Chapter II

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CHAPTER II:
“For me context is the key – from that comes the

understanding of everything.” – Kenneth Noland
Learning Objectives:
At the end of this chapter, the PhilSCAns will be able to:
1. Decipher the content and context of given primary sources;

2. Explain the nature and parameters of content and contextual analysis;
3. Identify the historical importance of a primary source or text; and
4. Examine the historian’s main argument and point of view in selected primary sources.
5. Develop critical and analytical skills with exposure to primary sources.
Content and
Contextual Analysis
Analysing the content and context of a particular
source entails critical thinking. As previously discussed;
treating historical evidence or primary sources in the light of
contemporary conceptions is one of the common mistakes
students of history commit. This error roots to the concept that
modern thinking is dissimilar from what is present in the
past. Here, fitting the shoes of people before is a crucial step
in deciphering the content and context of various primary
sources. An individual who is thinking about the context of
the evidence he is analysing.
Context, in perspective, is how society defines a situation of The broad social context
interaction. It is a shared meaning that provides “an underlying encompasses shared meanings
orientation for subsequent action.” In light, Contextualization is in a larger network of human
experience.
carefully and critically placing a primary source in its historical
context. On the other hand, historical context means analysing primary sources in the
parameters of its original essence. This concept should be strictly followed for sources are
conclusively tied to the conditions of its zeitgeist.
In determining the presence of ideas within texts or sets of text, content analysis is the
tool that should be utilized. It is further divided into: conceptual and relational analyses. The
former determines the existence and frequency of concepts in a source, while the latter focuses
on the examination of the relationship of the concepts in the source.
Readings in Philippine History

Property of Mr. Jairo Hernandez Osorio, LPT
17
Examining the Sources’

Arguments and Views
Determining the point of view of the writers or historians is crucial in deciphering their
outlook or stand on the matter they worked on. In particular, this habit of mind allows students of
history to see the priorities, beliefs, and values the writers or historians possesses that might have
influenced how they selected and presented certain historical knowledge.
First Phase: Audience and Purpose

Audience Who are the intended audience of the work (general public, professionals,
peers, supporters, or people who opposes his or her views?
Purpose Why did the writer of historian created the source – to inform, narrate,
describe, persuade, or to make the audience believe or do something?
Second Phase: Finding Clues
Supporting Evidence Did the writer or historian employed source mining?
Vocabulary Choice Is the source loaded with inflammatory terms?
Chart exhibiting a simple guide for history students in determining the point of view of a source.
Importantly, in examining the arguments and views of various sources, the application of
internal or textual criticism is a must. It helps you to constantly doubt a source – one of the
historian’s unique attributes. In this regard, the concept map below exhibits certain reasons why
students analysing the past, like you, should constantly doubt the accuracy and authenticity of the
pieces of historical source in you use.
interest
literay sympathy or
distortion antipthy
poor analysis Reasons to

and vanity
interpretation Doubt!
negligence
forces of
and
circumstances
indifference
deference to
public
opinion
Common errors historians commit in analysing and interpreting the past.
For you to better understand the concept map:
1. Interest. Does the source exhibits the historian’s interest that could, in any way, have
influenced the way he or she interpreted and analysed it?
2. Sympathy and Antipathy. Does the source manifest the historians’ sympathy or
antipathy toward his or her chosen topic?

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3. Vanity. Does the source radiate the historian’s egotism?

4. Forces of Circumstances. Does the source testify to the fact that the historian
compromised the essence of truth history due to various forces of circumstances?
5. Deference to Public Opinion. Does the source give reverence to public opinion making
it incredible?
6. Negligence. Does the source radiate the idea that historians became negligent of other
historical evidence that could strengthen it?
7. Indifference. Does the source provide insignificant knowledge?
8. Poor Analysis and Interpretation. Does the source manifest the historian’s poor
analysing and interpreting skills?
9. Literary Distortion. Does the source manifests the historian’s ability to present the
truth by distorting his or her analysis for some reasons such as the pressure to tell
fabricated facts in order to consider public opinion, and literary or dramatic motives?
Deciphering Content and

Context of Selected
Primary Sources
In the first chapter, you were introduced to the concept of internal or textual criticism. As
discussed, it involves the thorough analysis of various forces of circumstances that shape a particular
historical material. Combining such to the previous lesson, the nature and parameters of content and
contextual analysis, you will be able to analyse different primary sources. Various levels of analyses
are but necessary to decipher its context and importance to history. You will accomplish the goal
through the mandated sources ranging from chronicle, official document, and speech to cartoons:
Primary Source Author/Compiler

Magellan’s Voyage Antonio Pigafetta
The Kartilya ng Katipunan Emilio Jacinto
Proclamation of Philippine Independence Ambrosio Bautista
Philippines under America in Caricature Alfred McCoy
The Termination of 1972 Martial Law Ferdinand Marcos
Aquino’s Speech before US Congress Corazon Aquino
To deeply engage in deciphering the content and context of the above-stated primary
sources, the following guide questions are of great essence:
1. Who created the primary source (background, biases and stereotypes, points)?
2. Why was the primary source created?
3. What is the context of time when the source was created?
4. Are there clues within the primary source that place it to its context?
5. Does the context of the primary source corroborate or contradict with other existing
sources?

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MAGELLAN’S VOYAGE
One of the notable historical materials in the
study of pre-colonial Philippines is Antonio Pigafetta’s
travelogue. His account is considered as a major
primary source to events leading to Ferdinand
Magellan’s arrival and encounters with its native
leaders, his death in the Battle of Mactan, and the
retreat of his remaining fleet. As established, Pigafetta
was able to develop a detailed historical material
regarding the Philippine pre-colonial society as they
first made contact with its inhabitants. Nonetheless, as An art depiction of the Battle of Mactan which took place in 1521.
students of history, you still need to realize that such account is a product of the author’s
perspectives shaped by context of his time and society.
In analysing, you are bound to recognize varying elements such as Pigafetta’s identity and
educational background, his biases, loyalty, and circumstances he was under when the account is
being produced. For example, the author would describe the natives and their society according to
the sixteenth century European standards. Hence, determining the effects of said elements is
essential for you to reveal the account’s context.
Brief Summary of the First Voyage around the World by Magellan
Employing his expertise in cartography and geography, Pigafetta

was able to describe the location of their destination; Zamal, now Samar,
on March 16, 1521. They pushed through, as per the Magellan’s
directive, an uninhabited island laying on the right of the previous one,
to secure themselves, fetch water, and rest. After almost two days, on
March 18, they had amicable encounter with five ornately-adorned
natives. Exchanges of items between two parties took place.
In the course of encounter between the parties, the chronicler

was able to characterize the natives as friendly, pleasant, conversable,
and very familiar with them. According to him, the natives told them
many things; their names and those of the nearby islands. In return,
Magellan took them to his ship and showed all his merchandise.
Recounted, likewise was having the mortars fired in which created fear Antonio Pigafetta, an Italian scholar
who chronicled Magellan’s voyage.
among their guest – enough to make them try to jump off the ship.
The fleet, then, sailed to Humunu, now Homonhon, and found two springs, where they saw
first signs of gold existence. He later on tagged the island as the “watering-place of good signs.”
On March 28, they saw two balangay full of people in Mazaua. Raia Siagu, the king, as per
Pigafetta, sent men toward and offered a bar of gold and chest of ginger. Magellan declined the offer
and asked for money for the needs of his fleet instead. Furthermore, he expressed that they came as
friends not adversaries. In reply, the king sent food provisions in Chinaware. To show his gratitude,
the captain-general gave the king a garment in Turkish fashion and fine cap, while some knives and
mirrors to others. The next day, they expressed their desire to become brothers. In same event,
Magellan boasted his men in armor, weapons, helmets, and artilleries. He likewise shared his charts
and maps, and how they reached the island to said king.

