Frankfurt School - Wikipedia

2/12/2020 Frankfurt School - Wikipedia
Frankfurt School
The Frankfurt School (German: Frankfurter Schule) is a school of social

theory and critical philosophy associated with the Institute for Social Research, at
Goethe University Frankfurt. Founded in the Weimar Republic (1918–33), during
the European interwar period (1918–39), the Frankfurt School comprised
intellectuals, academics, and political dissidents who were ill-fitted to the
contemporary socio-economic systems (capitalist, fascist, communist) of the
1930s. The Frankfurt theorists proposed that social theory was inadequate for
explaining the turbulent political factionalism and reactionary politics occurring
in ostensibly liberal capitalist societies in the 20th century. Critical of capitalism
and of Marxism–Leninism as philosophically inflexible systems of social
organisation, the School's critical theory research indicated alternative paths to
realising the social development of a society and a nation.[1]
The Frankfurt School perspective of critical investigation (open-ended and self-

critical) is based upon Freudian, Marxist and Hegelian premises of idealist
philosophy.[2] To fill the omissions of 19th-century classical Marxism, which
could not address 20th-century social problems, they applied the methods of
antipositivist sociology, of psychoanalysis, and of existentialism.[3] The School’s
sociologic works derived from syntheses of the thematically pertinent works of
Immanuel Kant, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, and Karl Marx, of Sigmund
Freud and Max Weber, and of Georg Simmel and Georg Lukács.[4][5]
Like Karl Marx, the Frankfurt School concerned themselves with the conditions
(political, economic, societal) that allow for social change realised by way of
rational social institutions.[6] The emphasis upon the critical component of social
theory derived from surpassing the ideological limitations of positivism,
materialism, and determinism, by returning to the critical philosophy of Kant,
and his successors in German idealism — principally the philosophy of Hegel,
which emphasised dialectic and contradiction as intellectual properties inherent
to the human grasp of material reality.
Since the 1960s, the critical-theory work of the Institute for Social Research has
been guided by Jürgen Habermas, in the fields of communicative rationality,
linguistic intersubjectivity, and "the philosophical discourse of modernity";[7]
nonetheless, the critical theorists Raymond Geuss and Nikolas Kompridis
opposed the propositions of Habermas, claiming he has undermined the original
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frankfurt_School 1/30
social-change purposes of critical-theory-problems, such as what should reason

mean; the analysis and expansion of the conditions necessary to realise social
emancipation; and critiques of contemporary capitalism.[8]
Contents
History
Institute for Social Research
European interwar period (1918–39)
Theorists
Critical theory
Dialectical method
Influences and early works
Critique of Western civilization
Dialectic of Enlightenment and Minima Moralia
Philosophy of music
Critical theory and domination
Negative dialectics
Habermas and communicative rationality
Criticism
Horkheimer and Adorno
Habermas
Psychoanalytic categorization
Economics and communications media
Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory
Definition and Culture War usage
Aspects of the conspiracy
Cultural pessimism and Holocaust denial
Othering of political opponents
Anti–Semitic canards
Left wing meme
See also
References
Further reading
External links
History
Institute for Social Research

The term Frankfurt School
informally describes the works of
scholarship and the intellectuals
who were the Institute for Social
Research (Institut für
Sozialforschung), an adjunct
organization at Goethe University
Frankfurt, founded in 1923, by
Carl Grünberg, a Marxist
professor of law at the University
of Vienna.[9] As such, the
Frankfurt School was the first The Institute for Social Research, Frankfurt am
Marxist research center at a Main, Germany.
German university, and originated
through the largesse of the
wealthy student Felix Weil (1898–1975).[3]
At university, Weil’s doctoral dissertation dealt with the practical problems of

implementing socialism. In 1922, he organized the First Marxist Workweek
(Erste Marxistische Arbeitswoche) in effort to synthesize different trends of
Marxism into a coherent, practical philosophy; the first symposium included
György Lukács and Karl Korsch, Karl August Wittfogel and Friedrich Pollock. The
success of the First Marxist Workweek prompted the formal establishment of a
permanent institute for social research, and Weil negotiated with the Ministry of
Education for a university professor to be director of the Institute for Social
Research, thereby, formally ensuring that the Frankfurt School would be a
university institution.[10]
Korsch and Lukács participated in the Arbeitswoche, which included the study of
Marxism and Philosophy (1923), by Karl Korsch, but their communist-party
membership precluded their active participation in the Institute for Social
Research (Frankfurt School); yet Korsch participated in the School's publishing
venture. Moreover, the political correctness by which the Communists compelled
Lukács to repudiate his book History and Class Consciousness (1923) indicated
that political, ideological, and intellectual independence from the communist
party was a necessary work condition for realising the production of
knowledge.[10]
The philosophical tradition of the Frankfurt School — the multi-disciplinary

integration of the social sciences — is associated with the philosopher Max
Horkheimer, who became the director in 1930, and recruited intellectuals such as
Theodor W. Adorno (philosopher, sociologist, musicologist), Erich Fromm
(psychoanalyst), and Herbert Marcuse (philosopher).[3]
European interwar period (1918–39)

