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The role of wild edible plants in household food security among transitioning
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DOI: 10.1007/s12571-016-0630-6

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The role of wild edible plants in household
food security among transitioning hunter-
gatherers: evidence from the Philippines

Homervergel G. Ong & Young-Dong

Kim

Food Security
The Science, Sociology and Economics
of Food Production and Access to Food

ISSN 1876-4517
Volume 9
Number 1

Food Sec. (2017) 9:11-24

DOI 10.1007/s12571-016-0630-6

1 23
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 Author's personal copy
Food Sec. (2017) 9:11–24
DOI 10.1007/s12571-016-0630-6
ORIGINAL PAPER
The role of wild edible plants in household food
security among transitioning hunter-gatherers: evidence
from the Philippines
Homervergel G. Ong 1 & Young-Dong Kim 1
Received: 25 November 2015 / Accepted: 2 November 2016 / Published online: 13 December 2016
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and International Society for Plant Pathology 2016
Abstract The Ati Negrito people, a recently settled hunter-
gatherer indigenous group in the Philippines, are faced once
more with the challenge of adapting to new settlements and
gradually declining areas of prime food sources. The research
is a documentation of uses and importance of wild edible
plants the group collects and consumes as a transitioning
hunter-gatherer community. Interviews were conducted with
44 female key informants representing 40 households. A total
of 69 wild edible plant taxa in 31 plant families were recorded.
Informant consensus revealed that many wild food plants are
prioritized for their caloric content and dietary structure to
complement oftentimes monotonous diets. Some of the re-
corded edibles were found to be non-native weedy introduc-
tions, signs of mechanisms for coping with environmental and
socio-cultural changes. Preferences for certain wild edible
plants also revealed that non-food factors underlay food
choices. Significant factors that influence food knowledge
and selection appeared to be household income, acculturation
and past experiences of food scarcity. Further studies, howev-
er, have yet to provide concrete evidence that there is erosion
of traditional knowledge. Regardless, determining informant
confidence in selecting wild food plants has emphasized that
preferences are decided based on socio-economic, cultural and
ecological conditions.
Keywords Ati Negrito . Food preference . Household food
security . Hunter-gatherer . Philippines . Wild edible plants
* Young-Dong Kim
ydkim@hallym.ac.kr
1
Department of Life Science, Center for Aging and Health Care,
Hallym University, 8310 Life Science Bldg, Hallymdaehak-Gil 1,
Chuncheon City 200-702, Republic of Korea
Introduction
Background of the study
Wild edible plants (WEPs) have always been an essential food
source for food-insecure families living in poverty in many
developing countries (Delang 2006; Mavengahama et al.
2013; Yumkham et al. 2016). They are an important source
of vegetables, fruits, tubers and nuts which are relevant in
ensuring food supply and enhancing the nutritional value of
food (Heywood 2011). Wild leafy vegetables, for example,
are critical sources of micronutrients in the tropics and are
significant in children’s nutrition for ensuring normal growth
and intellectual development (FAO 2010). They are also im-
portant for many communities in rural villages (High and
Shackleton 2000; Fentahun and Hager 2009; Urso et al.
2016) and even those in urban areas, especially among the
poor and marginalized (Rathore 2009; Termote et al. 2012b;
Kaoma and Shackleton 2015).
WEPs particularly play an important role in the life of
many indigenous farming and hunter-gatherer communities
(Turner et al. 2011). They are a reliable alternative among
marginalized groups when production of cultivated crops is
reduced or has failed. By turning to this resource as famine
foods, shortages are mitigated, and nourishment to some level
is improved. In poor and developing nations prone to drought
and famine, the importance of WEPs as fallback options or
even for survival is of immeasurable worth (McNamara and
Prasad 2013; Azam et al. 2014; Erskine et al. 2015).
Wild food plants are also widely collected in the
Philippines (Lugod and De Padua 1979; Tangan 2007;
Chua-Barcelo 2014), a country often hit by natural disasters,
such as typhoons and drought, if not by extended wet and dry
seasons which cause seasonal and sometimes severe food def-
icits. Unfortunately, the many impoverished indigenous
 Author's personal copy
12
peoples are the ones who are most affected when food stocks
decline (Rovillos et al. 2009). During times of food insuffi-
ciency, indigenous households augment food stocks by diver-
sifying food sources, resorting to hunting and gathering, or by
engaging in occasional menial labor in urban areas. Other
emergency measures include reducing consumption, eating
low quality diets, skipping one or more meals per day and
even begging (Cariño 2012). Cases of food scarcity have es-
pecially been reported among the indigenous Negrito people
(Seitz 1998; Novellino 2008; Tuck-Po 2013). They are the
Philippine aborigines, numbering about 33,000 and spread
all over the archipelago into more or less 30 ethnoliguistic
subgroups (Headland 2003). In the past, they were travelling
bands, but had completely adopted sedentary living by the end
of the 20th century (Headland and Blood 2002). Some sub-
groups on the other hand, like the Ati Negrito (Ati hereforth)
in central Philippines, still subsist by hunting and gathering of
forest products despite the gradual increase in trends in occa-
sional shifting of agriculture, wage labor and cash economies
(Stewart 1992).
Quite a number of studies have documented the importance
of WEPs in indigenous people’s food systems (Dénes et al.
2012; Boedecker et al. 2014; Sujarwo et al. 2014), including
those which showed the influence of socio-cultural and envi-
ronmental factors on wild food consumption (Mahapatra and
Panda 2012; Powell et al. 2013; Shumsky et al. 2014). This
research on the other hand, sought to gain a deeper under-
standing on how indigenous communities adjust to changes
in their natural and social environments by investigating their
food culture during phases of transition and examining its
implications for food access and sufficiency. In particular, this
research aimed to show that choices in types of WEPs can
convey information about the conditions of indigenous com-
munities in transition, such as those with hunting and gather-
ing background living in the peri-urban environment. We be-
lieve that this study can be a positive, if not novel contribution
to the scientific literature on wild foods and food security.
In light of the considerations mentioned, the present study
specifically sought to (1) document WEPs and their uses
among Ati households; (2) compute the relative value of each
plant using informant consensus metrics; and (3) discuss the
implications of informants’ knowledge and choice of WEPs in
the context of household food security.
Materials and methods
Research site
The research was conducted in Guimaras, a small island prov-
ince in the Visayas group of islands, central Philippines, where
significant Ati populations are distributed (see Fig. 1). The
island has a total area of 604.57 km2 and is about 100 m above
H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim
mean sea level. It has two pronounced seasons: the dry season,
which is usually between November and April, and the wet
season (with at least 15 typhoon visits) occurring during the
rest of the year. Average temperature is 27 °C with an increas-
ing trend in the mean temperature levels. About 57 % of the
total area suffers from moderate soil erosion, while 8 % is
severely eroded. More than half of the total land area
(56.32 %) is also calculated to have difficult sources of ground
water, hence the economy is dominated by the services sector
(e.g. tourism), followed by agriculture, forestry and fishery,
and the industry sectors (Province of Guimaras 2008).
We conducted three visits in different seasons from 2013 to
2015 in Sitio Kati‐kati, a village of around 60 Ati households
located in the town of Jordan, the provincial capital. The com-
munity is only about 2 kilometers away from the town center
where the public market and hospital are located. It is also
within a kilometer of the nearest basic education institutions
(elementary and high schools). The majority of households in
the village have access to electricity. Water however is only
sourced from deep wells and shallow springs. The community
is surrounded mostly by rain-fed farmlands and patches of
remaining lowland forests. Security of land tenure however
is still a problem for most families who are occupying areas
claimed to be privately owned by non-Ati locals. Although a
10-hectare resettlement area less than a kilometer away from
the village was recently awarded, it is still far from the condi-
tions of an ancestral domain and too minimal an area for
farming or raising livestock (Province of Guimaras 2008).
Informants
The Negrito people, wherein the Ati is a subgroup, were the
first to inhabit the Philippine archipelago some 20,000 years
ago prior to the arrival of major ethnic groups and Spanish
colonizers who coined the term Negrito, meaning little black
people. They were traditionally nomadic, as they hunted and
foraged in the highlands, but adopted a peasant-like sedentary
lifestyle when they began to co-exist by trading with the dom-
inant non-Negrito population. Although most Ati men choose
to be employed as farm laborers and construction workers
these days, there are still some who practise hunting wild
game for household consumption or sale. Small reptiles like
monitor lizards and turtles, or wild cats and birds are com-
monly captured in nearby forests, which were once abundant
with wild pigs and other mammals. The Ati women on the
other hand, are well-known collectors and peddlers (traveling
vendors) of medicinal plants and materia medica (Zayas
2008; De la Peña 2009; Ong and Kim 2014). They are also
the primary decision-makers for food preparation since they
are the ones who frequent the forests to gather useful plants
and take care of children.
Due to the highly gendered role with regard to plant food
collection, preparation, and therefore transfer of knowledge to
 Author's personal copy
The role of wild edible plants in household food security 13