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After few days, the captain-general was introduced to Raia Calambu, his king-friend’s brother,
of Zuluan and Calagan, now Butuan and Caragua. Pigafetta described him as the most handsome king
they saw in the place; with exceedingly black hair hung to his shoulders, yellowish-brown
complexion, and body painted all over. He was also adorned with silk and golden accessories, and
perfumed with storax and benzoin.
On the Easter Sunday of 1521, March 31,

Magellan sent some men with a priest to prepare the
place of the mass. Accompanied with an interpreter,
they told the king that they were not going to dine with
him, but to conduct a mass. The kings, who sent two
dead swine, joined them in their holy gathering. After
the event, the captain-general ordered that a cross be
brought with nails and crown. He explained, through an
interpreter, than the cross would be beneficial for the
natives as whenever any of their ships sail near their
islands would not cause harm to them or their
Botong Francisco’s painting rendition of the Site of First
properties. The cross was later on erected on the
Mass in the Philippines. highest summit they reached.
Magellan asked the kings where they could find the best ports to get food supply. They replied
with three: Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, now Leyte, Cebu, and Caraga. After seven days of stay in
Mazaua, the captain-general decided to move from their current location to Zubu. Raia Calambu
offered to pilot them to the largest and richest island, with most trade, of all the suggested ones.
Upon approaching the port, the captain-general ordered his men to hurl their banners, arrange the
sails as if for battle, and fire the artillery, which caused great fear for the natives. They docked at the
port on the noon of April 7.
The king of Zubu, through the captain-general’s interpreter, welcomed them. However, he
added that as a custom, all ships that enter their port have to pay tribute. The captain-general did not
subscribe to said custom. Thus, the interpreter explained to the king that his master is the captain of
a great king, powerful than of Portogalo, and would not pay to any seignior in the world. He further
elaborated that forging enmity with them would cause his downfall. After that encounter, the king
consulted his council. The next day, they met with them in an open space. From there, the king
offered a bit of his blood and demanded Magellan to do the same.
The next day, Magellan delivered a speech regarding his faith and beliefs to the people of
Zubu. They shared insights such as who will succeed the current king when he ends his reign which
happened to be a princess; and that elderly people had to follow their children as the new leaders of
their society. Magellan conversed that his faith, Christianity, instructs children to give honor and
obedience to their parents. Later on, as Pigafetta observed, the natives exhibited good reactions as
they wished to be Christians as according to their free will, not because they were forced.
In zenith of their efforts, on April 14, they gathered with the principal men of the islands and
the king. Magellan encouraged the king, in order to be a good Christian, to burn their idols and
worship the cross instead. After eight days, Pigafetta noted that all of the island’s inhabitants were
already baptized. Likewise, he admitted that they had to burn a village to the ground for obeying
neither the king nor the captain-general. From then on, masses were conducted on shore every day.
In one gathering, Magellan gave the queen an image of infant Jesus made by Pigafetta. Nevertheless,
some Christianized natives insisted to keep their idols for healing purposes; hence, Magellan
reiterated that they should put their faith in Jesus Christ.
Nearing his end, Magellan responded to Zula, a principal man from Matan, today Mactan. The
man asked the captain-general for a boat full of men so that he would be able to fight a chieftain
named Silapulapu. He added that the chieftain refused to obey the king and was also preventing him
to do so. Hence, three boats were sent with Magellan, as he expressed his willingness to sail to

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Mactan to fight Silapulapu himself. With 49 in their rank, they reached Mactan in daylight. There
awaited an estimate of 1,500 natives.
Pigafetta recounted that Silapulapu arranged his men in three squadrons, as they approached
them with terrible shouts. Two squadrons attacked them on the flanks, and the rest in front. To
counter-attack, Magellan divided his men in two bands. In a distance of half an hour, their
musketeers and crossbow-men fired at the natives. The chronicle observed that their shots were of
no use. Magellan instructed his men not to fire, but he was not listened to. The natives would not
retire, instead they shouted more loudly as they approached. They were springing from one side to
another to avoid getting shot. As they drew nearer, they were throwing arrows, javelins, spears, and
mud, making Magellan and his men to hardly defend themselves.
Magellan was the target during the Battle of Mactan,

as the natives were well-aware that he was the captain-
general. Few men tried to intimidate them by declaring
that they will burn an entire village, but they only enraged
them further. Magellan’s face was hit by a lance, adding to
his previous hit on the right leg by poisoned arrow. He
retaliated and pierced the native who hit him in the breast.
After a while, he seemed out of power to defend himself,
hence the natives took the opportunity to attack him by
groups. With a great sword, a native managed to deliver an
impactful blow on the captain-general’s left leg. He fell to
Magellan’s death, as recreated, in the Battle of Mactan
the ground, and the natives ceaselessly attacked him. in 1521.
In the same battlefield were the king of Zubu, who wept upon perceiving Magellan’s death,
and his men on a balangay. Pigafetta noted that they could have sent reinforcement but Magellan
instructed them not to join so they would see how they fought. After the fateful event, in the
afternoon, the Christian king offered the victors gifts of any value amounting to the captain-general’s
body to retrieve it, but Silapulapu refused. They wanted to keep the body as a symbol of the victory.
THE KKK AND KARTILYA NG KATIPUNAN

The Kartilya ng Katipunan, originally entitled Manga Aral
Nang Katipunan ng mga ANB, which was written by Emilio Jacinto is an
official document that speaks volumes regarding KKK and of the
Katipuneros. It served as the code of conduct, adopted by Andres
Bonifacio for its literary style, for the revolutionaries as they aspired to
liberate themselves from the shackles of Spanish colonization.
The document is influenced by the French Revolution – written

for fraternity whose main purpose is to overthrow the Spanish colonial
regime. This is evident to the values upheld by the document such as
equality, freedom, and tolerance, which were consistent with the
spreading rational and liberal ideas during the period. Significantly, it
guided Katipuneros as they strived to be true with their duties and Emilio Jacinto, the author of
responsibilities to their family, society, and the motherland. Kartilya ng Katipunan.

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Two of the surviving photographs of Katipuneros during the Philippine Revolution.
Kartilya’s fourteen rules were divided into two groups: the first seven rules guided the
members to develop the sense of being an upright individual among them, and the remaining rules
guided them on how they should treat their fellow men.
The Kartilya ng Katipunan
Article Provision
I Ang kabuhayang hindi ginugugol sa isang malaki at banal na kadahilanan ay kahoy na walang
lilim, kundi damong makamandag
II Ang gawang magaling na nagbubuhat sa pagpipita sa sarili, at hindi sa talagang nasang
gumawa ng kagalingan, ay di kabaitan.
III Ang tunay na kabanalan ay ang pagkakawang gawa, ang pagibig sa kapua at ang isukat ang
bawat kilos, gawa’t pangungusap sa talagang Katuiran.
IV Maitim man at maputi ang kulay ng balat, lahat ng tao’y magkakapantay; mangyayaring ang
isa’y higtan sa dunong, sa yaman, sa ganda…; ngunit di mahihigtan sa pagkatao.
V Ang may mataas na kalooban inuuna ang puri sa pagpipita sa sarili; ang may hamak na
kalooban inuuna ang pagpipita sa sarili sa puri.
VI Sa taong may hiya, salita’y panunumpa.
VII Huag mong sasayangin ang panahun; ang yamang nawala’y magyayaring magbalik; nguni’t
panahong nagdaan na’y di na muli pang magdadaan.
VIII Ipagtanggol mo ang inaapi, at kabakahin ang umaapi.
IX Ang taong matalino’y ang may pagiingat sa bawat sasabihin, at matutong ipaglihim ang dapat
ipaglihim.
X Sa daang matinik ng kabuhayan, lalaki ay siyang patnugot ng asawa’t mga anak; kung ang
umaakay ay tungo sa sama, ang patutunguhan ng iaakay ay kasamaan din.
XI Ang babai ay huag mong tignang isang bagay na libangan lamang, kundi isang katuang at
karamay sa mga kahirapan nitong kabuhayan; gamitan mo ng buong pagpipitagan ang
kaniyang kahinaan, at alalahanin ang inang pinagbuhata’t nagiwi sa iyong kasangulan.
XII Ang di mo ibig na gawin sa asawa mo, anak at kapatid, ay huag mong gagawin sa asawa, anak,
at kapatid ng iba.
Ang kamahalan ng tao’y wala sa pagkahari, wala sa tangus ng ilong at puti ng mukha, wala sa
XIII pagkaparing kahalili ng Dios wala sa mataas na kalagayan sa balat ng lupa; wagas at tunay na
mahal na tao, kahit laking gubat at walang nababatid kundi ang sariling wika, yaong may
magandang asal, may isang pangungusap, may dangal at puri; yaong di napaaapi’t di
nakikiapi; yaong marunong magdamdam at marunong lumingap sa bayang tinubuan
XIV Paglaganap ng mga aral na ito at maningning na sumikat ang araw ng mahal na Kalayaan dito
sa kaabaabang Sangkalupuan, at sabugan ng matamis niyang liwanag ang nangagkaisang
magkalahi’t magkakapatid ng ligaya ng walang katapusan, ang mga ginugol na buhay, pagud,
at mga tiniis na kahirapa’y labis nang natumbasan. Kung lahat ng ito’y mataruk na ng nagiibig
pumasuk at inaakala niyang matutupad ang mga tutungkulin, maitatala ang kaniyang
ninanasa sa kasunod nito.