In the Weimar Republic (1918–33), the continual, political turmoils of the
interwar years (1918–39) much affected the development of the critical theory
philosophy of the Frankfurt School. The scholars were especially influenced by
the Communists’ failed German Revolution of 1918–19 (which Marx predicted)
and by the rise of Nazism (1933–45), a German form of fascism. To explain such
reactionary politics, the Frankfurt scholars applied critical selections of Marxist
philosophy to interpret, illuminate, and explain the origins and causes of
reactionary socio-economics in 20th-century Europe (a type of political economy
unknown to Marx in the 19th century). The School’s further intellectual
development derived from the publication, in the 1930s, of the Economic and
Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 (1932) and The German Ideology (1932), in
which Karl Marx showed logical continuity with Hegelianism, as the basis of
Marxist philosophy.
As the anti-intellectual threat of Nazism increased to political violence, the

founders decided to move the Institute for Social Research out of Nazi Germany
(1933–45).[11] Soon after Adolf Hitler's rise to power in 1933, the Institute first
moved from Frankfurt to Geneva, and then to New York City, in 1935, where the
Frankfurt School joined Columbia University. In the event, the School’s journal,
the Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung ("Magazine of Social Research") was renamed
"Studies in Philosophy and Social Science". Thence began the period of the
School’s important work in Marxist critical theory; the scholarship and the
investigational method gained acceptance among the academy, in the U.S and in
the U.K. By the 1950s, the paths of scholarship led Horkheimer, Adorno, and
Pollock to return to West Germany, whilst Marcuse, Löwenthal, and Kirchheimer
remained in the U.S. In 1953, the Institute for Social Research (Frankfurt School)
was formally re-established in Frankfurt, West Germany.[12]
Theorists
As a term, the Frankfurt School usually comprises the intellectuals Max
Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse, Leo Löwenthal and
Friedrich Pollock.[6] Although initially of the FS's inner circle, Jürgen Habermas
was the first to diverge from Horkheimer's research program, as a new generation
of critical theoreticians.
The Frankfurt School were:

Max Horkheimer
Theodor W. Adorno
Herbert Marcuse
Friedrich Pollock
Erich Fromm
Otto Kirchheimer
Leo Löwenthal
Franz Leopold Neumann
Henryk Grossman[13]
Associates of the Frankfurt School:
Siegfried Kracauer
Alfred Sohn-Rethel
Walter Benjamin
Ernst Bloch
Critical theoreticians of the Frankfurt School:
Jürgen Habermas
Claus Offe
Axel Honneth
Oskar Negt
Alfred Schmidt
Albrecht Wellmer
Critical theory
The works of the Frankfurt School are understood in the context of the
intellectual and practical objectives of critical theory. In Traditional and Critical
Theory (1937), Max Horkheimer defined critical theory as social critique meant to
effect sociologic change and realize intellectual emancipation, by way of
enlightenment that is not dogmatic in its assumptions.[14][15] The purpose of
critical theory is to analyze the true significance of the ruling understandings (the
dominant ideology) generated in bourgeois society, by showing that the dominant
ideology misrepresents how human relations occur in the real world, and how
such misrepresentations function to justify and legitimate the domination of
people by capitalism.
In the praxis of cultural hegemony, the dominant ideology is a ruling-class

narrative story, which explains that what is occurring in society is the norm.
Nonetheless, the story told through the ruling understandings conceals as much
as it reveals about society, hence, the task of the Frankfurt School was sociological
analysis and interpretation of the areas of social-relation that Marx did not
discuss in the 19th century — especially in the base and superstructure aspects of
a capitalist society.[16]
Horkheimer opposed critical theory to traditional theory, wherein the word

theory is applied in the positivistic sense of scientism, in the sense of a purely
observational mode, which finds and establishes scientific law (generalizations)
about the real world. That the social sciences differ from the natural sciences
inasmuch as scientific generalizations are not readily derived from experience,
because the researcher’s understanding of a social experience always is shaped by
the ideas in the mind of the researcher. What the researcher does not understand
is that he or she is within an historical context, wherein ideologies shape human
thought, thus, the results for the theory being tested would conform to the ideas
of the researcher, rather than conform to the facts of the experience proper; in
Traditional and Critical Theory (1937), Horkheimer said:
The facts, which our senses present to us, are socially performed in
two ways: through the historical character of the object perceived, and
through the historical character of the perceiving organ. Both are not
simply natural; they are shaped by human activity, and yet the
individual perceives himself as receptive and passive in the act of
perception.[17]
For Horkheimer, the methods of investigation applicable to the social sciences

cannot imitate the scientific method applicable to the natural sciences. In that
vein, the theoretical approaches of positivism and pragmatism, of neo-
Kantianism and phenomenology failed to surpass the ideological constraints that
restricted their application to social science, because of the inherent logico–
mathematic prejudice that separates theory from actual life, i.e. such methods of
investigation seek a logic that is always true, and independent of and without
consideration for continuing human activity in the field under study. That the
appropriate response to such a dilemma was the development of a critical theory
of Marxism.[18]
Because the problem was epistemological, Horkheimer said that "we should
reconsider not merely the scientist, but the knowing individual, in general."[19]
Unlike Orthodox Marxism, which applies a template to critique and to action,
critical theory is self-critical, with no claim to the universality of absolute truth.

As such, critical theory does not grant primacy to matter (materialism) or to
consciousness (idealism), because each epistemology distorts the reality under
study, to the benefit of a small group. In practice, critical theory is outside the
philosophical strictures of traditional theory; however, as a way of thinking and of
recovering humanity’s self-knowledge, critical theory draws investigational
resources and methods from Marxism.[15]
Dialectical method
The Frankfort School reformulated dialectics into a concrete method of
investigation, derived from the Hegelian philosophy that an idea will pass over
into its own negation, as the result of conflict between the inherently
contradictory aspects of the idea.[20] In opposition to previous modes of
reasoning, which viewed things in abstraction, each by itself and as though
endowed with fixed properties, Hegelian dialectics considers ideas according to
their movement and change in time, according to their interrelations and
interactions.[20]
In Hegel's perspective, human history proceeds and evolves in a dialectical

