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too long. Weak solicitude for bigoted obstruction must give way to the will
to legisla~e for a national way of life. Secularism cannot sleep in deep
freeze any longer.
Law reform is social engineering and not mere parliamentary bills and
ballyhoo. The area of reform, the obduracy of obscurantism, the political
overtones, the inner urges of the progressive-wings of the affected com-
munities and their power equation vis-a-vis the hard crust of orthodoxy must
be considered before shaping the strategy and tactics which will ensure
success. The sanctity and scope of minority rights, the secularising forces
of the modern age, the strong winds of family law reform and suffragette
upsurge in the Muslim world, the interaction of ways of life in our 'one
world' also are relevant factors. The catalytic effect of socialist transform-
ation on the totalitarian hold of Hinduism and Islam on their respective
folds, are forces in the reform dynamics. The psycho-social complex of a
minority to keep its family laws 'untouchable' by a majority-dominated
legislature must be overcome, not overborne. But move we must towards
'one citizenship, one law', at once living down the deep wedge driven by the
imperial policy through personal laws and living up to national norms
without eroding the essential sense of identity and cultural individuality of
minorities. The caravan will pass.
The life of the law is not logic but experience: and even in law-making,
realism, not heroism, is our motto. For, a great revolutionary, in a different
context, cautioned, 'one step forward, two steps back', 1 So our strategy
must be correct and careful as we are dealing with a human mass, not with
an intellectual elite. I venture to think that the tremendous secular impact
of Bangia Desh is fresh; the new awareness among Muslim youth and the
gentle agitation among Muslim women is gathering into a storm. The
solidarity of the nation under the present leadership, the comparative
political confidence of the minorities by participation in state power and
special assurance, derived from judicial pronouncements of cultural and
religious freedoms, have created a favourable climate, almost a launching
stage for legislative essays in reform. Projects which were the despair of
yesterday are proving hopeful items on the national agenda today. There
is a tide in the affairs of men and let us take it at the flood. I blush to state
that more than half a century ago Goa, a Portuguese colony, applied a
common family law for all its citizens, regardless of religion, and we are
still struggling with the problem.
Ideological preparation, choice of subjects and stages for codification,
creation of public and parliamentary opinion are part of the technology of
law reforms and this seminar itself is an exploration of the know-how of
reform. At present we are a distance away from a common code for all
religions. Since first things must be first, let us tackle the job of moderniz-
The Prophet inculcated the use of reason; his followers have made
its exercise a sin.... He impressed on them to go in quest of
knowledge to the land of the heathens. They do not take it even
when it is offered to them in' their own homes."
Speaking of law itself, we have this authentic and holy word of the Prophet:
This is a hopeful gospel for judges since the play of reason and justice is
expressly permitted by the Prophet.
I must pay a tribute to the Muslim women's movement in India, not
oceanic but enough to prick our social conscience, and the progressive
Muslim associations which have organised publicity for reform of personal
law, keeping faith with and owing allegiance to the true tenets of Islam,
Even here, I must mention that the modalities of reform include judicial
legislation, naturally interstitial and limited, but Still considerable where
there is a will, campaigns and movements by Muslim organs and reformers,
administrative action in many ways, and, of course, legislative projects
which keep the Islamic identity and flavour.
The starting point of all this argument that the Muslim law actively
permits multi-marriages is itself open to serious doubt, as I will
presently show. Moreover, it is distressing for a Court to dis-
criminate against Muslim women who have for ages been subjected
to several social disabilities clamped down on them in the name of
personal laws. It is surprising that dubious religious interpretations
with values valid in a bygone age are being enforced in the current
times by civil courts in our professedly secular State when those
values have become mere legal superstitions, if not anathema for
the community at large, out of a false sense of solicitude to a fancied
section of society. The Indian Constitution directs that the State
should endeavour to have a uniform civil code applicable to the
entire Indian community and, indeed, when motivated by a high
public policy, S. 488of the Criminal Procedure Code has made such
a law, it would be improper for an Indian Court to exclude any
section of the community born an.d bred up on Indian earth from
the benefits of that law, importing religious privilege of a somewhat
obscurantist order .... Even during the last century the great jurist
Ameer Ali said:
7. Shahulameeduv.SubaidaBeevi, 1970K.L.T.4at9-11.
8. Purushottam Bhattacharya, Law oj Marriage and Divorce (Jodhpur University).
9. Bernard Shaw, The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism, Sovietism, Capitalism and
Fascism,411 (1949).
Reform of the Muslim Personal Law 23
Derrettw makes all. involved solution-a long route to reach mono-
gamy-a-which makes a new tort and inhibits indirectly a second marriage.
His error is in reading the Prophet as conferring a polygamous franchise,
coupled with mawkish solicitude for Indian Muslim 'religiosity'. Many
Indian Muslims need to be saved from their friends. In fairness to Islam
and with an eye on reforms, we must repudiate the anti-contextual perver-
sion of western scholarship that prohibition of extravagant polygamy implies
permission of limited polygamy. Any dynamic Indian judge, jurist or legis-
lator could have reasonably spelt out monogamy from the original text read
in modern Indian circumstances. Living law has to be interpreted in a liv-
ing way. The words of the Holy Qur'nn say that if a man cannot treat
his two wives with perfect equality, he is enjoined to marry only one wife.
