndo-European mots (*KOA<x'<ProV < *qoln -bho-) in the
later KOAO<pffiv, 'height' or 'summit'; see Chantraine 1933, 162, and Frisk, S.v.
~{"v ultepod.ov exovte<;: cf. Hes. Theog. 670, Of:tVOL 'tE Kpan~poi 'tE ßLllV
\l1tEPOWV ExOV'tE<; (= the Titans); Horn. Od. 1.368, Illl'tPO<; ell1l<; IlVl1o't'ilP!':<;,
tlltEpßtOV üßptV ExOV't!':<; (= 4.321). For discussion, see above, pp. 76 f.

4. E~O~te ': an unaugmented, reduplicated aorist frorn *se-zd-. So Schwyzer

1.652, n. 5, on E~f:'tO, which however he also considered as an unaugmented
irnperfect frorn *sedj-, and as an augmented aorist frorn *e-zd-, *€l;f:'tO, with
secondary aspiration ; cf. West: 'fort. rectius e~- (ut €OXOV, EOltOllllV).'
Wilamowitz certainly erred in taking this ~o~(a) as present, to obtain a
contrast with aorist Etf...oIlf:V in line 6. Only once in Horner is ~Oll(n present
(Od. 10.378, 'tL<p8 ' oü'tro<; .. .äp' €l;rut); see Chantraine 1958, 336. For E<; with
~Ollat, cf. Horn. Od. 4.51, 8; Pa Opovou<; ~oV'to.
aplaAe,,~ Ü~PlOC; iJlt~6VEC;: on the adjective, see F. 4.2 n. For 1,1q.t.ovE<;,
'leaders' or 'instigators,' cf. Theogn. 1081 f., ävopa ußptO'tTtv, xaArnf]<;
1,Yf:/lova o'taoto<;. For discussion, see above, pp. 76 f.

5. 0' 'AATttV'tOC;: beneath the manuscripts' otao'tTtf:V'to<; rnust He the name

of the river frorn which 'we' set off. A reference to an unnamed river would
have been pointless for the poet's listeners, and style, too, calls for a proper
name; cf. the alignrnent of river-name with place-name in (e.g.) l/. 2.659, 'ti,v
äYE't' es 'E<pUPll<;, lto'tallou alt<> LEAATtEV'tO<;, and Theogn. 1887 f. , tv
AaKwaLIlOVt ÖLllt / .. .rn ' Eupcmat .. .ltO'tallrot. And so none of these conjec-
tured emendations of otao'tTtf:V'tOC; is satisfactory: 0' af:VaoV'to<; (Hecker), 0'
aimlf:V'to<; and ayao'tovof:V'to<; (Kalinka), 0' 0.-0 o'tUYOf:V'to<; and 0' aK'tTtf:V'to<;
(Bergk), ltaxv"'ev'to<; (Meineke), 0' aAo"'ev'toC; (Edrnonds), otv"'ey'to<;
(Lattirnore, de Falco).
Ancient tradition named the Ales as Colophon's river. Pausanias says
that it flowed through the Colophonian territory, not far frorn Apollo's grove of
ash trees, and that it was the coolest river in Ionia: tv oe 't'ilt KOAO<pffiytrov
äAOO<; 'tE 'tot) 'AltoUrovo<;, otvopa IlEAtat, KaI. ou ltOPPro 'tot) äA.<Jou<; "Mll<;
Archibald Allen 83

1tO'ta,ro<; \jIUxpma'to<; 't&v I::v lroviat (7.5.10); elegiac poets celebrated its cool-
ness: "AAEv'to<; OE 't01) I::v KoA.o<p&vt Kat fAqetrov 1totll'tat 'tT]V \jIUX~'ta
ätöooot (8.28.3). Lycophron alludes to the tombs of three heroes at the foot
of Mount Cercaphus, near Colophon, oUK ä1tw9ev 'A'"J...Ma 1tO't&v (425), and he
refers to Aphrodite as 'AAEv'tla (868): i1 I::v 'AJ...1v'tt 1tO'ta~t KoA.ü<pffivo<;
'ttllro~. And Pliny knows of the Ales as the Halesus: 'et intus ipsa Colo-
phon, Haleso adfluente' (NB. 5.116). Hence Brunck's 0' 'AATJev'to<; (,AATJ-
Tzschucke). And one may also note Bergk's 0' alk "AAEv'to<; or 'lIt..evto<;,
Ahrens' 0' ai)'tt<; "AAEv'to<;, Hartung's 0' äo'tU "AAEv'to<;, and Steffen's wo.
O'tOIl' "AAEv'to<;. But for *'AATJn<;> 'AATJ<; (which West 1974, 174, n. 10, ac-
cents 'AAfi<;) see C.D. Buck, CP 16 (1921) 371, on '1ItTJ<; <\jItTJn<;, eßpJlOOoa
<*eEPIlTJrooa, TiJlOOoa <*TtIlTJrooa.
lf 0' 'AAfJev'to<; has not received much attention from modern editors, it
is probably because the Ales was properly identified in the late nineteenth
century as the river of Notion, or New Colophon, not the Colophon of
Mimnermus' day: A. Frontrier, Moooelov /(ai ßlßA,w8. rij~ clan OXOA,i7~ €v
~)lvPV1Jl3 (1880) 191; C. Schuchhardt, Ath. Mitt. 11 (1886) 413 f.; cf. Immisch
1889, 143. This Ales arose to the south of Old Colophon and flowed to the sea
at Notion; it would not have been visible to anybody setting out northwards
from Colophon in the direction of Smyrna.
Frontrier and Schuchhardt assumed that Mimnermus' river must be the
stream which flows past Colophon, a few kilometres north-west of the city, and
enters the sea south of Lebedos. This they identified as the 'Asteeis, , supposing
that Mimnermus had written Kd8ev 0' 'Ao'tf]ev'to<; a1t0pvUj.levot 1tO'tallolo. But
MSS Otao'tf]ev'to<; is the on1y witness to even a trace of the name' Asteeis, ' and
the river in question-the modern Derebogaz Deresi; see Kümrnerly and Frey's
Road Map ofTurkey, Bern Ed. 1991-seems to have been called 'Calaon' in
antiquity. Pausanias (7.3.5) says that Andraemon's grave was on the left of the
road when one set off from Colophon and crossed the river Calaon (tK
KoA.o<p&vo<; iOV'tt ... Otaß<iV'tt 'tov KaAaoV'ta 1tO'tallov).
In his exhaustive review of the crux, Cook 1965 suggested that
Mimnermus' river may not have been a river of Colophon at all, but rather
Smyrna's famous river, the Meles, the reputed father of Homer; emend
OUlO'tf]ev'tO<; to 0' Ooi)'tE MEATJ'tO<; (a reading proposed independently by
Steinmetz 1969, 73), and the line then means that Mimnermus' ancestors had
advanced from Colophon to the Meles before 'setting off to capture Smyrna,
about half an hour's walk to the north. Cook noted that the Meles is mentioned
in the fourth Homeric Epigram (Homeri vita Herodotea, pp. 200 f. Allen) amid
seeming echoes of other phrases in this fragment. The epigram insists upon the
Aeolic identity of Smyrna; Cymaeans built its towers, and the Muses left
Smyrna for Cyme:
84 F9

T\v ltO't' rnupy<ooav (3ouAih t.t~ aiytoxo'io

AuO!. Il>piKroVOC;, IHXPYroV mtßil'toptc; 'mltrov,
OltA.O'tepOt J.l.aA.Epo'io ltUpOC; KpivoV'tCC; "Ap1la,
AioAiOa LllUPvnv Mtyet-cova ltoV'tO'tivaK'tov
T\v 'te Ot' ayAuov etatv üorop tepo'io MD.:rrtoc;·
itv9EV altOOVUUfVOt KoUpat t.tOC;, aYAua 'tE1(Va.

The author would certainly seem to be echoing Mimnermus (9a7>v ßoUATlt, ßiTlv
1>1tEPOltAoV, LIlUPYTlV ... AioAiOa), but that does not mean that iepo'io MEATl'tOC;
in line 7 is an echo. And even if early poets feIt obliged to mention the Meles
when refening to Smyrna (Cook and Steinmetz both cite H.h. 9, where Artemis
is said to water her horses at the Meles [3] and then drive through Smyrna to
Claros [4-5]), there is simply no room for it in this line; for the participle
altOpvUllEVOt refers to Ke'iOev as weIl as to the river, and since lCE:'iOev means
'from Colophon,' the river must lie at or near Colophon-or, at the very least,
nearer to Colophon than Smyrna.
And so back to the Ales. If one accepts the Herodotean story that the
Colophonians who captured Smyrna had been ousted from Colophon at a time
of civic strife it is not hard to imagine that they assembled in the valley of the
Ales, to the south of Colophon, before proceeding north towards Smyrna. The
settlement at Notion or New Colophon-Old Colophon's port, in effect, at the
mouth of the Ales--would have been the natural place for them to assemble,
offering food, water, shelter. And nearby, also in the Ales valley, was Apollo's
shrine at Claros (see MAP, p. 79). If, as Steinmetz suggests, Mimnermus
wished to portray his ancestors as dle recipients of an oracle which advised
them to joumey to Smyrna, he needed only to refer to the river of Claros. And
even if the phrase 8a7>v ßoUATlt does not allude to such oracular guidance, the
Ales was sufficiently close to Colophon to have been named in virtual appo-
sition to the place. Thus, with Brunck's 0' 'AA"lev'toC;, the line may be rendered:
'and from there (Colophon), setting off from the Ales river.... '

6. LlluPVllV ... A iOAioa: for the epithel, cf. Horn. Ep. 4.7, AioAiOa LIl{'PVTlV;
Callim. Ep. 5.12, LIlUpYTle; ... a1t' AioAiOoc;; Ant. Thess. AP 7.398.5 (= 427
Gow-Page), AioAiOoc; LlluPVl1C;; Arr. Anab. 5.6.4, LIlUPVav nOAtV AioAtlCfJV.
Herodotus (1.149) explains that Smyrna was one of the original twelve Aeolian
cities on the mainland: (at'tat EvoeKa Aiowv nOAitc; ai apxa'iat·) Ilia yap
O<pEroV napEAu8T) LIlUPYTl uno 1rovrov. l1aav yap Kcxi ai)'tat OurooeKa b.! 'tflt
TJltdprot.... So, too, Pausanias speaks of Smyrna ev 'ta'ie; orooeKa
ltOAootv ... AioAEroV (7.5.1). According to Strabo (14.634), Smyrna was
founded by Ionian Ephesians who in ancient times had been called Smyrnaeans
after Smyrna, a place in the city of Ephesus; expelled by Aeolian Greeks, they
took refuge at Colophon, but later regained Smyrna with help from the
Archibald Allen 85

Colophonians. This odd story may reflect later Ionian efforts to justify the
seizure of Smyrna.
EtA0J.l.EV: Brunck's emendation of MSS €lOoIl€V. Szadeczky-Kardoss 1971,
83, tried to defend the latter on the grounds that opw, 'to behold,' may be used
of somebody who has reached adestination, found ahorne, as in Od. 4.484,
nlVOE 't€ ya.'iav tyrov iOov 6<p9aAllO'im. But the tradition that the Colophonians
'seized' Smyrna is strong; cf. the statements by Herodotus (1ta.p€A;U~ LIlUpVTl)
and Pausanias (LJ.l.Upvav ... o.<peAOJ.lf:\IOl), quoted in this and the preceding note;
cf. also Tyrt. F 5.2 West = 2.2 G-P, MromlVTlV €v..OIl€V eUpUxopov. For
discussion of the date of the capture, see above, p. 11.
86 FID-Fll

F 10 00 W, 4 G-P)

Straoo 14.633
KOAo<prova oe 'Avopalllc.ov (K"tl~et), öx, <pilOt Kat MlllvepllOC; f;v tf\t Nawot.

For comments on this fragment, see aoove, pp. 75 ff.

Arehibald Allen 87

F 11 (11 + 11a W, 10 G-P)

Strabo 1.46-47:
Ei ö' oxmep 6 ~Ja1'J1l.0~ <pT1O"t 1tapaAaß<Ov J.Uiprupa Mi!lvepJlOv, ö~ fN 1:0)1
c.OKeavo)t 1totilcra~ -rilv o'l1CT\crtV 1:01) Aiil1:oU 1tpO~ 'tat~ aVa1:0Aat~ eK'to~
1tqup8Tjvai <pT1crtv U1tO 1:01) TIeA.iou 1:0V lacrova Kat KO!licrat 1:0 öepo~, O'i>t' av
;, rnt 1:0 öepo~ eKd<Je 1t01J.7ril1tt8avO'x; A.eyOt1:0 e~ ayv&t~ Kat acpavd~ 1:01tOU~,
oü8' 6 Öt' ePi1f,.lO>v Kat aoiK<Ov Kat m8' ;'J.Iii~ 1:ooomov eK'tet01ttcr~ov 1tA.oU~
OÜ1:' EvÖO~O~ oü1:e 1tacrt,.w..rov ·

üUöe KO't' av !lEra K&a~ tivilyaYfN aU1:o~ lilcr<Ov

~ A'l1l~ 1:eA.roa~ aAytvowcrav 6öov
ußptcr'tfh TIeA.illt 1:eA.EroV xaA.rnflp~ äe8Aov,
4 üuö' av m' 11K€.WoU KaAOV lKOV1:0 poov

5 Aii1tao 1tOAtV, 1:68t 1:' c.OKro~ 'HeA.iotO

aK'ttv~ xpucrfult Keia1:at fN 8a.Mf,.lO>t
'QK€.WoU 1tapa xetA.o~, lV' rotXetO 8eto~ lilcr<Ov.

1 oUO€ KO't' äv Porson : OUo' OK<Ytav codd. ILE-ya Brunck : 1Lf:ta. eodd. uti'tOc; codd. :
utins Hecker 7 XElAoc;, '{v' Bergk: xEiMOW (xEiMO"{V') codd.
88 Fll


The story of the Argonauts is of great antiquity. An epic Argonautiea

existed before our Odyssey, for Homer transfers some of Jason's adventures to
the wanderings of Odysseus, and he rnay allude to an earlier poem in the phrase
'AfYYoo 1tacrt J.LfAüuoa. (Od. 12.70; see K. Meuli, Odyssee und Argonautika
[Berlin 1921] 52 ff. ; D.L. Page, The Hornerie Odyssey [Oxford 1955] 2). The
voyage of the Argo was familiar to Hesiod (see below) and a popu1ar subject
among the early epic poets (see Huxley 1969, 60 ff.). Mimnermus therefore
must have had many sources from which to draw. His treatment of the story
is likely to have been fairly brief and illustrative; cf. following notes on lines
1-4 and line 1 n.

1-4. There is clearly ' hysteron proteron' afoot here, for lines 1-3 refer to the
completion of Jason's quest and joumey, whereas line 4 refers to an arrival in
Ocean which must have taken place before the voyage ended. It is likely indeed
that line 4 refers, not to the Argonauts' eseape from Aia with the fleece, but to
their arrival in Ocean on the way to Aia. Strabo says that Mimnermus placed
Aietes' horne in the ocean, out beside the sunrise (i:» 'ton cOlC€a.Von ... 1tpO~ 'ta.\~
ava.'tOAa"t<; €1C'to<;); in fact, his sole purpose in quoting these lines is to demon-
strate Mimnermus' location of Aia (see liIie 2 n.). If therefore the Mirnnerman
Aia lies in Ocean, Mimnermus' statement that 'they wou1d not have arrived at
the fair stream of Ocean' ought to refer to the Argonauts' outward joumey
(' ... they would not have arrived in Ocean, and Jason would never have brought
back the fleece, accomplishing the task . . . '). For this sort of 'hysteron proteron,'
in which the second but more vivid of two events is described fIrst, cf., e.g. Od.
5.41 f., Otl-Lo"tp' oo't\ <piA.ou~ 't' iSu:tv lCa.\ llCr08a.t / OtlCOV ~ inl'OPq<p<>v lCa.\ Ölv
~ 1ta.'tp{Ba. ya."tw. The device is not UIlcommon elsewhere in Homer; see
Chantraine 1953, 352.

1. On Porson's and Brunck's certain emendations in this line, see Szadeczky-

Kardoss 1971, 82.
oueSt lCO't •.. .'hl(J())v: ' ... if he had not been helped by Medea who loved
him.' Such is the protasis which Bowra 1935,27, supplied, after Wilamowitz
(1913,279, n. 2; 1924,205, n. 2) and G. Kaibel (Herrnes 22 [1887] 510), both
of whom cited Apollon. Rhod. 3.2-3, Ö1t~ ~ 1())A.1COV &v11ya.YE lCffia.~ 1Tjo())V
/ Mrlödrl~ im' Epw'tt. So, too, Gentili -Prato, in their note on a.u'to~: 'seil. nisi
Medeae amor eum adiuvisset.' On the other hand, R. Pfeiffer, Philo!. 84 (1928)
143, feIt that an apodosis which stresses the inadequacy of a man's unaided
effort (au'to<; 1Tjowv), in a poem of the Archaic age, will have followed a
protasis irnplying divine rather than hUlllaIl assistance, and he suggested that
Aphrodite may have been mentioned; in the Naupactia, it was she who diverted
Archibald Allen 89

Aietes at the crucial moment, casting upon him a longing for bis wife Eurylyte,
so that Jason was able to escape (Schol. ApoHon. Rhod. 4.86: F 7 Bernabe; cf.
Huxley 1969,71). H however line 4 refers to the Argonaut<;' outward journey,
the missing protasis governed that line' s 000' liv . . .lKOV'to as weH as this
apodosis, and a more general reference to the gods' ,mn or design may be
understood (' .. .if it had not been the gods' will .. .'). Cf. Hesiod's reference to
divine will in bis account of Jason and Medea (Theog. 992 ff.):

KOOp1lV 0 ' AiTrtao OW'tpe<p€o~ ßa.<HJ.;i1o~

AiooviÖT1~ ßouAih<H 8€&v ainy€veturov
~y€ 1tap' AiTl1:€W.

And with Hesiod's ßouAlltOt 8€&v, cf. F 9.6, 8€&v ßouAllt L/lUPVT]V €tAoJ.W.
(On Hesiodic echoes in Mimnermus, see Broccia 1972-73.) Hecker conjectured
a.;s'tl~ for au't6~, comparing Il. 15.29, avTlYayov a.;s'tl~, but Jason did not bring
back the fleece ' again' (= a second time).
/l€ya 1C6)(l~: Homer uses /lerUl; of dothes (e.g., /l. 8.221, 1top<pUProv /lera
<pÖ.po~) and even of a fleece (Od. 19.58, rnt /lera ßUAA.etO Kroa9. The ad-
jective may refer to quality and value mther than size (cf. /l. 9.576, Iltra o&pov;
Il. 10.401 /ltyaA.roV O&prov). Apollonius too speaks of the /lera K&a~ (4.171,
184) and xpUO€tOV Iltra 1C(OO~ (4.439). Hesiod said that the fleece was golden:
Ps. Emtosth. Catast. 19, Kpt6~]. .. dX€ OE XpoollV oopav, Ox; 'HoioOo~ [F 68 M-
W] Kat cl>€P€KUOT]~ (FGH 3 F 99) dp{jKaOtv. And Pindar (Pyth. 4.68) says that
he will sing of 1tuyxpuoov VUKO~ Kpiou. . .. It is likely that Mimnermus also
would have thought of the fleece as golden. (Simonides is said to have de-
scribed it once as white, and again as dark red or purple; cf. PMG 576.)

2. e~ Atll~: Homer makes no mention of AtT], but he uses the adjective AiaiT]
of Circe's island (Od. 10.135, AiaiT]v ... viloov; 12.3, viloov . .. AiaiT]v) and of
Circe herself (Od. 12.268, Kip1CT]~ ... AiaiT]~). Circe was the si ster of Aietes and
both were the children of Helios and Perse, a daughter of Ocean (Od. 10.137
0, so that AtT] and the vlloo~ AiaiT] represent hornes of Helios and his farnily.
On Circe's island are the av'toAat 'H€A.iotO (Od. 12.4), while in Aia, according
to Mimnermus, there is a golden chamber which contains Helios' mys (lines 5
ff.). Since the proper name must have existed before the adjective, Aia will
have been the original land of the Sun; and from Aia, 1tapa -rilv Atav, as Strabo
notes (46), Homer will have invented the Aiaian island. The exact etyrnology
of ala is unknown (cf. Frisk, s.v.), but the name Ata will suggest both the
elemental (ultimate land as opposed to water) and the primeval (= mother Earth
? Cf. Etym. Magmu'fl 27.24, s.v. ata' U1tO KUp1lvairov 'tT]m~ Kat JlU'ia ... ). For
further discussion, see A. Lesky, 'Aia,' Wien . Stud. 63 (1948) 22 ff.
Demetrius of Scepsis evidently accepted Mimnennus' version of the Ar-
gonauts' voyage, in wbich Aietes' horne lay 'in Ocean, out by the rising of the
90 Fll

sun.' Strabo objects that a journey to unknown and obscure countries would be
oil-t' EvOo~O<; ome 1taOl~v. He believes (45) that the Argonauts sailed to
Colchis: Tl 'te yap Ata Oet1CVU'tat 1tEpt cI>omv 1tOAl<;. Kat 0 Aitl'tTl<; 1tmt<J'te\)'tat
ßa<JtAe\)<Jal 'tf1<; KOAxiOo<; Kat ä:T'tt 'tot<; EKel 'tom ' bnx<.OptOV 'tO'iSvoJ.W. ... . And
he had good reason to think: so. In Pyth. 4, Pindar calls Medea oro1totva
KOAXHJ}V (11), and says that the Argonauts went to Phasis, where they battled
with the Colchians (212 f.). Sophocles told of the adventures of Jason at
Colchis in his KOAXio~ (F 337-349 Radt). Herodotus (1.2) alludes to the Ar-
gonauts when he teIls how the Greeks sailed E<; Atav 'te 'tTtV KOAXioa Kat f:n:1.
cI>omv 1tO'ta~v. He mentions how Heracles was left behind Me f:n:t 'to K<OO<;
rnAeüv E<; Atav (7.193; in some MSS the words 'tTtv KOAxioa follow Atav), and
he describes how, when the Achaeans were going to kill Phrixus, Cytissorus
came g~ A111<; 'tf1<; KOAXiOo<; and rescued him (7.197). And of course Aia is
thoroughly Colchian in Apollonius; cf., e.g., Jason's remark that Colchian Aia
(Ala .. .KOAXi<;) lies at the limits of Pontus and the earth (2.417 f.) . Responsi-
bility for the identification of Aia with Colchis might weIl be traced back to
Eumelus, who in his boldly propagandist handling of Corinthian legend linked
Corinth with the story of Jason. Aietes, he said, had once ruled at Corinth, but
had then gone off to the land of Colchis (Schol. Pind. 01. 13.74: F 3 Bernabe);
after the reigns of three successive kings, Medea was surnmoned by the
Corinthians from lolcus, where she had been living with Jason after their flight
from Colchis, and was named queen, thus inheriting her father's original king-
dom (paus. 2.3.10: F 5 Bernabe). Eumelus, then, advanced a claim to legendary
Corinthian interest in the far eastem shore of the Black Sea long before Greek
colonists settled there, after 650 (cf. Huxley 1969, 63; Boardman 1980, 240).
And one effect of that claim will have been the localisation at Colchis of the
mythical Aia, the land of Aietes; see F. Vian, 'Les navigations des Argonautes:
Elaboration d' une legende,' Bullet. de l' Assoe. G. Bude ser 4 (paris 1982) 273
ff., and especially 274 f. If Mirnnermus knew of Eumelus' treatment of Aietes
he was not apparently influenced by it, for his Al11 is as mythical as Homer's
vI1<Jo<; Aiai11.
"tEAe(Ja~ •. •o06v: for this phrase, and for line 3 also, cf. Hes. Theog. 994 ff.
(Jason led away Aietes' daughter),

'teAroa<; <J'tovoevta<; MßAüu<;

'taU<; 1tOMaU<; rnereM.e llkYa<; ßa<JlAeU<; U1teptlvrop
UßPl<J'tTt<; neAi11<; Kat a'tacrOaAü<; 6ßPlJ.l.OepyO<;,
'taU<; 'teAroa<; t<; lrohov ac:piKetO 1tOMa J.LOYtl<Ja<;.

(On Hesiod and Mirnnermus, see line 1, n.) Bergk and Meineke were troubled
by the repetition in 'teAroa<; ... / ... 'tw.rov, and proposed avooa<; and 'te EAcOV,
respectively. Presurnably the repetition did not trouble Mirnnermus; certainly
the aspectual variation in the participles is nice. For 'teAetV used of completing
Archibald Allen 91

a joumey, cf. Od. 2.256, 'tEAiEt 0' boov o\)1tO'te 'talYt-r1v; Od. 10.490, boov
'tEA.roat KaI. iKOO9at (see Waanders 1983, 33 and 68).
aA:Y1.V6eooav: Homer has aA:ytlVOe; (e.g., Il. 5.658; Od. 3.206), M.:ywOete;
appearing first in Hesiod (Theog. 214, 'Ot~uv M:Ywowoav, and 226, I1ovov
M:ytVotv'ta); cf. Xenoph. F 2.4 West = 2.4 G-P, 7tUJcrooUVllV M:ytVOwoav
exrov. On the fonnation, see Chantraine 1933,271 ( ' ... presente en regard de
ä),.:yoe; un elargissement en nasale, mais *aA:yoete; etait metriquement exclu ').

3. ußplO'tih I1d,iTll: cf. Hes. Theog. 996, ußpto'tile; I1v...tlle;, with West's
note: Pelias' wickedness was twofold since he had usurped the throne at lolcus
and had then tried to remove the rightful heir by sending hirn in quest of the
golden fleece. Pindar calls hirn äSt/He; (Pyth. 4.109). (On the rarity of de-
rogatory epithets in Homer, see Vivante 1982, 130 f.) For the dative of interest
with 'twlv, cf., e.g., ll. 24.660, 'tEA.roat 'ta<pOv "EJcropt Otrot.
n:~erov xa~e7tilpEC; äE9~ov: cf. Hes. Theog. 994, 'tEA.roae; o'tovotv'tae;
aE9AOUe; ... (see above); Od. 21.135, EJcreAhoJ.Lev äEBAoV. Waanders 1983,68,
thought that äEBAov should mean 'prize of contest' and suggested that 'teAhov
might be taken as future: 'in order to present it (the fleece) as a hard-won prize
to Pelias.' But äEBAov can mean 'contest' or 'struggle' (cf. Od. 21.135, just
quoted, and Xenoph. F 2.5 West = F 2.5 G-P, OtlVOV äEBAov Ö 1ta"f1CpU'ttOV
KaAroOOtV ... ). And 'teAhov is present: 'accomplishing.'
The adjective xaArnflPlle; occurs only here. If the suffix derives from
apapioKro (see Chantraine S.v. -llPlle;), the äEBAov is literally 'fitted with dif-
• ...."llCOV'tO P• 6ov: c.,
4. E7t f e.g., II. 1.328 , t1tt
" 'te .IV\.totae;
Kat, vllae;
~ " CI....
ll. 2.17, tKave.. .ml. vilae; (Kühner-Gerth 1.503 f.).
·OlCEUVO'Ü ... p6ov: Homer thinks of Ocean as a river (ll. 14.245 f., 7tO'taJ.Lolo
PU:9pa/'QKW.Vo'Ü), which flows around earth like a moat (cf. Il. 18.399,
a\jfoppoou 'QKtavolo); see A. Lesky, Thalatta (Wien 1947) 58 ff. Hesiod,
Pindar, and Antimachus had the Argonauts return horne by sailing through
Ocean to Libya, and then carrying the Argo overland to the Mediterranean
(Schol. Apollon. Rhod. 4.259: 'Hoioöoe; oe (F 241 M-W) KaI. rrivoapoe; ev
I1uStovtKate; (4.25 ff.) Kat 'Av'ttJ.L<IXoe; AUÖllt (F 65 Wyss) oux 'to'Ü roKtavo'Ü
<p<lOtV iliMv al)'toUe; eie; Atß{>llv, Kat ßao'taoav'tec; 'tilv 'Apyro de; 'to illlktepov
TtfM:yoe; (Ttapa) yevoo9at. .. ; for discussion, see P. Giannini, QUCC 22 (1976)
77 ff.; J.D.P. Bolton, Aristeas 0/ Proconnesus (Oxford 1962) 56 ff. Here,
however, Mirnnennus seems to be referring to the Argonauts' arrival in Ocean
on their outward joumey (see above).

