BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.

pod I
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Tumulus as Sema
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod II
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Topoi
Berlin Studies of the Ancient World

Edited by
Excellence Cluster Topoi

Volume 27

De Gruyter
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod III
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Tumulus as Sema

Space, Politics, Culture and Religion

in the First Millennium BC

Edited by
Olivier Henry
Ute Kelp

Part 1

De Gruyter
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod IV
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

ISBN 978-3-11-025990-2
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-026750-1
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-038545-5
ISSN 2191-5806

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2016 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde

Printing and binding: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
o Printed on acid-free paper

Printed in Germany

www.degruyter.com
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod V
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Foreword

This volume presents the proceedings of an international conference entitled Tumulİstan-

bul 2009, which was held at the Research Center for Anatolian Civilization (Istanbul) from
June 1 to June 3, 2009. We are grateful to the supporting institutions that made this event
possible, namely Topoi Excellence Cluster, the Koç University and the Deutsches Archäologi-
sches Institut at Istanbul.
Tumuli are one of the most widespread monumental tombs of the Ancient times. From
Western Europe to Eastern Anatolia one can barely walk around without meeting one of
these burials. Because of their original ostentation and their monumental structure many
of these mounds survived through the Ages as common witness of the past. Their impact
on landscape, their attraction force as well as their symbol of a glorious past are still vivid
today. In recent years, although a number of studies have clearly revealed that proper char-
acteristics might appear through space and time, it seems that some common issues emerge.
As a result, we felt that there was a growing need to engage in supra-regional and cross-dis-
ciplinary discussions. Therefore, by gathering scholars from very different horizons and
with very different backgrounds and inviting them to focus on Tumulus as Sema, we intended,
through this conference, to help highlighting the unique phenomenon that has been the
tumulus.
While organizing the program of the conference, we first planned to divide the con-
tributions between three main topics, namely tumulus as an attraction point, tumulus and
landscape and tumulus as a socio-cultural phenomenon. Although those topics appeared to
cover most of the problematics raised by the symbolic significance of the burial mounds,
such arbitrary division did not hold long. Most of the approaches proved those issues to be
closely related and hardly dissociable. This observation led us to reorganize the program of
the conference in order to follow a more geographical point of view, which we repeated,
with some arrangements, in the content of this book.
The chronological frame of the conference, defined as 1st millennium BC, was volun-
tarily not strictly defined in order to get the opportunity to throw a bridge between both ear-
lier and later periods. The international conference Ancestral Landscape that was held in
2008 at Udine about 4th–2nd millennium BC burial mounds provided us with a terminus
post quem, while the Roman period and the growth of Christianity appeared to offer a logical
terminus ante quem. The same approach dictated the geographical boundaries. Although we
wished to focus on a space covering the area from the Eastern Mediterranean to Black-Sea
regions, we thought that it proved very interesting to open a window toward Kurgan neigh-
bors from Eurasia.
As a result, almost 50 scholars from 12 different countries participated in the confer-
ence. A highlight was the evening lecture organized at the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut

FOREWORD V
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod VI
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

and given by Prof. Hermann Parzinger about his new investigations on Kurgans of the Eur-
asian steppe. All but a few papers have been collected in this volume including three papers
from scholars who could not attend the discussions.
One of the main goals in organizing this conference was to privilege discussion
sessions where scholars could exchange and confront ideas. By doing so, we wished to cre-
ate links between scholars who had rarely the opportunity to meet otherwise. On that point,
the experience was more than conclusive, as discussions often extended over their allocated
schedule and beyond the conference room. Although those three days have been rich and
dense, as you will realize while reading this volume, we are far from having circumscribed
the subject. On the contrary, it seems now that there is much more to be done than was
thought before the conference. From the many subjects that came out from the discussions
and that need to be pursued, both ethical and methodological issues concerning the inves-
tigation process of a burial mound (opposing geophysical survey and extensive excavation)
seem to be among the most urgent. We hope that the impulse we tried to launch with this
conference will result in future regular meetings focusing on such topics.
To conclude, we would like to express our deepest gratitude for the exceptional hospi-
tality that we received at Istanbul both from the Koç Research Center for Anatolian Civili-
zations and the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut through their directors Prof. Dr. Scott
Redford and Prof. Dr. Felix Pirson. The publication of this volume has been entirely
financed by Topoi Excellence Cluster, thanks to its former and actual directors, Prof. Friede-
rike Fless, Prof. Dr. Gerd Graßhoff, and Prof. Dr. Michael Meyer respectively, whose con-
stant support has been essential all through this project. And last not least, we would have
never finished the extensive editing work without substantial assistance by Jennifer Wilde
and Dr. Nadine Riedl.

Olivier Henry, Ute Kelp

VI FOREWORD
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod VII
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Abbreviations

All other abbreviations are following the “Guidelines for contributors of the German
Archaeological Institute” (http://www.dainst.org/de/content/Abkuerzungsliste#J).