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PROCLAMATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE, 1898

Every 12th day of June, the country celebrates its independence from Spain which is a
significant turning point in its history. Every textbook regarding Philippine history tells the story of
how its leaders proclaimed their independence and sovereignty in Kawit, but few students had the
chance to read the very document that solidified the end of 333 years Spanish colonization in the
country.
Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista’s The Act of the Declaration of Philippine Independence is

the most significant document manifesting the determination of Filipinos to assert their
independence from Spain.
In June 12, 1898, the declaration took place before a huge crowd between four and five in
the afternoon at Gen. Aguinaldo’s ancestral house in Kawit, Cavite. Adding to the activity was the
unfurling of national flag handmade by Marcela Agoncillo, Lorenza Agoncillo, and Delfina Herboza
and the performance of the Marcha Filipina Magdalo, known today sa Lupang Hinirang, written by
Julian Filipe and played by san Francisco Marching Band as the national anthem.
The Daily Kentuckian reporting Gen. Fernando Amorsolo’s painting depicting the A depiction of the proclamation that
Aguinaldo’s proclamation of Philippine making of the Philippine national flag in Hong happened in June 12, 1898.
independence. Kong.
Acta de la Proclamacion de la Independencia del Pueblo Filipino
In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day

of June 1898:
Before me, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor

and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and solemnize this
Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the
Philippines, pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the
Egregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy,
The undersigned assemblage of military chiefs and others of

the army who could not attend, as well as the representatives of the
various towns,
Taking into account the fact that the people of this country
are already tired of bearing the ominous yoke of Spanish Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, author of the
Proclamation of Independence.
domination,
Because of arbitrary arrests and abuses of the Civil Guards who cause deaths in connivance with
and even under the express orders of their superior officers who at times would order the shooting of
those placed under arrest under the pretext that they attempted to escape in violation of known Rules
and Regulations, which abuses were left unpunished, and because of unjust deportations of illustrious

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Filipinos, especially those decreed by General Blanco at the instigation of the Archbishop and the friars
interested in keeping them in ignorance for egoistic and selfish ends, which deportations were carried
out through processes more execrable than those of the Inquisition which every civilized nation
repudiates as a trial without hearing,
Had resolved to start a revolution in August 1896 in order to regain the independence and
sovereignty of which the people had been deprived by Spain through Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
who, continuing the course followed by his predecessor Ferdinand Magellan who landed on the shores
of Cebu and occupied said Island by means of a Pact of Friendship with Chief Tupas, although he was
killed in battle that took place in said shores to which battle he was provoked by Chief Kalipulako of
Mactan who suspected his evil designs, landed on the Island of Bohol by entering also into a Blood
Compact with its Chief Sikatuna, with the purpose of later taking by force the Island of Cebu, and
because his successor Tupas did not allow him to occupy it, he went to Manila, the capital, winning
likewise the friendship of its Chiefs Soliman and Lakandula, later taking possession of the city and the
whole Archipelago in the name of Spain by virtue of an order of King Philip II, and with these historical
precedents and because in international law the prescription established by law to legalize the vicious
acquisition of private property is not recognized, the legitimacy of such revolution cannot be put in
doubt which was calmed but not completely stifled by the pacification proposed by Don Pedro A.
Paterno with Don Emilio Aguinaldo as President of the Republic established in Biak-na-Bato and
accepted by Governor-General Don Fernando Primo de Rivera under terms, both written and oral,
among them being a general amnesty for all deported and convicted persons; that by reason of the non-
fulfillment of some of the terms, after the destruction of the Spanish Squadron by the North American
Navy, and bombardment of the plaza of Cavite, Don Emilio Aguinaldo returned in order to initiate a
new revolution and no sooner had he given the order to rise on the 31st of last month when several
towns anticipating the revolution, rose in revolt on the 28th, such that a Spanish contingent of 178 men,
between Imus and Cavite-Viejo, under the command of a major of the Marine Infantry capitulated, the
revolutionary movement spreading like wild fire to other towns of Cavite and the other provinces of
Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna, and Morong, some of them with seaports and such was
the success of the victory of our arms, truly marvelous and without equal in the history of colonial
revolutions that in the first mentioned province only the Detachments in Naic and Indang remained to
surrender; in the second, all Detachments had been wiped out; in the third, the resistance of the Spanish
forces was localized in the town of San Fernando where the greater part of them are concentrated, the
remainder in Macabebe, Sexmoan, and Guagua; in the fourth, in the town of Lipa; in the fifth, in the
capital and in Calumpit; and in the last two remaining provinces, only in their respective capitals, and
the city of Manila will soon be besieged by our forces as well as the provinces of Nueva Ecija, Tarlac,
Pangasinan, La Union, Zambales, and some others in the Visayas where the revolution at the time of the
pacification and others even before, so that the independence of our country and the revindication of
our sovereignty is assured.
And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe, and
under the protection of the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United States of America, we do
hereby proclaim and declare solemnly in the name and by authority of the people of these Philippine
Islands,
That they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they have ceased to have any
allegiance to the Crown of Spain; that all political ties between them are and should be completely
severed and annulled; and that, like other free and independent States, they enjoy the full power to
make War and Peace, conclude commercial treaties, enter into alliances, regulate commerce, and do all
other acts and things which an Independent State has a right to do,
And imbued with firm confidence in Divine Providence, we hereby mutually bind ourselves to
support this Declaration with our lives, our fortunes, and with our most sacred possession, our Honor.
We recognize, approve, and ratify, with all the orders emanating from the same, the Dictatorship
established by Don Emilio Aguinaldo whom we revere as the Supreme Head of this Nation, which today
begins to have a life of its own, in the conviction that he has been the instrument chosen by God, in spite

25
of his humble origin, to effectuate the redemption of this unfortunate country as foretold by Dr. Don
Jose Rizal in his magnificent verses which he composed in his prison cell prior to his execution,
liberating it from the Yoke of Spanish domination,
And in punishment for the impunity with which the Government sanctioned the commission of
abuses by its officials, and for the unjust execution of Rizal and others who were sacrificed in order to
please the insatiable friars in their hydropical thirst for vengeance against and extermination of all
those who oppose their Machiavellian ends, trampling upon the Penal Code of these Islands, and of
those suspected persons arrested by the Chiefs of Detachments at the instigation of the friars, without
any form nor semblance of trial and without any spiritual aid of our sacred Religion; and likewise, and
for the same ends, eminent Filipino priests, Doctor Don Jose Burgos, Don Mariano Gomez, and Don
Jacinto Zamora were hanged whose innocent blood was shed due to the intrigues of these so-called
Religious corporations which made the authorities to believe that the military uprising at the fort of
San Felipe in Cavite on the night of January 21, 1872 was instigated by those Filipino martyrs, thereby
impeding the execution of the decree-sentence issued by the Council of State in the appeal in the
administrative case interposed by the secular clergy against the Royal Orders that directed that the
parishes under them within the jurisdiction of this Bishopric be turned over to the Recollects in
exchange for those controlled by them in Mindanao which were to be transferred to the Jesuits, thus
revoking them completely and ordering the return of those parishes, all of which proceedings are on file
with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to which they are sent last month of last year for the issuance of the
proper Royal Degree which, in turn, caused the growth of the tree of liberty in this our dear land that
grew more and more through the iniquitous measures of oppression, until the last drop from our
chalice of suffering having been drained, the first spark of revolution broke out in Caloocan, spread out
to Santa Mesa and continued its course to the adjoining regions of the province where the unequalled
heroism of its inhabitants fought a onesided battle against superior forces of General Blanco and
General Polavieja for a period of three months, without proper arms nor ammunitions, except bolos,
pointed bamboos, and arrows.
Moreover, we confer upon our famous

Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo all the powers
necessary to enable him to discharge the
duties of Government, including the
prerogatives of granting pardon and amnesty,
And, lastly, it was resolved unanimously

that this Nation, already free and independent
as of this day, must use the same flag which up
to now is being used, whose design and colors
are found described in the attached drawing,
the white triangle signifying the distinctive
emblem of the famous Society of the
Emilio Aguinaldo considered as the first Filipino president in his later
years. "Katipunan" which by means of its blood
compact inspired the masses to rise in revolution; the three stars, signifying the three principal Islands
of this Archipelago-Luzon, Mindanao, and Panay where this revolutionary movement started; the sun
representing the gigantic steps made by the sons of the country along the path of Progress and
Civilization; the eight rays, signifying the eight provinces-Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pam panga, Nueva
Ecija, Bataan, Laguna, and Batangas—which declared themselves in a state of war as soon as the first
revolt was initiated; and the colors of Blue, Red, and White, commemorating the flag of the United
States of North America, as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great Nation for its
disinterested protection which it lent us and continues lending us.
And holding up this flag of ours, I present it to the gentlemen here assembled who solemnly
swear to recognize and defend it unto the last drop of their blood: (The text is followed by the
signatures of the witnesses).

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PHILIPPINES UNDER AMERICA IN CARICATURES:

SELECTED PHILIPPINE POLITICAL CARTOONS
Caricatures and political cartoons, classically, are art forms

exaggerating human features for the purpose of poking fun at its chosen
subjects. Eventually, it penetrated the realm of print media as a form of
political and social commentary. The heavy incorporation of various
symbolisms, which is different from written editorial and opinion pieces,
is an effective tool in terms of publicizing opinions.
Alfred McCoy and Alfredo Roces compiled in their book entitled

“Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the Americans Era (1900-
1941) various political cartoons in newspapers and periodicals during the
said period. The fact that these artworks relay diverse opinions, and
bears the power to influence the masses, is enough justification to The front page of the Philippine
cartoons complied by Alfred
consider it as pieces of historical evidence – thus worthy of examination. McCoy.
Published by Lipang Kalabaw on

August 24, 1907, this political cartoon depicts
the effort of the Partido Progresista and
Partido Nacionalista to win the heart of the
United States of America. As clearly exhibited,
the members Nacionalista Party are waiting
for their turn, after the Partido Party has been
served, for their porridge ration from Uncle
Sam.
A New Wrinkle in Time in the Art of

Thieving, title of the cartoon, exhibits how
the city capitalists used the Torrens Title
System to grab lands in Nueva Ejica and
other provinces in Central Luzon.
After 1913, Filipinos began winning

civil service appointments, but faced
challenges in terms of wages and position
discrimination. The Bureau of Education was
the colony’s largest employer where most
Filipinos work and face discrimination. It is
only after Gov. Gen. F.B. Harrison that the pro-
American hiring policies were reversed paving
the way for the Filipinization of the civil
service in the country.