Fig. 1 Distribution of significant

Ati populations (●) in central
Philippines and the study site (▲)

Philippines

Guimaras Island

Luzon

Kati-kati
Visayas

Mindanao

younger members, only the women were chosen as key infor- collection, distribution and availability, and season of collec-
mants for this study. A total of 44 informants who were family tion were also recorded to obtain a clearer perspective on the
heads (or members who shared the responsibility) diversity of plants and their uses. In some cases, detailed
representing 40 households agreed to be interviewed.
Twenty-one (21) informants directly contributed to the family Table 1 Socioeconomic profile of the informants
income, 15 of whom were doing work related to useful plant
Information n (%)
collection and trade (e.g. herbal medicine, handicrafts), while
6 were employed elsewhere. The remaining 23 respondents Age
were either full-time homemakers or students who at times 16-26 16 (36.4)
weave native accessories to sell. Average number of children 27-43 13 (29.5)
per household was 4 despite the generally poor economic 44-82 15 (34.1)
conditions. Table 1 presents the respondents’ socioeconomic Marital status
profile. Single 8 (18.2)
Married 36 (81.8)
Data collection Number of children
0-2 19 (43.2)
Data were gathered by asking the informants questions about 3-4 13 (29.5)
their direct experience in WEP collection, preparation and 5 above 12 (27.3)
consumption (i.e. use) using semi-structured interview ques- Descent
tionnaires and an initial guide list of commonly observed Full native 25 (56.8)
WEPs recorded during earlier visits. This method is common- Mixed 19 (43.2)
ly practised in ethnobotanical studies utilizing quantitative Education
techniques so as to ascertain that no or only a few plants are None to complete elementary 19 (43.2)
omitted during time-limited interviews with numerous respon- Secondary to complete secondary 12 (27.3)
dents. Interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis to College level above 13 (29.5)
minimize one informant’s answers influencing another’s. Monthly family income
Standard questions focused on collection of WEPs, includ- Less than 90 USD 34 (77.3)*
ing those that were collected in the past and during times of More than 90 USD 10 (22.7)
famine (see Supplementary Material for guide questions).
Modes of plant preparation, part(s) used, place(s) of * Government financial aid beneficiaries
 Author's personal copy
14
information about traditional food preparations and recipes
were also recorded. Interviews were conducted in the local
language, which the Ati more commonly use today, and the
first author’s mother tongue.
Documentation of wild foods was limited to higher plants
gathered from their natural (or naturalized) ecosystems taking
into account the existence of a continuum between Bwild^ and
Bcultivated^ species (Harris 1989). Thus, plants which are
actively managed but were initially sourced from their natural
environment and with a self-maintaining original population,
were all considered wild. Reported WEPs were collected with
the assistance of local Ati guides and consequently prepared
as specimens for taxonomic identification and storage in the
Herbarium of Hallym University (HHU).
Prior informed consent agreement between the informants
and authors, and the legal permit to interview was facilitated by
the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP),
while the phytosanitary certificate to transport plant specimens
was acquired from the Department of Agriculture (DA). Over
all, the field study was carried out following ethical guidelines
in conducting ethnobotanical studies (ISE 2006).
Quantitative data analyses
WEPs are often described as sources of food regularly gath-
ered and consumed, especially by people in rural areas. The
actual contribution of WEPs to food systems however, is de-
pendent not only on the frequency of use and number of peo-
ple using them, but also to the agreement among users (Powell
et al. 2015). In order to determine the relative value of each
plant, quantitative indices, based on informant consensus,
were employed in this study.
Use Value (UV), which is based on the number of uses and
the number of people that cite a given plant (Phillips and
Gentry 1993), was employed to measure the importance of
WEPs. UV is calculated using the following formula:
UV = (ΣUi)/N, where Ui is the number of use-reports cited
by each informant for a given species, and N is the total num-
ber of informants. UV of a plant is high when there are many
use-reports for it, implying its importance, and low (approach
to 0) when otherwise.
Computation of plant use-report (UR) was based on recent-
ly published studies from the area (Ong and Kim 2014, 2015).
Each use-report (UR) was counted every time a plant was
cited for a particular purpose under a specific category, while
two or more URs were counted for multiple citations. When
an informant cited 2 or more uses of a plant under the same
category, only a single UR was counted.
URs were assigned to 5 WEPs use categories as follow: (1)
BRoot crops,^ are underground parts consumed raw or
cooked; (2) BLeaf crops,^ include young shoots and leaves
consumed only after cooking; (3) BFlowers, fruits and seeds,^
include plant reproductive parts that are cooked, usually as
H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim
part of the main meal; (4) BFresh fruits,^ are ripe or mature
fruits consumed without further preparation; and
(5)^Flavorings,^ are any plant part used as a spice, condiment,
coloring or food deodorant.
Informant Consensus Factor (ICF) for each category was
quantified to measure participants’ agreement on the choice of
plants (Trotter and Logan 1986; Heinrich et al. 1998). ICF was
computed using the following formula: ICF = (Nur-Nt)/(Nur-1),
where Nur is the number of use-report of informants in each
use category, and Nt is the number of plant taxa used for a
particular category. High ICF values (approach to 1.00) are
obtained when only one or a few species are used by a high
proportion of informants for a certain category, whereas low
ICF values indicate that informants disagree over which plant
to use.
Evaluation and comparison of informants’ WEPs
knowledge/use were carried out by computing the total UR
from each participant using PASW Statistics 18 software
(SPSS 2009). Nonparametric inferential statistics, Mann-
Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis tests were employed to deter-
mine significant difference(s) involving two and three related
groups, respectively. All statistics were set at 0.05, and p-
values less than the set level were considered significant.
Results
Diversity of WEPs and uses
This study was able to document a total of 69 WEP taxa in 31
plant families. Dioscoreaceae and Fabaceae recorded the
highest diversity with 6 taxa each, followed by Malvaceae,
Moraceae and Poaceae with 5. Other noteworthy plant fami-
lies include the Amaranthaceae with 4 reported members, and
Araceae, Anacardiaceae, Phyllanthaceae and Zingiberaceae
with 3 each.
Quantitative examination of these diverse plant groups by
computing the mean informant use-reports and use-value (UR
and UV) underscored the roles they play in the Ati diet and
food system. For instance, Dioscoreaceae/yam family (39,
0.87) and Araceae/taro family (44, 1.0) recorded a relatively
high informant use consensus implying informants’ prefer-
ence on carbohydrate-rich diet. On the other hand, the use of
Malvaceae (58, 1.32) and Poaceae (27, 0.62) species revealed
distinct dietary structures indicating not only cultural prefer-
ences, but also economic conditions of the marginalized Ati.
Uses of other plant families, such as the Moraceae (27, 0.61)
and Amaranthaceae (36, 0.82), have also emphasized their
roles in mitigating food deficiency as food alternatives.
Utilization of Fabaceae/bean family (34, 0.78) rather showed
the value of different plant parts. High informant consensus
(44, 1.0) for economically valuable members of this plant
group were recorded for Pithecellobium dulce and
 Author's personal copy
The role of wild edible plants in household food security
Tamarindus indica, which are harvested for their fruits, and
Pachyrhizus erosus for its succulent roots.
WEPs with the highest URs and UVs similarly showed
uses of different plant parts in more than one category.
Notable plants are Anacardium occidentale (88, 2.0) for uses
of its fleshy fruits and tasty seeds, and Hibiscus sabdariffa and
H. radiatus (85, 1.93) for use of their leaves and fruits as
cooking ingredients and as souring agents. The unpopularity
of plants which recorded the lowest informant use consensus
such as Chrysopogon aciculatus (5, 0.11) can be attributed to
their use as famine food (also Dioscorea hispida) in the past.
They are no longer being gathered due to high energy and time
input in harvesting and preparation. The very low UR and UV
for Sesuvium portulacastrum (7, 0.16) on the other hand, can
be attributed to its availability only in places which are distant
from villages.
In the context of conservation and sustainability, none
of the reported species seemed to be under pressure from
over-harvesting since the ones with the highest UVs (i.e.
with the highest harvesting pressure) are those that are
actively managed or cultivated in the village, if not
allowed to spread as hardy weeds. Table 2 presents the
taxonomic information of all reported WEPs, their use(s)
under each category, and relative values based on infor-
mant consensus.
In general, high ICF values were recorded for all 5
WEP use categories, indicating concordance in the use
of plants among the respondents. WEPs utilized as
BFlavorings^ showed the highest ICF value (0.99),
followed by those consumed as BRoot crops^ (0.98),
BLeaf crops^ (0.98), BFresh fruits^ (0.97), and BFlowers,
fruits and seeds^ (0.96). WEPs collected for their BFresh
fruits^ included 26 taxa, confirming reports of high wild
edible fruit diversity in tropical regions (Saw et al. 1991;
Mahapatra and Panda 2012; Chua-Barcelo 2014). Plants
consumed as BLeaf crops^ on the other hand, listed a
total of 20 species most likely due to the year-round
availability of aerial parts in the tropics. Computed ICF
values are also in agreement with the percentage of most
used plant parts as follow: fruits (40 %), leaves/shoots
(37 %), tuberous roots (15 %), seeds (5 %) and flowers
(3 %).
The relatively high number of recorded UR per infor-
mant on the other hand, may be attributed to their use
preference as (semi-)wild food plants commonly
transplanted and managed in the area. On average, each
informant recorded 56.98 UR, implying their knowledge
in wild food plant diversity and preparation, as well as
their ability to provide food options to their families.
The results of informants’ food knowledge/use statistical
computations and the different variables that influence
food choice and use are analyzed and presented altogether
in the Discussion section.
15
Discussion
The Ati diet and wild foods sources
Carbohydrate-centered diets
A typical Ati diet is centered on carbohydrates often com-
posed of rice and a single side-dish. Depending on availability,
a meal may or may not have animal protein content. Rice is
most highly prioritized although securing the main staple food
often becomes a struggle among poorer families. About 77 %
of the respondents live by a meager family monthly earnings
of about 90 USD, thus financial assistance of 11 to 32 USD
per month is provided by the government to qualified house-
holds (see Ong and Kim 2015). Alternatively, respondents
resort to other cultivated starch-rich crops (e.g. sweet potato,
cassava) or wild edible roots when rice is insufficient. On
average, high informant consensus (UR and UV) was record-
ed for carbohydrate-rich plant groups, such as yams (39,
0.87), and taro/aroid plants (44, 1.0). Informants had a partic-
ular perception of the consumption of these underground tu-
bers and corms (kararuton) as compared to rice because B…
these starchy foods are bulky, heavy and fill the stomach.^
Worldwide, yams are a major source of food for about 60
million people in tropical and sub-tropical regions of Africa
(Asiedu and Sartie 2010), while taro ranks fourteenth among
the staple vegetable crops and is deeply embedded in various
cultures in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands (Rao et al.
2010). Among the Ati, yams were less preferred (i.e. lower
URs and UVs) probably due to the difficulty of their collection
and preparation. For example, Dioscorea hispida recorded the
lowest informant consensus (26, 0.59) among other yams de-
spite its abundant distribution along forest margins. In this
study, it is the only plant that is no longer actively used due
to its toxicity when not properly processed. The laborious
preparation involves soaking the sliced tubers in running wa-
ter sometimes for days in order to remove the toxins before it
can be boiled and eaten. In the past, soaked tubers were ini-
tially sun dried for longer storage in preparation for the sea-
sonal famine (tigkiriwi) during the wet (and typhoon) season.
Regardless, most yams reported here had to be dug deep un-
derground and would rather be collected during the non-rainy
season. Wild yams during this time are sought for their
starchy-dry consistency and texture.
Rainforests as sources
The principal source of Ati livelihood and wild foods, the
remaining patches of tropical lowland rainforests surrounding
the village and elsewhere on the island, still seemed able to
provide the group with raw materials for their basic needs.
Most herbs and materia medica for their non-codified tradi-
tional medicine, which they sell and trade even in other parts
 Author's personal copy
16 H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