AEM T A 
 2E    M
‘
  

A « A «. T 
« «   K  ’ M
A
 (‘
, 1987)
AMV Acta Muse Varnaensis
Ancient Macedonia I Ancient Macedonia. Papers read at the First International Sym-
posium held in Thessaloniki 26–29 August, 1968. Thessaloniki,
Institute for Balkan Studies, 1970.
Ancient Macedonia IV Ancient Macedonia. Papers read at the Fourth International
Symposium held in Thessaloniki, September 21–25, 1983. Thes-
saloniki, Institute for Balkan Studies, 1986.
Ancient Macedonia V Ancient Macedonia. Papers read at the Fifth International Sym-
posium held in Thessaloniki, October 10–15, 1989. Thessalo-
niki, Institute for Balkan Studies, 1993.
Ancient Macedonia VI Ancient Macedonia. Papers read at the Sixth International Sym-
posium held in Thessaloniki, October 15–19, 1996. Thessalo-
niki, Institute for Balkan Studies, 1999.
Ancient Macedonia VII Ancient Macedonia VII. Macedonia from the Iron Age to the
Death of Philip II. Papers read at the Seventh International Sym-
posium held in Thessaloniki, October 14–18, 2002. Thessalo-
niki, Institute for Balkan Studies, 2007.
ArchThessMel Archeion Thessalikon Meleton
AST Arastırma Sonuçları Toplantısı
BullSocLingParis Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris
CollAnat Colloquium Anatolicum
GWU Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht: Zeitschrift des Ver-
bandes der Geschichtslehrer Deutschlands
IstArkMüzYıll Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Yıllıği
MKKS Müze Kurtarma Kazıları Semineri
MonAL Monumenti Antichi dei Lincei
SemTh Seminarium Thracicum
TAV Terra Antiqua Balcanica

ABBREVIATIONS VII
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod VIII
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

VIII ABBREVIATIONS
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod IX
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Contents

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII

Susan Alcock
Time Traveling Tumuli. The Many Lives of Bumps on the Ground.
A General Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Alessandro Naso
Tumuli in the Western Mediterranean, 800–500 BC. A Review
before the Istanbul Conference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Southern Mediterranean: Cyrene and Cyprus

Natascha Kreutz
Two Tumuli for Battus in the Agora of Cyrene . . . . . . . . . . 35

Anne Marie Carstens

Tumuli as Power Political Statements. On Tumuli in Cyprus
in an East Mediterranean and Anatolian Context . . . . . . . . . 43

Greece, Albania and Macedonia

Maria Grazia Amore

The Complex of Tumuli 9, 10 and 11 in the Necropolis
of Apollonia (Albania). A Time Span from the Early Bronze Age
to the Early Hellenistic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

Lorenc Bejko
Social Landscape and Tumuli Burials in Late Bronze and Early Iron Age
Southeastern Albania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Samantha L. Martin-McAuliffe
Defining Landscape. The Prehistoric Tumulus at Lofkënd, Albania . . . 89

Barbara Schmidt-Dounas
Macedonian Grave Tumuli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

CONTENTS IX
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod X
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Athanasia Kyriakou
The History of a Fourth Century BC Tumulus at Vergina. Definitions
in Space and Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

Elizabeth McGowan
Tumulus and Memory. The Tumulus as a Locus for Ritual Action
in the Greek Imagination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

Maria Stamatopoulou
Forging a Link with the Past. The Evidence from Thessalian Cemeteries
in the Archaic and Classical Periods . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

Annie Schnapp-Gourbeillon
Tumuli, Sema and Greek Oral Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . 205

Thrace

.
Inci Delemen
Tumuli in Southeastern Thrace: On the Periphery? . . . . . . . . 221

Daniela Agre
On the Untraditional Use of Mounds in Thrace during the Late Iron Age . 233

Maria Chichikova
The Hellenistic Necropolis of the Getic Capital at Sboryanovo
(Northeastern Bulgaria) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

Dejan Dichev
The Commemorate Ritualism at Thracian Dolmens . . . . . . . . 261

Rumyana Georgieva
Riders’ Burials in Thrace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

Kostadin Rabadjiev
The Thracian Tomb as Ritual Space of the Beyond . . . . . . . . . 281

Totko Stoyanov, Daniela Stoyanova

Early Tombs of Thrace. Questions of Chronology and Cultural Context . . 313

Milena Tonkova
A Fifth Century BC Tumulus with a Wooden Sarcophagus
of the Upper Mesta Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339

X CONTENTS
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod XI
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Sahin Yildirim
The Emergence and the Development of Tumuli in Eastern Thrace . . . 359

Asia Minor, from Aegean Coast to Cappadocia

C. Brian Rose, Reyhan Körpe

The Tumuli of Troy and the Troad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373

Nicola Zwingmann
Tumuli as Points of Interest in Greek and Latin Sources . . . . . . 387

Christina Luke, Christopher H. Roosevelt

Memory and Meaning in Bin Tepe, the Lydian Cemetery of the
‘Thousand Mounds’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407

Olivier Henry
Marking Karian Soil. Lydian Tumuli in Karia, Sixth to Fourth Century BC . 429

Orhan Bingöl
A ‘Door’ between Two Worlds. A Reflection on Tumuli . . . . . . . 445

Adnan Diler
Stone Tumuli in Pedasa on the Lelegian Peninsula.
Problems of Terminology and Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455