27
Created by Fernando Amorsolo and

published by The Independent on April 14,
1917, 10 days after America declared war
against Germany. Uncle Sam’s mood while
leading Juan on the battlefield is reflective
of an event wherein Speaker Osmeña
successfully put the independence
campaigns into halt and offered the United
States 25,000 troops, a destroyer and
submarine despite the country’s
impoverished state.
Published in the Free Press on

December 11, 1920, Sen. Santos was
mocked as he introduced a bill requiring
mountain people to dress like the
lowlanders and change their names or be
imprisoned for 30 days to five years. In
context, the bill was introduced to counter
the usage of the American imperialists of
the groups in attacking Filipino
nationalists.
THE TERMINATION OF MARTIAL LAW, 1981

In September 21, 1972, the late Ferdinand
Marcos signed Proclamation 1081, which he
proclaimed on the 23rd of the same month, placing the
entire country under Martial Law – a fateful turn of
event, almost five decades ago, that has been
continuously revised for the sake of the few.
Chaotic debates instigated by Filipinos

from all walks of life, all grounded on diverging
sources, manifest that discourse about the period has
yet to approach the summit of historical reality. The
bulk of historical knowledge, both legitimate and
fabricated circulating in the general public, place the
period in the corner of the nation’s most
controversial and unsettled events. Protest in Plaza Miranda in the afternoon of September 21,
1972.
As a prerequisite, such declaration needed incontestable foundations; hence, the late

dictator pointed finger to the following elements: the opposition led by Ninoy Aquino; the
proliferation of communist ideologies in the country with the rise of the New People’s Army;
insurgency in Muslim Mindanao caused dominantly by religious conflicts; scattered social unrest
such as the Plaza Miranda Bombing which caused the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus; and
the alleged ambush of Juan Ponce Enrile. Nonetheless, these events either a reality or staged by his
administration, fail to debunk the fact the pieces of historical evidence which focus on the same
object in the landscape – his overwhelming determination to remain in power at all cost.

28
In his final days in Malacañan before he was ousted, Marcos’ still held fast the literary utopia
of his New Society. One of these was the speech he delivered when he terminated Martial Law on
January 17, 1981. This source provides how Marcos perceived the outcomes of his authoritarian
government. This is significantly one of the crucial documents in conducting research about the
period. However, although an established primary source, it still requires extensive analysis,
interpretation, and criticism to declare its reality.
The transcript below is Marcos’ speech when he terminated Martial Law on January 17,
1981 at the Heroes Hall, Malacañang Hall:
Encounter with Destiny
History summons us once more to an encounter with destiny.
This is the privileged fate of our generation, yours and mine:

that it has been called upon twice by history to serve, to risk life and
honor, in the hour of crisis and the hour of need. The first time, of
course, was when we had to fight a war, a war not of our making in
order to defend our country. The second time was when we had to
impose on ourselves, eight years and four days less than four months
of a martial discipline in order to save the Republic.
Today, we are privileged once again. We have another

encounter with that destiny.
The magnitude of this moment necessarily brings us back to

the very first crisis in the life of our people, when nearly a century
ago, our forbears—in Pugad Lawin and Tirad Pass, in Kawit and
Malolos—offered their lives, happiness and, most valuable of all,
their sacred honor to a quest that we pursue to this very day: the One of the mainstreamed images of the
great quest for a New Society. late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos.
This was and has ever been the Filipino dream, a dream of a new order of national existence, a
dream thwarted for close to a century. We have had a hundred years of solitude, a century of alienation
from one another, a hundred years of humiliation and distorted values.
And so it was that eight years ago, the consequences fell upon us: a social order in which the
privileges of the few were enjoyed over the degradation of the many. In sum, the social indifference of
the elites spawned the rebellion which we then called the revolution of the poor, in which legitimate
grievances were exploited by conspiracy and subversion to bring about destruction of the Republic of
the Philippines—the death of a nation, through violent revolution.
Indeed, the perils which threatened the Republic then were brought about principally by the
failure of the elites—the oligarchy—incarnated in a political society which deluded rather than
educated the masses of our people in the ways of an authentic democracy. We had a political and social
culture that was dominantly populist and opportunistic.
History has shown to us how societies are saved and regenerated in various ways. In the feudal
ages, kings curbed the excesses of ruling barons or vice versa; at other times, parliaments checked the
abuses of kings; still, in other periods, governments protected the common good against the
rapaciousness of the ruling class. An example from recent memory was President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt’s proclamation of the “The New Deal.”

29
Essentially, this was the point of what we have since called, “the Revolution from the Center,”
which bought time for our people so that they could muster the strength to stem the tide of turmoil and
rediscover their solidarity.
The old Constitution, colonial as it was, approved by an alien power as it was, nevertheless
provided the legal and peaceful means for this quiet revolution. We were wise to have cherished and
protected it.
And now we have a new charter, whose ratification we celebrate today; which we must cherish
all the more, for it is our very soul—for it brings together a new system, a new national policy, and the
resurgent spirit of a new people.
There are those who would denigrate this Constitution. I am afraid they live in the past of their
lost glories, a past when the freedom and the happiness of a few was held up as the freedom and the
happiness of the many. It was a long nightmare of a remembered greatness.
I am moved to recall how, sixteen years ago, I appealed for the support of our people with an
invitation to greatness. Seven years later, the gravest peril was upon us, menacing our lives and
freedom and the lives and freedom of generations yet to come—anarchy, assassination, arson, pillage,
destruction, immobilization of the economy, destruction of public buildings, and the proclamation that
a new government would take over the Republic of the Philippines. I saw that crisis as the test of
Filipino greatness and I was elated that our people shared my vision.
That crisis, my friends and countrymen, is far from over—but we have proven ourselves in the
past eight years to be equal to any such crisis.
To be sure, it had been necessary—imperative—to resort to the discipline of martial law, to

summon the military to its sworn duty to defend and protect the Republic, but as events showed,
contrary to our detractors’ cassandric warnings, our armed forces performed honorably and well. In
accordance with the noble traditions of their warrior forebears, they upheld the flag of the Republic.
But for the civil authority, they shall ever remain as a model, as an example that shall be set up. If in the
days to come after this the Republic should ever stumble once again, our people will ask, how did the
military of that decade of the 70s, how did these noble warriors and soldiers conduct themselves in
those crucial days? And they shall point to you as the heroes whose lives they must emulate.
Yes, we owe them the highest commendation. Words are inadequate to express our gratitude to
the men of the military and to the men of the civil government who quietly subordinated themselves in
many cases whenever there was actual combat.
The martial discipline has restored the pride and self-confidence of our race, so that now we can
look upon ourselves as equal to every vicissitude, every burden, every challenge.
We can now accept, without reservations, the invitation to greatness—the challenges of the
modern world.
The cynical and the timorous who would doubt this had better look closely to what has
transpired in this country in less than a decade.
In the eight short years of the New Society, we have disarmed the criminal syndicates and
significantly defused the dangers of subversion, sedition, rebellion, and secession.
All over the world today, you see the same symptoms spread out among all the Third World
countries. Fortunately here in the Philippines, those symptoms have significantly and substantially been
reduced.
These were the results of the relentless and determined campaign to reestablish public order:
200 private armies dismantled; 250 criminal syndicates identified and their members apprehended and
neutralized; 650 thousand firearms, within a period of 2 or 3 years, of all classes, make and variety,