5. AiTt'tao 7t6~1.V: cf. Apollon. Rhod. 3.213 f., 1tOAW 1CCl1. oWJ.LaS' tKOV'tO /
AiTt'ttro. The most impressive decorations of Aietes' city, according to
Apollonius (3.233 f.), had been constructed by Hephaistos in gratitude to Helios
92 Fll

who had rescued him in the battle with the Giants.

to9t t( e): use of demonstrative t69t for relative ö91, which is attested in H.h.
19.25, f::.., N:tllroVt t69t, is not common; cf. Pind. Nern. 4.52, 'A7tdprot... /
ßouß&tat tOet. .. ; Theocr. 22.199, crilllU 7tUtpo<;, toet. . .'1ou<;. For n: with
relative local adverbs, see Denniston 1934, 522. Here, the particle rnay point
to a general truth: there is always a supply of Hellos' rays in Aietes' city.
o)1C€Ot; 'HeAiotO: as a solar epithet, ffiJC6<; is pecullarly Mimnerman; cf. F
15.11 and AP 7.466.6 (= 2408 Gow-Page), aJcrt<; ffilC€o<; ijEAiou, a likely bor-
rowing by Leonidas (as Gow-Page ad /oc. suggest). Presurnably it refers to the
swiftness of the Sun's cow'se across the sky (cf. F 2.7-8, lltllUv8u oe Y{Vetut
Tißrl<; / lCUp7tO<;, OOOV t' rnt yf\v KtOVUtUt ij€AlO<;). There is a paraBel of sorts
in Larin rapidus, as e.g., Hor. Odes 2.9.12, rapidum, and Virg. Georg.
1.424, solern ...rapidum. Limited personificarion of the sun is not unusual in
early elegy and lyric (cf., e.g., Sol. F 14.2 West == 19.2 G-P, ooou<; ~tou<;
Tj€AlO<; lCu80pih (= 'everybody under the sun'), but full personification is found
only in Mirnnermus, Stesichorus, and Antimachus; see F 12 Comm.

6. alCtivet;: in Horner and Hesiod, aJcrt<; occurs only in the dative plural.
Hellos is said to look down with his rays, as in Od. 11.15-16, m'>OE 7tot , umoU<;
/ 'H€AlO<; <paffirov lCUtaOeplCetUt aJcrtvoootV, and Hes. Theog. 760, 'H€AlO<;
<paffirov rntOeplCetUt aJcrivooolV. Originally, therefore, his rays seern to have
been thought of almost as his eyes. Later, Pindar can say: 'AJcrt<; aEAiou, tl
7tOAUOlC07t' €J.LTtOUO, / ffi llan:p Ollllatrov . .. (Paean 9.1-2). Even in Horner,
however, Helios is understood to strike things on earth with his rays; so, e.g.,
it is said of the bushes which conceal Od ysseus: ome 7tOt' Tj€AlO<; q>affirov
aJcrtotv EßaMev ... (Od. 5.479; cf. 19.441).
XPU(1EOH 9UAaJ.l.OH: if the Sun throws his rays to earth he needs fresh ones
every day, and Mirnnermus imagines thern lying in a golden store-roorn. Bowra
1935,25, aptly likens the 8aMJ.l.O<; to an arsenal, and Lesky (above, line 2 n.)
offers a parallel to it in the store-house for thunderbolts rnentioned by Aeschylus
in Athene's waming to the Furies: lCUt KAfjtOa<; oiou orollUtO<; J.l.ÜV1l 8erov / f::..,
(;)t lCepuuvo<; oott f.cHPPUytOJ.Lf::.Jo<; ... (Eum. 827 f.). It isan error to think that
this golden 8aMJ.l.O<; is the golden el)V1l, or vessel, of F 12 (so, e.g., Defradas
and Gentili-Prato); it should be irnagined, rather, as achamber or roorn in
Helios' golden palace, on which see 1. Diggle, Euripides. Pha,(~thon (Cambridge
1970) 153. Hecker proposed XpOo€Ot forXPU0Erot, but no change is necessary
(and as West observes, alC'ttvt<; is feminine).
lCe\atat: on the Ionic inflexion -UtUt (for -vtUt), see Chantraine 1958, 475
f.; cf. Il. 24.527, OOlOl.. .7tt8ot lCUtUlCetUtut. And for lCdatut ... 8aMJ.l.ffit, cf.
Il. 4.143, lCettUt 0' f::.., 9aMJ.l.ffit (of a precious cheek-piece for a horse).

7. 'OlCeavou xapn xeiAot;: on Ocean, see above, line 4 n.

XetAOt;, 1.V': Genrili-Prato (after Bach, Hudson-Williams, Edmonds) printed
Archibald Allen 93

the Aldine's XEiAro' tV' for MSS XEiArotV, ciring as parallels for the caesural
elision Il. 3.306, 'tA1100Il' ev; Sol. F 9.5 West = 12.5 G-P, ~apavt' (0\»;
Xenoph. F 7a.4 West = 6.4 G-P, 1l110€ pa1tt~', t1tEl. But the elision in XElAro'
tV' remains especially unattractive. Bergk's XElAO<;, tV' is rnetrically preferable.
Besides, Aia presurnably lies beside one (the far) lip or bank: of river Ocean, and
lCda'to.t in the preceding line ought to be followed here by 1tap6. and the ac-
cusative rather than dative; cf., e.g., Il. 4.487, lCEt'tat 1tO'taJ.l.Oto 1tap' ÖX9a<;
(Chantraine 1953, 122).
1.V Ol\XUO: for tva = quo, cf. Od. 4.821, ev1.O11JJ.COt, tV' otXetat. West
wondered whether the augmented form is correct ('fon. rectius OtXeto ... ').
Horner does seern to prefer the unaugmented form in passages of conrinuous
narrative; cf., e.g., Od. 15.2, flalli<; 'A9i]VTl / OtXet', and see Chantraine 1958,
483 f., for statistics and discussion.
9EtO<; 'hiorov: again, West wondered about 8EtO<;; 'fon. rectius .. .Oto<;.' But
cf., e.g., Il. 13.694, 'OiAflo<; 9dotO; Il. 14.230, 8ElOtO 86aV'to<;; Od. 1.65,
'OOuooflo<; 8dotO; the epithet is simply ornamental (cf. Leaf on Il. 16.798,
avopo<; 8ElOtO).
94 F 12

F 12 (12 W, 5 G-P)

Athenaeus 11.470a
MiIlVEpj.1O~ 0' f.v Navvot (0' tvvavot A corr. Bergk: oe
NavvOt Meineke) f.v
ruvilt <PT\<H xpualh lCa'toolCeuacrJ.tivrlt 1tpO~ ritv xpEiav 'tau'tT\v U1tO 'H<paicr'tou
'tov "HAtoV lCa9ruöov'ta 1tEpatoucr9at 1tp~ 'ta~ civa'toMi~, aivtcrcrojleVO~ 'to
KOtAOV 'tou 1tO'tTlpiou. t.ktfl 0' aih~'

'HEAto~ ~ yap MaXEV 1tOVOV TlJUl'ta 1tW'ta,

üUot 1tO't' äll1ta'OOt~ ytvE'tat ouoEjlia
m1totcriv 'tE Kat amrot, rnllv PoÖOOOK't'\}AO~ 'Hffi<;
'QlCEavov 1tp0At1toUcr' üUpavov Eicravaf3i1t·
5 'tov ~ yap ota KUlla <pEpfl 1tOAUftpa'tO~ ruyft
KOttAll 'H<paicr'tou XEpcrtV EAllAaJ.tivrl
Xpucrou 'ttllftEV'tO~, U1t01t'tEpO~, äKp0V i<p' ÜOülP
ilioove' ap1taA~ Xropou a<p' 'Ecr1tEpiOrov
yatav ~ Ai9t01tülV, '{va Olt 900v äpll<l Kat ltt1tOt
10 anncr', &pp' 'Hffi<; ,;ptYEvEta jlÜAllt·
Eva ' rntßr1 €tEpülV Oxirov 'Y1tEpiovo~ uio~.
Oxid. A l-ll CE 5-7
1 ~ev ')'I':tp EAaxev ltOVOV A .- ~ev ')'I':tp ltOvOV fJJ..cJ.xev Hermann .- ~tyav i~fMxev ltOVOV Stoll
2 ouot ltO't' A .- ouot KO't' Bach 3 bri)v A .- met edd. 4 eiaaval3ftl A .- eiaavEß'rl
Hermann 6 KOliA11 Meineke .- KoiA11 AE.- ltOlKiA11 Kaibel 7 1>7tOn'tepos Heyne .-
ultOn'tepov A 8 EÜOove' ö(l' A corr. Musul'llS xopou A corr. Musurus 9 '{va 0iJ
900v Meineke .- '{v' w,:f]9oov A 11 E-ttpOlv A .- aq>E'tEpOlV Bergk .- lep&v Schneidewin
me~,,(aee' k)&v Schneidewin

Cf. Philooern. de pietate (P. Hercul. 1088 fr. 2 Ü + 433 fr. 2 i; I. Boserup, ZPE 8 [1971)110),
[.. .Kat 'tov) "HAlOV [Kat iiA.A.ouc;l 'tlva..; [geoUC; ltoAu)~6xeo[uc; ltE1tol"]Kaal .. .Mi)~vep[~osl
~[Ev ou Ol]aq>OlVetV O[OK]et, [Ka)9' k(a)KuO't[l1]V [vUK)'ta Ka9dJ[OElV au)'tov A.f:yrov (cf. A.
Henrichs, GRBS 13 (1972) 72 ff.)

Eustath. ad Horn. Od. p. 1632, Mi~vep~ OE, q>aai, 'to 'toU lJAiou KaAOOlJ-EVOV ltmT1PlOV
ruvT]v JCU(A)A11V dnev, 'Hq>aia'tou xepatv iA.11A.a~.
Archibald Allen 95

F 12

'I cany the sun in a golden cup,

The moon in a silver bag'
W.B. Yeats, 'Those Dancing Days are Gone'

Book 11 of the Deipnosophists has to do with drinking cups, and it is in

his discussion of one such cup, called 'Hp<iKAewV (469c-47Od), that Athenaeus
preserves our most valuable evidence for the myth of Helios' nightly voyage
from the west to the east in a golden cup or bowl. He says that the voyage was
fIrst described by the poet of the Titanomachia: eroA;\)'tO~ 0' f» oeu'tepillt
"Qprov (FGH 478 F 1) rnl. Akß11'to~ <pIlcrtv au'tov (sc. 'lIAWV) OtU7tA.ruOat,
'tO'l>-tO 1tpmou d1tov'to~ 'tot> 'tl]V Tt'twoJ.UXXtav 1totfJoaV'to~.... (F 8 Bernabe)
One recalls that Eumelus of Corinth, which was celebrated for its cult of the
sun, enjoyed a daim to the authorship of that work (see Huxley 1969,22 f., and
below, line 3 n.). Antimachus told how Erytheia, one of the Hesperides, es-
coned Helios on his journey in the cup:

'tO'tE ~ XPUOErot f» ornai:

'HeAtov 7tOJl7teuEV U-YU1CAUJlEvrt 'Ep{>9na

(469 f: F 66 Wyss = 66 West; if we read 'HeAtou, with Jessen-see West's

critical note ad loc.-we presumably have yet another fragment dealing with
Herades and the cup, on which see below.) Aeschylus mentioned the cup in
his Heliades:

Ev9' rnl. OuoJlal~

tlOOUt 1ta'tpo~ 'Hq>alO'tO'teuxk;
orna~, f» 't4> otaß&Wt
4 7tOAUV oiOJla'tOEV'ta
t<t>epEt OpOJlOU 1tOPOV oU9n~t
JltAaVl7t1tOU 1tPOq>U-Yrov
tEpiiC; VUK'tO~ UJlOAYOV (469 f: F 69 Radt)

Pisander, Stesichorus, Pherecydes and Panyassis all dealt with Herades' voyage
in the cup (hence the name 'Hpa&wv) en route to his western labours.
Pisander said that Herades took the cup from Ocean (presumably because
Ocean was irnagined to cany it back empty from east to west): nuoavopoc;
f» oru'teprot 'Hpaddac; (Athen. 469 c: F 5 Bernabe) 'to oe1tac; f» 6)1
OtrnA.euOEV 0 'Hpadfjc; 'tov 'QKEavOV dvat )lf» <pIlOtV 'HA.tOU, AaßElv 0'
au'to 1tap' 'QKEavOU 'tov 'HpaKAffi ... (469 c-d).
96 F 12

Panyassis, who evidently called the cup a <PU:lAl1, said that Hemdes car-
ried it off from Nereus, and sailed in it to the island of Erytheia: navUacrt~ Ö'
t:v 1tpcOmll 'Hpadda<; (Athen. 469 c: F 9 Bemabe) 1tapa NllP~ <pTJcrtv Tilv
'tou 'HAtOU <ptaA,llv lCol11cracrSat 'tov 'HpalCAEa lCat Ota1tAEucrUt Ei<;
'Ep{>8nav ... (489 d); cf. Matthews 1974, 58 f.
Pherecydes told how Herades threatened to shoot Helios to get the cup.
Helios ordered him to desist, Herades complied--"HAtO<; OE avtt 'toU'tou
OtOCOOtV amffit 'to OE1ta<; 'to XpUcrEOv Ö au'tov e<pÜpn crUv 'tal<; t1t1tOt<;, btT]v
01Nllt, Ota 'tou 'QlCfaVOU Tilv vulC'ta 1tpo<; ErotllV ... (470 c-d: FGH 3 F 18a).
In his Geryoneis, Stesichorus described how Helios again boarded the cup
after Herades had disembarked:

&:110<; 0' 'Y1tEptOvtOa<; [ ]

8€mx<; EcrlCa'tq3atVEV XpUcrEOv, ö<pp-
a Ot' cOlCEavolo m:pacra<;
a<pilCOtS' iapu<; 1tO'tt ßt:vSro VUlC'to<; f-PEIlVU<;
1tO'tt llU'tepa lCouptoiav 't' MOXOV 1tat-
oa<; 'tE <piAou<;,
<> 0' e<; Mao<; Eßa M<pvatcrt Kma-
cr1Ctaov 1tocrt 1ta1<; ~ to<; [-"""-]
(469 e: LGS 55 [PMG 185])

(On the Geryoneis, see D.L. Page, JHS 93 [1973] 138 ff., Brize's study, cited
below, and M. Davies, CQ 38 [1988] 277 ff.)
Such, along with Mimnermus' fragment, are the accounts of the Sun's
cup in Athenaeus, and there is little of substance to add to them from other
authors. Euphorion referred to Herades' voyage XaAKdllt alCa'trot (ap. Eustath.
in Dionys. Perieget. 558: GGM TI, p. 326 = F 52 Powell). Agatharchides of
Cnidus said that he travelled t:v MßTJ'tt (ap. Phot. Bibi. 443a, 37: GGM I, p.
114), and Alexander of Ephesus XaAlCdwt A$Tytt (ap. Eustath. in Dionys.
Perieget. 558: GGM TI, p. 326). Apollodorus appears to have followed
Pherecydes: Herades was scorched by the Sun on his joumey to the west,
threatened the god with his bow, and was rewarded for his courage with the use
of the cup (oma<;); after slaying Geryon, he embarked his cattle in the cup
(t:vSEIlEVO<; 'ta<; ß6a<; Ei<; tO oma<;) and sailed from Erytheia to Tartessus where
he retumed the cup to Helios (BibI. 2.5.10). Pediasimus (26) said that Herades
actually shot at the Sun before receiving the oma<; XpUcrnov (Mythogr. Gr. I,
ed. R. Wagner, p. 257). Julian Imp. speaks ofHerades' joumey mt 'tfl<;Xpu<ri1<;
KUAtlCO<; (Or. 7, 219d). Macrobius names Panyassis and Pherecydes as his
sources for the story of Hercules' voyage in a poculum (Saturn. 5.21.19).
Servius (in Aen. 7.662) explains that the tale ofHercules' voyage oUa aerea was
invented quod habuit navemfortem et aera munitam (cf. his note on 8.299, navi
Archibald Allen 97

aenea navigavit). Eustathius, who quotes Euphorion and Alexander Ephes.,

was familiar with Athenaeus' discussion of the cup: 0 OE llü9o~ Ka'ta -rilv 'taU
OEt1tVocro<jmHou l::K9rotV 0 1tapa 'con L'tllCHXOProt,ltO'tllpirot 'tov ilAtOV
Ota1tA&tv Af:yft 'tov l.!KffiVOV .. . (Od. p. 1632, 22 ff.). As acknowledged
above, Eustathius is a secondary source for Mimnermus' description of the
vessel; see below, line 6 n.
The best known visual representation of the Sun's cup is probably the
interior painting on a red figure kylix in the Vatican (H 545: Beazley ARV7.
449.2, in the manner of Douris; Haspels ABL 121; E. Gerhard, Auserlesene
Vasenbilder, Taf. 109; cf. Roseher, s.v. 'Herakles,' p. 2204); Heracles sits or
crouches in the bowl-shaped cup, holding his bow and club, while fish and other
sea creatures are visible in the waves which lap around the vessel. There are
two other paintings of Heracles in the cup, on a black figure olpe by the
Daybreak Painter in Boston (03.783: Haspels ABL 121, p. 17.3 and Append. V
15), and on a red figure kylix (interior) in Rhodes (Beazley ARV 1 118a, related
to the Pithos Painter; Haspels ABL 121). For discussion, see P. Brize, Die
Geryoneis des Stesichoros und die frühe griechische Kunst (Würzburg 1980) 51
f. and 145. The depiction of Helios himself in the cup-with his requisite
chariot and horses--was obviously much more of a challenge to arti:;ts. There
appear to be two black figure paintings of the god with his team rising out of
the cup (if that is what it is), on a lekythos (Gela Painter) in Boston (93.99:
Haspels ABL 120, pI. 23.1; cf. Brize op. cit. 121 n. 352), arid on a neck anlphora
(Gela Painter) in Vienna (815, with Sun's cup identified by K. Schauenburg,
Helios [Berlin 1955] 44, Abb. 22; cf. HaspelsABL 217). Fordiscussion ofboth,
see K. Schauenburg, Ant. Kunst 5-6 (1962) 51 ff. Mention should also be made
here of the painting on a red figure hydria in the Vatican (Beazley ARV 209,
Berlin Painter, 166) which shows Apollo riding over the surface of the sea on
a winged tripod.
Carena 1962 suggested that the myth of Helios' nightly vogage is closely
related to the cosmology of Thales, and that both, taken together, reveal the
strong influence exerted by Egyptian cosmology on the early Greek philoso-
phers and poets: just as Thales' teaching that the earth floats on water like a
log (Arlst. De Caelo 294a 28) is indebted to the Egyptian belief that the earth,
like a flat plate, floats on the waters of Nun, so is the myth of Helios' voyage
indebted to the Egyptian myth of the Sun-god Ra who sails at night through
those primordial waters; the transformation of Ra's ship into Helios' cup rnay
be attributed to the imagination of the poets who played upon Heracles'
fondness for big drinking cups by telling of his voyage in a cup instead of a ship
(cf. Athen. 469d: 1l,,7tO'tt OE hcet JleYOAol~ exatpe 7tO'tllpiot~ 0 ilp~, Ota 'to
Ilf:tEßo~ (sc. 'taU 'HpaKAetou) 1tai~oV't~ oi. 1tOtll'ta.t Kat cr\)yypacpci~ Metv
au'tov f:.., 1tO'tllpirot ~ueoA6Y'1crav ... ). But there is an important difference
between the voyages of Ra and Helios. Ra sails under the earth, through a
98 F 12

succession of cavems, bringing light and happiness to the souls below (see 1.H.
Breasted, A History of Egypt 2 [New York 1937] 53 ff.), whereas Helios sails
around the earth on the strearns of Ocean (cf. line 8 n.). While Thales' cosmol-
ogy rnay well owe something to Egyptian speculations (see, however, D.R.
Dicks, 'Thales,' CQ n.s. 9 [1959] 294 ff.), the myth of Helios' voyage appears
to belong to an earlier Greek cosmology in which the earth is surrounded by the
waters of Ocean but does not float upon them, for it has roots which extend
down deeply to Tartarus (cf. Huxley 1966,97, with reference to Hes. Theog.
Although it seems to have been treated most fully in Egyptian legend, the
story of the voyaging Sun-god is common to several mythologies; see, for
example, A. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie II (Breslau 1929) 10 ff.; W.
Mannhardt, Gennanische Mythen (Berlin 1858) 37; H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan
Scandinavia (London 1967) 52. And a cup- or bowl-shaped ship or boat will
have been the ideal vessel for the story. One thinks of the Late Bronze Age
Caergwrle Bowl from Wales, an oval-shaped model boat, carved from oak and
decorated with applied gold sheeting (see 1.X.W.P. Corcoran, Bericht über den
V Internat. Kong . für Vor- und Frühgeschichte. Hambllrg 1958 [Berlin 1961]
200-03, Taf. 12); like the tiny Bronze Age model gold ships from Nors in
Denmark (see Davidson, op. cit. 58) and the Iron Age model gold ship from
Broighter in Ireland (see P. MacCana, Ce/nc Mythology [London 1970] 94), the
Caergwrle Bowl rnay well have been associated with the myth of the Sun's
noctumal voyage. But the Greek tradition of Helios' voyage in a cup instead
of even a bowl-shaped boat perhaps developed from a very early belief that the
sun actually was a golden, winged cup flying or sailing across the sky; cf. A.
Rapp, Roseher I 2014, s.v. 'Helios,' with particular reference to T. Bergk,
Jahrb. für klass. Phi/ol. 81 (1860) 389 ff., and W. Sonne, Zeitschrift für
vergleichende Sprachforschung 10 (1861) 161.
Winged wheels and discs are common solar symbols (cf. Cook 1914-40,
I 197 ff.), and it is worth noting that Mirnnermus calls Helios' vessel ' winged'
(cf. line 7 n.); and Apollo's nipod on the Vatican hydria, mentioned above, has
a substantial pair of wings. Even without wings, however, the cup appears as
a symbol of the sun. It is found as such in Vedic records (cf. Hillebrandt, op.
cit. I 318 f., 436 ff.) and in Gerrnanic song and legend (cf. Mannhardt, op. cit.
375, and Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 7 [1875] 101 ff., eited by Rapp, loc cit.).
And of course the aquatic lotus, that powerful solar symbol for numerous
peoples (cf. Cook 1914-40, II 772 ff.), is virtually a floating, petalled cup.
Plutarch (Moral. 355 b-c) observes that the Egyptians depicted the rising sun as
a newly bom baby sitting on a lotus, thereby expressing enigrnatically the sun's
enkindling from the waters ('t11V E~ uyp&v ilAiou ytYVOJlEvllV äva\jltv
aivt't't:oJlEVOl. . .); it is but a short step from that image to the image of Helios
rising from his golden cup.
Archibald Allen 99

Heraclitus (ap. Diogen. Laert. 9.9-10: D-K 22 A 1) maintained that the

heavenly I:xx:lies are bowls (crKrupat), their hollow sides turned towards earth,
which collect bright exhalations (ava9u~!tacrn9 from the sea and so produce
tlames; and the tlame of the sun is brightest and hottest. G.S. Kirk suggested
that his theory of heavenly bowls might have developed from the myth of the
Sun's cup (Heraclitus. The Cosmic Fragments [Cambridge 1962] 270). It is
possible, however, that timt theory and the myth have a common ancestor, the
belief that the sun was a golden, winged cup in the sky.
For an evocative, wide-ranging analysis of this fragment, see Suarez de
la Torre 1985. In brief, he feels that the voyaging Helios, resting by night from
his endless daily labours, is suggestive of the voyaging Jason; the celestial cycle
of toil and rest is a pattern for the heroic life of struggle and reward, joy and
sorrow, which is epitornised in the tragic myth of Jason and Medea: ' ... el
fragmento se engarza perfectamente en un poema que nos hablaba deI amor y
de la muerte, con el mito de Jason y Medea, decfamos, corno probable
contexto.' It is hardly likely that everybody will agree with the premise that
Helios' voyage may recall the voyage of the Argo (and I for one still irnagine
that Mirnnermus' elegy on Jason was too brief to accommodate this fragment,
which may itself be virtually a complete poem), but Mirnnermus is surely
saying something about the human lot in this thoroughly anthropomorphic por-
trayal of the Sun-god. (For further, irnpressionistic retlections on the tone and
mood of the fragment, see G. Bonelli, Riv. Stud. Class. 25 [1977] 66 ff.)

1. 'H e~ 1.0~: for the proper name, cf. F 11.1 n.