manner: the present embodies the rational Aufheben (sublation), the synthesis of
past contradictions. History thus is an intelligible process of human activity, the
Weltgeist, which is the Idea of Progress towards a specific human condition — the
realization of human freedom through rationality.[21] However, the Problem of
future contingents, of considerations about the future, did not interest
Hegel,[22][23] for whom philosophy cannot be prescriptive and normative,
because philosophy understands only in hindsight. The study of history is thus
limited to descriptions of past and present human realities.[21] Hence, for Hegel
and his successors (the Right Hegelians), dialectics inevitably lead to the approval
of the status quo — as such, dialectical philosophy justified the bases of Christian
theology and of the Prussian state.
Karl Marx and the Young Hegelians strongly criticized that perspective, that
Hegel had over-reached in defending his abstract conception of "absolute
Reason" and had failed to notice the "real"— i.e. undesirable and irrational — life
conditions of the proletariat. Marx inverted Hegel's idealist dialectics and
advanced his own theory of dialectical materialism, arguing that "it is not the
consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their
social being that determines their consciousness."[24] Marx's theory follows a
materialist conception of history and geographic space,[25] where the
development of the productive forces is the primary motive force for historical
change, and, according to which, the social and material contradictions inherent
to capitalism lead to its negation — thereby replacing capitalism with
Communism, a new, rational form of society.[26]
Marx used dialectical analysis to learn and know the truth by uncovering the
contradictions in the predominant ideas of society, and in the social relations to
which they are linked — which exposes the underlying struggle between opposing
forces. Therefore, only by becoming aware of the dialectic (i.e. class
consciousness) of such opposing forces in a struggle for power, that men and
women can intellectually liberate themselves, and so change the existing social
order by way of social progress.[27] The Frankfurt School understood that a
dialectical method could only be adopted if it could be applied to itself; if they
adopted a self-correcting method — a dialectical method that would enable the
correction of previous, false interpretations of the dialectical investigation.
Accordingly, critical theory rejected the historicism and materialism of Orthodox
Marxism.[28]
Influences and early works
Transition from small-scale capitalism to large-scale capitalism

and colonialism; the socialist labour movement matures into a
reform movement and fosters the emergence of the welfare state;
Historical context
the Russian Revolution (1917) and the rise of Communism; the
neotechnic period; the emergence of mass communications media
and of mass popular culture, Modern art; and the rise of Nazism.
Comparative history of Western rationalisation in capitalism, the
modern state, secular scientific rationality, culture, and religion;
Weberian theory analyses of the forms of dominance hierarchy and of modern
rational-legal bureaucratic domination; articulation of the
hermeneutic method in the social sciences.
Critique of the psychological repression of the reality principle of
advanced civilization, and of the neuroses of daily life; discovery of
the unconscious mind, primary-process thinking, and the
Freudian theory
psychological impact of the Oedipus complex anxiety upon a
man's mental health and life; analyses of the psychic bases of the
irrational behaviours of authoritarianism.
Critique of positivism as philosophy, as a scientific method, as
political ideology and as conformity; rehabilitation of the negative
dialectic, return to Hegel; appropriation of critical elements from
Antipositivism
phenomenology, historicism, existentialism, critique of the
ahistorical, idealist tendencies of positivism; critique of logical
positivism and pragmatism.
Critique of false and reified experience by breaking traditional
forms and language; projection of alternative modes of existence
and experience; liberation of the unconscious; consciousness of
Aesthetic modernism
unique, modern situation; cultural appropriation of the literary
devices of Franz Kafka and Marcel Proust, of Arnold Schoenberg
and André Breton; critique of the culture industry.
Critique of bourgeois ideology; critique of Marx's theory of
alienation (Entfremdung); historical materialism; history as class
struggle and the rate of exploitation in different modes of
Marxist theory
production; systems analysis of capitalism as the extraction of
surplus labour; financial crisis theory; democratic socialism, and
the classless society.
Critique of Popular culture as the suppression and absorption of
individual negation, and as the integration of the individual person
to the status quo; critique of Western culture as a culture of social
Culture theory domination; the dialectical differentiation of the emancipatory
aspects and the repressive aspects of élite culture; Kierkegaard's
critique of the present age, Nietzsche's transvaluation, and
Schiller's aesthetic education.
Critique of Western civilization
Dialectic of Enlightenment and Minima Moralia
The second phase of Frankfurt School critical theory centres principally on two
works: Adorno and Horkheimer's Dialectic of Enlightenment (1944) and
Adorno's Minima Moralia (1951). The authors wrote both works during the
Institute's exile in America. While retaining much of a Marxian analysis, in these
works critical theory shifted its emphasis from the critique of capitalism to a
critique of Western civilization as a whole, as seen in Dialectic of Enlightenment,
which uses the Odyssey as a paradigm for their analysis of bourgeois
consciousness. In these works, Horkheimer and Adorno present many themes
that have come to dominate the social thought of recent years; for instance, their
exposition of the domination of nature as a central characteristic of instrumental
rationality in Western civilization was made long before ecology and
environmentalism had become popular concerns.
The analysis of reason now goes one stage further: The rationality of Western
civilization appears as a fusion of domination and technological rationality,
bringing all of external and internal nature under the power of the human subject.
In the process, however, the subject itself gets swallowed up and no social force
analogous to the proletariat can be identified that enables the subject to
emancipate itself. Hence the subtitle of Minima Moralia: "Reflections from
Damaged Life". In Adorno's words,
For since the overwhelming objectivity of historical movement in its