30
including artillery, machine guns, assault rifles, tanks, armored cars, and the latest models of
sophisticated armaments, perhaps ten times more than the arms of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
were confiscated or were surrendered to the government. More than 2,000 ordinary criminals long
wanted under unserved warrants of arrest before the proclamation of martial law were immediately
apprehended and brought before the courts.
The leftists and the rightists joining together in rebellion were successively apprehended,
eliminated or neutralized, thus reducing the rebellion into small pockets of resistance in a few places.
The colonial, centuries-old hostilities in Southern Philippines between the Christian and Muslim
brothers, which exploded, eight years ago, into formidable secessionist war, in which an estimated
20,000 fully armed men, some of whom were trained outside the Philippines, were set against the small
garrisons of the police and the Philippine Constabulary while we were fighting the leftist-rightist bands
here in Luzon, have been effectively terminated with the granting of amnesty to more than 37,000
members of the Moro National Liberation Front Movement. This plus the establishment of the two
autonomous governments in Regions 9 and 12 effectively terminates that movement.
The Armed Forces of the Philippines and the intelligence agencies have succeeded in
apprehending and immobilizing the leaders and the members of the Partido Nagkaisang Sosyalistang
Demokratiko ng Pilipinas, or SOCDEM, which differs from all other socialist parties in that it promotes
violence.
And so have the armed forces and the intelligence apprehended the leaders and the members of
the Light-a-Fire Movement which seems to be the umbrella organization covering all those involved in
terrorism, bombings, kidnapping, arson, blackmail, as well as plots and conspiracies for the
assassination of leading personalities in the military and in the civil government.
But more than these, we have transformed the lives of millions of our countrymen. Land reform,
the principal cause of the Hukbalahap uprising, because of the repeated failure of a landowner-
controlled Congress to redress the grievances of centuries, was instituted.
Some of you who are listening to me now belonged to that rebellion. But you have joined the New
Society. I see Assemblyman Luis Taruc. I see many of the rebels from the South attending here. I see Al
Caluang, the regional field marshall of the Moro National Liberation Front. I see Commander Ronnie. I
see Lucman. I see all these rebels who have raised the flag of intransigence against the Republic of the
Philippines now joining hands in order to strengthen this commitment to the Republic for the
maintenance of public order all over the land.
And why did the Hukbalahaps join hands with the government? Because large estates were
broken up and sold to the actual tillers of the soil. Because we immediately terminated the enslavement
of the poor tenant farmer who inherited generations and generations of indebtedness without any
possibility of payment whatsoever from his forebears to the landlord. This we immediately redressed
with a single stroke of the pen.
A new Labor Code was promulgated providing, among others, the joining together of
management and labor with government, a tripartite conference for the settlement of issues, and thus
assuring industrial peace to allow economic growth.
Social reforms also included the implementation of a nutrition program. There are now 4,000
day care centers all over the land. Ours is a model, which has been adopted by the United Nations—
health program, a family planning program which had long been denied the humblest and the poorest
of our countrymen.
Our educational system has been reoriented to meet the needs of social and economic
development, with its emphasis on vocational and technical skills in high school so that graduates from
high schools would be capable of earning a livelihood and would become self-reliant productive units
instead of burdens to society. And in the colleges, science and engineering are emphasized. We have

31
prepared ourselves for modern national existence through scientific research where before there was
nothing but rhetoric and charlatanism.
We have instituted the researches. We have created an Institute of Plant Breeding and created
exotic varieties of plants that have done well to increase our harvest. And now we have started an
Institute of Microbiology which shall utilize the new science of recombinant DNA.
In the administration of justice, which, again, was one of the rebellions of the poor in our old
society, we have assured our people expeditious, inexpensive, and democratized justice with the
organization of barangay courts. The Interim Batasang Pambansa is in the process of reorganizing the
judicial system of government with the participation of the Supreme Court, with the aim-in-view of
eliminating delays, bottlenecks and clogged dockets in courts as well as the elimination of its unworthy
members, few as they may be.
Our government has succeeded in reorganizing the national prosecution service and creating a
nationally pervasive free legal service under the Ministry of Justice. We thus give substance to that
constitutional and moral mandate that every man shall be entitled to his day in court.
The political transformation, above all, assures us of a truly democratic system. The organization
of the barangays has brought about an explosion of political participation, as evidenced by the
militancy of its members and by the participation of 23 million voters, whereas before in 1969 there
were only 8 million voters.
I place my fervent hopes on the barangays and on the Sanggunians. They are the testament to,
and the vehicle of, popular sovereignty. With the barangay, power, indeed, has been returned to the
people. Mabuhay ang mga barangay.
The last eight years have also mobilized the energies of the Filipino for the economic health of his
society—and, I believe, we have demonstrated our capacities fully.
Let us look at some of the data and statistics, with your permission. The Gross National Product
increased from P55, 526 million in 1972 to P192, 911 million in 1979 at 1972 constant prices or
P269,781 million at current prices.
Collection of government from taxes have increased from P5.1 billion in 1972 to P36.16 billion in
1980.
Total exports increased from US$1,106 billion in 1972 to US $5,935 billion in 1980.
Showing the stability of currency, notwithstanding the present fluctuations of the dollar, the rate
of exchange of the pesos to the US dollar has barely moved from the 1972 6.6710 to the 1979 7.3775.
Savings and time deposits have increased from P5, 402 million in 1972 to P49, 116 million as of
September 1980.
Gross domestic investments have not only doubled but trebled, quadrupled, quintupled.
From P11, 573 million in 1972 it was increased to about P78, 198 million in 1980, while gross
national savings increased from P11, 679 million in 1972 to P62, 395 million in 1980.
There was a time when the debt service ratio before this administration was more than 40
percent of the dollar earnings the previous year. This has been reduced to 20 percent; and now, as of
1980, reduced to 18.72 percent of foreign exchange earnings in the previous year.
Incidentally, on the question of indebtedness, when I took over as President in 1965, most of the
indebtedness were short-term indebtedness payable within one year, two years, three years, and five
years. More than 90 percent. All of these were immediately shifted or converted into long-term
indebtedness, for some reason or other, because of inefficient management of our affairs. Because of our
bad credit worthiness, we could not borrow any money from anywhere. The most that the World Bank

32
could lend us before 1965 was $40 million. By 1975 and 1976, the World Bank had changed its opinion
of the Philippines so much so that it was ready to lend at a single time $500 million.
But most of these borrowings did not go to the government. They went into productive
enterprises. The borrowings of government do not go to pay for salaries or what we, in government, call
ordinary or current expenditures—housekeeping, salaries of officers and employees, as well as
furniture and equipment. No. On the current budget there is always a surplus. Since 1965 to the present,
there has always been a surplus in the current budget of the Republic of the Philippines.
Yes, we have borrowed but only for purposes of productive enterprise. These are the self-paying
and the self-regenerating enterprises which we must support. And, incidentally, nobody lends you
money if you cannot put up a counterpart fund. The least amount of counterpart fund that is required is
about 50 percent of the entire cost of the project.
Now, let us go into international reserves. The international reserves were increased from
practically zero in 1965. The statistics say US $282 million were left in the Central Bank. When I asked
the Central Bank, however, I was told that our commitments exceeded US $300 million. And, therefore,
we did not have enough foreign exchange to pay our indebtedness as of 1965. The foreign exchange
reserves were practically zero.
And today, how much are the foreign exchange reserves? Today, we have US $3.1 billion in the
Central Bank as the foreign exchange reserves of the Republic of the Philippines.
Finally, we speak of social indicators. How do all these affect the individual man? What is his
individual income? The per capita income, if we must talk in terms of all the people, has more than
trebled from US$214 in 1972 to US$755 in 1980.
And what do these figures mean to our masses, to our people? Some say the rich have grown
richer and the poor have grown poorer. Well, we will not say they are blind to the facts. Let us say that
they are prone to exaggeration.
It is true, of course, the rich will grow richer because they have the funds and the capital. And we
have no intention of confiscating private property. It is not a part of the ideology of the New Society to
confiscate private property and private enterprise. But we shall regulate wealth.
And we will regulate wealth so it shall not be utilized to brutalize the poor and the weakness of
our people. And thus it is that the rich must pay heavier taxes. It is said that we have been easy on the
rich with respect to taxes. This is not true. We increased the taxes on luxury goods—the goods that are
bought by the rich. They are open only to the more affluent members of our society. Even in the case of
oil products, did you notice the difference between diesel fuel and industrial fuel and gasoline? It is a big
jump. For it is the purpose of this administration to see to it that, first of all, we shall not only regulate
wealth, we shall ask those who are capable and those who participate in harvests, in the rewards of a
progressive society to contribute what is just and proper to the maintenance of our Republic.
Yes, I have no doubt about it. The wealthy have been discouraged from exercising the ways of the
old oligarchy. But I am prepared to think that even the rich among our people today have developed a
social conscience that is growing day by day.
How often have they come to me, to the First Lady, to the members of the Cabinet offering
contributions to worthwhile and noble projects. How often have they quietly done their own planning in
order to uplift the poor and the degradation of our race and people. Let it not be said that because they
are rich they are not patriotic Filipinos. Even the rich and the affluent of our country have acquired a
conscience. And this is one of the developments in the New Society.
Now, let us look at the percentages as to the distribution of income. There are some who cannot
seem to realize that this is a new world altogether, and that income is now seeping into all classes of
people.