H is obvious that in modern Indian conditions, however financially, psychi-
cally, sexually potent a husband may be, it is beyond him to show equal
justice in every respect to a plurality of wives. The Qur'anic sine qua non
being impossible now, a court, a legislator and a truly religious Muslim
would be right in insisting on monogamy. For equality, according to
some commentators, covers clothes, jewellery, houses, love, affection an.d
sentiments etc. This gamut of perfect equality is as good as a prescription
of one wife only in normal conditions, as under the Tunisian Code of Per-
sonal Status 1956.1 1
Monogamy follows from a strict construction of the Prophet's own
directive, ,'.5 President Bourguiba has opined. Professor Anderson elucidat-
ed 12 that Tunisia which is wholly Muslim, had totally prohibited polygamy
justifying the step on the ground, inter alia, that the "Verse on Polygamy"
insisted on the polygamist showing equal justice to all his wives-s-an impossi-
ble feat of affection (and a difficult obligation in contemporary economic
conditions) for My man other than the Prophet. So the law is canonically
justified in banning plural marriages as they necessarily prove sinful, being
virtually violative of the holy injunction.
10. J. D. M. Derrett, Religion, Law and the State ill India, (1968).
II. Art. 18.
12. Prof. J. N. D. Anderson in his lecture at the Indian Law Institute, New Delhi in
January 1972.
24 Islamic Law in Modem India
The cheap jibe about freak talnqsand the helpless bondage of women to wed-
lock cannot be blamed on Qur'anic injunctions. On the contrary, having
regard to the circumstances of pre-Islamic Arabia reeking with sex.promis-
cuity and social injustice, wives unlimited and divorce at pleasure for men
and unbreakable chains for women, this great Messenger of God and revo-
lutionary, had planted restraints on the male and granted cautious rights
to the female, and innovated a rational and fair system, astonishingly radical
and modern and more protective than Manu's verdict on women. In two
recent rulings of the Kerala High Court,!' one of which was generously
referred to by a leading lawyer of Delhi'! as a most significant pronounce-
ment, I have developed this thesis. The Prophet viewed marriage as a
permanent union and divorce only as a last resort. Let me quote, at some
length, from myself in Yusuf Rowthan v. Sowramma :
I may also point out with satisfaction that this secular and prag-
matic approach of the Muslim law of divorce happily harmonizes
Reform of the Muslim Personal Law 29
with contemporary concepts in advanced countries. For instance,
in the Family Code of the German Democratic Republic, recently
enacted, the provisions on Ute dissolution of marriage have been
explained in. an officiallegal publication thus:
"Their most characteristic feature is the doing a.way with the
guilt principle of the erstwhile German civil family law,
According to that principle a partner of 11. petition for divorce
had to prove that the other partner had in a culpable manner
violated marital duties, According to the principle which now
prevails in the German Democratic Republic the only valid
yardstick for the dissolution of a marriage are its objective con-
ditions. If a marriage-as formulated in the draft-has 10$l its
significance for the married partners, for the children and there-
by for society, if it has become merely an empty shell, it must be
dissolved, independently, whether one of the married partners
or which of the two bears the blame for its disintegration. In
view of the most personal and variegated relations within mar-
ried life and the fact that conflicts which lead to divorce, have
frequently been simmering for years, and might have their
deepest roots in an ill-considered marriage, it may be, as a
result, hardly possible to declare either of the spouses guilty
for the disintegration of the marital partnership." (Law and
Legislation in the G.D.R. 2/56, p. 32).
One of the serious apprehensions judges have voiced, if the view
accepted in A.I.R. 1950 Sind 8 were to be adopted, is that the
women may be tempted to claim divorce by their own delinquency
end family ties may become tenuous and snap. That such' a fear
is misplaced has been neatly expressed by Bertrand Russell in his
Murriageand Morals. .
"One of the most curious things about divorce is the difference
which has often existed between law and custom. The easiest
divorce laws by no means always produce the greatest number
of divorces ... , I think this distinction between law and
custom is important, for while I favour a somewhat lenient law
on the subject, there are to my mind, so long as the biparental
family persists as the norm, strong reasons why custom should
be against divorce, except in somewhat extreme cases. I take
this view because I regard marriage not primarily as a sexual
partnership, but above all as an undertaking to co-operate in
the procreation and rearing of children."
The law of the Marumakkattayees provides a large licence for
divorce but actual experience allays the alarm. The law has to
30 (Islamic Law in Modern India
The divine stamp of the Prophet, who regarded divorce as 'most hated
by Allah' (though permitted) is available for courts and legislatures to bridle
the reckless exercise of the male's right and impose judicially tested res-
traints for the exercise thereof. The cue from the Middle East countries,
which are the homeland of Islam, may well be taken by us too and a pro-
cess of re-interpretation of the law in tune with the inner fibre of the Pro-
phet's teaching begun. Many countries of the Muslim ~world have already
restrained or prohibited polygamy and regulated and conditioned male
divorce and conferred on the female the right to get the marriage dissolved.
IV. Conclusion