present phase consists so far only in the dissolution of the subject,
without yet giving rise to a new one, individual experience necessarily
bases itself on the old subject, now historically condemned, which is
still for-itself, but no longer in-itself. The subject still feels sure of its
autonomy, but the nullity demonstrated to subjects by the
concentration camp is already overtaking the form of subjectivity
itself.[29]
Consequently, at a time when it appears that reality itself has become the basis for
ideology, the greatest contribution that critical theory can make is to explore the
dialectical contradictions of individual subjective experience on the one hand, and
to preserve the truth of theory on the other. Even dialectical progress is put into
doubt: "its truth or untruth is not inherent in the method itself, but in its
intention in the historical process." This intention must be oriented toward
integral freedom and happiness: "The only philosophy which can be responsibly
practiced in face of despair is the attempt to contemplate all things as they would
present themselves from the standpoint of redemption." Adorno goes on to
distance himself from the "optimism" of orthodox Marxism: "beside the demand
thus placed on thought, the question of the reality or unreality of redemption [i.e.
human emancipation] itself hardly matters."[30]
From a sociological point of view, both Horkheimer's and Adorno's works contain
a certain ambivalence concerning the ultimate source or foundation of social
domination, an ambivalence that gave rise to the "pessimism" of the new critical
theory over the possibility of human emancipation and freedom.[31] This
ambivalence was rooted, of course, in the historical circumstances in which the
work was originally produced, in particular, the rise of National Socialism, state
capitalism, and mass culture as entirely new forms of social domination that
could not be adequately explained within the terms of traditional Marxist
sociology.[32] For Adorno and Horkheimer, state intervention in the economy had
effectively abolished the tension in capitalism between the "relations of
production" and "material productive forces of society"—a tension that, according
to traditional Marxist theory, constituted the primary contradiction within
capitalism. The previously "free" market (as an "unconscious" mechanism for the
distribution of goods) and "irrevocable" private property of Marx's epoch have
gradually been replaced by the centralized state planning and socialized
ownership of the means of production in contemporary Western societies.[33] The
dialectic through which Marx predicted the emancipation of modern society is
thus suppressed, effectively being subjugated to a positivist rationality of
domination.
Of this second "phase" of the Frankfurt School, philosopher and critical theorist
Nikolas Kompridis writes that:
According to the now canonical view of its history, Frankfurt School

critical theory began in the 1930s as a fairly confident
interdisciplinary and materialist research program, the general aim of
which was to connect normative social criticism to the emancipatory
potential latent in concrete historical processes. Only a decade or so
later, however, having revisited the premises of their philosophy of
history, Horkheimer and Adorno's Dialectic of Enlightenment steered
the whole enterprise, provocatively and self-consciously, into a
skeptical cul-de-sac. As a result they got stuck in the irresolvable
dilemmas of the "philosophy of the subject," and the original program
was shrunk to a negativistic practice of critique that eschewed the very
normative ideals on which it implicitly depended.[34]
Kompridis argues that this "sceptical cul-de-sac" was arrived at with "a lot of help
from the once unspeakable and unprecedented barbarity of European fascism,"
and could not be gotten out of without "some well-marked [exit or] Ausgang,
showing the way out of the ever-recurring nightmare in which Enlightenment
hopes and Holocaust horrors are fatally entangled." However, this Ausgang,
according to Kompridis, would not come until later – purportedly in the form of
Jürgen Habermas's work on the intersubjective bases of communicative
rationality.[34]
Philosophy of music
Adorno, a trained classical pianist, wrote The Philosophy of Modern Music
(1949), in which he, in essence, polemicizes against popular music―because it has
become part of the culture industry of advanced capitalist society and the false
consciousness that contributes to social domination. He argued that radical art
and music may preserve the truth by capturing the reality of human suffering.
Hence:
What radical music perceives is the untransfigured suffering of man

[...] The seismographic registration of traumatic shock becomes, at
the same time, the technical structural law of music. It forbids
continuity and development. Musical language is polarized according
to its extreme; towards gestures of shock resembling bodily
convulsions on the one hand, and on the other towards a crystalline
standstill of a human being whom anxiety causes to freeze in her
tracks [...] Modern music sees absolute oblivion as its goal. It is the
surviving message of despair from the shipwrecked.[35]
This view of modern art as producing truth only through the negation of
traditional aesthetic form and traditional norms of beauty because they have
become ideological is characteristic of Adorno and of the Frankfurt School
generally. It has been criticized by those who do not share its conception of
modern society as a false totality that renders obsolete traditional conceptions
and images of beauty and harmony.
In particular, Adorno despised jazz and popular music, viewing it as part of the
culture industry, that contributes to the present sustainability of capitalism by
rendering it "aesthetically pleasing" and "agreeable". The British philosopher
Roger Scruton saw Adorno as producing "reams of turgid nonsense devoted to
showing that the American people are just as alienated as Marxism requires them
to be, and that their cheerful life-affirming music is a 'fetishized' commodity,
expressive of their deep spiritual enslavement to the capitalist machine."[36]
Critical theory and domination
Negative dialectics
With the growth of advanced industrial society during the Cold War era, critical
theorists recognized that the path of capitalism and history had changed
decisively, that the modes of oppression operated differently, and that the
industrial working class no longer remained the determinate negation of
capitalism. This led to the attempt to root the dialectic in an absolute method of
negativity, as in Marcuse's One-Dimensional Man (1964) and Adorno's Negative
Dialectics (1966). During this period the Institute of Social Research resettled in
Frankfurt (although many of its associates remained in the United States) with
the task not merely of continuing its research but of becoming a leading force in
the sociological education and democratization of West Germany. This led to a
certain systematization of the Institute's entire accumulation of empirical
research and theoretical analysis.
During this period, Frankfurt School critical theory particularly influenced some
segments of the left wing and leftist thought, particularly the New Left. Herbert
Marcuse has occasionally been described as the theorist or intellectual progenitor
of the New Left. Their critique of technology, totality, teleology and (occasionally)
civilization is an influence on anarcho-primitivism. Their work also heavily
influenced intellectual discourse on popular culture and scholarly popular culture
studies.
More importantly, however, the Frankfurt School attempted to define the fate of
reason in the new historical period. While Marcuse did so through analysis of
structural changes in the labor process under capitalism and inherent features of
the methodology of science, Horkheimer and Adorno concentrated on a re-
examination of the foundation of critical theory. This effort appears in
systematized form in Adorno's Negative Dialectics, which tries to redefine
dialectics for an era in which "philosophy, which once seemed obsolete, lives on
because the moment to realize it was missed". Negative dialectics expresses the
idea of critical thought so conceived that the apparatus of domination cannot co-
opt it.
Its central notion, long a focal one for Horkheimer and Adorno, suggests that the
original sin of thought lies in its attempt to eliminate all that is other than
thought, the attempt by the subject to devour the object, the striving for identity.
This reduction makes thought the accomplice of domination. Negative Dialectics
rescues the "preponderance of the object", not through a naïve epistemological or
metaphysical realism but through a thought based on differentiation, paradox,
and ruse: a "logic of disintegration". Adorno thoroughly criticizes Heidegger's
fundamental ontology, which he thinks reintroduces idealistic and identity-based
concepts under the guise of having overcome the philosophical tradition.
Negative dialectics comprises a monument to the end of the tradition of the