Table 2 Wild edible plants collected by the indigenous Ati people on Guimaras Island, Philippines

Plant family tbcolw38mmScientific name Local name Use Use Category tbcolw47mmParts and preparation
report value
(UR) (UV)

Aizoaceae Sesuvium portulacastrum (L.) L. Bilang-bilang 7 0.16 2 Aerial parts cooked as a fish soup ingredient
Amaranthaceae Alternanthera sessilis (L.) R.Br. Lupo-lupo, 38 0.86 2 Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient
ex DC. a Lupo pula
Amaranthaceae Alternanthera philoxeroides Lupo puti 40 0.91 2 Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient
(Mart.) Griseb. a
Amaranthaceae Amaranthus spinosus L. a Kulitis 38 0.86 2 Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient
Amaranthaceae Amaranthus viridis L. Alum-alum 29 0.66 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or
fish soup ingredient
Anacardiaceae Anacardium occidentale L. a Kasuy 88 2.0 4 Ripe fruits edible
3 Seeds dried and roasted
Anacardiaceae Semecarpus cuneiformis Blanco Anagas 41 0.93 4 Ripe fruits edible
Anacardiaceae Spondias pinnata (L. f.) Kurz Alubijod, Libas 54 1.23 4 Ripe fruits edible
5 Leaves used as food (meat) deodorant in soups
Annonaceae Uvaria grandiflora Roxb. Kalansaging, 41 0.93 4 Ripe fruits edible
Saging-sagin-
g
Annonaceae Uvaria rufa Blume Banawak 38 0.86 4 Ripe fruits edible
Araceae Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott Gabi 44 1.0 1 Corms boiled and eaten, or cooked as a soup
var. antiquorum (Schott) ingredient
F.T.Hubb. & Rehder
Araceae Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott Udag 44 1.0 2 Young convoluted leaves cooked as the main
var. esculenta ingredient for a traditional soup or stew dish
Araceae Cyrtosperma merkusii (Hassk.) Palawan 44 1.0 1 Corms boiled and eaten
Schott
Arecaceae Corypha utan Lam. Buri, Bunga buri 39 0.89 3 Fruits boiled and eaten
Asparagaceae Dracaena angustifolia (Medik.) Kamarinis 30 0.68 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or
Roxb. b fish soup ingredient
Clusiaceae Garcinia vidalii Merr. Batuan 44 1.0 5 Young fruits used to sour soups
Convolvulaceae Ipomoea aquatica Forssk. a Tangkong 44 1.0 2 Young shoots/stems cooked as a salty vegetable dish
or fish soup ingredient
Convolvulaceae Ipomoea triloba L. a Uyampong, 33 0.75 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or
Kurukamote fish soup ingredient
Cucurbitaceae Momordica charantia L. a Sampaliya 11 0.25 2 Young leaves cooked as a fish soup ingredient
3 Unripe fruits cooked as a fish soup ingredient
4 Ripe fruits (seed pulp) edible
Dilleniaceae Dillenia philippinensis Rolfe Katmon 29 0.66 4 Ripe fruits edible
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea alata L. Ubi-kinarbaw 44 1.0 1 Tubers boiled and eaten
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea hispida Dennst. Kayos 26 0.59 1 Tubers processed, boiled and eaten (as famine food)
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea esculenta var. spinosa Burot, Kurot 38 0.86 1 Tubers boiled and eaten
(Prain) R.Knuth
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea esculenta var. Tam-is 37 0.84 1 Tubers boiled and eaten
fasciculata (Roxb.) R.Knuth
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea glabra Roxb. Banayan 44 1.0 1 Tubers boiled and eaten
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea pentaphylla L. Sap-ang 43 0.98 1 Tubers boiled and eaten
Ebenaceae Diospyros blancoi A.DC. Mabolo 10 0.23 4 Ripe fruits edible
Fabaceae Erythrina variegata L. var. Dapdap 18 0.41 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as a soup ingredient
orientalis (L.) Merr.
Fabaceae Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.) Walp. a, Madre cacao 34 0.77 3 Flowers cooked as vegetable dish
b

Fabaceae Pachyrhizus erosus (L.) Urb. a Singkamas 44 1.0 1 Tubers edible

Fabaceae Pithecellobium dulce (Roxb.) Kamunsil 44 1.0 4 Mature fruits edible
Benth. a
Fabaceae Sesbania grandiflora (L.) Pers. b Gaway-gaway 21 0.48 3 Flowers cooked as a vegetable dish ingredient
Fabaceae Tamarindus indica L. a Sambag 44 1.0 4 Mature fruits edible
Gnetaceae Gnetum gnemon L. b Bago 29 0.66 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Malvaceae Ceiba pentandra (L.) Gaertn. a Duldol 36 0.82 2 Young leaves cooked as a slimy vegetable soup
ingredient
Malvaceae Corchorus olitorius L. Tugabang 44 1.0 2 Leaves cooked as a slimy vegetable soup ingredient
Malvaceae Hibiscus sabdariffa L. a Rusil tapol 85 1.93 5 Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup
2 Young leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Malvaceae Hibiscus surattensis L. Labog 40 0.91 5 Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup
Malvaceae Hibiscus radiatus Cav. a Rusil puti 85 1.93 5 Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup
5 Fruits used as souring agent in fish soup
2 Young leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Melastomataceae Melastoma malabathricum L. Tungaw-tungaw 41 0.93 4 Mature fruits edible
Meliaceae Sandoricum koetjape (Burm.f.) Santol 44 1.0 4 Ripe fruits edible
Merr. a
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The role of wild edible plants in household food security 17

Table 2 (continued)

Plant family tbcolw38mmScientific name Local name Use Use Category tbcolw47mmParts and preparation
report value
(UR) (UV)