J.l.ev: probably solitary and emphatic (Denniston 1934, 380); cf. 'tov ~ in
line 5.
yap: possibly irnplying some sort ofpreceding statement (e.g., about fate), but
see F 1.1 n.
e~ax€v 1t6vov: there is no need to emend (AjAaXeN 1tOVOV Hoffmann: 1tOVOV
ruaXeN Hermann: ~ y{\p E. 1t.]~av ff,fAaXeN 1tOVOV Stoll: 0' a~apt'
€AaXeN 1tOVOV Bergk). For y{\p i:AaXeN, Hudson-Williams eited I/. 2.39
(9TlcrEtv yli{J €t' E~), I/. 19.49 (€tt y{\p ExOV), and Theogn. 2 (apxoJ.l.fN~
01>0' a1to1tauoJ.l.fNo~). Gentili-Prato add Solon F 14.1 West (= 19.1 G-P),ouoe
llaKäp ouod~; Theogn. 329, eül3ouA.~ ElAev; 461, VOOv ExE; 1232, J.J1v 'IA.lou.
For other examples of such lengthening, see Gentili, Gnomon 48 (1976) 745.
The idea of a god's 'lot,' in the sense of 'duty' or 'job,' seems to have
developed from the belief that the gods had distributed places and realms of
power to themselves by lot; see BorecIey 1965, 44 ff., who thinks that such a
belief retlects the custom of collective distribution by lot in primitive tribal
society. Thus, according to Homer, Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades allotted to
themselves the sky, the sea, and the underworld (Il. 15.187 ff.), and conse-
quently it could be said of Hades, for example, that he received the lordship of
100 F 12

the dead as his lot: 'tOt~ )..letClVatetaEt 'tOw V)"UXE Koip<lvo~ ElvClL .. (H.h.
2.87). The language of lot was still used, as Boreciey shows, even when gods'
duties or jobs had nothing to do with actual, territorial shares. So, for Hesiod,
Aphrodite has obtained (lliCf'(XE) a share (1l0tpav) which is defUled by the
effects of her activity in human life, the whisperings of girls and deceits and so
forth (Theog. 203-06). Mirnnermus may have believed that Helios received his
lot of daily toil flOm Zeus (cf. F 2.16 n.). Hesiod (Theog. 881 ff.) says that after
the Olympians had defeated the Titans they asked Zeus to be their roler, a.'1d he
distributed their honours among them: 0 oe 'tOtcrt ea~ OteOacrcrCl'to 'ttlla~ ...
(885). And Zeus plays a leading role in Pindar's account of the territorial lot-
casting (01. 7.55 ff.); it was he who called for a second casting after Helios had
been excluded by his absence from the original procedure (61).
rr6vo~ connotes considerable effort, and even pain; cf. Il. 6.77 f., 1tovo~ ... /
Tpc.Orov KClt AUKlc.oV (= their war-effort); l/. 16.568, llaXll~ 6A.60~ 1tovo~. And
there is no dose parallel for Mimnermus' view of Helios' toil. Virgil's soUs
labores (Aen. 1.742) is usually cited, but labores there refers to eclipses. Horner
calls Helios 'untiring,' 'HfAtOv ... aKaIlClV'tCl (l/. 18.239, 489; so, too, H.h.
31.7). Gerber notes that Aeschylus (F 192.6 Radt) mentioned the toil
(KUIlCl'tOV) of the Sun's horses.
fillu1:u 1tav1:u: this phrase, which is frequent at line-end in Homer (e.g., Il.
8.539; Od. 2.205), botheI"ed M. Davies, JHS 101 (1981) 169, who feIt that the
meaning 'all his days' (i.e. 'forever') is contradicted by lines 5 ff.; yet 'all his
days (as opposed to his nights)' would make for unusual sense. But
Mirnnermus means that Helios' toil is in fact never-ending, even though he
sleeps in his golden bed at night. Stricdy speaking, the toil is continual, not

2. ouoe 1tOt ': Gentili-Prato follow Bach in changing A 's 1t(yt to K01: (cf. F
11.1, OUOE KO't äv Porson: 000' OKO'tW MSS), but 1t01:(E) suits the fragment's
epic diction; cf., in the opening sentence alone, the phrases TlJlCl'tu 1tWtCl,
t1t1totcriv 'tE KClt ClU'trot, ix>OoMK'tUA.o~ 'H~, OUp<lVOV EicrWClßflt, with cited
Homeric parallels. (The same form should be retained, for the same reason, at
F 15.5, oü 1t01:E 1tajl1tw; for discussion, see A. Lillo, 'Ionic Kill<;, ÖK~, Ö1t~ ... ,'
Glotta 69 [1991] 1 ff., and especially 4.) Besides, 1t01:(E) here will reinforce the
alliteration in p and t (1tOVOV TlIlCl'tCl 1tav'tCl, / ouM 1t0't' äll1tClucrt~) which is
surely meant to capture the plodding monotony of the daily grind.
clll7tUucrlC;: occurs fIrst here, but WCl1tClUc.o is Homeric (l/. 17.550), and
Hesiod has äjl1tClUjlCl: KClKroV ajl1t(lu!J.u 'tE jlEpjlllpac.ov (Theog. 55); cf.
Theogn. 343, KClKroV äjl1tClUIlCl jlEptjlVWV. For the apocope, cf. F 15.4, äjl
1teOiov (West 1974, 86).
y\vtt<ll.: cf. F 1.4 n.
OUOEIl\CX: cf. Tyrt. F 10.11 West (= F 6.11 G-P), ouof-jli' roP11; Theogn. 170,
Archibald Allen 101

3. bt1tO\OlV 'tE x:ut. u,)'t(ih: for the combination, cf. Il. 15.525, Tp&~,
opivoV'tut. . .l1t1tOt n: KU1. avtOt. There is no mention of the Sun's horses or
chariot in Homer, although two horses ofEos are named at Od. 23.246, AUJ.l1toV
Kat «l>affiovS', Ot 't' 'H& 1t&A..ot a.YO'UCSt. . . The poet of the Titanomachia said
that Helios had two stallions and two mares (Schol. Town. Il. 23.295 = F 3
Allen, p. 110: Kat 0 'ti]v Tt'tuvoJlaxiav OE 1'p<i\jla~ 000 a.ppEVU~ <pllCSt 'HAiou
Kat 000 fh,AEio:;). So, too, Eumelus ap. Hygin. Fab. 183 (p. 128 Rose); see
A. Severyns, Le Cycle Epique clans l' Ecole d' Aristarque (ParisILiege 1928)
174. Horses and chariot are mentioned in H.h. 2.88 f., t1t1tOtOtV EKEKI.etO 'tOt
0' 1m' oJlOKA.ii~ / piJl<PU <j>EpOV 800v äpJla 'tavlmn:pOt iixn' oicovoi; H.h. 4.69,
'HEA.tO~ ... Eouve ... / at)'toloiv 8' t1t1tOtOt Kat äp~taot; H.h. 31.9, '{1t1tOt~
4tßeßa~, and 15, onloa~ xpuo6~uyou äpJla Kat t1t1tO'U~. For representations
of Helios as charioteer on Archaic vases, see Haspels 1936, 120 ff. (cf. L.
Lacroix, Etudes d' archeologie numismatique [paris 1964] 93 f.).
€1tflV: West printed E1te~ but ffiTlv is the reading of A, 'ut ipsi inspeximus et
ex ed. Kaib. adn. colligit' (Gentili-Prato); cf. West's note: '€ritv Causabon (?
ut codicis lectionem dat Kaibel). ' For fmlV with aorist subjunctive douvaßiit
(4)-'when Eos has gone up into the sky'-cf. F. 2.9 n. and F 3.1.
poöOÖUX:'tUAOt; 'Holt;: this famous fonnula occurs 22 times at line-end in the
Odyssey, five times in thelliad (1.477; 6.l75; 9.707; 23.109; 24.788), and once
in Hesiod (Erg. 610). There is still considerable disagreement about the mean-
ing of the epithet. For a review of the various explanations which have been
offered, see E. Irwin's sensitive essay, 'The Crocus and the Rose,' in D.E.
Gerber (ed.), Greek Poetry and Philosophy. Studies in Honour 0/ Leonard
Woodbury (Chico, CA 1984) 157 ff., and especially 161 ff. The standard
interpretation, thaI the word means 'rosy-fmgered' and refers to the rising sun's
rays, or 'fmgers,' which colour the sky at dawn, is not compelling, Irwin notes,
in view of Sappho's ßpooooa1CtuA..o~ oeMvva (F 96.8 Voigt), for there are no
rosy rays, or 'fingers,' of moonlight to parallel the mys of the rising sun. And
Bacchylides' application of the epithet to 10 (19.18) \vill hardly admit any
suggestion of 'fingers' of light. Irwin argues that the rose is flISt and foremost
Aphrodite's flower, serving in poetry as a symbol of her beauty, and so, too, as
a symbol of beautiful women. She would therefore take the epithet to mean
'rose-fingered' rather than 'rosy-fmgered,' so that the 'flower, not the colour, is
emphasized and the comparison is wider, an appeal to fragrance and beauty.'
But it may be possible to detect in 'rose-fingered' a more specific reference to
Aphrodite's potency and attractiveness. Sexual power was often feit to reside
in the hands of the goddess's Eastern counterparts (cf. Onians 1951, 198), and
the Greeks will have been weIl a ware of that belief. Since fingers are the hand' s
very being, 'rose-fingered' then rnay mean 'with beautiful hands displaying as
102 F 12

a rose the essence of Aphrodite,' or, in a word, 'sexy.' Tbe epithet will be
particularly apt for Eos, who nurnbered arnong her lovers Tithonus, Cleitus,
Cephalus, and Orion, but it will also suit Selene, who loved Endymion (Sappho
F 199 Voigt), and Io, pursued by Zeus.
'Poö6m'lXu~, used ofEos at H ,h. 31.6 (cf. Sappho F 58.19 Voigt) and by Hesiod
ofNereids and others (Theog. 246, 251; F 35.14; 64.13; 251 (a) 1 M-W), would
seem to owe something both to poöo86xt\)A.o~ and A.eulCroA..evO~; cf. Il. 5.314
and Od. 23.240, m1x& Ae\)lCro.
For further remarks on Eos, see Boedeker 1974, 14 ff., Vermeule 1979, 162 ff.
(with bibliography, 247), and F 4 Comm.

4. 'OlCWVOV: see F 11.4 n.

7tPOAl7tOuo(a}: the prefix has (weak) local significance (Chantraine 1958,
130); cf. Hes. Erg. 566, 'ApK'toupo~ 1tPOAt1tcOV i.epov p60v 'QlCWVO'iO.
oupavov: West 1966 (Theog. 127) doubted the standard modem view that in
Archaic Greece the sky was conceived of as asolid hemisphere, like an up-
turned bowl or a dome, covering the round, flat earth (see, e.g., Kirk-Raven-
Schofield 1983, 9). Tbe Greeks were not familiar with domes after the
Mycenaean period, he thought, and a dome would not have needed the support
of an Atlas (Theog. 517); rather, the sky was thought to be flat and parallel to
the earth, like a flat roof. But the fact that the Sun and the Dawn can be said
to 'go up into' the sky surely does imply that it was thought of as hemispherical.
It is possible that the monumental domes of the Bronze Age were inspired by
the vision of the sky-dome (cf. Cook 1914-40, II 1150); and Atlas' services
were needed because there was thought to be a gap, which had to be maintained,
between earth and sky (see discussion in Kirk-Raven-Schofield, loc. cit.) For
the solidity of oupav6~, cf. Homer's epithets: xaAlCeo~ (Il. 17.425),
1toA:uxaho~ (Il. 5.504; Od. 3.2), crto"peo~ (Od. 15.329; 17.565). And for
discussion of such epithets, and in general, see Tb. Worthen, 'Tbe Idea of 'Sky'
in Archaic Greek Poetry .. . ' Glotta 66 (1988) 1 ff.
In his note, 'Musaeus and the Voyage of the Sun' (QUCC 9 [1970] 145
f.) , G . Giangrande seems to have thought that MimnemlUS is describing the
rising of the Sun in f:m]v ... eloavaßf\t: ' The Sun starts going up the sky
(, .. eloavaßf\t. .. aorist punctiliar = 'begins to climb .. .') in leaving 'QlCrov6~
(lllCffivov 1tpOAl1tOooa), not before.' But dawn precedes sunrise, and 'H~
cannot stand for 'HfALO~ in line 3 or line 9.
For an analysis of expressions denoting the passage of night and day in
epic narrative from Homer to Quintus of Smyma, see A.W. Jones, Mus. Philol.
Lond, 3 (1978) 153 ff.

5-8: the verbal SUUcture of these lines, with eüöov8' (8) so far separated from
initial 'tov JlEv (a separation unthinkable in Homer), stands as vivid witness to
Archibald Allen 103

the literary mther than oral pedigree of Mimnennus' poetry; see Römisch 1933,
71 f. Suarez de la Torre 1985, 15, offers a diagram illustmting the 'ring' con-
struction of the passage.

5. tOV I.Ü:v -rap: for emphatic ~ with pronouns, see Denniston 1934, 360.
The yap refers, not to the general statement that Helios' lot is toil without rest,
but to the temporal (btllv) clause (' . . .when Dawn has climbed into the sky; for
a bed carries him from the west to the east, where his chariot and horses stand
until Dawn goes . . .'); cf. Denniston 1934, 65. One might infer from 'tov that
the horses do not accompany Helios on his voyage 10 the east; see below, lines
10 n. and 11 n.
Ola lCUJ1a: ' over' or 'across' the water (K:UJ1a =1tOV'tov by synechdoche); cf.
Pind. lsth. 4.41, rnt x86va Kat Ola 1tOV'tov ßEßaKEV / k:py<l'twv <llC'tt<; KaAroV.
1tOA:Utlpato<; euvtl: Homer uses the adjective of a city (Od. 11.275, €v
Enlßrll 1tOA;UTlpa'tWl), youth (Od. 15.366, iißrlv 1tOAU1lpa'tov), marriage (Od.
15.126, 1tOAUTlp<l'tOU ... Y<lJ1OU), and the marriage bed of Odysseus and Penelope
(Od. 23 .354, 1tOAu1lpa'tov .. . euv1lv); cf. Hes. Theog . 404, <l>oißTl
o'.. .1tOAU1lpa'tOV ~AeEV ~ ei>vtiv, and see F 9.2 n.
The subject ei>vti comes as a surprise after Öla K:Ulla <ptpn, for one
expects 'cup'-if one know the myth-or at least 'vessel' or ' boat.' But ei>vti
need not here evoke images of a bed or couch with frame and legs (i.e., a typical
AExO<; or lCAtVTJ: G.M.A. Richter, The Furniture 0/ the Creeks, Etruscans, and
Romans [London 1966] 52 ff.), since the word may be used without any ref-
erence to fumiture-the lair of a fawn (I/. 15.580) or a lion (Od. 4.338), for
examp1e, or a bird's nest (Soph. Ant. 425; cf. Od. 5.65, ÖpVle~. . .ei>V<l~OV'tO),
or even a man's ultimate place of rest, the gmve (Soph. EI. 436). Here, the
adjective 'hollow' at the beginning of the next line reveals that ei>vti is the
vessel in which the sleeping sun sails; cf. Homer's ' hollow ships' (e.g., I/. 5.26
and Od. 24.50, KOtAa<; E1tt vila<;).

6-7: The appositional sequence in these lines offers a close-up view of the
'bed'-- its hollowness, its divine manufacture and precious meta!, its means of
propulsion. For the dynamic nature of the sequence Ca bed which is
hollow ... winged'), one may compare, for example, the appositional liyplal in
Od. 9.118 f., €v ö' aty~ <lm:lpOOtal Yf:'(aaeJlV / liYPlal-'chevres qui sont
sauvages ' (Chantraine 1953, 12).

6. lCohAT\: Meineke's correction of MSS KOtATl. West printed Kaibel's

1tOlKtA.Tl on the grounds that KOtATl is 'metrically unsatisfactory, and a surprising
epithet for a bed' (1974, 175). But Meineke's KohATl is perfectly acceptable,
with parallels in Homeric yfA.oltOV (I/. 2.215) and OIlOltOV (lI. 4.315): Gentili-
Proto cite olloho<; from Xenoph. F 26.2 G-P. And far from being a 'surprising'
104 F 12

epithet here, 'hollow' is the key to the true meaning of cUvrl (cf. line 5 n.).
Athenaeus surely has this epithet in rnind when he says that Mirnnerrnus is
'alluding to the hollowness of the cup,' aiVlOo6J.l€Vo~ tO KO'iAov tOU
1WtT)ptOu .. . , in his account of the golden bed. And one may compare
Eustathius' witness to this line (ci ted above in fuH): MiJ.lVEPJ.lO~ .. .
to ... 1tOnlplOV eUvi,v KUAT)V d1tl:v .... (on KUAT)V, Gentili-Prdto note: 'seil.
KOlAT)V, cf. KotAiolOvet KUAtÖtoV'). Bergk proposed KrolAT), Ahrens KOlAl1 ev,
Schneidewin KOlAT) uq>'.
'Hq>alOtOu: Gerber compares Aesch. F 69.2-3 Radt, 'Hq>alOtotEUXa; /
obta~. In Homer, Hephaistos is KAutoEp'Y6~ (Od. 8.345) and KAUtot€xvrt~ (ll.
1.571; 18.143, 391; Od. 8.286). For his debt and gratitude to Helios, see F 11.5
n. And in general see F. Brommer, Hephaistos. Der Seluniedegott in der
antiken Kunst (Mainz am Rhein 1978).
€Al1AaJ.lEVl1: used of metal-working, eAauvro properly means 'strike,' 'beat,'
an intelligible extension of the root meaning, 'drive.' Homer refers to a bronze
shield, literally 'beaten out (sc. from bronze), which a smith had beaten,'
(ao1ti8a) KaAllV XaAKdT)V ~ilAatov, TtV äpa XaAKeU~ / TlAaOl:V ... (ll. 12.295
f.). For advances in metallurgy in the eighth and seventh centuries, see
Snodgrass 1980, 49 ff.

7. Xpuooü 'tll.uiev'to~: commonly construed with fAT)AaJ.Lf:vTl ('forged of

precious gold'), but the appositional sequence is then top-heavy, leaving
U1t61ttEPO~ unbalanced. 111e phrase is better taken with eUvrl. For the particu1ar
genitive of material, cf. ll. 11.24, olJ.lot ... J.l€Aavo~ KUavolO; Od. 4.124,
ta1tT)to: . .. !laAaKOU q,ioto (Chantraine [1953] 57).
ForxpuooU, Gentili-Prato print Xpuo€gu ('correximus'), which their In-
dex Verborum, s.v., identifies as neuter, while ttJ.lilE:Vto~ (s.v.) is identified as
mascu1ine (to agree with 'Hq>atotau, presurnably). It is a puzzling reading; cf.
West's appraisal of it ('simply nonsense') in eR 31 (1981) 1.
On the epithet tl!lilEl~, see F 5.5 n. Homer uses it of gold, in a famous
and relevant description of Hephaistos at work: ev
nupt 136.AA€V.. . / Kat
Xpuoov tlJ.lllvta (ll. 18.474 f.); cf. Od. 8.393, Xpuoo'io taAavtov ... ttJ.lilE:Vto~,
and Od. 11.327, XP'000V .. .ooeSato tlJ.lilf:Vta.
u2t62t'tEpo~: for a defence of MSS -ov (corrected by Heyne), see Sz3.deczky-
Kardoss 1971, 80 f., who adduces several references and allusions to solar
wings (e.g., Eur. Ion 122 f., bAiau / 1ttEpuyt. 9oih; Lucr. 5.432 f., soZis rota .. . /
altivolans). Against that reading, however, one may point to the syntactical
clumsiness which it entails and t'1e incongruity of 'winged' in Mirnnerrnus'
highly anthropomorphic portrayal of Helios-toiling continually and sleeping in
his golden 'bed' (cf. Suarez de la Torre 1985, 12 ff.) . The corruption of -o~ to
-ov should probably be traced to the influence of äKPOV, immediately following.
Gerber, after Hudson-Williams, saw ÜI u1t61t'tEpo~ a reference to oars; cf. Od.
Archibald Allen 105

11.125, Epequx, 'tu 'tE lt'tEp<l VTlUOt 1tfAov'tat, and Eur. IT 1345 f., O1CU~ /
... 1tl'tUAOV €mEPro~OV. But it is worth recalling B. L. Gildersleeve's obser-
vation, on Pindar's 'winged ship, ' vao~ {mo1t'tepou (01. 9.24), that {mo 'proves
nothing in favor of oars, because {mo1t'tEpo~ is alarus quocumque modo er
quacumque corporis parte (Tafel) .. .' (1899 00., ad loc.). One should expect
U1t01t'tEPO~ here to refer, not to oars or even sails, but to real wings, such as those
on Apollo's tripod. Haspels (ABL 122) supposed that the cup, unlike the tripod,
'does not absolutely need wings' since it floats on Ocean's streams, but
Mimnermus may have imaginOO it skimming in flight across the surface of the
water (cf. the very next phrase, ä.1Cpov ap' üorop, which might aptly be used of
the movement of a speedboat or hydrofoil); indeed, writing in an age of ex-
panding horiwns, he may weIl have feh a special need to allude to the swiftness
of Helios ' cup by describing the 'bed' as 'winged': ooordinary vessel could
sail from the far west to the far east in the course of even the longest night.
ch:pov e<p' üorop: ' over the sUIface of the water.' For this htt, cf., e.g., Od.
2.370, 1tov'tov e1t' u'tpUyE'tov ... uAaA.Tlo8at, and Od. 7.332, e1tt ~Eioropov
äpoupav (Kühner-Gerth 1.504). And for äKpOV ... üorop, cf. Jl. 16.161 f.,
A.a",oV't~ ... J.l.fAaV üorop / äKPOV (of wolves lapping from a stream).

8. A' s errors in this line (riSoovS' oe' for riSOovS' and xopou for Xropou) are
simple copying mistakes (cf. Szadeczky-Kardoss 1971, 81).
eüoov9' ixP1t<XAtQ)~: ' sleeping pleasurably.' For ixp1t~, cf. F 1.4 n., on
ixP1taMo~. Homer uses the adverb twice, with verbs of eating and drinkiog, and
on both occasions its meaning may extend from 'pleasurably' into 'eagerly' :
1tlVE Kat ~OaE . .. / ap1taA.~ · orwov yap roTlWO~ ~EV ä1tao'to~ (Od. 6.249-50),
KPro. 't' flOatE 1tlVe 'tE otvov / ap1taA~.... (Od. 14.109-10); cf. Theogn. 1045-
46, El 'tt~ ... riSoEt, / 'hJ.l.etEpOV KroJ.l.OV OE~ctat ap1taA~. There is no good
reason for understanding ap1t~ here as celerirer or rapide and construing
it with <j>epEt in line 5 (so, e.g., Bergk). When ap1t~ is used of physical
movement-and this usage does not seem to be Archaic (cf. F 1.4 n. )-the
movement is usually of a grasping or violent nature (so, e.g., Aristoph. Lys. 331,
ap1taA.~ / UpaJ.l.fvrl). But <j>epEt. .. ap1t~ = raptim (rather than celeriter)
would be improbably harsh for the context Besides, the word order invites
listeners and readers to take ap1taA.~ with riSoovS '.
With Philodemus' testimony (above) that Mimnermus 'seems to be out of
tune' (sc . with other poets) in saying that Helios sleeps each night, one may
compare Q. Cataudella' s comment on riSoove ' ap1ta~: 'un indizio della
molle natura ionica' (Athen . 6 [1928] 249). (For a very different text of
Philodemus' reference to Mimnermus (which can no longer stand, thanks to
Boserup), see R. Philippson, Hermes 55 [1920] 254. S. Szadeczky-Kardoss
offered an interpretation of it in Act. Ant. 7 [1959] 295 ff., on which see A.P.
Bttrnen, CP 56 [1961] 265.).
106 F 12

xolpo'U aq>' 'EOXEp{OmV: The 'clear voiced' Hesperides appear first in

Hesiod's Theogony. They are daughters of Night (213, ou 1:lVt KOtllllSEtoa Sm
't€KE Nu~ EPEß~ ... ) and have charge of the 10vely golden apples beyond
glorious Ocean (215-16):

'E<J1tepiöue; 9', aie; Ilf1Aa 1tq",v KA.'U'toU 'ilKffiVOtO

XpUoro KaACt J.tiA.ouat q>Epov'ta. 'tE OEvOpro Kap1tOv.

Their neighbours are the Gorgons (274-75, a'i vaio'Uat 1t€Pllv KA.'U'tou
11KffiVOto / roxattf1t 1tpOe; V'UK'tOe;, lV 'Eo1tep{oec; Aty6<p<oVOt. .. ), and Atlas
attends to his task nearby, at the limits of earth (517-18, "A'tMe; 0' oupavov
rupUv Exn Kpa'tepfle; 1)1t' ava.Y1C1le; / 1teipaatv Ev yaille;, 1tpo1tap 'Eo1tepioc.ov
Aryuq)(Ovc.ov). Servius (on Virg. Aen. 4.484) notes that Hesiod spoke of three
Hesperides: Hesiodus (F 360 M-W) has Hesperidas Aeg/en, Erytheam,
Hesperethusam, Noctis filias ultra Oceanum mala aurea habuisse diGit. Post-
Hesiodic references to these maidens of evening CEo1tepioec; < "Eo1tepoe;)-
their parentage, number, names, horne-are far from uniform. For surveys of
their long and varied tradition, see the articles by E. Sittig and K. Seeliger, s.v.
'Hesperiden,' in RE vm 1243 ff. and Roscher 12594 ff., respectively. And for
more recent discussion, with bibliography, see Vermeule 1979, 136-37 and 241-
Little may be said about Mimnermus' Hesperides. He cJearly imagined
their horne to be in the far west, where the SUfi sets; one may compare Hesiod's
Hesperid narne 'EpUSna ('Red'), wbich was also the name of Geryon's island,
fIrst mentioned in Theog. 290, 1teptppU'tc.ot Eiv 'Epu9eillt. Stesichorus (PMG
184) placed the island Erytheia off the coast of southem Spain in Cadiz Bay,
opposite the 'silver-rooted' river Tartessus (probably the modem Guadalquivir),
and not far away, one may guess, was bis 'very lovely island of the gods where
the Hesperides have their golden horne' (P. Oxy. 2617 fr. 6: SLG p. 8. Cf. M.
Robertson, CQ 19 [1969] 215-16; D.L. Page, JHS 93 [1973] 138 and 147-48;
Brize op. eit. 32-34). Such localising of the mythical will reflect contemporary
Greek interest in that region of Spain. For Herodotus' report (4.152) of the
fortuitous but lucrative visit by Colaeus of Samos to Tartessus c. 638, and bis
account (1.163) of strong Phocaean ties with Tartessus in the late seventh and
early sixth centuries, see R. Carpenter, The Pillars 0/ Heracles (New York
1966) 38-67; Huxley 1966, 70-72; Boardman 1980,213-15. While Aeschylus
(cf. F 199 Radt) and Euripides (Her. 394 ff., Hipp. 732 ff.) also apparently
thought that the Hesperides lived in the far west, a different tradition, wbich
seems to have developed after the settlement of Libya in the second half of the
seventh century, places their horne on or near the North African coast (cf.
Pisander F 6 Bemabe, with Huxley 1969, 103; Panyassis F 12 Bemabe, with
Matthews 1974, 126); for discussion of both traditions and the conflated view
Archibald Allen 107

ofPherecydes (FGH 3 F 16a, 17; cf. [ApolIod.] 2.5.11) that the Hesperid horne
lay in the far north, see Brize op. dt. 70-80.
The Hesperides' xropo~ is not just their 'place,' but rather their 'sacred
place.' For the pregnant meaning, cf. Od. 11.21-22, 1tapa poov 'QKWVOtO /
TlWfJ.EV öq>p ' a;xropov aq>tKO~' (the 'place' ofthe dead), Od. 9.181, &M' <YcE
oft 'tov Xropov aq>tKO~ ' ... (the 'place' of the Cydopes), Sappho F 26-7 V,
ßpoooun OE 1tat~ (, xropo~ oonao't' . . . (the 'place' to which Aphrodite is sum-
moned); for discussion, see Boedeker 1974, 85 ff., who suggests (after
Chantraine) that xropo~ is related etymologically to xopo~, which originally may
have meant 'dancing-place' rather than 'dance' or 'dancing group.' For the
position of a1to in Xropou aq>', see next note, on yatav a;.