individual subject as the locus of criticism. Without a revolutionary working class,
the Frankfurt School had no one to rely on but the individual subject. But, as the
liberal capitalist social basis of the autonomous individual receded into the past,
the dialectic based on it became more and more abstract.
Habermas and communicative rationality

Habermas's work takes the Frankfurt School's abiding interests in rationality, the
human subject, democratic socialism, and the dialectical method and overcomes
a set of contradictions that always weakened critical theory: the contradictions
between the materialist and transcendental methods, between Marxian social
theory and the individualist assumptions of critical rationalism between technical
and social rationalization, and between cultural and psychological phenomena on
the one hand and the economic structure of society on the other.
The Frankfurt School avoided taking a stand on the precise relationship between
the materialist and transcendental methods, which led to ambiguity in their
writings and confusion among their readers. Habermas's epistemology
synthesizes these two traditions by showing that phenomenological and
transcendental analysis can be subsumed under a materialist theory of social
evolution, while the materialist theory makes sense only as part of a quasi-
transcendental theory of emancipatory knowledge that is the self-reflection of
cultural evolution. The simultaneously empirical and transcendental nature of
emancipatory knowledge becomes the foundation stone of critical theory.
Criticism
Horkheimer and Adorno
In The Theory of the Novel (1971), Georg Lukács said that the Frankfurt School
were:
A considerable part of the leading German intelligentsia, including

Adorno, have taken up residence in the Grand Hotel Abyss which I
described in connection with my critique of Schopenhauer as "a
beautiful hotel, equipped with every comfort, on the edge of an abyss,
of nothingness, of absurdity. And the daily contemplation of the
abyss, between excellent meals or artistic entertainments, can only
heighten the enjoyment of the subtle comforts offered."[37]
In "Addendum 1974: The Frankfurt School" (1994) Karl Popper said that:
Marx's own condemnation of our society makes sense. For Marx's

theory contains the promise of a better future. But the theory becomes
vacuous and irresponsible if this promise is withdrawn, as it is by
Adorno and Horkheimer.[38]
Habermas
In his criticism of Habermas, the philosopher Nikolas Kompridis said that a break
with the proceduralist ethics of communicative rationality is necessary:
For all its theoretical ingenuity and practical implications, Habermas's

reformulation of critical theory is beset by persistent problems of its
own ... In my view, the depth of these problems indicate just how
wrong was Habermas's expectation that the paradigm change to
linguistic intersubjectivity would render "objectless" the dilemmas of
the philosophy of the subject.[39] Habermas accused Hegel of creating
a conception of reason so "overwhelming" that it solved too well the
problem of modernity's [need for] self-reassurance.[40] It seems,
however, that Habermas has repeated rather than avoided Hegel's
mistake, creating a theoretical paradigm so comprehensive that in one
stroke it also solves, too well, the dilemmas of the philosophy of the
subject and the problem of modernity's self-reassurance.[41]
That:
The change of paradigm to linguistic intersubjectivity has been

accompanied by a dramatic change in critical theory's self-
understanding. The priority given to questions of justice and the
normative order of society has remodeled critical theory in the image
of liberal theories of justice. While this has produced an important
contemporary variant of liberal theories of justice, different enough to
be a challenge to liberal theory, but not enough to preserve sufficient
continuity with critical theory's past, it has severely weakened the
identity of critical theory and inadvertently initiated its premature
dissolution.[42]
That to prevent that premature dissolution critical theory should be reinvented as

a philosophic enterprise that discloses possibilities by way of Heidegger's world
disclosure, by drawing from the sources of normativity that were blocked by the
change of paradigm.[43]
Psychoanalytic categorization
The historian Christopher Lasch criticized the Frankfurt School for their initial
tendency to "automatically" reject opposing political criticisms, based upon
"psychiatric" grounds:
The Authoritarian Personality [1950] had a tremendous influence on

[Richard] Hofstadter, and other liberal intellectuals, because it
showed them how to conduct political criticism in psychiatric
categories, [and] to make those categories bear the weight of political
criticism. This procedure excused them from the difficult work of
judgment and argumentation. Instead of arguing with opponents,
they simply dismissed them on psychiatric grounds.[44]
Economics and communications media