Oliver Hülden
Tumuli in Lykien. Ein Überblick über den Forschungsstand . . . . . 475

Bilge Hürmüzlü
Display of Power. The Mortuary Landscape of Pisidian Tumuli . . . . 491

Latife Summerer, Alexander von Kienlin

Roofing the Dead. Architectural Allusions in Anatolian Tumuli . . . . 501

Donatella Ronchetta
The Significance of the Tumulus Burial among the Funeral Buildings
of Hierapolis of Phrygia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 513

Giuseppe Scardozzi
Tumuli in the Ancient Territory of Hierapolis in Phrygia . . . . . . 589

Ute Kelp
Some Remarks on Tumuli of Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Times
in Phrygia and the Development of Provincial Art . . . . . . . . 601

CONTENTS XI
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod XII
16-01-06 15:33:30 -dsl- dsl

Taciser Tüfekci Sivas, Hakan Sivas

Tumulus Tombs in Western Phrygia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 613

Richard F. Liebhart, Gareth Darbyshire, Evin Erder, Ben Marsh

A Fresh Look at the Tumuli of Gordion . . . . . . . . . . . . 627

Maya Vassileva
‘Royal’ Tombs in Balkan-Anatolian Context. Representations of Status
in Phrygian Tumuli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 637

Nicole Thierry
Le Tumulus d’Avanos et la ville sainte du grand Zeus Ouranos . . . . . 649

Owen Doonan
Tumuli and the Expression of a Colonial ‘Middle Ground’
in the Hinterland Landscape of Greek Sinope . . . . . . . . . . 657

Northern Black Sea

Marina Daragan
The Use of GIS Technologies in Studying the Spatial and
Time Concentration of Tumuli in the Scythian-time
Lower Dnieper Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 669

Leon van Hoof, Marlen Schlöffel

Kurgans in the Northeastern Azov Sea Region.
Proposals for a Geo-archaeological Research Program . . . . . . . 677

Eurasia

Anton Gass
Archäologische und geoarchäologische Untersuchungen
im Siebenstromland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 705

W. Gheyle, A. De Wulf, E.P. Dvornikov, A.V. Ebel,

R. Goossens, Jean Bourgeois
Early Iron Age Burial Mounds in the Altay Mountains.
From Survey to Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 719

XII CONTENTS
BI_978-3-11-025990-2_Henry_Band1_001_Titelei.pod XIII
16-01-06 14:36:54 -dsl- dsl

Contents Part 2

Indices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII

Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX

Illustration Credits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XVII

Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

CONTENTS XIII
Athanasia Kyriakou

The History of a Fourth Century BC Tumulus at Aigai/Vergina.

Definitions in Space and Time
(Plates 43–56)

Abstract
The following narrative on a 4th century burial mound in the first capital of the ancient Macedonians
tries to shed light on different aspects of its biography. Apart from providing the reader with a handful of
information concerning the concise material evidence, the writer is confronted with various theoretical
questions. How would an archaeologist present, rather outline, an assemblage, product of excavation
work? Should he/she compose an exhaustive catalogue of the finds with as many references as possible?
Should he/she focus on selected aspects of the assemblage? Would it be really useful to point out the
special interrelations with other contexts? Should he/she regard the way the assemblage was archae-
ologically investigated or presented to the public as a prompt to questioning? It is evidently impossible
to study in depth all the issues raised by the specific tumulus in the framework of this paper. I have
chosen the ones that in my opinion constitute its most characteristic traits.1

Keywords
Burial customs, élite burials, Macedonia, Vergina, landscape archaeology

The ‘Stenomakri Toumba’ at Vergina

The construction of the first two graves

Tumuli. Markers, boundaries, property, places for remembrance, archaeological sites, his-
toric sites, touristic attraction. Products of communities characterized by tradition, evol-
ution or transformation in a continuous journey through time. Reflecting the ideology of
the very societies that handle them.
Not failing the rule, the so-called Stenomakri Toumba at Vergina, a big oblong tumulus
of the 4th century BC, constitutes the meeting point of all those aspects (Fig. 1).2 It is the

1 I would like to express my gratitude to my professors, Chr. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli and S. Drougou, and my dear
friends N. Hourmouziadi, V. Papageorgiou and A. Tourtas for discussing various issues on the subject with me.
I would also like to thank N. Hatzidakis for the architectural drawings as well as Chr. Kountouras and M. Papatha-
nasopoulou for the drawings of artifacts.
2 The tumulus was excavated in 1981 by Prof. Chr. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli under the supervision of Prof. Manolis
Andronicos, while additional investigation took place from 2003 to 2005 bringing to light more data about the
burial mound. The results of this research are presented in my doctoral thesis at the Aristotle University of Thes-
saloniki, published in December 2008 in Greek with a summary in English (Kyriakou 2008).