9. 'Ya'iav e~ Ai9to1t())v: Homer's Ethiopians, who enjoy visits from the gods
(I/. 1.423-24, 23.105-07; Od. 1.22-24, 5.282), live in the far east; retuming
horne from one such visit, Poseidon passes the mountains of the Solymi (Od.
283) who dwelt in or near Lycia (Herod. 1.173). So, too, for Hesiod (Theog.
984) the Ethiopians' king is Memnon, the son of Eos and Tithonus, and there-
fore the appropriate mler of a mythical eastern people (see F 4 Comm.). As
their name implies, the Aiet01t~ will have been thought to live in dose contact
with the burning rays of the SUD (cf. Chantraine s.v. ai1ko). It is not surprising
therefore that Homer should describe them once as a divided nation, a people
of the sunset and of the sunrise (Od. 1.23-24):

Ai9io1ta~, 'tOt OtXen oroaia'tat, roxa'tOt avoprov,

oi. j.l€v OOOOj.lEvOU 'Y 1tEpiovo~, oi. 0' avtoV'to~.

But their association with the stronger sun of the morning was evidently of prior
The relationship of the Ethiopians of epic to the Ethiopians of history has
been debated at great length; for a review of the evidence and literature, see
F.M. Snowden, Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience
(London 1970) 100 ff., 145 ff., 277 ff. Perhaps the most reasonable condusion
is that Homer's mythical Ethiopians of the east were subsequently identified
with real people, the 'eastern' or 'Asian' Ethiopians mentioned by Herodotus
(3.94; 7.70), and that as the 'western' or 'southern' Ethiopians of Africa became
better known to the Greeks (cf., e.g., Xenoph. 18 G-P; Herod. 3.17; 7.70) they
attracted to themselves myths and traditions which had belonged originally to
'eastern' Ethiopians; see A. Lesky, 'Aithiopika,' Herrnes 87 (1959) 27 ff.
Mimnermus' Ethiopians, like Homer's and Hesiod's, are simply mythical; their
land is the land of sunrise.
The word order in this phrase, as in Xropou aq>' 'E01tEpiOcov, is notable.
Prepositions generally precede their noUDS in Homer (Chantraine 1953, 83); cf.
108 F 12

Il. 23.206, Aieto1trov ~ yalCI.V.

'(va ö,,: On Mimnennus' use of adverbial tva, see F 11.3 n., and for Oft
strengthening local adverbs, see Denniston 1934,206 f. Here, the combination
(secured by Meineke' s correction of A' s tV' aMOoov) will emphasise the re-
moteness of the land of the Ethiopians ('where yonder stand ... ').
900v äpJ.l.a Kat '(7t7tO\: cf. Il. 8.438, ru'tpoxov äplla rot t1t1too<;: Ps. Hes.
Seut. 97, 800v äplla Kat an(\)1toorov a8tvo<; t1t1tO>v.

10. eO'tCto(l): cf. Il. 5.195 f., oi~\)y~ t1t1tOt / E:cr'tCtOt; Il. 14.307 f., Üt1tOL .. /
€cf'to.o '; Xenoph. F 2 G-P, oo'tCtOtV 0' EM'tT!<; <ß<i1CXOt). For the fonn, see
Chantraine 1958, 471.
Lines 2-3 do not necessarily imply that Helios uses the same chariot and
horses every day, since the assertion that there is no rest for his horses might
weH apply to a team which is fresh each morning. Besides, as noted, it might
be inferred from line 5 ('tov ~) that Helios travels alone in the cup. (Of the
writers who mention the cup, only Pherecydes, cited above, says that it
transported the horses also.) Mimnennus may have believed that a new team
waited for Helios every morning, just as he apparently believed that there was
a fresh supply of mys in the east for Helios' daily use (see F 11.2 n.). On the
other hand, he may have thought that Helios uses the same horses every day
without considering how they returne.d from the west to the east. See also line
11 n.
öepp •... J.l.6A.l1l= 'until dawn comes' (sc. 'forth from her bed' = 'appears')
rather than ' . .. goes' (sc. 'up into the sky·). For Homer's use of temporal Öq>pa
with aorist subjunctive, and without K€(V), as here, see Chantraine 1953, 262;
cf. Il. 24.781, 1tptV OroO€Ka.'tT!t 1l0A.T\t liffi<;.
'Hch~ lipl'Y€veta: for Eos. see F 4 Comm. Her standard epithet, which
occurs twenty-five times in the Odyssey, three times in the Iliad, may imply that
she is thought to be 'born early' every day; cf. Boedeker 1974. 81.

11. €7ttPll h€p())v 0X€())v: Most editors have rejected this reading, pre-
ferring Schneidewin's rnq)rl(Hf) , froV frt.EroV. which is based onIl. 11.512. orov
frt.EroV rntßT1oro, and 517, 6)V frt.EroV rn€ßT10eto. So, e.g., Gentili-Prato, Gerber,
CampbeH, Diehl, Defradas, and Hudson-Williams, who notes that the 'chief
objection to the vulgate etEprov lies in the proximity of 800v äpJ.l.a Kat t1t1tOt,
as eteprov would naturally mean 'other than the last mentioned." But ettprov
frt.EroV = a vehicle other than the 'bed' may be defended. The reference to äpJ.l.a
Kat t1t1tOt occurs in a relative clause within the sentence describing Helios'
voyage, which ends in line 10. The 'bed' is the subject of that sentence, so that
it will readily take precedence over äpllCJ. Kat Üt1tOt as the cOlltrastive referent
of heprov. West 1974, 176, thought that if ettprov (which he pdnted in his text)
is correct, Mimnennus will mean that Helios obtains a new team and chariot
Archibald Allen 109

each moming, thus anticipating to some degree the teaching of Heraclitus and
Xenophanes that the sun is new every day. But eteprov OxEroV is more likely
to mean 'his other vehicle,' in contrast to the voyaging bed (as noted above),
than 'another vehicle,' in contrast to the previous day's chariot, even if
Mimnermus did imagine that the chariot and horses were fresh each moming.
(See preceding note.)
On the appropriateness of OxEroV in that contrast, Szadeczky-Kardoss
1971, 81-82, observes that Aeschylus uses öxo~ of avessei in Suppt. 32, ~uv
ÖXrol 'taxuTJPl/ 1teJl\jla'te 1tOV'tOVO(e). For e1ttßll (instead of em:ßfla€to), cf. H.h.
2.377,11 0' OxEroV e1teßtl; Od. 10.347, rn€ßtlv ... ruvT1~. And for the 'timeless'
aorist, which highlights the mounting of the chariot, cf., e.g., the aorists which
follow presents and perfects in Andromache ' s reflections upon the woes of an
orphaned boy in 1/. 22.490 ff.: 1tava<pTJAl1ca 1tatOa ti81lal (490)
... 0OOpUlCUV1:al oe 1tapetai (491) .. .aVelat 1tU~ ~ 1ta'tpo~ etaipou~ (492)
. .. J(()'t'l)AllV 1:l~ 'tU't8ov rnOOxe / XeiAea JlEv 'te oillv', U1teprolllV 0' oUlC eoillVe
(494-95) . .. UJl<PleaAl1<; eJ( Oanuo<; ea'tU<ptAl~e (496) ... (Für discussion of this
passage, see Chantraine 1953, 185.)
'Y1tEptOVO<; ui6<;: in Homer, ·Y1tf.pirov is an epithet or a name of the Sun,
e.g., 11. 8.480, aUyTll~ 'Y1tepiovo<; 'HeAiolO; 19.398, oXJ't ' TjAeK'trop 'Y 1tEpirov;
Od. 1.8, 'Y 1tepiOVO~ 'HeAiolO; 1.24, OOOO~lEvOU 'Y1tepiovo~. On the etymology
of the name, which may be an old comparative of Ü1tepo~ (cf. Lat. superior),
see Usener 1948, 19 ff. A seemingly patronymic form-but see Usener-
appears at Od. 12.176, 'HeAiou . . .'Y1teplOvi8ao. Hesiod identifies Hyperion as
the son of Uranus and Gaia (Theog. 134) and the father of Helios, Selene, and
Eos (Theog. 371 ff.).
110 F13

F 13 (l3a W, 21 G-P)

Comm. in Antimachi Colophonii F 180 Wyss: Papyr. Hennupol. Mediol. II 26-

32, ed. A. Vogliano, Pap. Mil. 1 (1937) 41 ff., Tab. I (no. 17): '[ ]0
[.....]w oJ.UO[fjho ' tv0ESf:tat.' avtt-tou rn[t't]a~r)t' MtJlvEpJl[oC;] 0' [tv] 'tfji.
~JlUpv[Tl]{ t}iOt·

Wc; o'i 1tap ßa,<HAfjOC;, rnqt p'] E[v]€ö~a'to JlOOo[v],

i1[t~]~ lCOtATlt[ C; a ]01ttot <ppa~alID'ot.

Lac. suppl. Vogliano

ArchibaJd Allen 111


For the title Smyrneis, and the probability that the work so named was
identical with the elegy on the Smyrnaeans' battle with Gyges and his Lydians
(F 14), see pp. 9 ff., 23 ff.
It is impossible to know exactiy what SOft of action is described in this
couplet, but the 'king's men' would appear to have launched an attack protected
by their 'hollow shields,' after the king had issued a command. The description
involved a simile (~ = 'thus'). If the missing verb at the beginning of the
pentameter was 'rushed,' the men may have been compared to birds of prey as
they swoop down for the kill, or to hunring dogs which rush forward when their
master shouts the order. But the point of the comparison may have been the
massed nature of the manoeuvre, the men being compared to swarms of bees
or flocks of birds, as Vogliano, the fIrst editor, suggested, ciring the similes at
ll. 2.87 ff. (bees swarming from a hollow rock = troops gathering) and ll. 2.459
ff. (flocks of birds spreading forwards as they settle in the Asian meadow =
troops pouring forth from ships and huts).

1. 0\ ltap paOtAf\o~: cf. Xen. Anab. 1.15, OO'tl~ ö' a<ptKVf:l-ro trov 1tupa
ßaOtA€ro<; (cited by N.G.L. Harnmond in his discussion of the couplet, JHS 70
[1950] 52). For the ellipse of the substantive in this phrase (cf. the common oi.
all<Pt and oi. 1t€pi), see Kühner-Gerth 1.269 ff. For the apocope, cf., e.g., 1tap
ZTJv6~ (11. 15.131; 16.37; 16.51), and see F 15.4 n.
On ßuotAiio~, Diehl asked: 'estne Gyges?' Genrili-Prato have no such
doubts: 'ßUOtAe6~ est Gyges.' I too have assumed that Mimnermus refers in
this couplet to Gyges and his men on the fIeid of battle (see above, pp. 9 ff.),
but of course one cannot actually prove that the ßaoM~ is Gyges. If he is,
this will be one of the earliest uses of the term ßaoM~ = 'monarch.' For the
most part, Homer's ßaotAii~ (e.g., ll. 7.106 and Gd. 1.394, ßaotAii~ 'AXatrov)
are well-born 'leaders' or 'chiefs' rather than 'kings' = 'monarchs,' and so, too,
are Hesiod's (e.g., Theog. 88, ßuotAii~ E:xE<ppov~). For discussion, see Drews
1983, 98 ff., who considers a dozen or so passages in Homer where ßUOtAe6~
may denote 'the high-bom leader' or 'monarch' (e.g., ll. 1.9; 4.402; 6.93; Gd.
4.618; 10.110; 15.118), along with Hesiod's references to Cronus as ßaoM~
of the earlier gods (Theog. 486) and to Zeus as ßaoM~ of the immortals (Erg.
668); the references in Theog. to Zeus as ßaotA.t{)~ of the gods (886, 897,923),
to Memnon as ßUOtAe6~ of the Aethiopians (985), and to Aietes as a ÖtO'tP€wTl~
ßaOtAe6~ (992) will be post-Hesiodic. Assuming that Mimnermus' ßaoM~
is indeed Gyges, the only other early poet who refers to a known historical
fIgure as ßUOtAe6~ is Tyrtaeus, speaking ofTheopompus, 111l€'tfprot ßaotAiii: (F
5.1 West = F 2.1 G-P). But since the Spartan 'kings' were obviously not
112 F 13-F 14

'monarchs' (cf. Drews 1983, 107), this presumed reference to Gyges will rep-
resent the earliest extant application of I3aOtAeU<; to any historical monarch.
E1tt[ { p ']: West had some reseIVations alx>ut the supplementary p' (or 't '):
' .. .spatium angusturn est, praesertim cum in fme lineae plenam scriptionem
exspectaveris; fort. scriba per errorem particulam omisit.' But there would
appear (in a photograph) to be enough room for it; cf. Gentili-Prato: 'spatio
conveniens ut videtur.' For the enclitic form of äpa with met (Denniston 1934,
32), cf., e.g., Il. 4.476, met pa . . .E<J7t E't 0; Gd. 1.263, md pa ... vqt.eoi~E'to.
e[ v] Eoe;a'to: not, as Vogliano thought, from tvoq,OJ.1at, but rather
EVOEICVUJ.1t, an lonic form of tvodKvuJ.1t, meaning 'order'; cf. Bechtel 1924,
180; LSP Supp!., s.v. The commentator illustrates Antimachus' use of the verb
with two other quotations, from Hecataeus (FGH 1 F 27 Add., ... 'tov
E[u]puo8fu [E]V 8E~ao8at, and Hesiod (F 242 M-W, f{V 0'] äpa wOpat<;
wü9ov: 'command'; for the intern al accusative, cf., e.g., ll. 1.25, Kpa'tepOV Erd
J.1u80v frEUe. This J.1u80v implies that oratio recta preceded; Homer follows
mt J.1u80v freUe with Agamemnon's harsh address to Chryses (I/. 1.26-32).
On that oratio recta, see alx>ve pp. 23 f.

2. An almost identicalline occurs in the Berlin Tyrtaeus (F 19.7 West = F 10.15


]~~ KOtAllt<; uOltiOt <ppa~~~EVol

And the preceding line in the papyrus even has EotKO'tE<;, implying a simile.
THt~]av: Vogliano also thought ofil[tooo]v and €{o'tEtxoJv. Page 1955,217,
n. 3, feIt that iHt~a]v is a letter too short for the space; but see West, ZPE 1
(1967) 175. Cf. Il. 21.254, 'ton €lKW<; ilt~EV (Achilles rushed like an eagle); Il.
5.657, EK XnpÜ>v ilt~av: Gd. 15.182-83, oi. Oe J.1aA.' <ÖKa / ilt~av.
KO{A.llt[ <; u]01tlOt cppa;aJ.1EVOt: tor the 'short' syllable before mute and
liquid (-dl <ppa~-; cf. F 1.1, 'A<ppooi1:ll<;), see R. Führer, ZPE 28 (1978] 180 ff.
'Hollow' shie1ds are first found here and in the Berlin Tyrtaeus, quoted alx>ve,
and then in Alcaeus' description of Lesbian armour: F 140.12 Voigt,
'Cf . .. äO"1ttOE<;. The epithet would suit lx>th the convex, hoplite shield (cf. H.L.
Lorimer, ABSA 42 (1947] 84, fig. 3 = the Berlin Aryballos) and the srnaller,
lighter type of convex, pre-hoplite shie1d depicted on the terra-cotta votive
shields from Tiryns (cf. Lorimer loc. eit. 133 ff., PI. i8A; Lorimer 1950, 170
f., PIs. 9, 10). But Mirnnermus' hollow shields certainly cannot be hoplite
shields if he is describing Gyges' men in action (cf. Harnmond loc. eit., and
Page 1955, 217 f.); if i\t~av, 'rushed' or 'departed,' is the correct verb in this
line, they are presumably not overly heavy or cumbersome. For warriors
'fenced alx>ut' by shields, in a defensive position, cf. /l. 17.268, <ppaX8tv-rE<;
craKWtV xaA.KTlPWtv.
Archibald Allen 113

F 14 (13 W, 22 G-P)

A. Paus. 9.29.4
Mil!vq>!lO~ oe fAeyEla ~ n,v I!umv 1tOl"cra~ n,v Ll!upvaio>v 1tPO~
rU'Y'lV 'tE Kat AuooU~, cp11crtV Ev 'trol1tPOOll!iO)l euya'tEpa~ OUpavoU
'ta~ apxalO'tEpa~ MoUcra~, 'to{)'to)v oe älJu:J.~ vf:O)'tEpa~ dval ~lO~

B. Comm. in Alcman., P. Oxy. 2390 F 2 Ü 29 (PMG 5 fr. 2)

rfl~ [~] Moucra[~] euya'tEpa~ fix; MiI!VEPI![O~ ha~
Ey~VroA.6rrt<JE. .

C. Schol. Pind. Nem. 3.16b

6 ~ 'Api<J'tapxo~ OUpavoU euya'tEpa n,v MoU<J(lV oroElcrat,
Ku9a1tq> MiI!VEPI!O~ Kat 'AAKI!O,v i<J'topoUmv.
114 F 14

F 14

In the 1tp0oilltov to the Smyrneis (on which see F 13 Comm., with ref-
erences), Mimnermus evidently distinguished two generations of Muses, the
daughters of Ouranos and the daughters of Zeus (test. A). In the same place,
or elsewhere, he named Ge as the mother of those older Muses (test. B). Pre-
surnably he would have said that Mnemosyne was the mother of the younger
ones, for she is traditionally the Muses' mother, just as Zeus is traditionally their
father. Hesiod fIrst names her as such (Theog. 53 ff.), but Horner clearly as-
sociates the 'daughtersofZeus' with memory (Il. 2.491 f., eiIlTt ... Moooo.tL\tO~
o.iytOxoto /9uyo.1:EpEt; 1lV1l<; cf. P. Murray, JHS 101 (1981) 92 ff.; and
in general see W.F. Otto, Die Musen (Darmstadt 1956) 23 ff.; R. Harriott,
Poetry and Criticism Be/ore Plato (London 1969) 10 ff.
Alcrnan apparently shared Mimnermus' genealogical view of the Muses,
for he too said that they were daughters of Ouranos and Ge (test. B and C) and
he also named Mnernosyne as their mother (PMG 8.9); cf. W.S. Barrett,
Gnomon 33 (1961) 689.
The concern for superlatives-'what is best? biggest? oldest?'-in specu-
lations of the Archaic age has been noted above (F 8.2 n), and that same son
of concern rnay be detected in the belief that there existed an older generation
of Muses: poetic inspiration had to be dated back to the very beginnings of the
world, to the union of Sky and Earth; but the tradition that the Muses were
daughters of Zeus could not be ignored, and so there were said to be two
generations of Muses, Olyrnpian and pre-Olyrnpian. (It is wonh noting that
Hesiod, Theog. 135, lists Mnernosyne as a daughter of Ouranos and Ge.)
The word 1tp0oilltov rnust have referred originally to the poet's 'preface'
or 'prelude' before he set off on his proper Otll11, 'path of song.' Since it was
the Muses or Apollo who taught poets their 'paths of song' (cf. Od. 4.481,
Otllo.~ ,.wu<J' roiOo.~E; Od. 22.347 f., 9ro~ OE 1l0l Ev <PPW1.V OtllU~ / 1to.vtoio.~
EvEqro<JEV), the simplest 1tp00illlo. were probably invocations for guidance or
assistance; cf., e.g., Homer's invocation of the Muses before he embarks on the
catalogue of ships (Il. 2.484 ff.):

E(11tett vUv 1l0t, MüU<Jo.t 'OA:l>jl1tto. 00)110.1:' Exoucro.t yap Elto.i ecm:, mxpoo1:E n:, t<J1:E n: lt(lV'to. ...

(nine lines, ending with 492, quoted above)

Whether or not the genre of 'Horneric hyrnns' developed from such in-
vocations, the hyrnns were known as 1tp00illto., for they served as 'prefaces' or
'preludes' to recitations of epic poetry. Thus Pindar (Nem. 2.1 f.) speaks of the
Homeridae who liked to begin L\lO~ EIe 1tPOOtll{OU, and Thucydides (3.104)
Archibald Allen 115

refers to H.h. 3 (Delian Apollo) as 1tpooi~wv 'A1t6:urovo~; for succinct dis-

cussion, see NJ. Richardson, The Hornerie Hymn to Derneter (Oxford 1974) 3 f.
Technically, therefore, a 1tpooi~wv could be quite lengthy; H.h. 4
(Hermes) has 580 lines, and even Hesiod's 1tpooi~wv to the Theogony (lines 1-
115), which is itself a hymn to the Muses (cf. M.L. West, ad loe; R. Janko,
Herrnes 109 [1981] 20 ff.), occupies almost one tenth of the entire poem. On
the other hand, the 1tpooi~tOV in Solon's elegy to the Muses (F 13 West == F
1 G-P) occupies only one couplet ('Children of Mnemosyne and Zeus ... hear
my prayer'). And so it is hard to say how long the 1tpooi~tOV to the Smyrneis
may have been. It was sufficiently elaborate to contain information about the
two generations of Muses, most likely in the form of a double address, and
probably also a statement of the poem's battle theme. One rnight guess that it
comprised five or six couplets.
116 F 15

F 15 (14 W, 23 G-P)

Stobaeus 3.7 (n€pt <lvopdac;). 11, p. 311 Hense: MlI.1Vepj.lou·

oU j.lEv oi] Kdvou Y€ j.lEvOC; KaI. <l"fllvopa Suj.lOV

'tOtOV 4tri> 1tpO'tEprov, 01. j.ltV t80v
AuO&v i1t1tO~Xrov 1tUlCtvac; KAovrov'ta <p6)..ayyac;
"Epj.ltov äj.l1troiov, qXi)ta <P€p€j.ljW...illv.
'taU I.1Ev äp' 01> 1t0't€ 1t<XI.11taY ~.f.1\jfa'to naMaC; 'A9T1VTJ
Optj.lU j.lEvOC; KpaoillC;, roe' <> y' ava 1tPOj.lUXOUC;
oroate','to€V(tOC; tv) Uoj.ltVTJl 1toA4tOto,
1ttKpa ßta~6j.l€V0c; OOOj.l€VEroV ߀ ·
ou yup nc; Kdvou ollirov €t' <lj.l€tvOt€poC; <p<Oc;
10 EoK€V rnoix€08at <pUA01ttOOC; Kpa'u:pf1c;
EPYOV, Öt' aUy1ltotv <pep€'t' <OKroC; TJeA.ioto

Oxid. MA
1 OU flEv Oij KelVOU cocid.: 'toü flEv Oij iCAeWOV Hecker 2 eJleÜ cocid. : eflfu West o{
fllV cocid. : ~ ,.nv Meineke 4 "EpfllOV Gesner : eplfllOv M : epTtflt N 5 'tOll in lac.
A m. rec. : flEv äp' OÜ7tO'tE cocid. : KEV Page. KO'tE Bach (ad CaU. 1.8) 6 e09' (h' M:
tUe ' ör' A : corr. Schneidewin 7 crE\> ~e' M: crru1]e A : corr. Schneidewin cd.!J.CX'tOEV
cocid. : suppl. Gesner 8 ßl(XCOflEV~ libri aliquol sec. Schow: ßW.COflEVOU MA 9
ÖT(lrov cocid. : A1]&V Bergk Em1flElv6'tEP0C, Wilamowitz 10 Kpatatlje; A 11
aUyl1lcrw Bergk: aU"(Ulcrlv cocid. roKE~ cocid. : ElKEA~ Meineke
Archibald Allen 117

F 15

For the probability that the hero celebrated in this fragment had distin-
guished hirnself in the Smyrnaeans' resistance to Gyges, and for the fragment's
bearing on the questions of Mirnnerrnus' dates and citizenship, see above, pp.
9 ff. Pritchen 1985, 34 ff. is not convinced that the battle really took place
('dependence on Homer is clearly exemplified in this poem').
Latacz 1977 has argued that techniques of battle in the days of T}rtaeus
and Callinus were not substantially different from those described by Horner. In
particular, epic and elegiac 1tpoJ.UiXOt alike are the warriors in the front rank of
the arrny, the bravest of whom will rush forward to try to rupture the enemy' s
front rank before the rnasses on each side join batde. If the sallies and duels
of individual heroes predorninate in Horner' s banles, that is because epic poetry,
by its very nature, tends to concentrate upon inclividual clisplays of prowess; the
inclividuals are poetic representatives of the solclierly masses, the 1tA'lleu~, by
whom ultimately the battles must be decided. (H. van Wees, CQ 38 [1988] 1
ff. doubts that the 1tpoJ.UiXOt are the elite, fIrst-rank warriors, socially and mar-
tially superior to the 1tA'lleu~; rather, 'the cornposition of both groups is con-
stantly changing, as warriors take turns at fighting' (14].) Latacz does not
mention the hero of this fragment in his cliscussion of 1tpoJ.UiXOt (143 ff.), but
Mirnnerrnus is c1early describing a 1tpo!.l.(ixo~, famed for his courage in making
sallies against the foe: 'never at all' clid Athene find fault with his spirit when-
ever he rushed forward arnong the 1tpü!.UXXOt defying the enemy's missiles (5-
It is not inconceivable that an infantryrnan, in the ardour of the moment,
might attack a line of cavalry, or at least some mounted solcliers; indeed, vase
paintings of the sixth century sometimes depict battles between infantry and
cavalry (see Greenhalgh 1973, 121 ff.). But it is hard to imagine that
7tUKtvn~ ... <p<iAa'YYa~ (3) could refer to massed ranks of men on horseback; the
epithet i1t1to~axot does not necessarily irnply that the Lyclians were mounted at
the time of the battle, for they may have dismounted to fight, like Homer's
i1t1tro; (cf. Prirchen 1985, 34).

1. ou ~ev oi"t Kdvou yt: cf. 'taU ~€v äp' oümm: (5) and 00 yap 'tt~ K€{VOU
(9). The strong negatives point to the lines' hortatory nature, the hero's valour
being contrasted irnplicity with the laziness or cowarclice of the poet's auclience
(see above, p. 10); cf. Agarnernnon's words to Diomedes (11. 4.372 ff.):

ou ~ TuBEl y' rooE <PlAoV 1t't<OOKa~~ ~EV,

aAA.a 1tOAU 1tPO <ptA.wv imiprov ÖT!'{Ot<H ~aXooeat,
ci><; <paoav 01. ~tV tOoV'to 1tOvru~EVOV' ou ynp eyroy€
ilV'tllo' ioov' 1tEpt 0' äUrov <paOt YEVw9at.
118 F 15

(On the different types of 'Kampfparänesen' in the Iliad, see Latacz 1977,246.)
For Ol) strengthening affirmative, solitary IlEv (cf. Il. 8.238, oU IlEv öil1tO'te
<p1ll11), and for emphatic rather than limiting YE, see Denniston 1934, 392 and
120 respectively.
IltvO<; KUt a'Ylivopu 9'Ullov: probably a hendiadys (= a OuIlO<; infused with
IlEvO<;); cf. ll. 20.174, 'AXtAfj' Ö'tPUVE 1!EY0<; KUt OuIlO<; Uyl)veop. In Homer,
IlEvO<; appears to be something physical, experienced inwardly, like English
'energy' (see Onians 1951, 52). Thus Athene 'placed' 1!EY0<;, along with
8upoo<;, in Telemachus' 0uj.L6<; (Od. 1.320 f.), and Zeus prornises to put IlEvO<;
in the knees and 0uj.L6<; of Achilles' horses (Il. 17.451). For 0uj.L6<;, see F
2.11 n.