33
In 1972, the percentage of families with incomes of P1,999 and below was 24.3 percent. In 1979,
this had been reduced to 11.2 percent, or by more than one-half. Let us go to the top, the families with
incomes of P30,000 and more. In 1972, there were only 5 percent of them out of the entire population.
Now, today, there are more than twice that. There are 12.8 percent of those who have this high income.
And considering that almost all of these families that I speak of live in the rural areas, the New Society
certainly has effectively changed the standard of living of the Filipino masses.
Finally, the effective minimum wage has increased from P4.75 in 1972 to P23.30-24.70 in 1980.
Along with these political, economic and social transformations, we must count our newly-won
prestige in the family of nations.
Yes, the president of PHILCONSA, Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, referred to the new prestige, to the
new standing of our country in the United Nations, in the world fora. We have led in the forums of the
Third World and we have normalized relations with the socialist countries.
Before this administration, we closed our eyes to the Soviet Union and even to China, the socialist
countries of Eastern Europe. We limited ourselves before to a few countries considered to be the pillars
of the free world, and thus penalized ourselves and our products for our markets were limited.
The Philippines is now heard in the council of nations because it speaks with its own voice. And
independent foreign policy is the hallmark of the Philippine foreign service.
We always speak of political independence but we do not realize that political independence
must be won everyday. Every time there is any threat or doubt cast upon that independence, not only
the leadership but the citizenry must rise up and protect that independence.
After much agonizing negotiations, the United States of America, in fairness to this ally of ours,
recognized what is undeniable and that is, the sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines over all the
military bases here in the Philippines, including Subic Naval Base and Clark Air Force Base, against the
old Brownell doctrine which indicated that America retains sovereignty over the bases.
Because of our martial interlude, our defense establishment and our armed forces have quietly
established a self-reliant defense posture.
As you know, the defense and military establishment is not proned to publicizing its
achievements or to bragging about its capabilities, but very quietly, in the past eight years, not only has
it trained its personnel to meet any contingency whether internal or external, it has systematically
organized not only its own activities but also civil industry to meet most of its requirements.
The government, which itself needed reforms in the crisis of 1972, has been reorganized. How
many have we kicked out of government? More than 6, 000. In the armed forces, more than 8, 800 men.
Very few people know this. We kicked out of the civil government 6, 000 officers and employees. And
many of them are still facing cases and charges before the Sandigang Bayan and the Tanodbayan. In
the Armed Forces of the Philippines we punished 8,800 officers and men over a period of eight years.
Let no man say that we have not exerted the utmost diligence in maintaining discipline in the
enforcement of our laws and Constitution under the Republic of the Philippines.
Yes, we have eliminated the undesirable elements and we will continue the campaign against
corruption through the establishment of the Tanodbayan which, as you know, is the Ombudsman, and
the Sandigang Bayan which, as you know, is the court for corruption cases. We are now actually
engaged in identifying the corrupt government officials and functionaries, prosecuting and punishing
them.
Conscious of the hardships ahead, therefore, we have embarked also on an effort to upgrade the
civil service.

34
And now, we have also met head-on this problem—the crisis on energy. We have accelerated the
energy program, which includes the intensified search or prospecting for oil and gas and other
hydrocarbons within our jurisdiction. We have discovered and are beginning to exploit new coal
deposits. In the entire island of Semirara, we discovered coal deposits. In Cagayan Valley, in Bicol,
Mindanao and Samar, we have discovered geothermal sources.
Eight geothermal units or geothermal centers of energy are operational. Six are being
constructed. We are next to the United States in the volume of electric energy coming from geothermal
sources.
Hydroelectric power is moving on. As you know, the biggest in Southeast Asia is being put up in
Magat, Isabela.
We have discovered marsh gas or surface gas. We use biomass or dendro-thermal energy. Many
of the countries here represented including France, Germany, England and the Scandinavian countries
have lent us money for the dendro-thermal projects.
We have discovered exotic plants which produce juices that can burn like gas. Only the other day,
the Hanga which I know since boyhood, which is a fruit of a vine in Ifugao, was shown to me again. We
pressed the fruit and out came the juice, and we lighted it like gas. You go all over the lands, there are
many plants from which we can draw gas. There are many conventional, indigenous, and renewable
sources of energy which we must develop and we shall develop.
At this point, I must take note of the number of rural households that have access to electricity.
In 1972, only 76, 000 households had access to rural electricity. Today, there are one billion households
that have rural electricity.
We are next to the United States in rural electrification. No other country has developed the way
we developed rural electrification. This increase is symbolic of the renaissance of the Filipino.
There has been, of course, a renaissance in our political, economic, and social life in less than a
decade of the democratic revolution. It is inevitable that this would be translated in spiritual terms—
the renaissance in our culture, the rebirth and growth of the arts, music, painting, dance, film, and
literature. And what is the importance of all of these? How often has song, dance, music, literature
inflamed the masses to rise up to attain the ends of freedom? How often have our forebears, the
propagandists of the last Century utilized literature in order to lay the moral basis for a rebellion that
would free our country? Culture, tradition, belief in our past, these are the unifying forces. We look
back, and as we trace the roots of our identity, we discovered that there is no reason to be humiliated
and to apologize for the Filipino race. We have not only contributed our people’s genius to the arts of
this century. We have also rediscovered our ancient art forms, our great spiritual heritage. In doing so,
we have rediscovered our self—the Filipino.
The Filipino has reclaimed himself. And this is only the beginning.
The last eight years have shown what could be achieved through discipline. This decade, the
eighties, will dramatize to us what can be achieved through self or inner-discipline. As a wise man of the
last century once said, the essential thing is not to win battles. The essential thing is to win the internal
revolution. The revolution within one’s heart, one’s mind, one’s soul. For, in the end, the transformation
of a society means the transformation of man, each man.
Thus, from this onwards, we must be conscious and heed the invitation to greatness. National
greatness, as we all know, means two things: the militancy of a concerned citizenry and the social
commitment of a responsible elite, especially the intellectual elite. Let me repeat that. We shall need
two things, the two weapons as we move forward from this day on: the militancy of a concerned and
enthusiastic Citizenry and, at the same time, the commitment of motivated elite, especially the
intellectual elite of our country.

35
We have had their support in the past. We need this more than ever now. I call upon all of you,
call upon the members of PHILCONSA, the Batasang Pambansa, the local executives, the military men,
whose training raised them over and above that of those who have not gone to college. This wide and
deep reservoir of professional men—we have the highest percentage of college students all over the
world except the United States in relation to population—from this elite, we must draw those who
would be the leaders of our country in the next generation.
For the martial necessity has passed; it has served—and served well—the purpose of a once
beleaguered people. It cannot go on, for a people must mature and must grow from outer discipline into
inner discipline.
And so it is, that as I promised all of you, my countrymen, in that fateful morning of September
23,1972, when I announced the proclamation of martial law which had been signed by me two days
earlier, with your support, placing myself, my life and my family’s life and honor, on the judgment of
history, that when the time came, when we must end martial law—a time that could not be foreseen
then—I would be the first to move and initiate the termination of martial law.
I have listened to you, to our people. I have heard your doubts, your anxieties, nay, outright
opposition to the lifting of martial law. And I have prayed to the Almighty for guidance. And it is after
deliberate, sober, judgment and soul-searching that I come before you and say, it is now time to
terminate martial law.
As you trusted me before, as you have

trusted me in many, many a time of crisis, as you
trusted me during the war when many of you, many
amongst you endangered your lives in order to
protect me and the members of our guerilla band,
trusting to the word of this man whom you did not
know too well then. I ask you now, as you have
trusted me before when I proclaimed martial law
and said, follow me and I shall bring you to
Marcos and some of his cabinet members in the 1970s.
liberation and freedom, I ask you to trust me once
again. And I ask you to trust in the judgment of your President as we eliminate this martial law and
start a new era and a new day.
This exercise, for me, has been both an emotional and an intellectual adventure. Emotional since,
like you, it involved not only my life and dreams and the life and dreams of my family, but our illusions
and honor.
It was emotional because from the very start, the stakes were high and the undertaking was
hazardous. Failure was often predicted by most of those whom we consulted. In fact, there were some
who did not want to have anything to do with us. Only a few of the loyal men dared to sit down with me
to plot and deliberate the steps that we must take in order to assure swift and efficient enforcement of
martial law.
Characteristically, we were all haunted by the image of the guerrilla fighting—a losing battle in
the hills. For that was what many of us who planned it were well aware we might have been. Yet
notwithstanding all these doubts, one had to present the stern visage of the leader, the dominating
personality of command and, at the same time, resolutely promise to each other that if necessary, we
would go back to the tops of the mountains and, if necessary, fight those losing battles with a smile in
our lips.
But thanks to the support of the Filipino people, it was not necessary to do that. For by an
unusual spontaneous unanimity, upon the proclamation of martial law, one could hear the sigh of relief
all over the land, from the North to the South, from the East to the West. I know then that we retained
the trust of the entire Filipino people.