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 143
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 second largest burial mound (approximately 44 m long by 25 m wide and 5 m high) in the
large necropolis of Aigai, the first Macedonian capital.3 The largest one is the Great Tumu-
lus (with a diameter of 110 m and a height of 13 m), that protected the well-known royal
tombs.4
The study and interpretation of the excavation data and the finds provide an account of
the gradual creation of the tumulus as follows:
Shortly before the mid-4th century BC, during the reign of Philip II, in the northwest-
ern part of the Early Iron Age cemetery with numerous tumuli (Fig. 2),5 in an area that had
never been used before and in great depth, a poros limestone cist grave of modest dimen-
sions was constructed (Fig. 3, tomb B). Its interior was decorated with white, red and blue
color: ribbons, garlands and a myrtle branch were spread on all four walls of the tomb
(Fig. 4). The deceased had been cremated and valuable items accompanied him into the
flames. Following the custom, his bones must have been placed in some kind of receptacle.
Since the grave was looted in antiquity, we will never know the exact details of the
burial. However, the remains of the funeral pyre were deposited on the horizontal roof of
the grave. Numerous hydriai with polychrome vegetal and geometric decoration (Fig. 5a–b),6
a sarissa, a spear, at least two javelins, an iron sword, at least nine iron strigils, a gilded
bronze myrtle wreath, three iron pins and a wooden chest (judging from the preserved
metal and ivory elements) constituted the pyre offerings.7 Parts of a bit bear evidence to the
sacrifice of a horse to honor the dead.8 There is no doubt therefore that the occupant of the
tomb was an eminent soldier, probably an officer of the Macedonian army.9

3 Basic articles on the relevant bibliography: Hammond 1979, 65–66; Faklaris 1994; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli
1996b and 1999; Hatzopoulos 1996; Hammond 1997.
4 The royal graves, apart from being a rich source of information about ancient Macedonia, have caused intense
controversies, mainly about the identity of the occupant of tomb II. I restrain myself in referring only to the book
by Andronicos (1984) and the recent bibliography, which also comprises previous works on the subject: Saatsog-
lou-Paliadeli 2004; Drougou 2005; Borza/Palagia 2007; Hatzopoulos 2008; Faklaris 2011.
5 Andronicos 1969; Petsas 1961–1962 and 1963; Rhomiopoulou/Kilian-Dirlmeier 1989; Bräuning 1995,
46–53; Bräuning/Kilian-Dirlmeier 2013.
6 This group of hydriai forms a rather special production with many traditional and innovative characteristics. A
category of vases with similar color and contrast scheme is attested in upper Macedonia in the Archaic period (Ke-
falidou 2001), and there are obvious common features with the ‘Hadra’ hydriai of the Hellenistic period (Kotitsa
1998, 88–90 lists the relevant references). Cf. Kyriakou 2008, 169–196 and 2011.
7 On the weapons found at Stenomakri Toumba that belong to high ranking officers of the cavalry, including
many references to the weapons of the Macedonian nobility, see Kyriakou 2008, 207–222.
8 On horse sacrifices in Macedonia see Faklaris 1986, 1–58; Antikas 2002, 46–49. On general remarks about
horse burials from the Bronze Age to imperial times Trantalidou 2005, 29–40; Kyriakou 2008, 254–255.
9 The cremation on a spectacular funeral pyre and the rituals following after it correspond to the Homeric
description of heroic burials. On the burial customs practiced at Stenomakri Toumba with general references cf. Ky-
riakou 2008, 241–261. On burial customs generally we refer only to Andronicos 1968; Kurtz/Boardman 1971 and
Garland 2001. On Patroclus’ burial Hom. Il. 23.252–257. On funeral rituals connected to the nobility Touratsoglou
1986; Themelis/Touratsoglou 1997, 142–143 with references; Guimier-Sorbet/Morizot 2005, 137–152; Zurbach
2005, 161–171; Hatzopoulos 2006, 131–139. Cf. also Stampolidis 2001, 187–204 on Geometric cremations at Crete
and Kottaridi 2001a and 2011 on the custom of cremation and the royal graves at Vergina.

144 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 Finally, a large mound (20 m in diameter) was erected over the tomb, surrounded by a
peribolos, a low enclosure made of rough stones reinforced from the inside by a wide zone of
smaller stones and pebbles.
A few years later, in the mid-4th century BC, a second, smaller, poros limestone cist
grave was constructed to the north of the first one, in the same depth and with the same
orientation (Fig. 3, tomb ).10 A simple red frieze occupies the middle part of the white
painted walls adorning the interior of the grave (Fig. 6). The burial ritual was the same: after
the cremation the bones were deposited in a metal casket (its traces are still visible on one of
the walls) and the remainders of the pyre covered the roof of the grave.
The looters of the first grave penetrated this tomb as well and seized all the grave goods
apart from an alabaster and a tin-foiled black, possibly Attic, askos with arch handle (Fig. 7).11
The amount of finds in the cremation ashes is rather impressive: at least fifteen hydriai with
white slip (Fig. 8),12 an acorn-lekythos of the Kerch style (Fig. 9),13 three red figure small
lekythoi, a small chytra, an amphoriskos, fragments of a silver kalyx (Fig. 10), at least three
iron swords, the butt of a sarissa, two spearheads, nine javelin heads, parts of a horse bit,
iron strigils, an iron ring, two gold and at least four iron pins, the iron lid of a leather vessel,
parts of a gilded bronze oak and a myrtle wreath, painted clay models of figs and possibly an
ivory decorated wooden chest. During the cremation the dead rested on an elaborate
wooden couch, ornamented with ivory, gilded clay beads and gilded clay relief terracottas
depicting griffins attacking deer (Fig. 11).14
Due to the finds it is obvious that the tomb belonged to a man, but the burnt skeletal re-
mains of a female, disturbed at the hands of looters and discovered at a small distance from
the grave, constitute a serious argument in favor of the idea that this grave belonged to a
couple. The existence of two wreaths, an oak and a myrtle one,15 along with the red figure
acorn lekythos, an artifact par excellence associated with the womens’ world,16 underpin this
interpretation.
Once again, an impressive mound, similar to the one of the previous tomb and also en-
closed by a peribolos of rough stones, covered the grave.