2. 'totov: ' such (as yours).' Cf. ll. 4.289, 'toto<; / OuIlO<; Evl o'tl)8rom
yEvOt'tO ... ('such spirit as yours').
eilE;) ltpo'ttpo>v lt€u90IlU\: for discussion of this phrase, see above, pp. 10,
12, and for West's E,.tt9. cf. ll. 10.124, 4tfu 1tp&tEpo<;. Leaf, ad [oe., observes
that the form is found nowhere else in Homer (' ... a transitional stage towards
tJ.tri) ').
0'( IllV tOov: Meineke's ö<; for 0'( changes the meaning of the entire line:
'tantarn antiguiorum virtutem non audivi, gui viderim illum fortissime
pugnantem. '

3. A'U06)v i1t1tOllaxo>v: Jacoby 1918, 289, thought that Mirnnermus had

coined the adjective to distinguish the Lydian cavalry from Ionian hoplites. But
it is unlikely that the hero is a hoplite (see line 4 n.), and undue weight should
not be attached to the epithet. (Dihle 1962,274, recalls Aristarchus' preference
for <l>pUye<; t1t1tOIlUXOl over vulgate <l>pUye<; m1tOOOJ.lOl ilt Il. 10.431.) Herodotus
(1.79) says that the Lydians of Croesus' time fought on horseback, carrying
long spears. For Lydian chariots of an earlier day, cf. Sappho F 16.19 Voigt,
'tu Auoeov äpJ.l.U'ta.
lt'UKlVa<; KAovtov'ta cpaAu'Y'Yu<;: in the Iliad, qxiA.ay~ occurs once in the
singular (6.6) but 33 times in the plural, alrnost always at line-end and 11 times
with a preceding genitive, as here; cf. 3.77, TpOxov ... qxiA.ayya<;, and 4.427,
~ava&v ... <p<iAayye<;. For Homer (and Mirnnermus), a qxiA.ay~ is a 'file' or
'rank' or 'row' of soldiers, standing or marching, not a 'company' or 'bataliion'
or 'phalanx.' So Latacz 1977, 49; cf. Pritchett 1985, 22, and H. W. Singor,
Mnem. 44 (1991) 23 ff., who summarises ,recent etymological studies of the
word and suggests, after C.J. Ruijgh, that the plural may have signified a group
of 'spear-fighters' <qxiA.ay~, 'trunk of a tree' or 'stick.' (Semantic corrobora-
tion?) For the present phrase, cf. Il. 5.93, lCA.oveoV'to qxiA.aYYe<; / TpOxov.

4. "EPlllOV <lll 1t€Oiov: Homer (Il. 20.392) and Hesiod (Theog. 343)
Archibald Allen 119

mention the Hennus, today's Gediz Nehri. The lower reach of the river was
diverted in 1886 from its southerly flow into the Gulf of Smyma to its present
westerly channel (see MAP, p. 79), but the latter may actually be its more
ancient course; see Bean 1966, 42. The river plain would have been suitable
for the Lydians' cavalry manoeuvres. For the apocope, cf. Il. 5.96, 9Uvov't' (XI!
1tclHov; Il. 23.464, TprotlcOV (X1!1tcliiov; F 12.2, CiJ.l.1taucrt~; see West 1974, 86f.
<prota <ptptJ..l.J..I.tA.hlV: 'carrying an ashen spear.' The adjective is found only
here. Gerber suggested that Mimnermus may have chosen it over the common
rul!l!fAiT\~ (e.g. Il. 4.165; 6.449; 17.59) to gain the alliterative effect (cf. F 5.1
n.) and to avoid hiatus. Gentili-Prato compare [Res] Scut. 13, <ptpoocraKft~.
Wilamowitz insisted that the spear-carrying hero is a hoplite, (see above, p. 17).
lt is true that <ptptl!JJ.fAiT\~ suggests a hoplite thrusting spear, but hoplite equip-
ment need not entail hoplite tactics; cf. Snodgrass 1964, 182. And the tactic of
1tPOJ.I.Uxi~ttv is scarcely compatible with the tight fonnation of the classical
hoplite phalanx. Greenhalgh 1973, 93, suggested that the hero may be a knight
in the 'Euboean style,' who has dismounted to fight (just as the Avoot
i1t1tol!o.XOt presumably have dismounted; see introductory remarks, above).

5. to'i) J..I.€v .•. 'A9itvT\: D.L. Page, peps n.s. 2 (1961) 68, emended ~ 'to
KE\' on the grounds that nobody knew, 'or ever pretended to know,' what
Athena really thought of the man's courage; the question, rather, is what she is
likely to have thought of it; cf. Il. 13.127, ä.~ oo't' Civ KE\' "APTl~ ovOOat'to
1!E'ttA.erov / omt K' 'AfhlvaiT\, and Il. 17.398, üVOE K' "APTl~ A.aoocroo~ OOOt K'
'AOrlVTJ 'tov 'Y' iöoucr' ovocrat'to. But I!ev here surely echoes I!ev in line 1, and
Mimnennus may weil have known~r at least pretended to know-what
Athena did in fact think of the hero' s courage. Excavations at Old Smyma have
revealed that the city's seventh century temple was dedicated to Athena; see E.
Akurgal, Griechische und römische Kunst in der Türkei (München 1987) 41 ff:
Since the grandeur of the temple implies a prominent, popular cult of the god-
dess, it is scarcely smprising that she should appear twice in Mimnennus'
fragments (see F 21). Here, the Athena who found no fault at all with the hero's
strength of heart is surely no mere judge of martial prowess but rather the
goddess who lived in that impressive temple. Mimnennus knew what Smyma's
goddess thought of the hero's courage when her city had been threatened by the
Lydians of an earlier day; and now, it must be inferred, he knows that she does
indeed find fault with the Smymaeans' fighting spirit, when her city and temple
again are in peril (cf. Maia 33 [1981] 207 f.).
o'Ü 7tOtt 7to.J..I.7tav: cf. Od. 4.693, 1CE'iVo~ 0' 00 1tO'tt 1to.J.I.1tav. (For MSS 1tO'tt
rather than Bach's lCO'tE, see F 12.2 n.)

6. OPtJ..l.-o J..I.€Vo~ 1CpaO{T\~: the separation ofthis phrase from 'tOO I!EV further
emphasises the latter. Homer uses OPtI!V~ of the pain of childbirth (Il. 11.270,
120 F 15

ßfAO~ 6~u ... / 0Pll.l:U), a battle (Il. 15.696, Opl~o. ~X'l; cf. Res. Theog. 713),
the anger of a lion (Il. 18.322, OPlllu~ X6A.o~), a.l1d, with ~o~, of strong
emotion experienced in the nose: Od. 24.318 f., ava iiivo.~ OE oi flOTt /OPlllu
~o~ 1tpovt\l\j!c.
t-09' ö '(': for determinative ye with pronouns, see Denniston 1934, 122.
ava 1tpoj.l..axo'\)~: see introductory remarks; cf. Il. 13.760, q>oi-to. ava
1tPO~Xo,\)~ ol~itIlEVO~.

7. otuo.19 ': optative of repeated action (Goodwin 1889, sect. 532.) Gentili-
Prato compare Ps. Res. Scut. 164, eO'te Ilaxol'"to / 'Allq)l'tProvl(iOTt~, and
Bacchyl. 13.118, eO't' fy 1tOOirol "r\Ju)v€rov j.l.Ct.ivol't' '
o.illo.'t6Ev<'to~ EV) UOIl{V"l"ll 1tOA.ej.l..Olo: cf. Il. 9.650, 1tOA.€1l01O
.. .o.illo.'t6EV'to~, and, e.g., Il. 4.462, fytlCpo.'tepi1l uOlliVT\l. Pritchett 1985, 28,
notes (after Frisk s.v.) that UOlltVT\ is 'the oldest Greek word for battle with
Indo-European antecedents'; it occurs 46 times in the Iliad.

8. 1t\1Cpa ... ßeÄ.to.: cf. Il. 5.99, 1ttlCpO~ 6ün6~; /l. 5.106, ßfAo<; ffici; Il.
22.206, 1tllCpa ßfAEIlVo.. Both Greeks and Lydians used arrows during
Alyattes' attack on Smyrna (see Cook 1958-59, 25), and Gyges also may have
employed archers. But of course ßfAro here may refer to javelins or spears.
ßlo.~Ollevo~: for the required sense-'defying'-Rudson-Williams compared
Il. 11.558, Ox; 0' Ö't:' övo~ ... EßlitOo.'tO 1to.'i&o.~: the donkey 'defies' the boys just
as Aias, in effect, defied the Trojans in his stubbornly slow retreat, holding them
back while they struck his shield with spears: (woooV't~ ~'\)O'tO'iOl j.l.fuov
(j(iICO~, 565), and Theocr. 22.9, ä01:po. ßlo.~6j.l..EVo.l, of ships 'disregarding' or
'defying' the heavenly signs. Cf. also Thuc. 8.53.2, 'toU~ v61lQ'\)~ ßlo.oaj.l..EVO~.
Gentili-Prato printed ßIo.~OllfyO'\) (MA) , 'coniungendum cum 'tou J.thr v.5,'
citing F 12, where 'tov J.thr (5) is followe.d three lines later by ci>oov9' (8). But
pronoun and participle are not separated there, as they are here, by atemporal
clause containi.l1g a fresh pronoun in the nominative case; ö y' points to
ßlo.~OllfyO~, which probably became genitive under the influence of 1tOA.€JlOlO

9. OU ...'tl~ ... €'t' alltlv6'ttpo~: 'not a man of the enemy was far better than
he . . . ' Mirnnermus irnplies that the foes of today are 'far better' than 'you' or
'we'-another tacit criticism of his fellow townsmen's laziness or cowardice;
cf. Gentili-Prato: 'ignaviam atque inertiam suorurn aequalium Mimn. taeite
significare videtur.' For 'tl~ ... Olltrov, cf. Il. 10.206, Et 'tlVa 1tO'\) 01lirov. And for
Etl (= etiam) with comparatives, see Kühner-Gerth 1.349b; Gentili-Prato cite
Od. 11.623 f., oU yap Et äMüv / q>pa~eto 'toUO€ YE JlOl Xo.A.E1tOrcEpOV dvo.l
ät9A.ov. Diehllists A.rohEpo~, j.l.El~&tEPO~, apElÜ'tEpo~, XElpÜ'tEPO~ as parallels
for aj.l.ElvÜ'tEpü~, which also occurs infr. eleg. adesp. 6a Diehl3, Ox; 'tt XEpElOV
Archibald Allen 121

(A,EOSal UJ.LetVO'tEproV 1tapEOV'trov (Snell 1966, 68); on such double

comparatives, see P. Chantraine, Morphologie historique du Grec- (Paris 1961)
It must be admitted that this is not an easy line. As has been demon-
strated, the use of ett with a comparative in a negative sentence requires special
pleading, and the occurrence of ol1irov after 8uo~trov in the preceding line
might be considered awkward. Several emendations and conjectures have been
offered. Bergk changed lh' to Ex', to be read postpositively with ÖTJirov, the
phrase supposedly meaning 'coram hostibus;' Diehl eonjectured (J.L)ty' for lh',
and Ahrens 'tO't'. Earlier, Bergk had emended ÖTJirov lh' to A,l1rov et', wbich
appears in Diehl3• Wilamowitz 1913,277, approved of A,l1rov, but was unhappy
with lh:' uJ.Letvo't€po<; and proposed f1taJ.L€tVo't€Po<;, dting the name
'E1taJ.L€ivrov. Jaeoby 1918, 290 f., lauded rnaJ.L€tvO'tepo<;, but deemed lonic
A110<; ill-suited to the epic diction of the fragment; a proper name is needed, he
feit, as in Ahrens' 8i'! '1rov (cf. Geffcken's M"trov), but he settled for obelised
011irov. (I onee eonsidered Auö&v.)

10. EOICEV: epic imperfect, with durative aspect; cf. Chantraine 1958, 320 f.

10-11. E1toiXE09al epuA.61t\Oo~ .•. / ep'Yov: cf. lI. 6.492, €prov rnoiXr08at;
lI. 18.242, qmA01ttOO<; ICpan:pfjc;; Il. 16.208, qmA01ttOO<; J.Ltra epyov. The epie
ring of the fragment sounds clearly in the use of <p6A.o1tt<;, of wbich Frisk, s.v.,
says: 'Altes, nur in der epischen Tradition fortlebendes Wort, ohne Etymologie.'

11. ö't' aUyf\lc:nv epepE't' rodo~ TtEAiotO: Wilamowitz favoured Hense's

suggestion that this clause might mean 'dum vivebat,' and so, too, did Diehl,
in bis critical note ad [oe. But it is hard to see how the words could mean 'als
er sich noch unter den sonnenstrahlen bewegte,' in Wilamowitz' version, for
aUyTltOlV must be an instrumental dative, if the clause is complete as it stands.
Similarly, DeI Grande's rendering, 'quando era portato (= avanzava) ai (= sotto
i) ragi,' does less than justiee to the syntax. Steffen 1955, 11, respected the
syntax but understood €prov, not the hero, as the subjeet of <pfpet(o): 'eum
afferebatur (sc. illud opus) radiis eeleris solis.' But while the work of battle may
have been ushered in, so to speak, by the day's fmt rays of sunlight, it is
unlikely that the Ö't€ clause could convey that metaphor.
Hartung got rid of the instrumental dative by emending aUyTllolv to
aU'Ycii<; Ev, with Schneidewin' s o'tpt<pet' for <pEpet " and Schneidewin himself
later emended €prov, Ö't' aUyflloty to €pr' ö9' CiJ.L' aUyfll<Hv, retaining <pepet'.
Ahrens changed <pfpet' to gepet' ('when he was warmed by . . . '), an emendation
revived unwittingly by KJ. McKay, Herrnes 103 (1975) 373; cf. A Veneri,
QUCC 22 (1976) 23. Klinger 1930, 79, suggested 'tptcpet', wbich Gerber 1970
found attractive-if the meaning 'dum vivebat' is what is required.
122 F IS-F 16

Fränkel 1962, 239, n. 3, assumed that the clause had extended into the
missing pentameter, which might have begun with 9a.A.n:6J.1eVo~ ('warmed by
the rays .. .') or 96A.1tet' (in which case o~a~, for example, should be read
instead of <pepet); he compared Pind. Nem. 4.13-14, Ei 0' ett ... &AtOOt / OO~
1ta't11P EeaA1tetO ('if your father had been alive ... '). Bergk also had assumed
that the clause is incomplete and had proposed elKEAo~ for the first foot of the
pentameter, although he later changed his mind and followed Meineke in
reading etKu..o~ for cbKf.o~ in the hexameter: <pEpet' etKu..o~ ,;u..tOtO ('when
he rushed like the rays ... '); cf. Ahrens' later reading, Ö't' tO' aUyllt~ <pepet " and
Defradas' <pepet' OiKcIx; (= f.otKcIx;) ,;u..tOtO. West supplied a fuH pentameter,
etKu..a xaA.KetOt~ 'ttllxecrt AaJl1t6Jlevo~, comparing Il. 22.134-35, xaAKo~
v..aJl1tetO etKEAo~ aUyIlt / il1t'\lpO~ ai9oJ.L€you il,;u..tou avt6V'to~.
On balance, it seems best to conclude that the clause is incomplete.
Gentili-Prato praise Fränkel's supplement, 9aA1t6Jlevo~... , but West's has more
of a punch.
Cl>epE't ': for the meaning 'rushed,' 'advanced,' cf. Il. 15.743, ö~ 'tt~ OE Tprorov
KoiAllt~ rnl VllUOl <pEPOt'tO; Il. 20.172 (of a lion) , ieu~ <pEpetat J.L€yet.
ro1Ceo~ ,;eAiow: cf. F 11 1, note.
Archibald Allen 123

F 16 (15 & 16 W, 13 G-P)

I Et. Gen. (Etymologicum Genuinum et Etymologicum Symeonis ed. G .

Berger [Misenheim am Glan 1972] p. 19), S.v. I3<iSt<;·

TI Et. Mag. (ed. Gaisford), p. 187, 45, s.v. I3<iSt<;·

2 o.pyaAEJ,<; aid I3<iSto<; iEJ.L€VOt

1tapa 'to l3<i~ro, I3<isro, ß6St<;
1 ßU~ElS ex,n EI. Gen. A ,' ~lS e1XE B 2 ßag~ EI. Gen. A ael AB
124 F 16-F 17

F 16

Broccia 1972-73 suggests that these two lines are indebted to Hesiod's
description of <PTHlll at Erga 762, aP'Y~ OE <PEpEtV, xaArnilO' ä1toeroeat.
The resernblances rnay be coincidental of course (but see F 11 Comm. for other
possible echoes of Hesiod). On gossip in the polis, see F 7 Comm.
Ba~t~ is not found in Horner or Hesiod, but both have ß6~0>, which
usually has an unpleasant ring to it: Il. 4.355, avE~ta ß6~Et~; Il. 16.207 (of
criticisrn), 'ta1ha ... Eß6~en:, Od. 4.32, 1tO:t~ &c, Y1l1tta ß6~Et~; Od. 4.837,
aVE~Ata ß6~EtV ; Od. 17.461, ovdoro ß6~Et~; Hes. Erg. 186, xaAE1toi~
ßO:~OV'tE~ rneoot; Erg. 788, Kf.p'tO).ta ß6~EtV; but cf., on the other hand, Il. 9.58
(= Od. 4.206), 1tE1tVUIlEva ß6~Et~, and Il. 14.92, äp'tta ßO:~Etv. The word rnay
be an onornatopeic formation; cf. Frisk, S.V., and Chantraine 1968-74, s.v. The
only other occurrence of ß6~t~ in early elegy is at Theogn. 1298, 9EiOv 0'
€x01ti~EO IlTlVtV / ßo:~tv 't' 6:v9pro1tO>v.

1. E1t' c:ivepO>7tOu~: 'before men.' Cf. Il. 10.212, J.L€ya JCAio~ Etll / 1t6:v'ta~
€x' av9pcü1tou<;; Od. 1.299, otov lCAf.o<; f.AAaßE oio<; 'OPOO't1l<; 1tO:V'ta<; Ex'
av9pro1tou~ ... (Kühner-Gerth 1.504; Chantraine 1953, 111).
xaAE7t,;: cf. Od. 14.239, XaAExT, 0' €xE O';JlOU <pT1llt~; Od. 24.201, XaAExT,V
oe 'tE <pT1lltV Cl7tO:OOEt / 9r]AU't~tat yuva#; Hes. Erg. 762 (quoted above).
2. c:ipyaA.ell<;: cf. F 1.10 n.
i€IlEVOl: Horner uses the participle both with infinitives (e.g., Il. 8.241,
tf.JlEVo<; .. .E~Ma1tO:~at), and with genitives of nouns (e.g. Od. 15.69, tf.JlEVOV
voo'tow). The subject here is presurnably 'the citizens' (cf. F 7).
Archibald Allen 125

F 17 (17 W, 15 G-P)

Scho!. Townley. in Horn. Il. 16.287 (IV 230 Erbse), ÖC; TIatovac; i1t1tOlCopoo'tac;·
MiJlvEPIlOC; .

TIaiovac; livopaC; äyrov, 'tva 'tE KAEt'tOV YfNOC; 't1t1t<ov.

natiivas coeid. : CO". Bekker

126 F 17

F 17

The context of the Homeric line which elicited the scholion is Pattoclus'
attack on Pyraichmes (I/. 16. 287 f.):

Kat l36Ae nupatX~TlV, ö~ natova~ i.1t1tOKOPUO'tU~

Tlyayev e~ 'A~uO&vo~ U7t' 'A~tOU eUp\> Pe6V'to~.

The Paiones are listed in the Catalogue as allies of the Trojans, and there, too,
Pyraichmes is said to be their leader (I/. 2.848):

a1rtap nupatX~Tl~ äye natova~ uYKUA.o't6~ou~.

Mter quoting Mirnnermus' line and the latter n. <iYKUA.O't6~ou~, the Scholiast
continues: Tl o{)'tOt {mo 'Ao'tepo7tatov, oi. Oe i.7t7tet~ ,mo nUpatX~Tlv. Tl
Ota<pÜpo)t OMtCm exproV'to. Tl i.1t1tO'to~(6't)at ~oav. . .. The explanation is nec-
essary because at I/. 21.154 f. Asteropaeus teIls Achilles that he is leader of the

et~' EK natoviTl~ Ept/XOAüU, 'tTlM8' rouOl1~

naiova~ ävopa~ äyrov OOA.tXeyxro.~ ...

(One rnight posit that Asteropaeus became commander-in-chief after the death
of Pyraichmes.)
The Paiones were a 11rracian people, from the wide waters ofAxios, as
Homer says. In the sixth century, they appear to have made their way as far
east as Perinthus, on the northem shore of Propontis. Herodotus (5.1) teIls how
'Paiones from the Strymon' staged a successful attack on that city, fighting with
horses and dogs. (perinthus was a Sarnian colony, founded c. 600; see Roebuck
1959, 111). It is not hard to believe that, even earlier, the mobile Paiones may
have entered Asia Minor. The natural route eastwards from the Strymon would
have led to Hellespont and the Troad, not along the north coast of Hellespont.
There is some evidence that another 11rracian people, the Treres, followed that
route in the early seventh century, and that Gyges may have employed Ionian
mercenaries to guard the Hellespont against 11rracian invaders (see Boardman
1980,95 and n. 251, and Huxley 1966,53.) The arrival of the Treres in Asia
Minor coincided with that of the Cimmerians, from the north and the east.
Strabo (61) observes that the two peoples were sometimes thought to be
identical (01. 'te Kt~~tptot, oü~ Kat Tpflpa~ ovo~SOUOtv ... ), but there is no
doubt that the Treres were Thracian: Tpflp~ Kat o{)'tOt epO.K~ . .. (Strabo 586);
Tpflp~· epUKtov ffivo~ (Steph. Byz., s.v. TpflP09. It is possible that the
Paiones also are to be associated with the invasions which cost Gyges bis life.
This fragment therefore may have come from a poem which referred to
Archibald Allen 127

recent military events in Asia Minor. On the other hand, there was a tradition
that the Paiones were originally colonists from among the Teucrians of Troy
(Herod. 5.13), so that Mimnermus may have been interested in them simply as
legendary folk; see F 18 for his mention of a Trojan hero Daites.
Dalovac; clvöpac; cl"(o>V: cf. Il. 21.155, quoted above.
u:: on 'tE with relative adverbs of space, see Chantraine 1953, 241; tva 't(E)
occurs six times in Il. and Od., three times in this sedes (Il. 20.478; Od. 10.417;
128 F 18-F 19

F 18 (18 W, 16 G-P)

Athenaeus 4.174a

~llIlTrtpLOe; 0' 0 Ll\.-i]'Jf1.0e; Ev t1ClCmoEKa:ron TPffitKOO OtaKocrJlOU (F 10

Gaede) Ev 'tflt AaKffiVtJCilt <jYT\crlV rnt 'tfle; 0000 'tfle; lCaAouIlEYrle;
'YaKtvOtOOe; tOpUcr9at llP<Oae; Mu't'tffiva Kat KtpUffiva U1tO "trov Ev
"tOte; <pHOntOte; 1tOtoUV"tffiV "tE "tue; llul;ae; Kat KtpavvUV"tffiV "tOV otvov
OtaKOVffiV· 0 0' au"toe; tcr"tOPEt K&v "trot "tetUp"tffi\ Kat dKOO"trot "tfte;
au'tfle; 1tpaYlla"tetae; (F 14 Gaede) ~at"tTlv llP<Oa nJlC.ÜJleVov 1tapa "tOte;
Tp<Ocrtv, oi> 1lV111l0VtUElV MiIlVEPJlOV. Kav KU1tPffit oe <jYT\crt nllacr9at
'Urilcravopoe; 0 ~fA<poe; Ma E1Aa1ttvacrnlV "tE Kat L1tAaYXVO"t0JlOV.


The context of this fragment in Book 4 of the Deipnosophists is a ram-

bling discussion on culinary matters, ranging from cooldng pots (169) and
seasonings (170) to the servants who prepare and serve a mea1 and their names.
For the name of Daites, cf. Eustath. (Od. p. 1413): crTjJlEi<Ocrat fV"tau8a Kat
ön OXJ1ttp 'tfle; om"toe; 7taprovuJlOv ~ahffiV ciplOV Kai. ~ai"tTje;, W"tffi Kat BK"too
KEpO:V 1CU1. 1:0U E1Aa1tlvuI;HV, ~v ne; Ktpurov Kat EiAUltlVacr-rile; Ka"tu -rilv "too
'A61,vaiou icr"topiav. d1tov1:oe; ön f::v 'tflt AaKffiVtJCilt 1tOU Akyetat iopUaem
llP<Oae;, ~ahffiva Kat KEpuffiva U7tO "trov Ev "tOte; <pHOt"tiote; 1tOtoUV"tffiV Ilul;ae;
OtaKOvffiv Ka\. KEpaWUV"tffiV otvov. Ka\. 7tapu Tp<Ocrt oe <pacrt, ~ai"tTjv llpc.oo
"ttllacr8at.... (For more recent discussion of words sharing the root oat-, see
Borecky 1965.)
Bach thought that Mirnnerrnus spoke of Daites in the poem which men-
tioned the Paiones; see F 17 Comm. The name Daites does not occur in Homer,
although there is a Trojan called Daitor (Il. 8.275). Callimachus speaks of a
Daites (F 229.7 Pf), son of Apollo's priest Machaireus who is said to have killed
Neoptolemus (Schol. Pind. Nem. 7.42; Strabo 421).
Archibald Allen 129

F 19 (19 W, 18 G-P)

Aelian V H. 12.36

rolKa<nv oi. upxa'iot U1tEp 'taU upt81laU 'trov 'tfj<; Nto/3rl<; 1tal&ov IlTJ
owatonv UAA"Aot<;. "ÜJlllPo<; (I/. 24.603) J,llv E~ ')...tyn (äpPEVa<;) Kat
'tooau't<Y.<; Kopa<;, Aaoo<; (PMG 706) Oe ol<; 000. ')...tyn, 'HOlOOO<; (F
183 M-W) Oe fwW. Kat oEKa . .. ',uKIlW (PMG 75) obca <p11<n,
MlIlVEpIlOC; ellCOOl, Kat TIlvoapo<; (52 n. Sn.-Maehl.) 'toooU'tou<;.


The literary evidence for the myth of Niobe has been examined recently
and most conveniently by W.S. Barrett in his contribution to R. Canien, The
Papyrus Fragments 0/ Sophocles (Berlin 1974) 223 ff.; for earlier and more
extensive treatment, see A. Lesky, RE xvn (1936) 644 ff., and for the myth
in an, R.M. Cook, Niobe and her Children (Camb. Inaug. Lecl. 1964).
Homer knows about Niobe (I/. 24.602 ff.): she boasted that she had many
children while Leto had only two, whereupon Apollo killed her six sons and
Artemis her six daughters, plunging their mother into terrible grief; for nine
days the children's bodies lay unburied, but on the tenth the gods buried them,
and Niobe then 'remembered food' (613); now a rock on Mount Sipylus, she
broods on her woes (614··18). In the standard version of the myth (see beIO\v),
Niobe is quite inconsolable, and Zeus changes her into a weeping rock. Homer
therefore has adapted the story to his own narrative needs, for Achilles presents
Niobe as a paradeigma to Priam to encourage hirn to take food. It has some-
times been thought that the adaptation leaves no room for the petrifaction, that
lines 614-18 are post-Homeric (cf. J. Th. Kakridis, Homeric Researches [Lund
1949] 96 ff.; M.M. Wilcock, CQ n.s. 14 [1964] 141 ff.), but Niobe's respite
from grief, in that remembrance of food, will serve incidentally to accentuate
her etemal, petrified sorrow on Sipylus.