36
And yet, the visage of command had to be tempered with the credentials of legality and
constitutionality. In this way was it an intellectual adventure. The Commander-in-Chief provision of the
Constitution, of course, was contrived by the alien colonizer as a device to consolidate power over a
colonized people. Never had those who drafted the Commander-in-Chief provision ever dreamt that it
would be used instead by an abject and weak people to redeem their long lost self-respect, dignity and
honor. In the long run, to be quite candid, the intellectual adventure became more exhilarating and
inspiring.
Only the acute, legal observer will realize that the tables had been turned and that the legal
weapon in the dark past that was used to browbeat our people down to their knees in submission to
alien authority had been captured from the enemy, through ingenuity and by some miracle of self-
assertion, and use to attain the noble dreams of our people.
And so, as I now sign this, proclamation in full view of our nation and the world at large, I am
profoundly conscious of the tasks that, remain, hoping that we shall not lose the momentum of our
achievements so that those who shall come after us may carry on the quest of a greater and brighter
world, a New Society.
I pray now and I ask you to pray with me, as I prayed eight years ago, that I am doing, that we
are doing, the right thing by our people; for the end of martial law does not mean the end of our efforts
of our needed reforms, of our struggles, of our sacrifices. The passing of the martial necessity does not
carry with it the passing of all the burdens especially the heavy ones. There will be more tests for our
capacity, for our resiliency, for our strength as a people.
Together, we must pass these tests and surmount all crises. And, so, as I have said, as I sign this
decree in your presence proclaiming the termination of the state of martial law throughout the
Philippines, I say, we have just begun.
I will now read the dispositive portion of this

decree. “Now, therefore, I, Ferdinand E. Marcos,
President-Prime Minister of the Philippines by virtue
of the powers vested in me by the Constitution, do
hereby revoke Proclamation 1081, proclaiming a
state of martial law in the Philippines; and
Proclamation 1104, dated January 17, 1973,
declaring the continuation of martial law and
proclaim the termination of the state of martial law
throughout the Philippines; Provided, that the call to
the Armed Forces of the Philippines to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, insurrection, rebellion and
Marcos as he terminated the state of martial law in the country. subversion shall continue to be in force and effect.
And, Provided that, in the two autonomous regions in Mindanao, upon the request of the residents
therein, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall continue; and in other places
the suspension of the privilege of the writ shall also continue with respect to persons at present
detained, as well as others who may hereafter be similarly detained for the crimes of insurrection or
rebellion, subversion, conspiracy or proposal to commit such crimes, and for all other crimes and
offenses committed by them in furtherance or on the occasion thereof or incident thereto or in
connection therewith;
“General Order No. 8 is also hereby revoked and the military tribunals created pursuant thereto
are hereby dissolved. . .
“Pursuant to Article XVII, Section 3, Paragraph 2 of the Constitution, all proclamations, orders,
decrees, instructions, acts promulgated, issued and done by the incumbent President, constitute part of
the law of the land and shall remain valid, legal, binding and effective even after the lifting of martial
law unless modified, revoked, superseded or altered by subsequent proclamations, orders, decrees,

37
instructions or other acts of the incumbent President or unless expressly and explicitly modified or
repealed by the regular National Assembly or the Batasang Pambansa.”
In witness hereof, I set my hand and cause the seal of the Republic to be affixed on the 17th day
of January, 1981.
AQUINO’S SPEECH BEFORE THE US CONGRESS, 1986
Aquino, hailed as antithesis to her

predecessor, served as one of the nation’s symbols
of democracy. Generally, she was able to trample
Marcos’ authoritarian regime though gaining
support from the masses whose rights and
freedom had long been compromised during Martial
Law.
On September 18, 1986, she cemented the

legitimacy of her governance in the international
arena as she delivered a speech before the US
Corazon Aquino as she delivers her speech before the US
Congress. Congress.
The transcript below is Aquino’s speech during the joint session of the United States
Congress at Washington, District of Colombia on September 18, 1986:
Cory Aquino’s Speech before the US Congress
Three years ago, I left America in grief to bury

my husband, Ninoy Aquino. I thought I had left it also
to lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine freedom.
Today, I have returned as the president of a free people.
In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him.

By that brave and selfless act of giving honor, a nation
in shame recovered its own. A country that had lost
faith in its future found it in a faithless and brazen act
of murder. So in giving, we receive, in losing we find,
and out of defeat, we snatched our victory. Ninoy and Cory pose before the camera.
For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for freedom. For
myself and our children, Ninoy was a loving husband and father. His loss, three times in our lives, was
always a deep and painful one.
Fourteen years ago this month was the first time we lost him. A president-turned-dictator, and
traitor to his oath, suspended the Constitution and shut down the Congress that was much like this one
before which I am honored to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others –
senators, publishers and anyone who had spoken up for the democracy as its end drew near. But for
Ninoy, a long and cruel ordeal was reserved. The dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body
merely to be imprisoned but a spirit he must break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one by one
the institutions of democracy – the press, the Congress, the independence of the judiciary, the protection
of the Bill of Rights – Ninoy kept their spirit alive in himself.

38
The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked him up in a tiny,
nearly airless cell in a military camp in the north. They stripped him naked and held the threat of
sudden midnight execution over his head. Ninoy held up manfully–all of it. I barely did as well. For 43
days, the authorities would not tell me what had happened to him. This was the first time my children
and I felt we had lost him.
When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host of other crimes
before a military commission. Ninoy challenged its authority and went on a fast. If he survived it, then,
he felt, God intended him for another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back
from his determination to see his fast through to the end. He stopped only when it dawned on him that
the government would keep his body alive after the fast had destroyed his brain. And so, with barely any
life in his body, he called off the fast on the fortieth day. God meant him for other things, he felt. He did
not know that an early death would still be his fate, that only the timing was wrong.
At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace with the
dictatorship, as so many of his countrymen had done. But the spirit of democracy that inheres in our
race and animates this chamber could not be allowed to die. He held out, in the loneliness of his cell and
the frustration of exile, the democratic alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless cruelty of the
right and the purging holocaust of the left.
And then, we lost him, irrevocably and more

painfully than in the past. The news came to us in
Boston. It had to be after the three happiest years
of our lives together. But his death was my
country’s resurrection in the courage and faith by
which alone they could be free again. The dictator
had called him a nobody. Two million people threw
aside their passivity and escorted him to his grave.
And so began the revolution that has brought me
to democracy’s most famous home, the Congress of
the United States. Ninoy Aquino when he was shot by an unknown gunman.
The task had fallen on my shoulders to continue offering the democratic alternative to our
people.
Archibald Macleish had said that democracy must be defended by arms when it is attacked by
arms and by truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed to say how it shall be won.
I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I held out for
participation in the 1984 election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was
warned by the lawyers of the opposition that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of
elections that were clearly going to be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the people
in whose intelligence I had implicit faith. By the exercise of democracy, even in a dictatorship, they
would be prepared for democracy when it came. And then, also, it was the only way I knew by which we
could measure our power even in the terms dictated by the dictatorship.
The people vindicated me in an election

shamefully marked by government thuggery and
fraud. The opposition swept the elections, garnering a
clear majority of the votes, even if they ended up,
thanks to a corrupt Commission on Elections, with
barely a third of the seats in parliament. Now, I knew
our power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the

dictatorship called for its doom in a snap election. The Men, women, and the elderlies, concentrated in EDSA to block
people obliged. With over a million signatures, they during the People Power Revolution.

39
drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I obliged them. The rest is the history that dramatically
unfolded on your television screen and across the front pages of your newspapers.
You saw a nation, armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy against threats
and corruption. You saw women poll watchers break out in tears as armed goons crashed the polling
places to steal the ballots but, just the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes. You saw a people
so committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their lives for its pale imitation.
At the end of the day, before another wave of fraud could distort the results, I announced the people’s
victory.
The distinguished co-chairman of the United States observer team in his report to your President
described that victory:
“I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy on the part of the Filipino people.
The ultimate result was the election of Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino as President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as
Vice-President of the Philippines.”
Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country towards us. We,
Filipinos, thank each of you for what you did: for, balancing America’s strategic interest against human
concerns, illuminates the American vision of the world.
When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the people turned out in the
streets and proclaimed me President. And true to their word, when a handful of military leaders
declared themselves against the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection. Surely, the people
take care of their own. It is on that faith and the obligation it entails, that I assumed the presidency.
As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my people and my
commitment to God. He had willed that the blood drawn with the lash shall not, in my country, be paid
by blood drawn by the sword but by the tearful joy of reconciliation.
We have swept away absolute power by a

limited revolution that respected the life and
freedom of every Filipino. Now, we are restoring full
constitutional government. Again, as we restored
democracy by the ways of democracy, so are we
completing the constitutional structures of our new
democracy under a constitution that already gives
full respect to the Bill of Rights. A jealously
independent Constitutional Commission is
completing its draft which will be submitted later
this year to a popular referendum. When it is
approved, there will be congressional elections. So
within about a year from a peaceful but national
upheaval that overturned a dictatorship, we shall
have returned to full constitutional government.
Given the polarization and breakdown we inherited,
Aquino and some of the members of her administration. this is no small achievement.
My predecessor set aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency that numbered less
than 500. Unhampered by respect for human rights, he went at it hammer and tongs. By the time he
fled, that insurgency had grown to more than 16,000. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about
trying to stifle a thing with the means by which it grows.
I don’t think anybody, in or outside our country, concerned for a democratic and open
Philippines, doubts what must be done. Through political initiatives and local reintegration programs,
we must seek to bring the insurgents down from the hills and, by economic progress and justice, show
them that for which the best intentioned among them fight.