During the 1980s, anti-authoritarian socialists in the United Kingdom and New
Zealand criticised the rigid and determinist view of popular culture deployed
within the Frankfurt School theories of capitalist culture, which seemed to
preclude any prefigurative role for social critique within such work. They argued
that EC Comics often did contain such cultural critiques.[45][46] Recent criticism
of the Frankfurt School by the libertarian Cato Institute focused on the claim that
culture has grown more sophisticated and diverse as a consequence of free
markets and the availability of niche cultural text for niche audiences.[47][48]
Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory
Definition and Culture War usage

In contemporary usage, the term Cultural Marxism refers to a far-right
antisemitic conspiracy theory which claims that the Frankfurt School is part of an
ongoing academic and intellectual effort to undermine and destroy Western
culture and values.[49] According to the conspiracy theory, which emerged in the
late 1990s, the Frankfurt School and other Marxist theorists were part of a
conspiracy to attack Western society by undermining traditionalist conservatism
and Christianity using the 1960s counterculture, multiculturalism, progressive
politics and political correctness.[50][51][52]
This conspiracy theory is associated with American religious fundamentalists and

paleoconservatives such as William S. Lind, Pat Buchanan, and Paul Weyrich; but
also holds currency among the alt-right, white nationalists, Neo-Nazi
organizations, and the neo-reactionary movement.[53][54]
In 1998 Weyrich presented his version of the Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory
in a speech to the Conservative Leadership Conference of the Civitas Institute and
then published the speech in his syndicated Culture war letter.[55] At Weyrich's
request, William S. Lind wrote a short history of his conception of Cultural
Marxism for the Free Congress Foundation; in it Lind identifies the presence of
openly gay people on television as proof of Cultural Marxist control over the mass
media and claims that Herbert Marcuse considered a coalition of "blacks,
students, feminist women, and homosexuals" as a vanguard of cultural
revolution.[50][51][56]
In 2014 Lind pseudonymously published Victoria: A Novel of 4th Generation

Warfare, by Thomas Hobbes, about a societal apocalypse in which Cultural
Marxism deposes traditional conservatism as the culture of the Western world.
Ultimately, a Christian military victory deposes social liberalism and reestablishes
a traditionalist and theocratic socioeconomic order based upon British Victorian
morality of the late 19th century.[57][58] The anti–Marxism of Lind and Weyrich
advocates political confrontation and intellectual opposition to Cultural Marxism
with "a vibrant cultural conservatism" composed of "retro-culture fashions", a
return to railroads as public transport, and an agrarian culture of self-reliance,
modeled after that of the Christian Amish folk.[59] In the Dialectic of Counter-
Enlightenment: The Frankfurt School as Scapegoat of the Lunatic Fringe (2011),
the historian Martin Jay said that Lind's documentary of conservative counter-
culture, Political Correctness: The Frankfurt School (1999), was effective
propaganda, because it:
"spawned a number of condensed textual versions, which were

reproduced on a number of radical, right-wing sites. These, in turn,
led to a plethora of new videos, now available on YouTube, which
feature an odd cast of pseudo-experts regurgitating exactly the same
line. The message is numbingly simplistic: “All the 'ills' of modern
American culture, from feminism, affirmative action, sexual
liberation, racial equality, multiculturalism and gay rights to the decay
of traditional education, and even environmentalism, are ultimately
attributable to the insidious intellectual influence of the members of
the Institute for Social Research who came to America in the
1930s.”[60]
Aspects of the conspiracy
Cultural pessimism and Holocaust denial

In the essay "New Dark Age: The Frankfurt School and 'Political Correctness'"
(1992), Michael Minnicino presented a precursor of the Cultural Marxism
conspiracy theory on behalf of the Schiller Institute of the LaRouche political
movement. Minnicino said the "Jewish intellectuals" of the Frankfurt School
promoted modern art to make cultural pessimism the spirit of the counter-culture
of the 1960s, based upon the counter-culture of the Wandervogel, the socially
liberal German youth movement whose Swiss Monte Verità commune was the
19th-century predecessor of Western counter-culture.[61][60][62][63]
In Fascism: Fascism and Culture (2003), professor and Oxford fellow Matthew
Feldman traced the etymology of the term "Cultural Marxism" back to the anti-
Semitic term Kulturbolshewismus (Cultural Bolshevism), which Adolf Hitler and
the Nazi Party used to assert that Jewish cultural influence was the source of
German social degeneration under the liberal régime of the Weimar Republic
(1918–1939), and also the cause of social degeneration in the West.[64]
Othering of political opponents
In the article titled Hate Crimes, Vol. 5, Heidi Beirich stated that the conspiracy
theory is used to demonize various conservative "bêtes noires" including
feminists, homosexuals, secular humanists, multiculturalists, sex educators,
environmentalists, immigrants, and black nationalists.[65]
In Europe, the Norwegian far-right terrorist Anders Behring Breivik quoted