There is atuple evidence for an interest in Niobe in all sorts of poetry after
Homer, even though the sources which furnish it are concemed largely with the
different poets' various enumerations of her children. In addition to the authors
named by Aelian in the present fragment, these too had (or have) something to
say about her: Sappho, Telesilla, Bacchylides, Aeschylus, Sophocles,
Euripides, Aristophanes, Tirnotheus, Euphorion (relevant citations below).
For comprehensive accounts of the story, one must turn to late
mythographical sources and to Ovid's lengthy version in Met. 6.148-312.
Barrett loc. cit. singles out tIle 'succinct accounts' of three mythographers
(Schol. A on ll. 24.602; Ps. Apollod. 3.5.6; Hyg. Fab. 9.2-4) and pin-points their
130 F 19

agreements with details in the other sources. In brief, the standard facts, aeeord-
ing to the mythographers and Ovid, are that Niobe was a daughter of Tantalus
of Lydia and wife of Amphion of Thebes, and that after her boasting and the
deaths of her ehildren, Zeus trarlsformed her into a weeping rock on Mount
Sipylus. Her Lydian origins are also stated or implied by Homer (I/. 24.614 ff.),
Pherecydes (FGH 3 F 38), Aesehylus (F154a.2 Radt), Pindar (F 64 Sehr.),
Sophocles (Ant. 823 ff.), and Euripides (Antiope 95 f. Page), while ties with
Thebes are also attested by Pindar (F 64 Sehr.), Aesehylus (F 154a.12 Radt),
Sophocles (Ant. 823 ff.), Euripides (Antiope 95 f. Page; Phoen. 159 f.),
Pherecydes (FGH 3 F 126), and Hellanieus (FGH 4 F 21). For more detail and
discussion, see Barrett, who also mentions (223, n. 118) the very different
aecount of Niobe given by Xanthus (FGH 765 F 20): after the death of her
husband at Sipylus, her father Assaon, rebuffed in ineestuous desire for her,
took vengeance by buming to death her twenty children; she was then tumed
to stone.
For Smyrnaeans, stories of Tantalus and his farnily would have had spe-
cial appeal sinee Smyrna lay not far from Mount Sipylus (= Manisa Dagl), and
on Sipylus was a seat of Tantalus (see MAP, p. 79). Pausanias (5.13.7) reports
that in his day there were signs that Tantalus and Pelops had onee lived in
Lydia. He mentions a lake and tomb of Tantalus, and a throne of Pelops on
Sipylus; he also claims (1.21.3) to have seen a rock formation whieh, at a
distance, resembled a weeping woman, and he ealls it Niobe: 'tutnT1V n,v
Ntoßrlv 1(Ut cxu'to~ etöov Uvu.,erov ~ 'tov LhruAov 'to öpo~. there are rock-
earvings at the northern base of Manisa DagI, about 8 km. east of Manisa, whieh
include a tomb and, high on a steep slope of the mountain, an altar or throne.
Dating back to Lydian occupation of the area in the seventh and sixth eenturies,
these earvings may represent the monuments mentioned by Pausanias, while
just outside Manisa, on the road leading S.W. to Izmir, there is a craggy rock
whieh has been identified as his Niobe (see Akurgal 1985, 132 f.; Bean 1966,
53 ff.). One might L.'llagine that Mimnermus had seen the weeping rock, and
perhaps also the Lydian earvings on the other side of Sipylus. (The 'Tomb of
Tantalus' on the southern side of Yamanlar DagI, just north of Old Smyrna, is
not old enough to be Lydian; cf. Cook 1958-59, 7 and PI. 1; Bean 1966,66 f.).
See F 5 Comrn. for a possible allusion to the mythieal rock of Tantalus.
Barrett (loc. eil.) suspeets that the tradition of Niobe's ties with Thebes,
whieh was weIl established by the fIfth eentury, might date back to Hesiod.
However, there is no traee of it in Homer, and no way of knowing if
MirnneIIDus was aware of it. (But see F 21 for his interest in the fate of Theban
Of Niobe's ehildren in Greek poetry, the number rises from 12 (Homer)
to 20 (Lyric poets) and then falls to 14 (drama), as this list shows:
Archibald Allen 131

Homer ...................................................... 12
Hesiod ...................................................... 19
Aleman ..................................................... 10 (?)
Mimnermus .............................................. 20
Sappho ..................................................... 18 (F 205 Voigt)
Bacchylides .............................................. 20 (F 20 D Sn.)
Pindar ....................................................... 20
Lasus ........................................................ 14
Aeschylus ................................................. 14 (F 167b Radt)
Sophoc1es ................................................. 14 (F 446 P)
Euripides ..................... ............................. 14 (F 455 N2)
Aristophanes ............................. ................ 14 (F 294 K-A)
Ovid, Ps. Apollodorus, and Hyginus each report a total of 14, Pherecydes 12,
and Hellanicus 7 (references above).
Three notes on the list: (1) Ps. Apollod. 3.5.6 repons a total of 20 rather
than 19 for Hesiod, but the passage was emended attractively by Sitt1: ' Hcrio80~
oe <\)iou~ J.Ihr twfu, 9u'YCl'tEpCl~ oe OE1CCl, MiJ.1VEPJ.1O~ oe) OE1CCl J.Ihr uiou~, OE1CCl
oe9u'YCl'tEpa~... (= Hesiod F 183 note M-W; Mimnermus F 19 note West). (2)
Alcman's alleged count of 10 should probably be emended; cf. Rh. Mus. 117
(1974) 358 f., and M.W. Haslam, Rh. Mus. 119 (1976) 192, who conjectured
oe 1CCx for OE1CCl. (3) It is of course the poets of the Lyric Age who credit Niobe
with most children, perhaps attesting yet again to the need which thinkers of that
age feIt to establish the 'biggest,' the 'best,' the 'oldest' (cf. comments on F 8
and F 13): Niobe's boasting and subsequent punishment become more credible
if she has an exceptional number of children.
132 F 2G-F 21

F 20 (20 W, 20 G-P)

Plutarch, De jade in orbe fun. 19 p. 931e

E>erov iJlltV o{)'to~ 'tov Millv€PjlOv E7t(i~et Kat 'tov Kuoiav (PMG 715)
Kat 'tov 'ApxtAoxov (F 122 W = 114 Tarditi) 7tPO~ oe 'toU'tOt~ 'tov
L'tTloixopov (PMG 271) Kat 'tov llivoapov (Paean. 9.2-5 Sn.-Maehl.)
€:v 'ta'i~ €JCAt:hvwtv 6Aoqmpo~ou~ 'äo'tpov (Boeckh: 'tov codd.)
<pavepwta'tov KArn'tOIlEVOV,' Kat ' ~O)t (lllan (Leonicus: (lila 'ti]v
codd.) vUK'ta ytvOIl€:vl'\V,' Kat ''ti]v aK'ttva 'tou iJAiou OKO'tOU~ (-'to~
codd. , corr. BI e) a'tpa7tov (roau~av)' (suppl. Adler) qxioKoV'ta~.


On this report that Minmerrnus described or mentioned an eclipse of the

sun, see above, p. 12.
It is impossible to assign Plutarch's quotations, or paraphrases, to specific
poets; cf. Page Gd Stesich. PMG 271: ' incertum quid cuique tribuendum sit.'
Archibald Allen 133

F 21 (21 W, 19 G-P)

Sallustius Argument. TI in Sophoclis An!.

cr'tucrt(i~etal OE 'ta 7tept 't11V llPCOtOU imopoUlLevu lCUt 't11V ao~v

uu'til<; 'IcrILTJVl1V. (, JJl:v rap '1cov (PMG 740) ev 'tOt<; OlGupaILß01<;
lCu'tu7tptlcr9ilval q>1lOlV aJ.UPO'tEpa<; ev 't&l iep&l 'til<; 'lIpa<; U7tO
AuoMILW'tO<; 'tO'u E't€OlCA.Eou<;. MtILVeplL0<; OE <p1lcrl 't11V 1Lf:v 1crILTtVllV
7tpocrolLtA.oucrav TIepllCA.U!!EvC01 (Robert: eeOlCA.UlJ.EvCOl codd.) U7tO
TuoEro<; lCu'ta 'A~va<; €yJCfAeuOlV 'tfAeu'tilcrut. 'tuu'tu JJl:v oOv OO'tlV
'ta ~evro<; 7tept 't&V llprotOCOV icr'topoUlJ.e\lu.


Mimnennus said that Ismene was killed by Tydeus while she was making
love to Theoclymenus, according to the received text of Sallustius' preface to
Antigone. But there are good grounds for C. Robert's emendation of
eCOlCAU!!EvCOl to TIepllCAU!!EvCOl (Bild und Lied [Berlin 1881] 21; cf. his
Oidipus, cited below). Ismene needs a lover of some name, but no known
Theoclymenus fits that role. The most familiar is the prophet whom Odysseus
befriends, the son of Polypheides and a descendant of Melampous (Od. 15.223
ff., 505 ff.; 17.151 ff.; 20.350 ff.). Re can hardly be the lover. Similiarly,
Theoclymenus son of Proteus, the Egyptian king in Euripides' Helen, and
Theoclymenus son of the Lydian Tmolus (plut. De Fluv. 7.5) must be ruled out.
Robert's TIepllCAU!!Evün was inspired by a celebrated painting on a Late
Corinthian neck amphora, now in the Louvre (E 640), which portrays the vio-
lent bedroom confrontation (K. Schefold, Frügriechische Sagen bilder
[München 1964] 77, Taf. V). Tydeus, his swon:l at the ready, has evidently
surprised Ismene in bed with her lover, who flees naked from the scene. The
three characters are clearly identified by name, written right to left in Corinthian
script: Rysmena, Tydeus, Periclymenus. For Mimnennus also, then, Ismene's
lover will have been Periclymenus of Thebes, son of Poseidon and Chloris,
daughter of Teiresias (Schol. Pind. Nem. 9.57; Ps. Apollod. 3.6.8); he took part
in the defence of the city against the Seven (Eur. Phoen. 1157 ff.). The cor-
ruption of TIepllCA.U!!EvC01 to e€OlCA.U~COl in Sallustius' notice might have be-
gun with dittography of the preceding 'E't€OlCA.-, followed by a reasonable
'emendation. '
Some fragments of black figure pottery from the Athenian Acropolis bear
traces of a scene which must have been similar to that depicted on the amphora;
see G.L. Richan:ls, JHS 13 (1892-93) 285, Pi. XI. On the most telling fragment,
a dark hand has seized the right wrist of a woman, identified as Ismene, who
is apparently kneeling, begging for mercy. And R. Rampe, An!. Kunst 18
134 F 21-F 22

(1975) 10 ff., has argued that a confrontation between Tydeus and Ismene, not
between Menelaus and Helen, is the theme on a red figure skyphos in Berlin,
published in 1973, and attributed to the Triptolemos Painter (E.R. Knauer, 'Ein
Skyphos des Triptolemosmalers' = 125 Berlin. Winckelmanns-program).
Eroticism is much less explicit on the skyphos. Athena's temple, not a bedroom,
appears to be the setting, and lsmene and her fleeing lover are clothed. The
goddess herself is present, urging on Tydeus to his task.
According to Pherecydes (Sc hol. Eur. Phoen. 53: FGH 3 F 95; not
'Phocylides,' as OCD, s.v. 'Antigone'), Ismene was slain at the spring which
was named after her: 'Io/.1.11Vll ilv WCltpe'i T\)oci>~ €xl. JCP1lVll~, KCll. an' ClUtil~
'h KPJlVll lOIl"Vll KexAEl-tClL
Tradition held that Tydeus died in the assault by the Seven on Thebes (Ps.
Apollod. 3.6.8; Paus. 9.18.2), and was buried there; cf. 1/. 14.114, T\)OEo~, ov
Enlßtltot XUTI) KCl'tU YCllClKClAU1t'tEl. If Mirnnermus shared that belief, he must
have placed Ismene's death before the attack on Thebes, perhaps when Tydeus
visited the city as envoy for the Seven, took part in garnes, and thwarted a
Theban ambush which had been laid for him (Il. 4.384 ff.).
Athena's deadly displeasure with Ismene and her use of Tydeus to ex-
press it are perhaps best understood if viewed in a context of rivalry or hostility
between the goddess and Poseidon: Ismene will be Athena's own priestess or
temple anendant, who incurs the goddess's anger by her lustful dalliance with
Periclymenus, a son of Poseidon, and Tydeus-as Athena's favourite-is then
properly instrumental in the offender's fatal punishment; so C. Robert, Oidipus
I (Berlin 1915) 121 ff. (Dover 1978, 106, erred oddly in supposing that Tydeus
is depicted on the Corinthian amphora as a wronged and furious husband who
has discovered his wife in the very act of adultery: ' ... Tydeus has caught his
wife in bed with Periclymenos.' There is nothing in myth or legend to suggest
that anybody ever thought of Ismene as the wife of Tydeus.)
Bergk's note on this fragment (quoted by West) reads: 'Videtur excidisse
id, quod de Antigone dixerat Mimnermus.' But there is no reason to think that
Mimnermus knew the story of Antigone and the buria! of Polyneices-a 'leg-
end of Attic growth,' as Jebb called it; see his introductory remarks in the large
edition of Antigone (Cambridge 1900).
As noted above (F 15.5 n.), the e~stence of a splendid temple dedicated
to Athena in late seventh century Smyrna implies a prominent and popular cult
of the goddess in Mimnermus' day, and one might expect the poet and his
audience to have been keenly interested in tales of her doings, even overseas
in Thebes.
Fina!ly, it is worth noting that Mimnermus' floruit predates the Corinthian
amphora (mid sixth century) by only some seventy or eighty years.
Archibald Allen 135

F 22 (21a W, 24 G-P)

Cod. Athen. 1083: S. Kugeas, 'Der cod. Atheniensis 1083 und die Text-
geschichte der Paroemiographen,' apo O. Crusius, 'Paroemiographica,'
Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie 1910 (4) (= Corp .
Paroem. suppl., 1961, V), p. 15.

'aplO'W. Xro')Jx, Oiq>Et.' <f1l10tV Ötl ai 'Alla~6v~ 'tot><; ytyvoJ-Wou<;

apaE\'a<; EmlPOUV, il OKfAo<; il xcipa 1tEPlfAOllE\'at· 1tOAqwUV'tE<; 8e
1tpO<; atmt<; oi LJC6901 Kat ßouAOJlEVOl 1tpO<; amu<; 01tdoaa9al
EAzyOV Ötl ouvroOV'tal 'tOt<; LKU9al<; Ei<; yo.Il0V o.1tTIiX/nOl<; Kat oU
A.tA.roßllIlEvOl<;· o.1tOKplVa~ 8e 1tpO<; atmrU<; il 'AV'tlo.VElpa ilYqul>V
'trov 'Alla~6vrov Et1tE\' · 'aplO'ta XroM<; oiq>ci.' ~V'Il'tat 'tf1<; 1tapOlllia<;
M ill(v)tpllo<;.


The proverb aplo'ta XroAO<; Oiq>Et (which Edmonds 1931, ad loc., warily
translates, 'Lame men make lusty husbands') was already weil known before E.
Miller published it in the fOUT collections of proverbs from cod. Athous
(MeIanges de litterature grecque [paris 1868] 370); cf. Macarius 2.40; Ps.
Diogenianus 2.2; Schol. Theocr. 4.62-63; Suda, s.v. aplo'ta. But it is associated
with Mimnennus only in the MS text edited by Kugeas and published in 1910;
on that MS, and its relationship to cod. Athous, see W. Bühler, Serta Turyniana
(Urbana 1974) 419 ff. (cf. Gentili-Prato, ad loc.).
The attribution of the proverb to the queen of the Amawns in the
paroemiographic tradition does not imply that Mimnelmus was speaking of the
Amawns when he mentioned or recalled it. (On the reports narning Amawns
as founders of Ionian cities, and specifically the Amawn Smyrna as founder of
Smyrna, see above, p. 24). For further discussion of the proverb's place-and
even forrn-in Mimnennus' writings, see pp. 28 f.
136 F 23

F 23 (22 W, 17 G-P)

Schol. in Lycophr. Alex. 610 (Scheer TI, Berlin 1908, p. 206 f.)

TpOt~llvi«(;' Tpot~llvia TI 'A<ppoöi'tll. lopOOct'tO oe au-rilv

TpOt~llviav KoAoUllEvrtV il <l>aiopa, ilviKa q,uaGrt 'tou
''tOU. 'H oe 'A<ppooi'tll, KaSu <p1l<H MiIlVEpIlO~, U1tO
6wllf}80u~ 'tpoikiaa 1tapccrKeUacre -rilv AtyuxA.nav 1tOA.A.o'i~ Il.€.v
1l0tXo'i~ <iUYKOtllll9i1vat, q,acr9i1vat oe !CUt U1tO KOIlf}'tOU 'taU 5
Leevv..ou uiaU. 'tou oe L\wllf}80u~ 1tapayevo!1Evou ei~ 'tO "Apyo~
hnßouArucrat a\YUln' 'tov oe Ka'ta<pUyoV'ta ei~ 'tov j30}1l0V 'tfl<;
'lIpa~ OteX VUK'tO~ <pUye'iv crUv 'to'i~ e.aipOt~ Kat v..Se'iv ei~
'hMiav 1tpO~ 6auvov ßacrtAro, oon<; amov (OOArot)'tA.ev.
5 uno Scheer : 'InnOA;\rtou Schol. : uno 'tou Gentili-Prato 9 OOAwl suppl. Scheer


The scholion which fonns this fragment explains Lycophron's allusive

reference to Aphrodite' s punishrnent of Diomedes for wounding her in the
Trojan War. Diomedes, says Lycophron, is destined to found Argyrippa (=
Arpino in southem ltaly) and to behold his companions transfonned into birds
(592 ff.); and his wounding of the 'Troizenian' will be in part the cause of his
wandering and his evil woes, after his lustful wife has been driven into adultery
(610 ff.):

TpOt~llvia~ oe 'tpaUflU <pOt'tuoo; 1tA.aV1l~

w'tat KaKrov 'te 1t1l!l<i'tOlV 1tapainov,
Ö'tav Spacrua eoupa~ Otcr'tpT!<i1lt JCUOlV
1tpO~ AiK'tpa ...

The scholiast therefore explains, on the authority of Mimnennus, that Aphrodite

punished Diomedes by causing his wife Aigialeia to have many lovers, and
Cometes son of Sthenelus in particular; Diomedes escaped her adulterous plot
on his life at Argos by taking refuge at the shrine of Hera and then fleeing at
night with his companions to ltaly, to king Daunus, who however killed him by
a trick. One may compare the almost identical account of Tzetzes (206 f.
Scheer) and the similar but fuIler version of Schol. (bT) D on Il. 5.412 (TI 64
f. Erbse). There is however no mention of Mirnnennus in the latter, or in
Eustathius' parallel account (in Dion. Perieg. 483: GGM n 308, 10 Müller).
The association of Diomedes with southem ltaly was weIl established in
antiquity; see espe.cially Strabo 6.284. There, it was said, his foIlowers were
Archibald Allen 137

changed into birds (Lyc. 594 ff.; Ovid Met. 14.498 ff.; Strabo 6.284; Virg. Aen.
J 1.271 ff.). Diomedes himself, in some versions of the story, was made to
disappear (Strabo 6.284), presumably at the hands of the trieiey Daunus.
West prints this fragment under the heading DUBIA ET SPURIA, and
even suggests that the scholiast may have named Homer rather than
Mimnermus as his source; for v.I. IlvTtJ.l€PJ.lO<; in the ascriptional clause, he
conjectures Kai "OIlTlPO<;, comparing Eustath.loc. cit., Ka9a <pl1<H Kat "OIlTlPO<;.
As Gentili-Prato note, however, Eustathius pointedly observes that while Homer
teHs of Diomedes' wounding of Aphrodite (Il. 5.336), he knows only of achaste
Aigialeia: iO"'tEoV 0' Ö'tt 0 j.Lht 1tOtTl'tf]<; croxpprova 'tE OlOE 'tf]V 'tou ~lOll~SO\)<;
yuvatKa 'tf]v AiYuXAEtav ....
The tradition ofDiomedes' flight to ltaly would have had a certain topical
interest for Mimnermus and his audience. Strabo (6.264) reports that Polieium
in the valley of the Sills was founded by Ionians fleeing Lydian rule, and
Athenaeus (l2.523c) records that Aristotle (F 584 Rose) and Tirnaeus (FGH
566 F 51) identified those settlers as Colophonians; they presumably fled from
Colophon after Gyges' victory, so that the memory of their flight to the west
would have been still quite fresh in Mimnermus' day. The literary evidence for
that migration is supported by the discovery, on the site of Polieium-Siris, of a
loom-weight bearing an Ionic inscription and dated to the early or middle sixth
century; see Jeffery 1961, 286 f. For further discussion see N.H. Demand,
Urban Relocation in Archaic and Classical Greece (Norman & London 1990)
31 ff., who says that the Colophonians' flight to southem Italy 'is the first long-
distance overseas move by a settled Greek polis that is attested in an ancient
A note on the text: Scheer properly replaced 'I1t1toA:u'tou (or 'I1t1toA:u'trot
Schol.: 'I1t1tOAt)'trot Kat Tetzes) with U1to. The name was repeated from the
preceding sentence, where the scholiast, explaining Lycophron's reference to
Aphrodite as the 'Troizenian,' mentions Phaedra's passion for Hippolytus (cf.
W.S. Barrett, Euripides. Hippolyrus [Oxford ]964] 6, n. 3).
138 F 24-F 25

F 24 (24 W, 6 G-P)

Stobaeus 4.38 (TIEpI. i(l"cprov KUI. iu'tpucijC;). 3, p. 898 Hense: Mlj.l.Vep).l.OU

Nuwoü ~: j.l.lj.l.Vep).l.OU vawou MA ( K~ lU'tpolV ~).

(de medicis)

( ) otu Oil <ptA.oü<nv {oi} iu'tpol. Af:yEl.V

'tU epaUAa j.l.Et~O) KUI. 'tu odv' i>1tEp <p6ßov
1t'\)PYoUv't~ uimm<;.


For introductory remarks on this fragment, see above, p. 27.

Meineke (FCG IV 217, F 3) suggested Mevo:vopou <l>UVtOU for
Mtj.l.vep).l.OU Nuwou. Nauck (TGP 829 f.) postulated a tragedian named
Mirnnermus; cf., contra, B. Snell's entry no. 246 ('Mirnnermus') in his list of
'Poetae Falsi vel maxime dubü' (TGF I pp. 325 ff.). Bergk saw that there must
be a laeuna in the text: 'potius eensendum est Mimnenni fragmentum
exeidisse, et illos versus Euripidis esse: Mlj.l.Vep).l.OU NuwoUC;. (a öl] 1tOlEtV
<ptAroU<Jl ill'tpoi. .. EupmtOou 'OIt)OtU Oil <ptAoU<nv iu'tpol. Af:yElV .. .' (p. 38).
For Bergk's supplemental EupmtÖOu, Hense (ad loc.) suggested 'Incerti poetae
scaenici. ' B. Snell, Gesammelte Schriften (Göttingen 1966) 70, gave his ap-
proval to the lacuna, indieating it as above.
One may only guess what Mirnnermus said about doctors. West 1974,
75, recalls that Solon mentions them in F 13 W (= 1 G-P) 57 ff., MAol natrovoc;
1tOAUepapj.t6:KOU epyov €xoV't~ / ill'tpoi. ... There may be implicit eriticism of
medieine earlier in the same poem when Solon says that the man who is
grievously siek thinks that he will become well (37 f., Xc:OO'tlC; j.l.Ev VoU<JOl<Jl.V
im' apya'AE11l<Jl mro6fjl, / roc; irYlTJC; oo'tUl, 'tomo KUWPPO:<Ju'to.) See also F
2.15 n.
Archibald Allen 139

F 25 (25 W, 14 G-P)

Stobaeus 4.57 (än 01> XM 1tapotvciv Ei<; 'tov<; 'tetEAru'tllKÜ"Ca<;). 11, p. 1139
Hense: M tj!VEpj!ou'

(de mortuis ni/ nisi bene, velo sim.)

( ) EK Ne01t'tOAE!!OU (MA)
oetvo1. yo.p WOp1. 1tWtE<; ooj!€v eUKA.eet
1;&V'tt cp9ovfjaat, Ka't6avoV'ta 0' aivooat.


For introductory remarks on this fragment, see above, p. 27.

Meineke introduced the 1acuna, and was followed by Bergk': 'ut deinde
scribendum sit NtKOI!<iXOU EK NW1t'tOAE!!ou ... sed cum satis turbatum sit hoc
caput, etiam alia conicias: possum enim hi trimetri etiam Archilochi esse' (p.
33). At any rate, the author of the two trimeters is not Mimnermus; see F 24
Comm., with references to Nauck, TGF 2 829 f., and Snell, TGF I no. 246;
Gesammelte Schriften 70.
Among Stobaeus' first four se1ections under the heading
mt. ..'tetEAru'tllKÜ"Ca<; are (1) 1/. 24.54 (of Achilles and Hector's corpse), KoxpTJV
yo.p oll yatav anKl1;n j!EVOOlveov; (2) Od. 22.412 (on the dead suitors), oUX
OOlll K'taj!EvOtatV Ex' avopuatv eUxetuaa9at; and (3) Archil. F 134 W = 103
Tarditi (from a scholion on Od. 22.412), oU yo.p EaeAa. Ka't8avooot Kep'tOj!&tV
Ex ' avopuatv. It is possib1e that Mimnermus may have expressed a similar sort
of sentiment, o~e suited to victory in battle, rather than a more detached, psy-
ch010gical reflection such as that contained in the iambic fragment which f01-
10wed it; on the mistreatment of corpses, see C. Segal, The Theme 0/ the
Mutilation 0/ the Corpse in the Iliad (Leiden 1971).

Here appended are some concluding and summarising notes and statistics
on Mimnermus' diction and metrics, along with a few observations on his
handling of the couplet vis-a-vis enjambement and rhyme. In these matters, one
need hardly add, the small size of the corpus (4Ot hexameters, 40 pentameters)
discourages defInitive pronouncements.