Moraceae Artocarpus blancoi (Elmer) Tipolo 36 0.82 3 Young fruits cooked as vegetable dish (jackfruit
Merr. b alternative)
3 Seeds roasted
Moraceae Artocarpus camansi Blanco b Kamansi 33 0.75 3 Young fruits cooked as vegetable dish (jackfruit
alternative)
Moraceae Ficus nota (Blanco) Merr. Tabuyog 20 0.45 4 Ripe fruits edible (but intoxicating)
Moraceae Ficus pseudopalma Blanco b Sulamyog 30 0.68 4 Mature fruits edible
2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Moraceae Ficus septica Burm.f. b Labnog 15 0.34 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Musaceae Musa balbisiana Colla Pakul, 42 0.95 4 Ripe fruits edible
Saging-amo
Myrtaceae Psidium guajava L. a Bayabas 44 1.0 4 Ripe fruits edible
Myrtaceae Syzygium cumini (L.) Skeels a Lumboy 44 1.0 4 Ripe fruits edible
Olacaceae Olax imbricata Roxb. Labnok 24 0.54 2 Young leaves cooked as a fish soup ingredient
Opiliaceae Champereia manillana (Blume) Luyong-luyong 37 0.84 2 Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish
Merr. b
Pandanaceae Pandanus tectorius Parkinson ex Pandan 37 0.84 4 Ripe fruits (seed pulp) edible
Du Roi
3 Seeds roasted
Passifloraceae Passiflora foetida L. Kuru-kadena, 36 0.82 4 Ripe fruits edible
Maria-maria
Phyllanthaceae Antidesma bunius (L.) Sreng Bugnay 44 1.0 4 Ripe fruits edible
Phyllanthaceae Antidesma ghaesembilla Gaertn. Inyam 40 0.91 4 Ripe fruits edible
Phyllanthaceae Bridelia stipularis (L.) Blume Singkiwilan 21 0.48 4 Ripe fruits edible
Poaceae Bambusa bambos (L.) Voss a Pawa 22 0.50 2 Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup
ingredient
Poaceae Bambusa vulgaris var. striata Dalusan, 27 0.61 2 Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup
(Lodd. Ex Lindl.) Gamble a Galusan ingredient
Poaceae Bambusa vulgaris var. vulgaris Kawayan 44 1.0 2 Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup
Schrad. a ingredient
Poaceae Chrysopogon aciculatus (Retz.) Bariri 5 0.11 3 Mature fruits cooked with rice (as famine food)
Trin.
Poaceae Gigantochloa levis (Blanco) Botong 39 0.89 2 Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup
Merr. a ingredient
Portulacaceae Portulaca oleracea L. Alusiman 21 0.48 2 Aerial parts cooked as a fish soup ingredient
Primulaceae Ardisia elliptica Thunb. Tagpo-bayi 37 0.84 1 Ripe fruits edible
Rubiaceae Ixora philippinensis Merr. Tagpo-laki 12 0.27 1 Ripe fruits edible
Rubiaceae Ixora sp. Unis-unis 28 0.64 1 Ripe fruits edible
Solanaceae Physalis angulata L. a Tino-tino 44 1.0 1 Ripe fruits edible
Zingiberaceae Alpinia galanga (L.) Willd. Langkauas 37 0.84 5 Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment
Zingiberaceae Curcuma longa L. Kalawag 37 0.84 5 Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment, or used as
food coloring
Zingiberaceae Zingiber zerumbet (L.) Puyang-puyang 24 0.54 5 Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment
Roscoe ex Sm.

a
Naturalized or introduced
b
Usually prepared with jackfruit (filler or meat substitute) and mung beans