40
As President, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power. Yet equally, and
again no friend of Filipino democracy will challenge this, I will not stand by and allow an insurgent
leadership to spurn our offer of peace and kill our young soldiers, and threaten our new freedom.
Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost for at its end, whatever disappointment I meet
there, is the moral basis for laying down the olive branch of peace and taking up the sword of war. Still,
should it come to that, I will not waver from the course laid down by your great liberator: “With malice
towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the rights as God gives us to see the rights, let us
finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the
battle, and for his widow and for his orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace among ourselves and with all nations.”
Like Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy. Like Lincoln, I don’t relish
it. Yet, I will do whatever it takes to defend the integrity and freedom of my country.
Finally, may I turn to that other slavery: our $26 billion foreign debt. I have said that we shall
honor it. Yet must the means by which we shall be able to do so be kept from us? Many conditions
imposed on the previous government that stole this debt continue to be imposed on us who never
benefited from it. And no assistance or liberality commensurate with the calamity that was visited on us
has been extended. Yet ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others,
we Filipinos fulfilled the first and most difficult conditions of the debt negotiation the full restoration of
democracy and responsible government. Elsewhere, and in other times of more stringent world
economic conditions, Marshall plans and their like were felt to be necessary companions of returning
democracy.
When I met with President Reagan yesterday, we began an important dialogue about
cooperation and the strengthening of the friendship between our two countries. That meeting was both
a confirmation and a new beginning and should lead to positive results in all areas of common concern.
Today, we face the aspirations of a people who had known so much poverty and massive
unemployment for the past 14 years and yet offered their lives for the abstraction of democracy.
Wherever I went in the campaign, slum area or impoverished village, they came to me with one cry:
democracy! Not food, although they clearly needed it, but democracy. Not work, although they surely
wanted it, but democracy. Not money, for they gave what little they had to my campaign. They didn’t
expect me to work a miracle that would instantly put food into their mouths, clothes on their back,
education in their children, and work that will put dignity in their lives. But I feel the pressing
obligation to respond quickly as the leader of a people so deserving of all these things.
We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration, even as we carry a great
share of the free world defenses in the Pacific. These are only two of the many burdens my people carry
even as they try to build a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy, that may serve as well
as a redoubt for freedom in Asia. Yet, no sooner is one stone laid than two are taken away. Half our
export earnings, $2 billion out of $4 billion, which was all we could earn in the restrictive markets of the
world, went to pay just the interest on a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never received.
Still, we fought for honor, and, if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should we have to wring
the payments from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink all the wealth piled up by the bondsman’s two
hundred fifty years of unrequited toil?
Yet to all Americans, as the leader of a proud and free people, I address this question: has there
been a greater test of national commitment to the ideals you hold dear than that my people have gone
through? You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were
reluctant to receive it. And here you have a people who won it by themselves and need only the help to
preserve it.
Three years ago, I said thank you, America, for the haven from oppression, and the home you
gave Ninoy, myself and our children, and for the three happiest years of our lives together. Today, I say,

41
join us, America, as we build a new home for democracy, another haven for the oppressed, so it may
stand as a shining testament of our two nation’s commitment to freedom.
Determining the
Historical Significance of
Primary Sources
Pieces of historical evidence in its greatest sense allows you, who is living in the present, to
understand how past events shaped the very world you live in today. The given primary sources
allow you to take a glimpse of various periods in Philippine history – each having its respective
context. Relatively, setting aside the essence of time, contexts and meanings are elements that make
the past complex yet exciting to study.
In this part, after deciphering contexts and meanings, you will be exposed on assessing the
historical significance of sources. In determining, the following questions are recommended:
1. Is the source capable of guiding you in addressing contemporary problems or issues?

2. Is the source significant in terms of providing historical knowledge that is missing in certain
historical studies?
3. Is the source corroborating with other existing sources?
4. Is the source can be considered as evidence that could strengthen or debunk a particular
historical knowledge?
5. Is the source capable of serving as a foundation that could strengthen the quest of historians
and students to unravel, interpret, and analyse the complexities of the past?

42
References:
Almario, V. (2015). “Acta de la proclamación de independencia del pueblo Filipino.” Retrieved from
https://philippineculturaleducation.com.ph/acta-de-la-proclamacion-de-independencia-del-
pueblo-filipino/, 19 July 2018.
Aquino, C. (1896). “Restoring Democracy by the Ways of Democracy.” Retrieved from

https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1986/09/18/speech-of-president-corazon-aquino-
during-the-joint-session-of-the-u-s-congress-september-18-1986/, 18 July 2018.
Asuncion, N, et.al. (2019). Readings in Philippine History. Quezon City: C & E Publishing, Inc.
Bautista, A. (1898). “Acta de la proclamación de la independencia del pueblo Filipino.” Philippine History
Source Materials. Retrieve from
http://philippinehistorysourcematerials.blogspot.com/2011/02/acta-de-la-proclamacion-de-
la.html, 18 July 2018.
Bonifacio, A. (n.d.). “Andres Bonifacio’s Decalogue and the Kartilya ng Katipunan.” Malacañan Presidential
Museum and Library. Retrieved from http://malacanang.gov.ph/7013-andres-bonifacios-
decalogue-and-the-kartilya-ng-katipunan/, 18 July 2018.
Filipiniana Book Guild. (1969). First Voyage Around the World by Antonio Pigafetta and De Moluccis
Insulis by Maximilianus Transylvanus. Manila: Regal Printing Co.
Gerona, D. (2016). Ferdinand Magellan: The Armada de Maluco and the European Discovery of the
Philippines. _____________: Spanish Galleon Publisher.
Jacinto, E. (1896). “Kartilya ng Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan.” Trans. Gregorio Nieva, 1918. Retrieved
from Philippine Center for Masonic Studies, http://www.philippinemasonry.org/kartilya-ng-
katipunan.html, 22 July 2018.
Krull, A. & Shukyn, M. (n.d.) How to Identify the Author’s Point of View in Historical Documents for the
GED Social Studies Test. Retrieved from https://www.dummies.com/test-prep/ged/how-to-
identify-the-authors-point-of-view-in-historical-documents-for-the-ged-social-studies-test/, 3
August 2018.
McCoy, A. & Roces, A. (1985). Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American Era, 1900 – 1941.
Quezon City: Vera-Reyes.
Official Gazette. (n.d.). “The anniversary of the declaration of martial law is on September 23 (not
September 21).” Retrieved from https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/declaration-of-
martial-law/, 18 July 2018.
Official Gazette. (n.d.). “Speech of President Marcos during the termination of Martial Law.” Retrieved
from https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1981/01/17/speech-of-president-marcos-during-
the-termination-of-martial-law/, 18 July 2018.
Torres, J.V. (2018). Batis: Sources in Philippine History. Quezon City: C & E Publishing, Inc.
Wesson, S. (n.d.). “Selecting Primary Sources, Part II: Considering Historical Context.” Teaching with the
Library of Congress. Retrieved from https://blogs.loc.gov/teachers/2011/07/selecting-
primary-sources-part-ii-considering-historical-context/, 18 July 2018.


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“For me context is the key – from that comes the

1. Decipher the content and context of given primary sources;

Readings in Philippine History

Examining the Sources’

First Phase: Audience and Purpose

poor analysis Reasons to

Common errors historians commit in analysing and interpreting the past.

For you to better understand the concept map:

Readings in Philippine History

3. Vanity. Does the source radiate the historian’s egotism?

Deciphering Content and

Primary Source Author/Compiler

Readings in Philippine History

Brief Summary of the First Voyage around the World by Magellan

Employing his expertise in cartography and geography, Pigafetta

In the course of encounter between the parties, the chronicler

Readings in Philippine History

On the Easter Sunday of 1521, March 31,

Readings in Philippine History

Magellan was the target during the Battle of Mactan,

THE KKK AND KARTILYA NG KATIPUNAN

The document is influenced by the French Revolution – written

Readings in Philippine History

Two of the surviving photographs of Katipuneros during the Philippine Revolution.

The Kartilya ng Katipunan

Readings in Philippine History

PROCLAMATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE, 1898

Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista’s The Act of the Declaration of Philippine Independence is

Acta de la Proclamacion de la Independencia del Pueblo Filipino

In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day

Before me, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor

The undersigned assemblage of military chiefs and others of

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History

Moreover, we confer upon our famous

And, lastly, it was resolved unanimously

Readings in Philippine History

PHILIPPINES UNDER AMERICA IN CARICATURES:

Caricatures and political cartoons, classically, are art forms

Alfred McCoy and Alfredo Roces compiled in their book entitled

Published by Lipang Kalabaw on

A New Wrinkle in Time in the Art of

After 1913, Filipinos began winning

Readings in Philippine History

Created by Fernando Amorsolo and

Published in the Free Press on

THE TERMINATION OF MARTIAL LAW, 1981

Chaotic debates instigated by Filipinos

As a prerequisite, such declaration needed incontestable foundations; hence, the late

Readings in Philippine History

Encounter with Destiny

History summons us once more to an encounter with destiny.

This is the privileged fate of our generation, yours and mine:

Today, we are privileged once again. We have another

The magnitude of this moment necessarily brings us back to

Readings in Philippine History

To be sure, it had been necessary—imperative—to resort to the discipline of martial law, to

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History

Readings in Philippine History