The large number of Homeric and Hesiodic phrases cited as paralleis
throughout the commentary attests to the traditional, formulaic nature of
Mimnermus' diction; Fowler 1987, 46, estimates that he has 'proportionately
more unaltered epic phrases than does Archilochus.'
F 15 (the hero) has the clearest echoes of epic. In the following analysis
of lines 1-7, the underlined words or phrases may be found at the same metrical
positions in Homer as indicated. 1

OU I.!ht On KtlVOV yg llevO<; KUt amvopu OuIlOV

VIII 238 15.155 -(In 11.562

2 'tolov el.!e\) 1tpmtprov mi>80l.!at, Öt I.!tv ioov

II 482 I 88 15.22 3.187 7.322 -oV'tO

3 Au&ov i1t1tol.!axrov 7tUKtva.~ KAoVEOV'tU m@..a~

XIII 5 V.93 -at V 96

4 "EPlltOv äll1tEoiov ~ <pEpqtl.!€AtnV

V 87 XXIV 481 ru- 3.400

5 'tO'u Ilht äp , OU 1tO'tE 1t<XlJ1!;aY f!lf.1l'l'u'to TIalli<; 'A!mvn

15.256 4.693 1400

6 OPtl.!u I.!evo<; Kp<Xoin<; tOS' Ö y' wa. 1tpOllaxov<;

24.319 XlO Et- 3.90 XIII7fJJ

1 Roman numerals refer 10 books of the Iliad, Arabic 10 those of the Odyssey. Partial
correspondences are noted. For this sort of aP.alysis, the second half of the pentameter may
be considered the equivalent of the hexamelric hemiepes.
Archibald Allen 141

7 oEUa18' aiLta'toEVtoc; f::.v UOLttvnt 1tO@OtO

(cf. XVII 463) xm617 (cf. XV 340) 1 165

(At line 7, OEUat't' and f::.v OOJltVllt are throughly Hornerie, but they oceur at
different rnetrieal positions.)2
F 12 (Helios) also has dear epie echoes. Here are the ftrst three lines:

'HfAtOC; Ltfv "(ap 1tOVOV nLta'ta 1t<Xvta

XlV 55 IV 26 2.55
ouOE 1to't' ylvE'tat oUoq,da
1 155

3 t1t1tOtOlV 'te !Cat aUloh Ercd PoOoOOlC'tVAO<; 'HO><;

(cf. Xl 525 -Ot) 1 114 1477

But exaet eorrespondences with epie formulae are not so frequent. In lines 5-
9, the vocabulary is almost wholly Homerie, but the ring pattern of the eentral
sentence, with 'tov Jlfv (5) severed from ruoov8' (8), is not the result of for-
mulaie eornposition (see Comm.). One rnay also notiee in this fragment a deft
manipulation of the weil established formulaie line, ~JlOC; 0' liptyf::.veta q><XvTl
POOOOOJcr\)AoC; 'Hffic; (Il. 1.477 and elsewhere). Mimnermus splits it into two
halves, as it were, using PoooOOJcr\)AoC; for his ftrst mention of Eos in line 3 and
then liptyeveta for his eoncluding referenee to her in line 10: met
POOOOOl\."TIAoC; 'Hffic; ... &pp' 'Hffic; liptyf::.veta JlÜATlt (a ehiastie division of the
Hornerie epithets). Again, Homer has Aieto1trov €c; ya'iav at the beginning of
his line (Il. 23.206), but Mimnermus reverses the order of words, ya'iav €c;
Ai8to1t(ov (9), presurnably to secure balance (and a rhyrne) with the preceding
Xropou u<p' 'Ecmeplorov (see below).
Of the longer pieces, F 1 is the least epieal, in terms of formu1aie eorre-
spondenees. It has the largest nurnber of what rnight be ealled un-Hornerie
words: (1) 'tep1tVOC;, (2) OOUVllPOC;, (6) JleptJlva, (8) 1tpoooparo, (9) u'ttJlao'toC;.3

2 On lpepel1l1EAl11V (line 4), see Comm., with Gerber's suggestion that Mirnnermus may
have chosen this epithet, instead of rol1l1eA,l11S, 10 avoid hiatus and achieve an alliterative
3 Un-Homeric words in the other fragments:
F 2 aü~Ol (2), ßEA,'tlOlV (MSS, 10)
F 5 OA,lYOXPOVlOS (1), ÜI10p<pOS (2), U1teplCpEJ1Ul1ctl (3)
F6 E~11lCOV'ta.b"S (1)
F 9 'Acrhl (2), KoA.o<prov (3), AtoA,lS (6)
F 11 Ar11 (2), M:YLVOeLS (2), xaA.emlP11S (3)
F 12 U1tOn'tepOS (7), 'Ecrm:pweS (8)
F 15 AUOol (3), lpepel1l1EAlllS (4), I1EI1<pOJ1Ul (5), ul1eLVmepüS (9)
F 16 ßä~LS
142 Appendix A

And it offers funher examples of fonnulaie adaptation. In line 3, Kpt>1t'taOill

<ptAÜ'tl')~ Katj.lElA.1xa o&pa Kat ei>vtl, initial Kpt>1t'taOlll <ptAÜ'tl')~ is Hornerie (Il.
6.161), and fmal Kal ei>vTt is the seeond member of Homer's hendiadys,
<ptAÜ'tl')~ tE Kal ei>vTt (Il. 15.32; ef.Il. 3.445; 6.25; Od. 5.126). But having used
<ptAÜ'tl')~ at the beginning of bis line, Mimnennus creates a new hendiadys,
j.letA1Xa o&pa Kal EUvtl. Line 7, aiet j.llV <ppEva~ Uf.UPt KaKal tetPOUcrl
j.lEPlj.lVat, recalls Il. 15.60, oouv6:rov / ai vOv j.llV tetPOUcrl Kata <ppEva~, but
Hector's pains are the pains of the moment wbieh wear down bis heart, while
the old man's are eonstant and all-embraeing.
In F 2, Mimnennus' alleged adaptation of Homer' s simile of the 1eaves has
been mueh studied. One may notiee, however, that the pivotal phrase oia tE
<p{>AAa in line 1 introduees an entire1y different, leinetie image at Od. 7.106,
where it oceupies the same sedes. In line 3, Mimnennus has enlivened Homer's
somewhat dull oU 1tolJ..J:>v rnl XpOvov (Od. 15.499) with bis m1XUlOV for oU
1tolJ..J:>v (same sedes). In line 8, another expression of measurement, OOOV t' rnl
yTlV Kiovatat liEAlO~, might appear to derive from Homer's ocrov t'
rnlKiovatat liüx; (Il. 7.451 = 458), but the latter has a spatial referenee (the
spread of fame), whereas Mimnennus' line refers to youth's duration, a single
day's sunlight.
In sum, Mimnennus' dietion is drawn from the traditional dietion of epic,
but the intensity of bis epie phraseology is far from unifonn. One gets the
impression of a poet who very eonscious1y exploited bis traditional, epic re-
sourees, sometimes relying heavily on the old fonnulae, sometimes making
light use of them, or again adapting and manipu1ating them for special effect.

F 2.10, ßEAttOV (MSS). See Comm.
F 12.7, Mrop. See West 1974, 116, and 1982,38, on 'epic' seansions.

'Length' and Position

(a) 'Short' syllable before mute + liquid: F 1.1, 'Ä<ppooi'tl')~; F 13.2, ucr1tlcr{
<ppa~6:j.lEVol. See Comm.
(b) 'Short' syl1able before mute + nasal: F 2.10, 0Tt tlßv6:val. See Comm.;
West 1982, 16 f.
(e) 'Short' open syllable before initial p: F 11.4, YKOvtÖ p6ov. See West 1974,
(d) 'Long' syllable < short vowel + p: j.lEv rap EAaxev. See Comm.; West
1974, 114.

F 2.11, MAmE olKo~. See Comm.
F 12.11, rnEßllEteproV. If the text is sound, this will be an example of hiatus
Archibald Allen 143

after a long vowel in arsis (see West 1974, 115); not to be explained by the fact
that etEpOC; once had initial s, since that 'had been lost long before the time of
Homer' (W.F. Wyatt, Metrical Lengthening in Homer [Rome 1969] 217, n. 15).

Epic Correption
F 1.3 (ö&pa Kat ruvrt), 4 (ytvetat ap1taw), 8 (tEp1tetat TtfAiou); F 2.2
(aÜSetat TtfAiou), 8 (Kiöva'tat TtfAtO<;), 9 (1tapaIlEhl'etat rop1lC;), 11 (ytvetat·
aMmE), 13 (Emöruetat, 6>v), 14 (Epxetat EiC;); F 3.1 (1tapa/lEhl'etat rop1l); F
5.1 (ytvetat iOOm~p), 4 (Kat o.nllov ... n8El o.vöpa); F 6.1 (Kat uPYaAErov); F
8.2 (OOt Kat Elloi); F 11.6 (KEla'tat Ev); F 12.3 (Kat a{)1:&t), 6 (KOto..ll
'H<paio'tou),8 (xropou u<p '),9 (Kat t1t1tOt); F 15.1 (Kat urflvopa), 2 (1tru80Ilat,

F 1.4 (o.v8t;g); F 2.2 (ifgpOC;), 4 (8t!'9v); F 6.1 (llfAE&uv@v); F 7.1 (1tOA.t't@V);
F 9.6 C8@v); F 11.6 (XPUo@t).

Dactyls and Spondees

In the 40 complete hexameters, the proportion of spondaic to dactylic feet
is approximately 21% to 79%. The ratio is the same for Callinus and
Archilochus; for Tyrtaeus and Solon, it is 26% to 74%. This table gives per-
centages for the distribution of spondees throughout the ftrst ftve feet of
Mirnnermus' hexameters:

1 .......43
2 ....... 32
3 ......... 7
4 ....... 18
5 ......... 0

It is dOllbtful whether any kind of valuable conc1usions can be drawn from these
statistics. Some readers or listeners might imagine that the slight preponderance
of spondees in the conc1uding lines of F 1, for example, is meant to suggest the
distasteful siowness of old age. (For general discussion of dactyls and
spondees, see Adkins 1985, 18 f.)

The 'weak,' trochaic caesura is almost twice as frequent in Mirnnermus'
hexameters as the penthemimeral, with a ratio of 65% to 35%. West 1974, 112,
calculates percentages of penthemimeral caesura in Archilochus, Callinus,
Tyrtaeus, and Solon as 27,23,33,42, respectiveIy. And the percentage for the
611 lines of lliad 1 is approximately 40. There is nothing weak about
144 Appendix A-Appendix B

Mimnermus' use of the 'weak' caesura at F 1.5:4

ot' ilßll~ &vem ylVetUt ap1tuAia

avopucnv itoE YUVu#v' rn~i 0' 60uVT\poV rn€A.9rtt / yflpu~

Other sharp trochaic caesurae occur at F 2.7 (;, 0 ' h~ 9avu'tOto· J.1.tvuv8u OE
ylvetat ilß1l~ / KUp1tO~) and F 5.2 <ilß1l 'ttJ.1.Ttecrou· 'to 0' UpyW.EoV KU\. äJ.1.0p-
<pov / yflpa~) .
One might suppose that in their preference for the trochaic caesura the
early elegists wished to avoid a montonous coincidence between caesurae of the
hexameter and pentameter. Thus Mimnermus might seem actually to have
intended a monotonous effect in this passage on Helios' nightly voyage, bring-
ing him to another day's toi! (F 12.8-11):

EÜoov9' ap1t~ Xropou a<p' 'Eo1tEptorov

YUtaY ec; Ai8to1t(Uv, '{vu 0;, Soov äpllU KU\. t1t1tOt
€mao', &pp' 'H~ f)ptYEvtlU 1l0Allt·
€v8' rneß1l hEP9l-Y 6xEroV 'Y1tEpiovo~ UtO~.

And the rhyming syllables may accentuate the caesural coincidences. But it is
worth noting that a strong, penthemirneral caesura can be tempered consider-
ably by a subsequent sense pause at the Bucolic diaeresis (or 'caesura;' cf. West,
CQ 32 [1982] 292), as in these final hexameters of F 2:

11 1tOua ya.p Ev SulliOt KUKa. ylVetat· äMo'tE OtKO~

'tpuxothat, 1tIoVill~ 0' Epy' 60uVT\pa. 1tEAEL
13 MM~ 0' U~ 1t(xiorov rntoruetUt, 6>V 'tE'tU
tllelProv KU'ta. yfl~ fpxe'tUt ci<; 'AtOllV .
15 MM<; VOUOOV itxtl SuIl0<p90poV' OU OE 'ti~ €onv
av8pro1trov, <öt Zro~ IlTt KUKa. 1toua OtOOt.

Enjambement 5
Mimnermus' use of enjambement within the couplet is unremarkable in

4 For a drarnatic-{)r melodrarnatic-assessrnent of this caesura, one should turn to

Carson 1992,8: 'Consider the moment when old age darkens down on men and women in
fragment 1. The sex act of these gentIe beings is rac!ically intercepted by an unscheduled
metrical event. ExactIy at the middle of the poem ... time cuts through the narrative of flesh:
but (no) then; It is a very unusual caesura, a notably nonlinear psychology. We are only
midway through the central verse of our youth when we see ourselves begin to blacken. We
had been taught to believe that there were certain rules of motion and collision that construct
elegiac verse ('the dactylic hexameter avoids word-end al mid-verse') but these are defied.
We had been seduced into thinking that we were immortal and suddenly the affair is over.'
5 Adkins 1985 has much to say, passim, about enjambement in early elegy. On its
antecedents in epic, see C. Higbie, Measure anti Music. Enjambement and Sentence Structure
in the lliad (Oxford 1990).
Archibald Allen 145

early elegy. Compare, e.g., F 2.3-4, äv900tv ilßrl~ /tep1to,.u:Ba, or F 11.5-6,

'HEAtotO / aKiiv~, with Callinus F 1.3-4 West, Ev eiPllVllt Öe 00 Ket-te / ~Oeat,
or Solon F 13.49-50 West, 'H<P<llO'tOU itOA.u't€xv€ffi / Epya öaet~. In the
enjambement of couplets, however; Mimnermus leaves Solon far behind, and
Tyrtaeus and Xenophanes, too, but not Archilochus; for discussion, see Fowler
1987, 77, who observes mat such enjambement may be 'a mark of virtuosity.'
These are the enjambed pentameters:

Fl.4 äv9w yiVetat ap1taAEa / avöpuoLV itöe yuva#v

F 2.4 doo't~ o\lte KaKov / o\)'t' aya96v
F 5.1 yiVetat oxmep övap / ilßll 'ttJ..ltlooo(t
F 11.6 Ev 9aAuj.l.ffit / 'QKffiVa\) 1tapa xelAo~
F 12.2 äJ..l1ta'\)<Jt~ yive'tat üUöeJ..lta / t1t1tOtOtV 'te Kat au't&t
F 12.8 a<p' 'Eo1tepiBrov / ya'iav ~ Ai9tÜ7tcov
F 15.6 ava 1tpoJ..t<ixou~ / Omate'
F 15.10 qroM1ttöo~ ICpa'tepfj~ / EPYOV

With their strong caesurae, pentameters invite medial, or Leonine rhyme.
Callinus has it in one pentameter out of four, Archilochus in one out of five,
Solon in one out of ten, Theognis in one out of seven, and Tyrtaeus in approxi-
mately one out of fifteen. Of Mimnermus' pentameters, about one in ten has
internal rhyme:

F 1.2 'te9vatllv ö'te J..lOt J..lllKEtt ·tama J..lfA&l

F 1.4 oi' ilßrl~ äv9m yivetat Up1t<Xt...m
F 4.2 yilpa~, Ö Kat Oavu'tOU ptytov apyaArou,
F 11.6 alCt'iv~ XP'JOEo>t Keta'tat Ev 9aA.aJ.@t

There are also rhyming hexameters: 6

F 1.9 ill' txepo~ J..lEv 1tatotv, attJ..laoto~ Oe yuvat/;iY,

F 6.1 ut yap äycp vooocov 'te Kat apyaAfroV J..lfA.eörovfrov
F 17 IIatova~ ävöpa~ äycov, tva te'tov 'Yf:v0~ t1t1tcov.

And there would seem to be an interplay of rhymes between the concluding

pentameters and hexameters of F 12, quoted above. It is hard to believe that
these rhymes are accidental, pace John Milton who asserted, in his note on 'The
Verse' of Paradise Lost (1688), that rhyme was 'avoyded by the learned An-
eients both in Poetry and all good Oratory.' In moderation, rhyme contributes
to the euphony of the elegiac couplet-and it is euphony, after all, which
Hermesianax says that Mimnermus discovered in the soft pentameter (T 4).

6 O. Dingeldein, Der Reim bei den Griechen und Römern (Leipzig 1892) 19 ff., records
98 examples of Leonine rhyme in Homer's hexameters (64 in Iliad, 34 in Odyssey).
Mimnennus and Callimachus

In the so-called second Prologue to the Aetia (I F 1 Pf.), Callimachus

answers his critics, characterised as malevolent Telchines, who grumble because
he has never written a single, continuous poem in many thousands of lines on
kings and heroes, but even now in old age roUs out a tiny song, like a child
(lines 1-6). The direct address to the Telchines, which begins in line 7, evi-
dently offers examples of small things' superiority to big things. This is
Pfeiffer's text of lines 9-16:

. . . . . . ] . . PITlv [OAh'YO(T'tlXOC;· WJJJ. Ke:ßD.. lKtt

10 . . . . 1toJ~u ~v J.l.a.KMV ÖJl3tVta. 8roJ.l.o<pÜpo[C;·
'tOlV oE] öoolv MiJ.l.Vepf.lOC; o'tt 'YAuciC;, Ka.'tU Arn'tov
........ ] il J.l.E)'UAll 0 oUK roioa.~e )'UvTJ .
. . . . .]ov rn1. 8PTllKa.C; a1t' AiyU1t'totO [1t€tOt'to
a.'{~a.'t]t flU)'J.l.a.irov ilöo~ [y]Epa.[VOC;,
15 Ma.ooa.J'Yeta.i Kat J.l.a.KlpOV ·61o'teUJottv rn' ävOpa.
Mfio·ov]· ~[llöovioec;] ~'ChOe J.l.eAtXp[O]'tepa.t.

While my primary concem here is with lines 11-12, any discussion of the
reference to Mimnennus in that couplet will have to look back and forward to
the exegetical problems and possibilities of the neighbouring couplets;
untidiness is inevitable.!
In the editio princeps of the Prologue,2 Hunt printed Housman's supple-
ments at the beginnings of lines 9 and 10,

~v, E~Ot]ö' [ä]p finv [oAh'Yoo'tptxoC;· OJJ...u Ka.9D..[Ktt

[opuv 1tO]AU 't11V J.l.a.KMV ÖIl1tVta. 8roJ.l.oqx)po[C;,

with this translation and accompanying paraphrase: ' ... weU I know that my
verses are few, but bountiful Demeter far outweighs the taU oak' (= 'com is
better than acoms, though they grow on a tall tree '). In lines 11-12,

['tOlV oE] Ouolv MiJ.l.vEpf.lOC; on 'YAUK'i>C; 0.[ ww - w

[ ...... ] il J.l.E)'aAll 0' oUK roioa.~e )'UvTJ [
! The scholarly literature on these lines has grown into a truly 1tuxi> 'YPaILILU. For es-
pecially useful bibliographicsal surveys, see Herter 1937, Barigazzi 1956, Torraca 1969,
Matthews 1979, Pretagostini 1984, L. Lehnus, Bibliografia Cal/imachea 1489-1988 (Genova
1989) 56 ff.
2 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII, ed. A.S. Hunt (London 1927) 45 ff.
Archibald Allen 147

(with Housman's 1:01V oe), he detected a contrast between Mimnennus' shorter

poems and the J,U:YMll 'Y'>vil, 'i.e. the Nanno, the most celebrated of his works
and the only one cited by name.' That interpretation, he feIt, was confinned by
the comment of the London Scholias2 on the passage:

li'COl 1tOA:U lCa9fA1lCE.l l11:(l,v) 1tOAU ~alCp("v) I

ro{oa~av ai. K(mX AElt1:(6v) I O'UlC ro{o(a~ev) iJ
J,U:YM(l1) I A.f:t€l Ö1:l YAUJC(U<;) Ci M{~vep~o<; I

The scholarly response to hunt's text and interpretation of lines 11-12 was
immediately supportive. Thus, A. Rostagni (RFIC 56 [1928] 11 ff.) completed
line 11 with ali. Ka1:tl AE1t"t6v, from the London Scholiast, and offered PTlOl~ for
the beginning ofline 12. (1 return to PTlOl~ later.) HJ.M. Milne (CR 43 [1929]
214) proposed cMe ~{;v for the latter space, basing his supplement on the Lon-
don Scholiast's entry, cMe' O'ihro(<;) {;v 1:0(i<;) ~llC(pol<;), and translating, 'Of the
two, that Mimnennus was sweet, it is Les Petites that teach us so, not La
Grande.'4 W.M. Edwards (CQ 23 [1930] 110) accepted Milne's Cböe ~ and
suggested that ['wlV oe] ouolV might refer to Mimnennus' 'works considerd as
two groupsl the one multiple, the other single.' And, in effect, Ercole 1929
looked for evidence of two such books in the surviving fragments and notices
of Mimnennus' poetry, the one-Nanno = 'big woman'-a unified compilation
of mythical and historical material, the other containing more subjective and
lyrical elegies. But not everybody was happy with Hunt's interpretation. R.
Pfeiffer (Herrnes 63 [1928] 313) and M. Pohlenz (GGN 1929, 154) feit that it
would be more natural to see in the 'big woman' a scornful allusion to
Antimachus' Lyde, which Callimachus criticises elsewhere as a fat and formless
piece of writing (F 398 Pf., AuolllCat 1taXU ypa~~a lCat OU 1:0pOv). The couplet
then would state that Mimnennus' short or fine poems have established his
sweetness while the Lyde failed to show that Antimachus is sweet.
Six years after the Prologue's appearance, the Rorentine Scholia were
published. 5 This new commentary named some of the Telchines (Asclepiades
of Samos, Posidippus, and Praxiphanes of Mytilene, aniong others), and re-
vealed that Callimachus' lines contained a reference to Philetas and his poetry
as weIl as to Mirnnennus:

3 P. Li!. Lond. 181, col. II, 9-13. This papyrus commentary was published by H. J. M.
Milne, Calalogue ollhe Literary Papyri in lhe British Musewn (London 1927). but Hunt had
published a considerable portion of it in P. Oxy. xvn (preceding note). 55 ff.• to illuminate
the new CaIlimachus papyrus.
4 The Scholiast' s 6:,oE ... ~m.:(pols) follows the direct reference to Mimnermus. but. as
Pfeiffer notes. 'hoc Schol. ad v. 16 pertinere videtur.'
5 Editio princeps: M. Norsa - G. Vitelli, Bulletin de la Sociere royale d' Archiologie d'
Alexandrie 28 (1933) 123 ff.; PSI XI. 1935, n. 1219 fr. 1. 12-15.
148 Appendix B

1tapa}ti8ewl u: Ev <J(UY)KPl<JEt 'tU <>A.lyOlV <J'tl-

X{OlV) öv}t(u) 1tOtTUlma Mtj.l.vepj.l.OU 'tou Ko-
A.o<p<.O]vloÜ Kat <l>tA.l'ta 'tO'U Kci>ou ~tA.'ti.ova
't{rov) 1tOA.]U<J'tlXOlV am( ) <pU<JKON etVat[ ....

In fact, Edwards (eited above) had already divined a reference to Philetas in line
9, reading Kffito~ -hot> pEroV, 'The Coan, though he is as sweet as you are sour,
is a poet of few lines; but. .. ' In the next line, öj.l.1tVta eroj.l.<><p6po~ might then
denote Philetas' Demeter, while opUv might aIlude to the opU~ U'l'lKOj.l.O~, the
oal< of Dodona, with its lofty foliage, which furnished the sacred stern-post of
the Argo (Gd. 14.317 ff.); opuv . .. nlv j.l.UKpT)V then could mean 'the long story
about the Argo': Philetas' Demeter is superior to Apollonius' epic.
The new commentary appeared to confmn Edwards' guess that öj.l.1tVta
ee<Jj.1O<p6po~ refers to the Demeter, but it also seemed to some-including the
fIrst editors, Norsa-Vitelli-to require that opUv or some other such supplement
at the beginning of the line should refer or allude to a lengthy poem by Philetas,
and that j.l.eyaAll .. .yuvft in line 12 should likewise refer or allude to a lengthy
work by Mimnennus. The lack of a scholarly consensus about that requirement
needs to be emphasised, for there was (and still is) disagreement over the proper
reading of the Scholiast's abbreviation au't' in line 15 (= ml'ta. or at)'trov ?):
'He places in a comparison the poems of few lines of Mimnennus of Colophon
and Philetas of Cos, (1) declaring them (au'ta.) to be better than (sc. other
poets') poems of many lines, ' or (2) ' ... declaring (sc. them) to be better than
their own (au'trov) poems of many lines.' I shall return below to the question
of au't·. It may be useful now, in passing, to mention a few of the early
attempts to accommodate the Scholiast' s remarks as far as Philetas is concemed.
On the one hand, in pursuit of what might be called an 'intemal ' comparison,
G. Coppola (Rend. del. R. Accad. del. Sei. di Bologna [1932-33] 30 ff.; cf.
Cirene e i/ nuovo Cal/imaco [Bologna 1935] 138 ff.) maintained that opUv] is
the actual title of a long poem by Philetas, which Callimachus deerns inferior
to his Demeter, cf. K.J. McKay, Antichthon 12 (1978) 36 ff. C. Gallavotti
(SIFC 10 [1932-331 234) supplemented the line with ypauv], supposing that
ypauv . ..'tl)v j.l.aKpT)V might allude to lengthy, mythological love poetry ad-
dressed to Bittis, Philetas' wife or lover (Athen. 13.598 f. = Hennes. F 7.77
PowelI). A. Rostagni (RFIC 11 [1933] 202) proposed 1toU]ov, with 'tl)V
j.l.aKpT)V alone supposedly alluding to the same Bittis poetry. And G. Vitelli (PSI
XI [1935] 141, n. 2) offered Krov] with Krov 'tl)v j.l.aKpT)v denoting a long
foundation poem, named after Philetas' native island of Cos. On the other hand,
to effect an 'external' comparison, P. Maas (Gnomon 10 [1934] 163) suggested
that ypauv] or YPllUV] or YPt-Uv] might refer to Antimachus' Lyde. And even
before publication of the Florentine Scholia, A. Vogliano (ap. J.G. Milne, JEA
17 [1931] 118) had followed Edwards in seeking an allusive reference to the
Archibald Allen i49

Argonautica; his VllUV anticipates A.P. Smotrytseh's vauv (Miscellanea di Studi

alessandrini in memoria di A. Rostagni [rurin 1963] 250).
As for Mirnnermus, the Florentine Seholia failed to convinee M. Pholenz
that the 'big woman' was not Antimaehus' Lyde (Hermes 68 [1933] 318). And
Pohlenz was soonjoined by Herter 1937, 102. But Gallavotti and Coppola now
followed Rostagni, Milne, Ercole, and Edwards (all eited above) in aeeepting
the 'internal' eomparison, and they in turn were joined by L. Alfonsi (Aegypt.
23 [1943] 160 f.). Magisterial endorsement of this interpretation had eome from
E. Label who, in his reconstruetion of a large part of the Prologue's text 'for
the information of non-specialists' (Hermes 70 [1935] 31 ff.), had noted, on
lines 9-12: 'Contenduntur longa eum brevibus Philetae et Mirnnermi earmina.'
And that was the note whieh Pfeiffer-won over at last-adopted for the lines
in his own edition of the Callimachean fragments in 1949; Smyrneis had been
known as the title of a poem or book by Mirnnermus sinee 1937 but, Pfeiffer
now thought, IlloyaJ.:r\ ynvl], 'si tecte signifieat tinIlum nobis notum, Navvro esse
potest .. vix L!1UPVT\{~.'
In the next deeade, exegesis of the troubled lines found new subtlety at the
hands of Puelma and Barigazzi. Puelma 1954 treated lines 11-12 as
Callimachus' attaek on the aeeepted belief that Antimachus was Mimnermus
redivivus: 'the fme poems of Mirnnermus' two books have shown that he is
sweet, not so the big woman (sc. that Antimaehus is sweet); '6 in place of
Antimaehus, Callimaehus presents Philetas, the allusive referenee to whom
occurs not in line 10, where we should understand a eontest of plants (as in
[amb. IV), but in line 16. Attempts to introduee Philetas in that line had been
made earlier. C. Gallovotti (Aegypt. 22 [1942] 115 f.) thought that lines i3-16
deal with Philetas' longer and shorter poems: the crane's flight and the feats of
the Ma<;sagetai signify the eensured poetry, while line 16 refers to the Coan' s
shorter work:

Macrcrayetat Kat !1UKpov oi:cr'truOtEV rn' ävöpa

vroM:!1a;]· a[i. Konat] ö', 6>OE ~lxp[6]n~pal.