of the country, can still be found in abundance (Ong and Kim
2014, 2015). Unfortunately, some wild animal food sources of
proteins and fats, such as wild boar and monkey have been
exhausted decades ago. Turtles and monitor lizards can still be
captured from the forests, hence the remaining practising
Bfull-time^ Ati hunters, albeit few. Consumption of roasted
turtles or the preparation of a wild taro dish called udag in
which turtle meat is the protein counterpart is uniquely an Ati
traditional food. Turtle meat is most likely the primary source
of wild animal protein in the Ati contemporary diet because
monitor lizards (itok) are often sold at a good price to non-
Negritos who are eager to try exotic food.
Despite the abundance of wild foods, Southeast Asian
rainforests may be deficient, particularly in carbohydrate-
rich food plants because potential sources are either buried
deep underground or are toxic (Headland 1987; Bailey et al.
1989; Bailey and Headland 1991). Due to adversities in
obtaining wild plant foods, it was hypothesized that prehistor-
ic Negrito people could not have survived purely by hunting
and gathering, and had to attach themselves to non-Negrito
farming populations. The critical nutritional needs most likely
led them to practise swidden farming and cultivation of crops,
and management of some wild species (Headland 1987;
Headland and Reid 1989). In this study for instance, 3 edible
 Author's personal copy
18
taro plants (Araceae) were observed to be very commonly
managed around family huts or water sources nearby. This
underlines their importance as starch source, even though their
origin, distribution and the advent of their cultivation are ar-
gued by many botanists (Fox 1953; Lebot and Aradhya 1991;
Matthews et al. 2012).
Although biodiverse-rich environments do not always as-
sure better, increased and sustained nutrition security
(Termote et al. 2012a), forests can certainly contribute to the
diversity of diet and flavor. In a recent review of studies on
food biodiversity in relation to diets, Powell et al. (2015)
highlighted the importance of tropical forests (and tree-based
systems) in the availability not only of wild edible fruits and
vegetables for home consumption and children’s dietary di-
versity, but also of animal sourced foods. Wild foods have also
been reported to supply flavors for gastronomy and vitamins
for nutrition among indigenous groups in developing coun-
tries (Motlhanka and Makhabu 2011; Chua-Barcelo 2014;
Upadhaya et al. 2016). In this study, noteworthy WEPs easily
accessed along forest margins are fruits of 3 members of the
Phyllanthaceae (35, 0.80) and 2 members of the Annonaceae/
custard-apple family (39, 0.89). They are collected most often
by younger Ati villagers both for flavor and fun. Among
homemakers, the Zingiberaceae/ginger family (33, 0.74) gath-
ered from nearby forests (and also transplanted in the village)
are sought after ingredients for condiments, as well as ready
medicines.
The number of recorded WEPs sourced from surrounding
forests provides empirical evidence of the importance of the
natural flora. Hence, the need to formulate policy and man-
agement programs for conservation of the remaining forests
for the improvement not only of the Ati food and livelihood
systems, but also those of other communities on the island.
Distinct dietary structures
Once carbohydrates are secured, a side dish to complement
each meal was the next most important element of the Ati diet.
The use of some WEPs was observed to be essential in pro-
viding variety, taste and texture to oftentimes monotonous
starch-prioritized meals. As emphasized by Barker (1983),
these sensory elements of flavor, color, texture, and aroma
are important in defining food cultural preferences and bio-
logical need for food. This section discusses the uses of WEPs
as indicators of social, economic and environmental condi-
tions by examining the aspects of Ati food dietary structure,
quality and availability.
Preference for sour and salty tastes
In terms of taste, sourness was one of the most commonly
observed flavors in Ati food preparations. By adding young
leaves, shoots or fruits as souring agents, the dominant flavor,
H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim
which is also generally savored in most Filipino dishes, is
created. Souring (usually by adding coconut vinegar) is prac-
tised to prolong the shelf life of foods in the hot and humid
country. Among the Ati households, the most preferred plant
group is the genus Hibiscus (H. radiatus, H. sabdariffa and
H. surattensis) of the Malvaceae/mallow family as supported
by their high mean UR and UV (70, 1.59). On special occa-
sions, young leaves and shoots of Spondias pinnata (54, 1.23)
and Gnetum gnemon (29, 0.66), or young fruits of Garcinia
vidalii (44, 1.0) are used to sour meat or fish soup dishes.
Another distinct flavor the Ati are familiar with is saltiness,
commonly regarded as the symbolic flavor of poverty in the
country. Dried salted fish for example, is a usual side dish
among households that are unable to make ends meet.
Among vegetable dishes, the salty apan-apan using the hardy
perennial Ipomoea aquatica (44, 1.0) stewed with salty
fermented shrimp paste (ginamos) and vinegar is a popular
alternative. In extreme cases, however, salt becomes the only
rice or carbohydrate accompaniment. This inclination for salty
(and sour) foods in the Philippines may have other reasons
other than economy and food preservation. It is generally be-
lieved that in hot climates, people who do strenuous physical
activities (e.g. hunting and farming) should consume more salt
because of sodium loss through perspiration.
Slimy vegetable soup recipes
Another interesting observation was the respondents’ prefer-
ence for slippery texture in preparing vegetable soup dishes.
The slimy-watery dish called laswa for example, is a popular
vegetable soup recipe which is a mixture of various plant
ingredients, hence the variety of versions. This clear, slightly
thick soup is prepared by families with lower budgets and is
common among the poorer part of the population in central
Philippines. Although informants mentioned a handful of
commonly cultivated vegetable ingredients (e.g. pumpkin,
string beans, okra), some WEPs are also considered indispens-
able components. Corchorus olitorius (44, 1.0) leaves were
most preferred for their mucilaginous properties, although the
young shoots and leaves of Ceiba pentandra (36, 0.82) and
Erythrina variegata var. orientalis (18, 0.41) can also be good
alternatives. The soft and slippery texture of this dish seemed
to be appropriate for most members of the family, whether the
young and the elderly, or the sick and healthy, thereby reduc-
ing the need for extra spending.
Other reported WEPs which make up much of the volume
in slimy soup dishes are the underground shoots of four bam-
boo taxa: Bambusa vulgaris var. vulgaris, B. vulgaris var.
striata, B. bambos and Gigantochloa levis. As a group, they
recorded an average of 33 UR and 0.75 UV. The Ati only
harvest the young, cream-yellow and fiber-rich culms of these
giant grasses. These are then peeled, thinly sliced and gener-
ously added to various laswa recipes. When compared with
 Author's personal copy
The role of wild edible plants in household food security
other societies in Asia (Yang et al. 2008; Nongdam and
Tikendra 2014) however, the Ati do not appear to have tradi-
tions of processing bamboo shoots for longer storage, which
could be linked with their history of being travelling hunters
and foragers in search for more food-abundant environments.
A few more filler foods
Occasionally, but more often during times of food shortage,
fruits which are enjoyed as desserts to complete the food ex-
perience are prematurely collected and served as the main
course. Among the Ati for example, the commonly cultivated
jackfruit is peeled, chopped in chunks and added to increase
the quantity of thick mung bean-based soup recipes. Wild
breadfruits Artocarpus blancoi (36, 0.82) and A. camansi