10 On cist graves in the area of Vergina cf. Kyriakou 2008, 113–119.

11 Kyriakou 2008, 130–131. On tin-foiled ceramics cf. Kotitsa et al. 2002, 163–170; Kotitsa/Schüssler 2002,
65–84.
12 These hydriai constitute another very interesting group of ceramics that is characterized by elements reminis-
cent of much older pottery productions, among them vases found in the tumuli cemetery at Vergina, cf. Kyriakou
2008, 196–202 and 2011.
13 Actually the seventeenth known example of this special category of vases. The painter must be the same one
identified by I. Wehgartner on three vases of the same type (together with a fourth one they constitute the ‘group
Vogell’): Wehgartner 1992, 284–291; Kyriakou 2008, 202–205.
14 Kyriakou 2008, 230–234. For similar decorations cf. Lullies 1962; Watzinger 1984; Pinelli/Wasowicz 1986;
Hitzl 1991.
15 Tsigarida 1987, 907–913 and 2006, 139–145; Kyriakou 2008, 223–226.
16 Wehgartner 1992, 291 with references; cf. also Greifenhagen 1960, 17, connecting this kind of vases with the
cult of Aphrodite.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 145
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 The third grave

Soon, though, the picture changed. A new grave was added between the two previous cist
tombs in close relation to them, at an equal distance from each one, only on a higher level
(Fig. 3 tomb A). Parts of the existing burial mounds were removed and segments of the
stone enclosures were destroyed in order to create the necessary space for the new large pit-
grave.
In this case inhumation was preferred to cremation. A male burial occupied the west-
ern part of the grave: the body was laid on a wooden couch decorated with ivory, gilded
stucco and garlands of gilded clay beads. The symbols of his social status were placed care-
fully around it; two finely executed weapons, a spearhead next to the original position of the
head and an iron sword with silver ornamented handle (Figs. 12–13) placed diagonally on
his pelvis, came to light in situ. The rest of the offerings (a spearhead, Fig. 14, a butt, Fig. 15,
a small iron knife, two iron strigils, one of which was gilded, and a gilded bronze wreath)
were found scattered, most probably not in their initial placement. We could assume the
existence of metal vases, lost due to looting, just like the missing parts of the skeleton itself
(crane, hands, feet, bones of the thorax). According to the anthropological report the man
was around 35 years old and the alternations in his bones could be attributed to many hours
of horse-riding since childhood.17
A female burial may have occupied the eastern part of the grave: this large vacant area,
combined with the finding of two bones unrelated to the male skeleton, suggests that the
tomb belonged to two individuals, possibly a couple. Moreover, the absence of finds in the
eastern part of the tomb could be convincingly explained as a result of plundering. It seems
that all the items surrounding the female burial were valuable artifacts (probably metal
vases and jewelry), a trove for the treasure-hunters’ greed.
After the funeral ceremony the tomb was covered with earth and thus a third mound
appeared between the former two. The same model was applied in all its details: a circle of
stones invariably provided the dead with the essential boundary between life and death.
This time, though, instead of constructing a new peribolos, two curving walls were adjusted
to the extant low enclosures of the previous two tombs.
The creation of the third grave between the first two, which reveals a liberty to rear-
range the extant mounds of earth and periboloi, the remarkable spatial relationship between
the three tombs, the adjacent tumuli which practically ended up in a common mound and
above all the long funerary monument, as presented below, promote the argument that the
occupants of the graves belonged to the same family.

17 According to the anthropological report by L. Wynn-Antikas and T. Antikas: Kyriakou 2008, 299–305.

146 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
The funerary monument, the rituals

Last but not least, as a sign of commemoration of the family in space and time, as well as of
supreme honor for the dead, an impressive monument was erected on the eastern side of
the tumulus. Only the rectangular well-built foundation (10.80 m × 10.70 m), matching the
elongated shape of the tumulus, is preserved. The large marble krater found inside the foun-
dation must have stood on one corner of the monument once (Fig. 16).18 Small pyres, ob-
served on the tumulus and around the monument (corresponding to the time of construc-
tion of each grave), indicate rituals of remembrance during which the relatives made a fire,
offered liquid libations and broke the pots they had used (Fig. 17).19