Koai, Gallavotti suggested, was the tide of a lost yuvalKoov Ka'taA.oyo~.7

Gallavotti was followed by Q. Cataudella (Atene e Roma Sero 3.11 [1943] 41
ff.) who proposed a similar reading:

Macrcrayetat Kat !1aKpOV oi:cr'teUou::v eTC' ävopa

TIEpO"T\V]· a[t KOOlat] 0' 6>OE ~lXp[6hepat.

6 This was also Herter's rendering of the couplet (1937, 101).

7 Originally, Gallavotti had assumed that there were allusive references 10 Philetas'
poetry in line 10 (see above). He reverted 10 that view in pp 5 (1950) 93.
150 Appendix B

But his interpretation was different (ai Krotat = ai Krotat Pf1cru,~); lines 13-15
admit that the crane can fly far and the Massageti can shoot far, but the short
poems of Philetas are sweeter, because they are shorter, than the long poems.
Puelma 1954 offered two supplements for the beginning of line 16, each of
which allowed Housman' s allöoviö~ to remain in the text, and also avoided
Gallavotti's and Cataudella's distinetion between long and short poems by the
same poet:

(A) MacrcraYEtat KaI. llaKPOV otcrn:uolfV f1t' ävöpa'

Krotat] a[llöovio~] ö' cbOE J.tEAtXp[6}tEpat
(B) MacrcraYEtat KaI. JlaKpOV OW''tf:UOlfV f1t' ävöpa
Krowv]' a[llöoviö~] ö' cbOE J.tEAtxp[6}tEpat

The aggressive crane and the far-shooting Massagetai of lines 13-15 now rep-
resent the barbarous enemies of the sensitive poets (= the Pygrnies). Version
(A) of line 16 says that Coan nightingales are sweeter: Philetas is superior to
his detractors. Version (B) specifies further the object of the enemies' attack,
the 'Coan man,' Philetas himself.
Puelma's arguments were taken up by Barigazzi 1956. He agreed with
Puelma in asserting that the Obig woman' is Antimachus' Lyde, although his
understanding of what the Lyde failed to show was somewhat different: 'with
their two famous books, that Mirnnermus is sweet his short poems show-the
big woman (of Antimachus) did not (show that Mimnermus is sweet).' He also
feit that the reference to Philetas must lie in line 16, but his explanation of lines
13-15 differed completely from Puelma's. The crane and the Massagetai cannot
represent the fine poets' enemies, . he argued, for the crane appears to be vic-
torious over the Pygrnies, delighting in their blood, while the <Xv1lP against
whom the Massagetai shoot their arrows can be none other than the Mede
(Herod. 1.204-16). Rather, Barigazzi saw in lines 13-15 allusions to the work:
of another poet condernned by Callirnachus, namely Choerilus of Samos, who
may have included in his Persika an account of Cyrus' battles with the
Massagetai and a war between cranes and Pygrnies.8 Since rn' ävöpa, without
an adjective, may mean, 'against the enemy,' neither Milöov nor TI€pc:n,v is
necessary at the beginning of line 16, and there is room for a supplement which
will refer to Philetas. Barigazzi suggested two readings, based on the tradition
of Philetas' devotion to his studies and his subsequent and extreme slendemess:

(A) <i>povti]ö[ ~ ai Krotat] ö' cbOE J.tEAtXp[ 6}tEpat

(B) ai Krot]~( t ~at] Ö' cbOE J.tEAtXp[ 6}cEpat

8 Barigazzi's introduction of Choerilus was accepted by P. E. Eichgriin, KaIlimachos

und Apollonios Rhodios (Berlin 1961) 73 11
Archibald Allen 151

Like the poet himself, the literary results of his careful ponderings are slender,
and thus sweeter.9
Still convinced that Callimachus is rejecting Antimachus and naming
Philetas as Mimnermus redivivus, Puelma 1957 abandoned line 16 and concen-
trated on lines 11-12. TIlls was his new reading:

'Co'iv OE ] Ouo'iv, Mif.LvEpj.1O~ Ö'tt YAu1ci>~, c:x.i Kmo. A€7ttOV

Krofu~ .~. iteY6All 0' OUlC OO{Oc:x.~e yuvft.

'Of the two, the slender Koan women (= poems of Philetas) have shown that
Mimnermus is sweet, the big woman (= the Lyde of Antimachus) did not show
(sc. that Mimnermus is sweet).'
Matthews 1979 has expanded upon Puelma's second reading, arguing for
yet another allusive reference to Antimachus, in line 10:

at..t..o. lCc:x.Sf)..[ KU
Sruv] 1tOAU -riJv f.l{X.lCpT]V Öf.L1tVtc:x. eOOf.L0<p6po[~

The 'long goddess,' he says, will be the Artemis of Antimachus, 'a lengthy work
in two or more books,' so that lines 10-12 will yield a chiastic sequence: the
Artemis of Antimachus is inferior to the Demeter of Philetas, and the slender
poems of Philetas have demonstrated Mimnermus' sweetness, not the Lyde of
Antimachus. By aremarkable coincidence, and almost simultaneously, Hollis
1978 also thought ofSruv and Antimachus' Artemis, although he admitted the
possibility that lines 9-10 deal only with Philetas (i.e. in an 'internal' compari-
son). Müller 1987 (cf. 1989, 209 ff.) offers a variation on Puelma's reading,
with Milne's Cböe f,.LEv rather than Krotc:x.t at the beginning of line 12: 'that
Mimnermus is sweet, the dainty maidens (c:x.i lCc:x.'Co. l..€7ttov) have shown thus
(i.e. through their 1..€7ttÜ'tl)~), the big woman (of Antimachus) did not show:'
the identity of the 'dainty maidens' (= Philetas' poems) is secured supposedly
by the introduction of the 'Coan'-after Edwards (above) and Wimmel (be-
low}-in line 9:

KrotO~-~ yo.]p fllv [oA]tyO(J'ttxo~; illo. mSf)..lCet

opßv 1tO]Au -riJv f.l{X.lCpT]V Öf,.L1tVtc:x. eOOf.LO<PÜ Po [~

(In li ne 10, Müller would have areal tree and real corn, but Öf.L1tVtc:x.
eOOj.1Oq>6po~ willalso allude to Philetas' Demeter.)
As this brief survey has shown, identification of f.Lq6All yuvft with
Antimachus' Lyde entails a statement about that poem's failure to demonstrate
either that Antimachus is sweet or that Mimnermus is sweet. Of those seeming

9 P. M. Fraser, PtolerruJic Alexandria II (Oxford 1972) 1052, printed [q>POVtl]ö[~ ai.

Krolal]. He found both supplemental readings 'very convincing' (1053, n. 253). .
152 Appendix B

alternatives, the second-pace Puelma, Barigazzi, et al.~an hardly be deemed

plausible. The problem lies not so much in the conceit itself as in the difficulty
of extracting it from the Greek, for the assertion Mlj.LvEpj.l.O<; Ö'tt yA.uJCU<; ... i]
JlZYaAT\. . .oUK €Öi&x.~e yuvft is surely too straightforward to conceal the neces-
sary ellipse: 'the big woman (=Lyde) did not teach (sc. by her failure to re-
produce Mimnermus' sweetness) that Mimnermus is sweet. '10 The other
reading also assumes an awkward ellipse: ' ... his fme poems have taught that
Mimnennus is sweet, but the big woman (= Lyde) has not taught (sc. that
Antimachus is sweet).' Here, as Holiis 1978 observes, it is 'the lack of balance
in the whole couplet' which is problematical, 'with one side represented by the
poet's name and work, the other solely by his work.'
It may be worth adding another objection-and perhaps the most serious
one-to any supposed censure of Antimachus either in lines 11-12 or the pre-
ceding couplet. At least two of the Telchines, Asclepiades and Posidippus, as
identified by the Florentine Scholiast (lines 4-5), were enthusiastic admirers of
Antimachus' work. An epigram of Asclepiades (AP 9.63 =958-62 Gow-Page)
hails the Lyde as 'to ~uvov Moucrrov ypaj.LJlU Kat 'Av'ttj.Laxou. And Posidippus
praised the same poem implicitly by including its namesake and Antimachus,
along with Nanno and Mimnermus, in his 'toasts for lovers' (AP 12.168 = 3086-
93 Gow-Page = T 5). Callimachus would have nothing to gain, then, by stating,
either flatly or subtly, that Antimachus' Lyde is inferior to Mimnermus' Nanno,
or that his Anemis is inferior to Philetas' Demeter, or simply that Antimachus
is not sweet. To be effective, his illustrations of the superiority of oligostichia
over polystichia must be beyond dispute. The Telchines must admit their truth
(cf. Bowie 1986,28). Logically, therefore, there can be no room here for any
disparaging criticism of Antimachus (cf. Pretagostini 1984, 131).
It would appear to be very likely, then, that lines 11-12 present an 'in-
ternal' comparison, between Mimnermus' small-scale poems and his 'big
woman,' or lengthy poem. And indeed that is the sort of comparison which the
Florentine Scholiast almost certainly describes: ' ... declaring (Mimnermus ' and
Philetas' poems of few lines) to be better than their own poems of many lines.'
The abbreviation au't' stands for a{nrov ('of them' = 'their own '); cf. P.J. Par-
sons ap o Hollis 1978, 403, and K. McNamee, 'The Long and Short of
Callirnachus Aetia Fr. 1.9-12,' Am. Soc. 0/ Papyrologists. Bulletin 19 (1982) 83

10 Even the conceit is not really secure since one could easily turn it around and
maimain that the Lyde, by its very deficiencies, did in fact demonstrate Mimnennus' superi-
ority and sweeUless.
11 M. Pohlenz (Herrnes 68 (1933) 318) thought that even amoov might indicate the
'external' comparison, referring to other poets named by the Scholiast in lines lO-ll, but the
natural referents of a\ycoov are clearly Mimnennus and Philetas.
Archibald Allen 153

Early efforts to identify the Obig woman' with Mimnennus' Nanno have
been noted above. It may be added now that this identification has attracted
some support in the last thirty years or so, even if the level of support can hardly
be called enthusiastic; cf. Della Corte 1965, Garzya 1965, Torraca 1969, 46.
The most elaborate case for it has been offered by WimmeI1960, 91, who feels
that the designation Obig woman' refers to Nanno but also embraces what is
virtually a new species of poetry-the lengthy love elegy incorporating mythe-
logical narrative, or the series of individual love elegies, thematically bound
together--whose development might be traced from Mirnnennus to Philetas
and Hennesianax through the poet who did most to nurture it, and put its
characteristic stamp on it, namely Antimachus of Colophon. But even if the
development of such a species could be traced (and the species itself
scrutinised), JleyuAll YUVTt would seem to refer only to a work by Mirnnennus.
And the likelihood thal Nanno was an Alexandrian collection of Mirnnennus'
elegies (see above, pp. 20 ff.) rather than a single long poem argues strongly
against our e.quating it with the censured Obig woman.'
Apart from Nanno, the only other title associated with Mimnennus' writ-
ings is Smyrneis, preserved by an Antimachean comrnentator who quotes a
distich from a work so named (F 13). Following a suggestion of Della Corte
1943, 11, that this Smyrneis might have been a narrative elegy, a krisis poem
in the style of Xenophanes' 1C'ttOl~ KOA<><P&VO~ and Semonides' 'ApxutoA.oy{a.
LaJlto)V, Colonna 1952 took the step ofidentifying it with the Obig woman; ' the
eponymous founder of Smyma was Smyma the Amazon, a Obig woman,' whom
Mirnnennus will have included in his account of the city's beginnings.
In the years imrnediately following its publication, Colonna's proposal was
overshadowed by the more elaborate exegeses of Puelma and Barigazzi, but it
now appears to be enjoying a modest yet serious revival. West 1974,74, judges
it a possibility. Gentili-Prato (on their Test. 10 and fr. 24) have accepted it.
Töchterle 1980 defends it at length and in detail, finding reinforcement for it in
the identification of Smyma the Amazon with Cybele, the JlqUAll JlTt'tllP. And
it has found favour also with Pretagostini 1984, 132 ff., and Bowie 1986,28 f.
But the major weakness of the proposal must still be faced: the assumption that
the Smyrneis was a krisis elegy is not supported by the (probable) testimony of
Pausanias that its subject was the celebrated battle between Smymaeans and
Lydians under Gyges. What follows, then, is an attempt to confront that weak-
ness and salvage Colonna's identification.
We may hardly irnagine that Mimnennus wrote an entire book of 1500-
2000 lines on that single battle with Gyges, but even if the Smyrneis boasted
only 400-500 lines it might have appeared-or could have been represented-
as a work of epic proportions when compared with poems of 10-20 lines. And
it will have had an epic ring to it, with at least one king and heroes from an
earlier day: it was a Obig' poem. If it dealt even briefly with Smyrna's founding
154 Appendix B

and mentioned the Amawn Smyma, the Alexandrians would have had ample
reason to speak of it as the 'big woman.' But even if it contained no mention
of that founding or the Amazon, it celebrated the victory of Smyma, and
Callimachus and his leamed friends and critics all knew how Smyma had
acquired its name. One might guess that the name of the city itself, appearing
early in the poem, could have eamed the work its nickname. 12 With this in-
terpretation, Callimachus will be playing on the modest extent of Mimnermus'
venture into epic narrative; and of course he must be able to count on the
Telchines' ready agreement that it was the small-scale poems, not the 'big
woman,' which demonstrated Mimnennus' sweetness. If, as suggested above
(p. 25), the Smyrneis had a place within the Nanrw, it is conceivable that the
Alexandrian literati drew a playful distinction between Mimnermus' 'slender
girls' or 'maidens,' those small-scale elegies, and his 'big woman,' the
Smyrneis, so that one might wish to consider a more lively supplement than
Rostagni's PTI<H~ at the beginning of line 12:

'tOlV oE] OUOlV, MiIlVePIlO~ än YAuci~, ai lC(l'ta A.rn-tOV

K&pai y'], 'h J..LqM.T\ 8' oUK roioa~e Y1>vft.

' ... his slender maidens 13 for their part showed, the big woman did not. .. ' While
a ye-approximating to IlEv (Denniston 1934, 140 f.}-is not essential for the
contrast, it may serve to make it sharper.
As for the preceding couplet, Wimmel 1958, 352 (cf. 1969, 87 f.) had
introduced Philetas with an ironic question in line 9:

KrotO~ OUK ä]p' ÖlV [6Ahyoo'ttxo~; äJJ..1J. Ka9v...Kel

If however lines 9-10 are to accommodate an 'internal' comparison, there will
need to be an admission that Philetas was not--or at least not exclusively-a
poet 'of few lines,' so that one might read:

KrotO~ OU ya]p ÖlV [6A1tyOO'ttXO~' äJJ..1J. Ka9v...lCel

9eUv 1tO]AU t'hv llaKp'hv OIl1tVla 9roll<><p6po[~
'The Coan, it's true, was not a poet of few lines-but then the bountiful Law-

12 On this possibility, see above, p. 25.

13 My lC&pCll (for the fonn, cf. H. 5.27, 138; H. 6.9) obviously owes something to
Puelma's Koo'ia.t, mentioned above. Against the lauer, Wimmel 1958,347, n. 4, objected that
the adverbial phrase lCa.'teX Arn'tov requires a verbal substantive such as PTt(HE~ or YPO:flfUX, a
somewhat pedantic objection since the 'Coan maidens' were supposed to be immediately
recognisable as Philetas' PTtOtE<; (cf. Smotrytsch 1963,250; Matthews 1979, 134 f.). I should
argue that the present 'maidens' are also supposed to be recognisable as poetical writings.
Rostagni's PTtOtE<; was based on Ep. 27.3-4, Xa.iPE'tE Arn'ta.i / PTtOtE<;. 'APTt'tou aUflßoAoV
uypu1tViT)<;. But even though it fits nicely with lCa.'teX M:1t'tov, it sounds a bit flat in the present
Archibald Allen 155

giver far outweigh the taU goddess . .. ' The 'Lawgiver' will refer to Philetas'
Demeter, which is likely 10 have been a unified miscellany of shorter pieces
rather than a single, continuous narrative. I would suggest very tentatively, and
with all due respects to Matthews and Rollis, that the 'taU goddess' is not
Arternis but Athena, the most 'epic' of the goddesses, and traditionally the
patron of Odysseus, whose adventures Philetas treated in a lengthy hexametric
poem. 14
Whatever our final preferences in supplementing these difficult couplets,
at least there is agreement that Callirnachus here illustrates a thernatic distinc-
tion between ~rt)o~ and Arn-tcm,~ in poetry. His concem rnight seem at first
to be simply a concem about size or length; as noted, the Telchines complain
that he has never written a single, continuous, epic poem, but even now
composes on a tiny scale, like a child: 15

ElvElCEJv OUX €v Ö.Et0J.Ul Ot"'VElC~ 11 j3acrtA[..,

. . .. . .]a~ Ev 1tOAAa~ iiwoa XtAUXOtV
5 11 .....]. ou~ i1fXOO~, rno~ 0' E1t1. 't'U'tOov fA,[tooO)
1ta'i~ ä'tJE, 'trov 0' erwv il OElCal~ OUlC ot...tYll.
But the real issue is technique, not length: a poet's oO<pt.., should be judged by
't€xvTJ, not by the Persian measuring chain (17-18). The long, 'unbroken' or
'continuous' poem is to be avoided because it encourages stylistic ~rt)o~ or
1taxm..,~; when Callimachus fIrst began to write, Apollo advised him to raise
the sacrifIcial victim as fat as possible but to keep his Muse slender, 'to J.l.EV euo~
Öt'tt 1t(XXto'tov / 9pe\jfat, 'ti,]v Moooav 0'...Arn-ta.Ah,v (23-24).16
If it is assumed that ai lCa'ta Arn-tov .. . (11-12) refers to Mirnnermus'
small-scale poems, the surviving fragments, scanty as they are, should help to
explain that favourable reference. First, brevity does indeed appear 10 have
been a hall-mark of Mirnnermus' work. F 1 and F 2 are probably complete
poems. F 12 (Helios) may also be a whole elegy, and F 15 (the hero) would
seem to be virtually a complete poem as it stands. The apparently brief

14 The tide of this poem, Hermes, has never been explained eonvineingly (cf.
Kuehenmüller 1928, 46 ff.), but Hermes is certainly secondary to Athena in providing divine
support for Odysseus in the Odyssey.
15 Pfeiffer's text. Friedländer's EA.[auvro may be preferable to Hunfs ü..jicrcrro in line
5; see L. Lehnus, ZPE 89 (1991) 24.
16 On the eoneept of Ae1t't<Ytrt<; in Alexandrian literary eritieism, see especially E.
Reitzenstein, 'Zur Stiltheorie des Kallirnachos,' Festschrift Richard Reitzenstein (Leipzig u.
Berlin 1931) 23 ff.; see also Wimmel 1960, 75 ff., Lohse 1973, Puelrna 1982, 224 ff. A.
Cameron, CQ 41 (1991) 534 ff., discusses the celebrated Ae1t't<Ytrt<; of Philetas (mentioned
above): the tradition of his extreme slendemess reflects comie ridieule of the intellectual, not
humorous aeknowledgment of the poet's stylistie At:1t't<Ytrt<; (as suggested by E. Calder6n
156 Appendix B- Bibliography

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participants' songs. In turn, the demands of brevity will have encouraged the
light, slender, allusive handling of old themes which we find, for example, in
F 11 (Jason), and probably also F 4 (fithonus). We catch glimpses of the later,
Callimachean A.rn-t&n,~.


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A 84. 85, 86, 110. 137, 141, 148,

Aia 87, 88, 89, 90, 93 correption. epic 143
Aietes 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 111 Attie 47
Alcaeus 5, 6, 9, 22, 23, 43, 62, 117
Aleman 6, 9, 18, 32, 42, 56, 76, 113, D
118, 129, 135, 139
Ales 74, 82, 83, 84 Diomedes 41, 45, 117. 136, 137
Alyattes 10, 11, 12, 13,77, 120 disease(s)42. 49. 50
Amazon(s) 24, 25, 135 doctors 20, 138
Andraemon 11, 75, 76, 80, 83, 86 E
Antigone 134
Antimaehus 4, 6, 7, 9, 13, 14, 21, 22, eclipse see solar ec/ipse
91, 102, 110, 112, 114, 139, 147, enjambement 140, 144. 145
148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153 Eos 54. 55. 56, 62, 94, 101, 102, 103,
Aphrodite 31, 33, 34, 35, 54, 55, 83, 107, 108, 109, 141
88, 100, 101, 102, 107, 112, 136, Ephesus 8. 16, 24, 81, 84, 96, 97
137, 142 Ethiopians 54, 94, 107, 108. 111
Aphrodite's gifts 31, 34, 35, 82
Archilochus 7, 8, 9, 28, 62, 67, 70, F
80, 81, 132, 139, 140, 143, 145 fate 44. 45, 67, 68, 99, 130
Argonauts 88, 89, 90, 91, 156 'fig-branch tune' 16
Asia 6, 10, 12, 13, 15, 24, 74, 75, 76, 'flowers of youth' 35
80, 81, 126, 127 formulaie dietion 140. 141, 142
Athena 62, 119, 134
aulos 16, 17, 18, 21 G
B gold/'golden' 14, 33. 34. 61. 89, 91,
92, 95, 98, 99. 100. 104. 106
'big woman' 24, 25, 147, 149, 150, Gyges 9, 10. 11. 12. 18, 23, 25. 26,
152, 153, 154 52. 80. 81. 111, 112. 113, 117, 120,
'boys' (homoerotic themes) 18,21, 126. 137, 153
Hades 40, 49, 99
eaesurae 143, 144, 145 Helios 13. 20, 39, 87, 89. 91, 92, 94.
Callimachus 5, 7, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 95, 96. 97, 98. 99. 100, 101, 102,
84, 116, 128, 146, 147, 148, 149, 103. 104. 105. 108, 109, 141, 144,
150, 151, 152. 154. 155. 156 155
Callinus 7. 8, 10, 36, 61, 67, 80, 81. Hephaistos 91. 94, 95. 104, 143, 145
117. 143, 145 Hermes 14, 15, 33, 115, 140, 148, 155
Cimmerians 80. 126 Hermesianax 4. 16, 17. 18, 19. 21, 22.
Claros 78. 84 27. 28, 52, 145, 153
Colophon 3. 4.7, 8, 10. 11, 13. 14. Hermus 9. 10. 12. 14. 15, 116
16. 17. 20. 23. 24. 26, 74, 75, Hesperides 94. 95, 106, 107, 141,
76. 77. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82. 83, 144, 145
Archibald Allen 167

hiatus 119, 141, 142 ouranos 102

Hipponax 4, 6, 16, 24, 26, 28 Ovid 129
hoplite tactics 17, 112,118,119
Horace 5, 22, 33
hortatory elegy 10, 20, 21, 23
hybris 11, 17, 20, 39, 76, 77, 78, 79 Paiones 125, 126, 127, 128
Hyperion 39, 94, 96, 107, 109, 144 Panyassis 26, 95, 96, 106
I Peric1ymenus 133, 134
Philetas 5, 7, 66, 147, 148, 149, 150,
iarnbics 26, 27, 28, 29, 139 151, 152, 153, 154, 155
lonia/lonians 11,12,14, 15,16,17,20, polis 47, 70, 82, 95, 124, 137
75, 76, 77, 78,80, 81,84, 85, Posidippus 4, 17, 21, 22, 147, 152
118, 126, 135, 137, 156 'preface' (prelude, proem) 9, 114 ff.
Ismene 130, 133, 134 Propertius 5
ltaly 136, 137 proverb(s) 28, 29, 135
Pylos 10, 11, 13, 74, 75, 76, 80
Jason 20, 87, 88, 89, 90, 99, 156
rhyme 140, 141, 145
ker(es) 40,45, 46
Sappho 55, 118, 129, 131
L scansion 142
'Ieaves' (leaf simile) 41 ff. Sipylus Mt. 79,129 f.
Ligyrtyades 3, 15, 16 Smyrna 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 20,
Lyde 22, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152 24, 25, 26, 52, 66, 74, 77, 78, 79,
Lydia/Lydians 9, 10, 11, 18, 23, 25, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 89, 102, 110,
76,77,78,79,80, 81, 111,113, 116, 113, 119, 120, 130, 134, 135, 149,
118, 130, 133, 137, 140, 141,153 153, 154
Smyrnaeans 3,9, 10, 12, 13, 18, 23, 24,
M 25,78,84,111,117,119,130,153
Smyrneis 9, 10, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 111,
Medea 88, 89, 90, 99 114, 115, 149, 153, 154
Meles 83, 84 solareclipse 9, 12, 100, 132
Muse(s) 9, 23, 73, 83, 113, 114, 115, Solon 7, 9, 12, 15, 16, 32, 39, 44, 47,
155 48, 56, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 81, 99,
115, 138, 143, 145
Sun see Helios
Nanno/Nanno 4, 17, 18, 19,20,21, Sun's cup 95 ff., 103 ff.
22, 23, 25, 27, 53, 58, 59, 72, 74, superlatives 73, 114, 131
86, 94, 138, 147, 152, 153, 154 symposia 17, 18, 20, 26, 33, 56, 66,
Nicander 13, 21 73, 156
Niobe 13, 129, 130, 131 synizesis 35, 42, 143

o T
Ocean 91,95,102,106 Tantalus 62, 81, 130
Old Smyrna see Smyrna Thargelia 16
168 Index

Theognis 22, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, Tydeus 117,133, 134
45, 47, 49, 50, 52, 56, 57, 58, 59,
60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, X
73, 79, 82, 99, 100, 105, 124, 145 Xenophanes 24,26,48,91,93, 103,
Tithonus 20, 53, 54, 55, 56, 61, 62, 107, 108, 109, 145, 153
102, 107, 156