(33, 0.75) can be similarly used as substitutes and fillers.
The use of the cheap but reliable mung beans, along with
about 10 reported WEPs (see Table 2), often serve as the main
plant source of proteins (and other nutrients) and as replace-
ment for unaffordable meat dishes.
Although unripe breadfruits (and jackfruit) may not contain
as much energy as other starch-containing root crops, their
dense and fibrous pulp can be adequate enough to fill up the
stomach and provide dietary fibers. In many Pacific island
nations, breadfruits are widely propagated and even consumed
as subsistence foods resulting in the cropping of many notable
varieties (Redfern 2007; Jones et al. 2011). Breadfruits ap-
peared to be a less utilized fruit vegetable in the Philippines
but could be a potentially reliable novel food source and
should therefore be further studied for cultivation.
Incorporated wild foods and other alternatives
Introduced, naturalized, consumed
During the Spanish colonial period, enormous amounts of
goods were introduced by galleon trades from the Americas
(via Mexico) to the Philippines. The former Spanish colony
immediately became a major Asian gateway of imports, in-
cluding economically useful plants, such as cereals, beans and
fruit trees (Alvina and Madulid 2009). In time, many of these
crops escaped cultivation and became naturalized. Together
with other introduced species, these plants now comprise
6 % of the total Philippine flora (Pelser et al. 2011 onwards).
An example is Anacardium occidentale (88, 2.0), a commer-
cial fruit tree which had its origins from neotropical regions.
Today, cashew is one of the biggest contributors to the agri-
culture sector in the island (Province of Guimaras 2008).
Other favored non-natives are Tamarindus indica (44, 1.0)
and Syzygium cumini (44, 1.0), which may have been brought
by the agricultural ancestors of the Filipino majority who
came a few thousand years after the Negritos.
19
Overall, about 22 introduced WEPs were recorded in this
study (see Table 2). The adoption of these naturalized plants in
the Ati food system may suggest dietary necessity, specifically
when the formerly nomadic Negritos were beginning to adopt
cultivation and a less mobile lifestyle. Although the propor-
tion of non-native WEPs is indicative that there is a
longstanding non-native influence on food tradition, it does
also suggest the Ati’s adaptive strategies and resilience as they
interact with cultures foreign to them.
Desirable weeds
Weeds have been called by many names and descriptions:
unwanted, undesired, in the wrong place. For the Ati people
however, some weeds can be favored leafy vegetable alterna-
tives because of their abundance and availability. They are
exemplified by the four members of the Amaranthaceae/
amaranth family, recording an average informant consensus
of 36 UR and 0.87 UV. Some of these taxa (e.g. Alternanthera
spp.) are collected from rice paddies lying fallow or after
harvest, while others (e.g. Amaranthus spp.) are just gregari-
ously growing in vacant areas and waste lands. Contrary to
their rather negative image, the weedy amaranths contain sig-
nificant proteins and micronutrients, and are widely promoted
vegetables to reduce child malnutrition and hunger in Africa
(Achigan-Dako et al. 2014).
One issue regarding edible weed collection, however, is
health risk as the environment where they are harvested con-
tributes to their composition, nutrition and safety. We believe
that some edible weeds gathered in the village may be poten-
tial hazards to health since many households do not seem to
practise proper garbage disposal and still lack sanitary toilets.
On several occasions during our field work, we even saw
young children being allowed to relieve themselves outside
huts or in backyards where edible weeds also grow. Although
still subject to verification, our observations should provide a
basis for local level efforts to inspect community health and
sanitary conditions.
Cases of contamination in places of harvest have already
been documented, but mostly from developed countries where
people are more conscious about food sources (Kalač 2010;
Wehi and Wehi 2010). Nonetheless, food safety in sources of
WEPs should always be considered since, on a global scale,
more rural households depend on non-forest wild food plant
harvests for subsistence (Hickey et al. 2016).
Whether Ati villagers are aware of possible contamination
of WEPs in their surroundings, we could not ascertain. But
foraging of potentially health-compromising plants should be
cautioned as they eventually relocate to smaller resettlements,
and as areas for foraging gradually decline. Indeed food secu-
rity is not merely food sufficiency to meet needs, but should
also include food nutrition and safety (FAO 1996; Pinstrup-
Andersen 2009).
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20
Factors influencing food knowledge and selection
People’s choices in meeting food needs relate to many factors.
According to Kuhnlein and Receveur (1996), when there is a
variety of available food, selection is made based on social
influences, individual biological needs, beliefs and cultural
preferences. In some societies however, food choices may
not equate to preferences but only as alternatives.
Regardless, examining these factors is important in order to
understand how communities adjust to changes related to their
food system. In this section, we evaluated non-food factors
which relate to wild plant food knowledge utilizing total
WEPs use-reports from each informant and inferred from the
findings discussed below.
Economy and hunger
After statistical analyses, the findings showed a significant
difference in the number of use-reports (U = 55.50,
p < 0.001) between informants who experienced hunger
(Md = 66.50, n = 20) and those who never had (Md = 55.50,
n = 24). This seasonal and unfortunate occurrence may have
been influential for the informants’ knowledge and use of
WEPs, and confirms the role of wild plants as famine foods
in times of food scarcity and nutritional stress.
No significant difference (U = 127.50, p > 0.05), however,
was observed when informants with lower monthly income
(Md = 59, n = 34) were compared to those with higher earn-
ings (Md = 56.50, n = 10). This may indicate the importance
of WEPs regardless of income, and may also imply that
monthly household takings in general, are not sufficient
enough to assure either food stability or quality. Thus, poverty
alleviation should be properly addressed because, as noted by
Kuhnlein and Receveur (1996), access to quality food is often
a problem of affordability rather than availability.
One drawback however is that the more Ati households
focus on earning money, the stronger the concept of material-
ism grows, thereby eroding the practice of sharing. These days
for instance, foraged foods from forests are often sold to fel-
low Ati villagers or even to relatives, although at a special
price. Similar observations by Estioko-Griffin (1984) de-
scribed how the increasing trade with non-Negrito outsiders
affected Negrito traditional practices of reciprocity, and how
their desire for commercial and manufactured items even cre-
ated conflicts within the group.
Age and number of children
When grouped according to age, the results revealed a signif-
icant difference (x2 (2, n = 44) = 22.56; p < 0.001) in the num-
ber of use-reports among the age group of 44 years and above
(Md = 67, n = 15) as compared to informants from age groups
27 to 43 years (Md = 59, n = 13) and 16 to 26 years (Md =
H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim
49.50, n = 16). These findings were most likely due to the
degree of experience and responsibilities as informants in-
crease in age, although almost everyone is taught to cook by
age 10 or during puberty. It is also highly possible that social
and cultural conditions among generations have not only in-
fluenced WEPs knowledge, but also attitudes toward their use.
Like age, the role and responsibility of informants in raising
children and dependents may have influenced the significant