The tumulus as a landmark

The data of the three graves should be carefully and thoroughly examined when it comes to
the interpretation of the assemblage. First of all it is rather easy to draw the conclusion that
the family belonged to the Macedonian nobility. The burial practice, especially the cre-
mation with all those valuable offerings, the quality of the grave goods and the existence of
the funerary monument (the second found at Vergina, predating the one in the Great
Tumulus) indicate the high social status of the dead.20 In particular, the beautifully worked
weapons and the close relationship between the dead and horses suggest that the male oc-
cupants of the tombs were officers of the Macedonian cavalry and furthermore hetairoi of
the king.21 The choice of placement of the tombs, the impressive diameter of the two initial
tumuli along with all the details of the assemblage reveal more: in the mid-4th century BC a
prominent family of the old Macedonian capital chose to bury its dead in a well-defined area
dominated visually by the continuous curves of the low Early Iron Age tumuli (Fig. 18).
There are no other Classical graves predating the two tombs in this part of the necropolis, at
least according to the publications and preliminary reports to date.22 The graves of the 5th
and the first half of the 4th century BC are situated to the west, in an area where, 75 years

18 The monument and the krater will be published separately in due time. They were among the new finds that
came to light during the recent excavations in 2003 to 2005. A preliminary report was announced in 2007 in the
frame of the sessions of the ‘Archaeological Work in Macedonia and Thrace’: Saatsoglou-Paliadeli/Kyriakou 2006.
For the marble krater see Kyriakou 2013. On funeral monuments in Macedonia cf. Chrysostomou 1987; Karamit-
rou-Mentesidi 2008, 48–67. On characteristic shapes in marble cf. Schmaltz 1970; Grassinger 1991; several
marble vases were also discovered in the fill of the Great Tumulus at Vergina cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984,
240–246.
19 Kyriakou 2008, 42–45; Kurtz/Boardman 1971, 203–206.
20 Supra footnote 8.
21 On this particular institution in the Macedonian kingdom cf. recently Paschidis 2006, 252–255 with previous
bibliography. Also Hammond/Griffith 1979, 395–404 and 408–410.
22 For an overview of the cemetery cf. Kottaridi 1996, 2002 and 2009 with the drawing on p. 144 showing the
organization of the cemetery; Drougou 2005, 9–14.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 147
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 later, the Great Tumulus would emerge.23 It seems that the site of the burials under study
was specifically selected: an unexploited spot more or less at the edge of the tumuli cem-
etery. Furthermore, following the pattern, the tombs were intentionally concealed under
mounds, in order to integrate them into a landscape characterized by mounds with enclos-
ures. This last feature, the round enclosures, is a crucial issue, since in all other cases of Ar-
chaic and Classical graves prior to our tombs the burial mound is not necessarily accompa-
nied by a peribolos.24
In our case, the family decided to incorporate the adjacent mounds of the first two
tombs following the pattern of the Early Iron Age cemetery in an effort to relate itself to the
past. After the creation of the third grave, between the former two, the emerging picture of
the periboloi was one of connected semi-circles holding together the mounds of earth
(Figs. 19–20). I strongly believe that a decisive reason for the placement of the pit grave be-
tween the two cist graves was the intention to construct a burial monument that would
honor all three graves immediately afterwards. The spatial consistency of tombs and monu-
ment accentuated and reinforced the family bonds at a symbolic level.
A landmark was thus created for the deceased, the family and society. Visible even
from the terraces of the city on the slopes of Mount Pieria, possibly positioned on one of the
roads that led from the necropolis and the plain to the northwestern Gate of the city, the
tumulus called attention to the name of the family and promoted its social role and status.25
It became a landmark for other families as well, that desired to participate in the im-
portance of the site: later in the 4th century BC and the Hellenistic years, neighboring
tumuli of the Early Iron Age were reused; the older burials were disturbed and new tombs
were introduced following the same pattern.26 I believe that the Stenomakri Toumba inau-
gurates a new period of use for this part of the cemetery.

23 The oldest grave is the so-called Tomb of Persephone, dating to the mid-4th cent. BC, the ‘Tomb of Philip II‘
and that of ‘the Prince’ date to the second half of the century, whereas the ‘Tomb with the free standing columns’
belongs to the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. The Great Tumulus was most probably created after the raid by the
Gallic garrison in the ancient cemetery in 274/273 BC and covered the graves of the 4th cent. BC. Cf. Andronicos
1984.
24 The excavator of the necropolis (Kottaridi 2009, 146–147) suggests that initially there were low burial mounds
and some sort of stone constructions, possibly in the form of periboloi, which gradually disappeared mainly be-
cause of the continuous use of the area in modern times. However, there are no relevant drawings or photographs
at our disposal and certainly there is no description matching the carefully constructed periboloi surrounding the
first two graves of Stenomakri Toumba. On the other hand rectangular enclosures denote the placement of pit
graves dated to the 4th cent. BC: Kottaridi 2001b, 510.
25 On tumuli and periboloi cf. Kyriakou 2008, 255–259. Also Humphreys 1980; Koenigs et al. 1980, 49–50, 53;
Garland 1982.
26 Petsas 1961–1962 and 1963; Andronicos 1969 and 1970; Daffa-Nikonanou 1969.