Lind's usage of the term "Cultural Marxism" in his political manifesto 2083: A
European Declaration of Independence, writing that the "sexually transmitted
disease (STD) epidemic in Western Europe is a result of cultural Marxism", that
"Cultural Marxism defines Muslims, feminist women, homosexuals, and some
additional minority groups, as virtuous, and they view ethnic Christian European
men as evil", and that "The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in
Strasbourg is a cultural-Marxist-controlled political entity." About 90 minutes
before killing 77 people in his terrorist attacks in Norway on July 22nd, 2001,
Breivik e-mailed 1003 people a copy of his 1500-page manifesto and a copy of
Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology, which was edited by Lind
and published by the Free Congress Research and Education
Foundation.[66][67][68][69]
In the article titled Collectivists, Communists, Labor Bosses, and Treason: The
Tea Parties as Right-wing, Populist Counter-subversion Panic, Chip Berlet
identifies the Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory as an ideological basis of the
Tea Party movement within the Republican Party. The Tea Party identifies as a
right-wing populist movement; its claims of social subversion echo earlier white-
nationalist claims of racial, social, and cultural subversion. The economic elites
use populist rhetoric to encourage counter-subversion panics. Thus, a large,
middle-class white constituency is politically deceived into siding with the ruling-
class social and economic elites to defend their relative and precarious
socioeconomic position in the middle class. Cultural scapegoats, such as mythical
conspiracies claiming that collectivists, communists, labor bosses, and nonwhite
citizens and immigrants are to blame for the economic, political, and social
failures of free-market capitalism. In that manner, under the guise of patriotism,
economic libertarianism, traditional Christian values, and nativism, right-wing
accusations of Cultural Marxism defended the racist and sexist social hierarchies
specifically opposed to the "big government" policies of the Obama
administration.[70][71]
In the essay Cultural Marxism and the Radical Right, the political scientist
Jérôme Jamin said that "next to the global dimension of the Cultural Marxism
conspiracy theory, there is its innovative and original dimension, which lets its
racist authors avoid racist discourses, and pretend to be defenders of democracy
in their respective countries".[72] The essay titled How Trump's Paranoid White
House Sees 'Deep State' Enemies on all Sides reported that an employee within
the Trump administration by the name of Richard Higgins was dismissed from
the U.S. National Security Council because he published a memorandum called
POTUS & Political Warfare, wherein Higgins claimed the existence of an alleged
left-wing conspiracy to destroy the Trump presidency and that "American public
intellectuals of Cultural Marxism, foreign Islamicists, and globalist bankers, the
news media, and politicians from the Republican and the Democrat parties were
attacking Trump because he represents an existential threat to the cultural
Marxist memes that dominate the prevailing cultural narrative in the
U.S."[73][74][75]
Anti–Semitic canards
In the speech titled "The Origins of Political Correctness" (2000), William S. Lind
established the ideological and etymological lineage of Cultural Marxism
conspiracy theory; that:
If we look at it analytically, if we look at it historically, we quickly find

out exactly what it is. Political correctness is Cultural Marxism. It is
Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms. It is an effort
that goes back not to the 1960s and the Hippies and the peace
movement, but back to World War I, to Kulturbolshewismus. If we
compare the basic tenets of Political Correctness with the basic tenets
of classical Marxism, the parallels are very obvious.[76]
Lind’s history of the term and its meanings were described in "The Alt-right’s
Favorite Meme is 100 Years Old" (2018), in which professor of law Samuel Moyn
reported that social fear of Cultural Marxism is "an American contribution to the
phantasmagoria of the alt-right"; while the conspiracy theory, itself, is "a crude
slander, referring to Judeo-Bolshevism, something that does not exist".[77]
Left wing meme