difference in the number of use-reports among groups (x2 (2,
n = 44) = 28.0; p < 0.001). The number of use-report from in-
formants with 5 or more children (Md = 68.50, n = 12) was
higher as compared to those in groups with 3 to 4 (Md = 63,
n = 13) and those with none to 2 (Md = 48, n = 19). As in most
cultures, Ati mothers are the ones expected to take charge in
food preparation and care of the children. Some mothers even
mentioned giving their entire share of food to children when
supply was lacking. This shows that women are very vulnera-
ble with regard to food and nutrition security, and are tasked
with the paramount job of managing big families. Several pub-
lished studies from developing countries (Babatunde et al.
2008; Mallick and Rafi 2010; Kassie et al. 2015) have reported
such cases of gender bias in food security, with women often at
the receiving end of inequality. It is therefore suggested that a
deeper investigation into the role that indigenous women play
in food access and utilization be undertaken.
Another growing concern, which should be addressed, is
the increasing consumption of alcohol among the Ati vil-
lagers, which includes the women. This possible development
to alcohol dependence not only has negative consequences to
health, but also questions whether troubled family authority
figures can still perform their responsibilities, such as knowl-
edge transfer to younger members.
Education, media and basic services
When grouped according to education, the findings revealed a
significant difference in the number of use-reports (x2 (2, n =
44) = 15.02; p < 0.01). Respondents with the lowest (none to
elementary) educational attainment (Md = 67, n = 19) record-
ed higher number of use-reports as compared to those who
completed secondary (Md = 59, n = 12) and college levels
(Md = 46, n = 13). According to informants who were able
to reach college, their education required them to stay in the
city (or town centers) and interact closely with other non-Ati
locals. This experience inside and outside school, the accul-
turative pressure, and nutrition education which more often
teaches not those of the cultural minorities’ food systems,
may have influenced this outcome.
Similarly, the availability of social services, such as access to
electricity, may have played a role in the significant difference
in the number of use-reports (U = 129, p < 0.05) between infor-
mants who have access to electricity in their homes (Md = 58,
n = 30) and those who do not (Md = 61.50, n = 14). Public
 Author's personal copy
The role of wild edible plants in household food security
health and nutrition programs through mass media (e.g. TV,
radio) have perhaps emphasized food systems mostly known
to the dominant culture. Having electrical appliances for longer
food storage, such as coolers or refrigerators, are also factors to
be considered, especially among cultures with traditions of
food preservation. Access to basic services, such as clean water,
primary healthcare and sanitary conditions should also be ex-
amined since these non-food factors contribute to meeting the
needs for safe and nutritious foods (Pinstrup-Andersen 2009).
Descent and intermarriages
Statistical computations also showed significant differences
(U = 70.50, p < 0.001) when informants were grouped accord-
ing to descent. Informants who are full Ati mentioned higher
number of use-reports (Md = 63, n = 25) than those who are
mixed (Md = 51, n = 19). This implies that respondents who
are products of intermarriages may have assimilated new food
habits through their non-Ati parent, and therefore should be
the focus group, along with younger members, of traditional
food revival programs.
Among the married informants, it was interesting to note
that no significant difference in the number of use-reports
were recorded (U = 105, p > 0.05) between those who have
Ati husbands (Md = 60.50, n = 26) and those who have non-
Ati spouses (Md = 60, n = 10). This result may point once
again to the key role of women in decision making with regard
to food preparation, and that the nearly uniform scores of the
two groups indicate similar range of food choices due to
strong socio-cultural relations.
Conclusion
As contemporary transitioning Negrito communities adjust to
changing social and natural environments, the pursuit of food
security may seem to be an everyday confrontation, a challenge
that perhaps their ancestors too encountered as early settlers.
During this phase, diversity of wild food sources fluctuates, and
elements of food systems readjust. This study highlights not
only the importance of WEPs as food options to societies in
transition, but also emphasizes that preference for certain types
of WEPs is an expression of social, cultural and environmental
conditions.
Our findings specifically showed that elements of Ati food
system such as nutrient type, food quantity and dietary structures
can present a clearer picture of the group’s contemporary diet
during this phase of transition. Nutritional value however was
never observed as a priority, indicating either lack of awareness
or lack of food options. This study also brought up the issue of
safe and clean food sources as harvest areas are probably con-
taminated due to seemingly poor sanitary conditions. When
knowledge and utilization of WEPs in relation to non-food
21
factors were examined, consumption was mainly traced to gen-
erally low economic status. Significant differences in knowledge
were also observed across several variables but were not conclu-
sive enough to suggest knowledge erosion, rather modification
and acculturation. A particular concern, however, is the immi-
nent loss of knowledge and skills in processing what are now
perceived as toxic plants among younger Ati members, thus
should be addressed, along with other issues on generational
differences. Regardless, it is recommended that further studies
covering a wider range of samples be conducted utilizing not
only quantitative metrics, but also qualitative methods so as not
to decontextualize informants’ deeper understanding of their
food system.
On a positive note, we would like to commend the efforts of
concerned organizations to revive and reinvigorate food tradi-
tions, and (re)introduce native Negrito dishes through cultural
festivals (see Rutu Foundation website 2016). It should be noted,
however, that appreciation of foods is relative and dependent on
socio-ecological backgrounds. In a comparative analysis of the
economic contribution of wild edibles to rural households across
wide socio-economic, demographic and geographical contexts,
Hickey et al. (2016) noted that there is no one-size-fits-all ap-
proach in integrating wild foods into policies. Marginalized in-
digenous communities most likely do not value WEPs the way
industrialized and developed countries in East Asia do in relation
to their beliefs, religion and economy (Kim et al. 2006; Chen and
Qiu 2012; Ong et al. 2015), or those in the Mediterranean which
take pride in theirs as part of culinary heritage and well-being
(Hadjichambis et al. 2008; Sánchez-Mata et al. 2012; García-
Herrera et al. 2014). Thus, festive showcases in traditional food
revival programs should be sparingly regulated so as not to divert
from the reality that due to shrinking areas of resource,
transitioning marginalized communities, like the Ati, are strug-
gling to acquire sufficient, safe and nutritious food.
Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank the members of the
Jordan Ati Association of Guimaras and all the informants for sharing their
wild food knowledge and stories. Thanks are especially given to the Tahan
family for the accommodation and assistance during the fieldwork, and the
NCIP and DA for facilitating the necessary legal permits. This project was
made possible by the Hallym University Research Fund (HRF-S-13).
Compliance with ethical standards
Conflict of interest The authors declare that they have no conflict of
interest.
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24 H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