148 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
The plundering

The history of our tumulus throughout time was affected by the same events that consti-
tuted turning points in the history of the ancient city. The three graves were looted, probably
by the Gauls, mercenaries of King Pyrrhus of Epirus, in 274/273 BC (this was the most se-
vere destruction of the necropolis of the first Macedonian capital according to ancient his-
torians and the archaeological evidence).27 The marks of the invasion are detectable on the
burial mound. By carefully observing the stratigraphy of the tumulus we can draw the con-
clusion that the intruders first destroyed the burial monument and subsequently pen-
etrated the mound from the eastern side. They plundered the central pit grave and then
turned to the north where they spotted the northern cist grave. They opened a hole in its
southern wall and laid hands on the grave goods (Fig. 21). In order to reach the southern cist
tomb they needed a second passage at the southeastern part of the tumulus. They demo-
lished the eastern wall of the grave and removed all the offerings. Eventually the tomb filled
up with pebbles and earth. Thankfully they showed no interest in the remainders of the
pyres covering the cist graves and the iron weapons in the pit grave.
According to literary evidence, six months later the king of Macedonia Antigonos Gon-
atas managed to gain control of the area and the plundering came to an end. The wounds
needed to be healed though. In the most significant tombs of the cemetery acts of respect
are testified.28 At Stenomakri Toumba the looters’ hole in the northern cist grave was closed
with large rough stones (Fig. 22), in all probability by descendants of the family, in an effort
to restore propriety to dealings with the offended dead. Additionally, the invaders’ ditches
were filled with the same earth that had been removed, and modest rituals took place.29 The
tumulus was more or less reshaped, using its original earth, in order to regain its prestige as
a landmark of the family.

27 Plut. Pyrrh. 26.11. The interesting idea of tracing the route of the Gauls in Macedonia by studying hoards of the
first half of the 3rd cent. BC is elaborated by Touratsoglou 2006, 99–116. On the destruction of the necropolis of
Aegae cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, 10–13; Kottaridi 1998, 406.
28 Kottaridi 2000, 530. The looters’ hole in the ‘tomb of Persephone’ closed with stones is very well displayed in
Andronicos 1994b, 38–41, fig. 1–5.
29 Fourteen pyres in total were observed and investigated on the tumulus. The analysis of the soil did not come up
with any results; this is the reason why I believe that there were only liquid offerings which are impossible to de-
tect. As far as the dating is concerned, only four pyres contained datable material evidence. Combining that ma-
terial with the depth at which the pyres were discovered, the rest of the finds in the fill of the tumulus and the his-
tory of the burial ground of Aegae (looting is the rule for the graves prior to 274 BC) I conclude that the pyres cor-
respond to different moments in the biography of the mound. It is evident that we are dealing with three historical
moments: the construction of the graves in the third quarter of the 4th cent., the violation by the Gauls in the first
quarter of the 3rd cent. and the Roman conquest in the mid-2nd cent. BC. Kyriakou 2008, 42–58.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 149
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 The last destruction

It is highly possible that the funerary monument on the eastern side of the Stenomakri
Toumba was violated once more in the years of the Roman victory over the Macedonians, in
the mid-2nd century BC.30 Again, the inhabitants of the ancient Macedonian capital
showed their respect to the occupants of the graves with a small pyre inside the foundations
of the destroyed monument. A small bowl, a jug and a coin support a chronology in the sec-
ond quarter of the 2nd century BC. Additionally, a large marble krater that initially stood on
the monument was carefully buried (deposited) inside the foundations (Fig. 16).31

Landmark at the archaeological site

As time passed and earth covered the periboloi and the monument, the mound took on its
final oblong, elongated shape. When excavating the tumulus cemetery in the 1960s, Prof.
Manolis Andronicos mentioned our tumulus as a reference point to define the location of an
Early Iron Age mound.32

Object of archaeological research

1981 stands as a decisive moment in the history of archaeological research at Vergina. After
the discovery of the unlooted royal graves in the Great Tumulus, the team of Prof. Manolis
Andronicos focused on other spots of interest at the archaeological site in an effort to collect
more data about the city and the cemetery.33 In this framework, our tumulus was excavated
by Prof. Chryssoula Saatsoglou-Paliadeli and it became known in the excavation journals as
the Stenomakri Toumba, which in Greek means the oblong tumulus. The three graves and
part of an enclosure were then discovered.

30 On the destruction in the mid-2nd cent. BC testified in all excavation sectors in the ancient city cf. Saatsog-
lou-Paliadeli 1996a, 63–64; Drougou 1996; Kottaridi 1996.
31 For cases of structured deposition in the city and necropolis of Aegae, see Kyriakou/Tourtas 2013 and forth-
coming.
32 Andronicos 1969, 27.
33 Andronicos 1981, 57.

150 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Silence

In the following years nothing happened, as is often the case with excavated sites. The finds
were kept in storerooms and the excavation journals in the archive of the Aristotle Univer-
sity of Thessaloniki.