The Frankfurt school has often been referred to sarcastically as the "Frankfurt
School of Witchcraft and Wizardry" by leftists poking fun at the often unknown
aspects of the school and the conspiracy theories that surround it.[78]
See also
Analytical Marxism
Birmingham School of Cultural Studies
Degenerate Art
Social conflict theory
Fredric Jameson
Georg Simmel
Gerhard Stapelfeldt
Karl Manheim
Leo Kofler
Neo-Gramscianism
Neo-Marxism
New Marx Reading
Positivism dispute
Psychoanalytic sociology
Zygmunt Bauman
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Shekhovtsov, A.; Jackson, P. (eds.). The Post-War Anglo-American Far Right:
A Special Relationship of Hate. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 84–
103. doi:10.1057/9781137396211.0009 (https://doi.org/10.1057%2F97811373
96211.0009). ISBN 978-1-137-39619-8.
73. "How Trump's Paranoid White House Sees 'Deep State' Enemies on all
Sides" (https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/aug/13/donald-trump-whit
e-house-steve-bannon-rich-higgins). The Guardian. 13 August 2017.
74. "Here's the Memo That Blew Up the NSC" (https://foreignpolicy.com/2017/08/
10/heres-the-memo-that-blew-up-the-nsc/). Foreign Policy. 10 August 2017.
75. "An NSC Staffer Is Forced Out Over a Controversial Memo" (https://www.thea
tlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/08/a-national-security-council-staffer-is-force
d-out-over-a-controversial-memo/535725/). The Atlantic. 2 August 2017.
76. Lind, William S. (5 February 2000). "The Origins of Political Correctness" (htt
p://www.academia.org/the-origins-of-political-correctness/). Accuracy in
Academia. Accuracy in Academia/Daniel J. Flynn. Retrieved 8 November
2015.
77. Samuel Moyn (13 November 2018). "The Alt-Right's Favorite Meme is 100
Years Old" (https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/13/opinion/cultural-marxism-ant
i-semitism.html?rref=collection%2Fsectioncollection%2Fopinion&action=click
&contentCollection=opinion&region=rank&module=package&version=highligh
ts&contentPlacement=3&pgtype=sectionfront). The New York Times.
Retrieved 4 November 2018.
78. Walton, Stuart. "Theory from the ruins" (https://aeon.co/essays/how-the-frankf
urt-school-diagnosed-the-ills-of-western-civilisation). Aeon. Retrieved
20 January 2020.
Further reading
Arato, Andrew and Eike Gebhardt, Eds. The Essential Frankfurt School
Reader. New York: Continuum, 1982.
Bernstein, Jay (ed.). The Frankfurt School: Critical Assessments I–VI. New
York: Routledge, 1994.
Benhabib, Seyla. Critique, Norm, and Utopia: A Study of the Foundations of
Critical Theory. New York: Columbia University Press, 1986.
Bottomore, Tom. The Frankfurt School and its Critics. New York: Routledge,
2002.
Bronner, Stephen Eric and Douglas MacKay Kellner (eds.). Critical Theory
and Society: A Reader. New York: Routledge, 1989.
Brosio, Richard A. The Frankfurt School: An Analysis of the Contradictions
and Crises of Liberal Capitalist Societies. (http://libx.bsu.edu/cdm4/item_view
er.php?CISOROOT=/BSMngrph&CISOPTR=21&CISOBOX=1&REC=11)
1980.
Crone, Michael (ed.): Vertreter der Frankfurter Schule in den
Hörfunkprogrammen 1950–1992. Hessischer Rundfunk, Frankfurt am Main
1992. (Bibliography.)
Friedman, George. The Political Philosophy of the Frankfurt School. Ithaca,
New York: Cornell University Press, 1981.
Held, David. Introduction to Critical Theory: Horkheimer to Habermas.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980.
Gerhardt, Christina. "Frankfurt School". The International Encyclopedia of
Revolution and Protest, 1500 to the Present. 8 vols. Ed. Immanuel Ness.
Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2009. 12–13.
Immanen, Mikko (2017). A Promise of Concreteness: Martin Heidegger's
Unacknowledged Role in the Formation of Frankfurt School in the Weimar
Republic (Ph.D. thesis). University of Helsinki. ISBN 978-951-51-3205-5. 978-
951-51-3205-5 Lay summary (http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN) Check |lay-url=
value (help).
Jay, Martin. The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and
the Institute for Social Research 1923–1950. Berkeley, California: University
of California Press. 1996.
Jeffries, Stuart (2016). Grand Hotel Abyss: The Lives of the Frankfurt School.
London – Brooklyn, New York: Verso. ISBN 978-1-78478-568-0.
Kompridis, Nikolas. Critique and Disclosure: Critical Theory between Past and
Future. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2006.
Postone, Moishe. Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of
Marx's Critical Theory. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University
Press, 1993.
Schwartz, Frederic J. Blind Spots: Critical Theory and the History of Art in
Twentieth-Century Germany. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press,
2005.
Shapiro, Jeremy J. "The Critical Theory of Frankfurt". Times Literary
Supplement 3 (4 October 1974) 787.
Scheuerman, William E. Frankfurt School Perspectives on Globalization,
Democracy, and the Law. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2008.
Wiggershaus, Rolf. The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories and Political
Significance. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1995.
Wheatland, Thomas. The Frankfurt School in Exile. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 2009.
External links
Official website of the Institute for Social Research at the University of
Frankfurt (http://www.ifs.uni-frankfurt.de/english/)
Gerhardt, Christina. "Frankfurt School (Jewish émigrés)." The International
Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Ness, Immanuel (ed). Blackwell
Publishing, 2009. Blackwell Reference Online (http://www.blackwellreference.
com/subscriber/tocnode.html?id=g9781405184649_chunk_g9781405184649
586).
"The Frankfurt School and Critical Theory" (http://www.iep.utm.edu/frankfur).
Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
The Frankfurt School on the Marxists Internet Archive (https://www.marxists.o
rg/subject/frankfurt-school/)
BBC Radio 4 Audio documentary "In our time: the Frankfurt School" (https://w
ww.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b00pr54s/In_Our_Time_The_Frankfurt_Schoo
l/)
Cultural Marxism': a uniting theory for rightwingers who love to play the victim
(https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/19/cultural-marxism-a-
uniting-theory-for-rightwingers-who-love-to-play-the-victim)
The Alt-Right’s Favorite Meme Is 100 Years Old (https://www.nytimes.com/20
18/11/13/opinion/cultural-marxism-anti-semitism.html)
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The Frankfurt School (German: Frankfurter Schule) is a school of social

The Frankfurt School perspective of critical investigation (open-ended and self-

social-change purposes of critical-theory-problems, such as what should reason

Institute for Social Research

At university, Weil’s doctoral dissertation dealt with the practical problems of

The philosophical tradition of the Frankfurt School — the multi-disciplinary

European interwar period (1918–39)

As the anti-intellectual threat of Nazism increased to political violence, the

The Frankfurt School were:

In the praxis of cultural hegemony, the dominant ideology is a ruling-class

Horkheimer opposed critical theory to traditional theory, wherein the word

For Horkheimer, the methods of investigation applicable to the social sciences

critical theory is self-critical, with no claim to the universality of absolute truth.

In Hegel's perspective, human history proceeds and evolves in a dialectical

Influences and early works

Transition from small-scale capitalism to large-scale capitalism

Critique of Western civilization

Dialectic of Enlightenment and Minima Moralia

For since the overwhelming objectivity of historical movement in its

According to the now canonical view of its history, Frankfurt School

What radical music perceives is the untransfigured suffering of man

Critical theory and domination

Negative dialectics comprises a monument to the end of the tradition of the

Habermas and communicative rationality

Horkheimer and Adorno

A considerable part of the leading German intelligentsia, including

Marx's own condemnation of our society makes sense. For Marx's

For all its theoretical ingenuity and practical implications, Habermas's

The change of paradigm to linguistic intersubjectivity has been

That to prevent that premature dissolution critical theory should be reinvented as

The Authoritarian Personality [1950] had a tremendous influence on

Economics and communications media

Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory

Definition and Culture War usage

This conspiracy theory is associated with American religious fundamentalists and

In 2014 Lind pseudonymously published Victoria: A Novel of 4th Generation

"spawned a number of condensed textual versions, which were

Aspects of the conspiracy

Cultural pessimism and Holocaust denial

Othering of political opponents

In Europe, the Norwegian far-right terrorist Anders Behring Breivik quoted

If we look at it analytically, if we look at it historically, we quickly find

Left wing meme

28. Bernstein, J. M. (1994) The Frankfurt School: Critical Assessments, Volume

66. " 'Breivik Manifesto' Details Chilling Attack Preparation" (https://www.bbc.com/

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