Trotter, R. T., & Logan, M. H. (1986). Informants consensus: A Homervergel G. Ong is a

new approach for identifying potentially effective medicinal Filipino PhD student in the
plants. In N. L. Etkin (Ed.), Plants in indigenous medicine College of Life Science, Hallym
and diet (pp. 91–112). New York: Redgrave Publishing University. He obtained his MS
Company. degree (Botany) in the same insti-
tution as a Korean government
Tuck-Po, L. (2013). Making friends in the rainforest: BNegrito^ adapta-
(KGSP) scholar, and is continuing
tion to risk and uncertainty. Human Biology, 85(3), 417–444.
his interests in economic and eth-
Turner, N. J., Łuczaj, Ł. J., Migliorini, P., Pieroni, A., Dreon, A. nobotany, and plant taxonomy.
L., Sacchetti, L. E., et al. (2011). Edible and tended wild For the past 2 years, he has con-
plants, traditional ecological knowledge and agroecology. ducted a series of studies in vari-
Critical Reviews in Plant Sciences, 30(1–2), 198–225. ous aspects of the Ati people’s
Upadhaya, A., Chaturvedi, S. S., & Tiwari, B. K. (2016). Utilization of lives, particularly related to plant
wild Citrus by Khasi and Garo tribes of Meghalaya. Indian Journal food and medicine. Currently, he
of Traditional Knowledge, 15(1), 121–127. is involved in a Korea-Myanmar
Urso, V., Signorini, M. A., Tonini, M., & Bruschi, P. (2016). Wild project in the former Burma in discovering potentially useful plant re-
medicinal and food plants used by communities living in sources, including those utilized by ethnic communities.
Mopane woodlands of southern Angola: results of an ethno-
botanical field investigation. Journal of Ethnopharmacology,
177, 126–139.
Wehi, P. M., & Wehi, W. L. (2010). Traditional plant harvesting in con- Yo u n g - D o n g K i m i s t h e
temporary fragmented and urban landscapes. Conservation Biology, Professor of Plant Taxonomy and
24(2), 594–604. Plant Molecular Systematics at
Yang, Q., Duan, Z., Wang, Z., He, K., Sun, Q., & Peng, Z. (2008). Hallym University. Aside from
Bamboo resources, utilization and ex-situ conservation in conservation and taxonomic
Xishuangbanna, south-eastern China. Journal of Forestry work, his interests also cover in-
Research, 19(1), 79–83. vestigations of novel sources of
Yumkham, S. D., Chakpram, L., Salam, S., Bhattacharya, M. K., useful plants. He has been in
& Singh, P. K. (2016). Edible ferns and fern-allies of north charge of botanical expeditions
east India: a study on potential wild vegetables. Genetic in Cambodia since 2009, and in
Resources and Crop Evolution. doi:10.1007/s10722-016- Myanmar from 2012 for the
0372-5. National Institute of Biological
Zayas, C. N. (2008). Trade and patronage of Ati materia medica Resources of the Korean govern-
in the Visayas. In C. J. Paz (Ed.), Ginhawa, kapalaran, ment. Currently, he presides as the
dalamhati (essays on well-being, opportunity/destiny and editor-in-chief of the Korean
anguish) (pp. 66–86). Quezon City: University of the Journal of Plant Taxonomy. He received his MS degree from Seoul
Philippines Press. National University and his PhD from the University of Texas-Austin.

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