Once again the object of interest

In 1999 I was entrusted with the study of the material in the framework of my doctoral the-
sis. A new episode in the life history of the tumulus started. Prof. Chr. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli,
the director of the excavation, decided on the full exploration of the tumulus, aiming at its
detailed documentation. Between 2003 and 2005 the old trenches were carefully cleaned
(Fig. 23). The excavation work revealed all three periboloi and the funerary monument. The
special features of the tumulus and the tombs became the object of discussion, as part of the
educational process, among students, members of the scientific team and the professor
(Fig. 24). The conservation and study of all the artifacts were the next necessary steps. The
doctoral thesis was completed in 2005 and the publication of the history of the tumulus and
its finds appeared in 2008.34

A new plan for the tumulus as part of the tourists route on the site

Finally, the scientific team came up with a study that proposed the recreation of the assem-
blage: the reconstruction of the tumulus, the construction of low stone walls on it correspond-
ing to the ground plan of the graves, the construction of a shelter for the monument and
information panels35 (Fig. 25). The project aims to offer a different perspective to the tourist
who, apart from visiting the breathtaking museum of the royal graves, wishes to wander
around the archaeological site seeking to capture the feeling of the city and the necropolis.
This last intervention, the final (?) chapter in the biography of the Stenomakri Toumba,
will integrate it once again into the landscape of low tumuli.

34 Kyriakou 2008.
35 Architect N. Hatzidakis worked on the architectural plans.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 151
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 General remarks: intersecting cycles of life

The presentation of Stenomakri Toumba should not omit a general consideration of its sur-
roundings and in particular of two basic landmarks in the ancient landscape: the tumulus
cemetery and the Great Tumulus.
The study of the tumulus cemetery is undoubtedly outside the scope of this paper; it is,
however, of high significance to underline some aspects that had an impact on the data
of our tumulus. It is an assemblage of circa 300 low tumuli dating from 1000–700 BC;
throughout its whole history it represented a landmark for the ancient Macedonians, es-
pecially in the very early period of their settlement in the region.36 It is reasonable to con-
sider that it was a crucial element in the creation of a habitus for the Macedonians.37 The
region was considered sacred, the collective memory and consciousness would have been
reinforced through the veneration of the ancestors and the accumulated mounds of earth
functioned as a claim to the area.38
The tumulus cemetery constituted a landmark for the years to come. The Archaic city
must have been built in the vicinity of this highly respected area. On the slopes of the
mountain, so familiar to the population of the tribe, on the land between mountain and
plain, above the graveyard, the city started to emerge.39 It seems that the organized foun-
dation of the city marks a turning point for the cemetery. One followed the other. And from
that moment on, the tumulus cemetery may have become a form of the past, a reminder not
to be touched again. It was a chapter that had come to an end.40 It seems, according to the
evidence so far, that the area for burial rites changed. The Archaic cemetery lies to the west
of the city.41 For the next centuries the graves expanded to the north and west. We should

36 For the settlement of the Macedonians cf. for example Zahrnt 1984, 325–368.
37 Bourdieu 1985, 11–24; Chapman 2000, 183–190 for a theoretical appreciation of landscapes and their inter-
actions with people and references to other researchers. Cf. also the introduction by Van Dyke/Alcock 2003, 3–6
for an overview of studies on social memory and how it is intertwined with places.
38 Antonaccio 1994, 389–410.
39 There is no material evidence (at least not yet) of early constructions made of perishable materials. The ear-
liest, poorly made, construction, contemporary to the Early Iron Age cemetery, seems to be a room with pithoi,
which was found in the area that would later constitute the forum of the ancient city. In the same archaeological
site potsherds of the Geometric and Archaic period were discovered. Cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2002, 482 and
486–488. On the location and foundation of Aegae cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1996b with references to the literary
evidence.
40 It is worth mentioning that even in the recent past, when the modern village was created by refugees from
Asia Minor, the large fertile area on which the tumuli stood was never touched by the inhabitants. The elderly as-
sured me that the area was never cultivated and they refer to it as “  «”, the tumuli. This is the very word
used by L. Heuzey, the French archaeologist who conducted the first excavation in the area back in the 19th cent.:
“Plus loin, en descendant vers l’Haliacmon, s’étendait la nécropole … Il faut en distinguer probablement la région
de buttes irrégulières appelées Toumbœs et le vaste tumulus creusé en entonnoir qui se dresse auprès d’elles” (Heu-
zey/Daumet 1876, 180). In fact he spontaneously names the two imposing elements of the landscape.
41 Kottaridi 1996 and 2004, 527–528 and 2009.

152 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
imagine roads leading from the plain and the river to the fortified city crossing the tumulus
cemetery.42
The moment at which the two biographies meet is actually the middle of the 4th cen-
tury. BC, the moment of the creation of the Stenomakri Toumba. I would dare to call it a
rather political decision on part of the family that shows the intention to demonstrate a
strong link to the past.43 It is, however, vital to underline that the family tombs did not dis-
turb any previous burial mound, it remained in the periphery of the tumulus cemetery, from
which it gained glory and respect while respecting it at the same time. On the road from the
cemetery to the city, to its western public part, the three graves started to accumulate. The
periboloi, the tumuli and the monument constituted the most significant elements of the
final assemblage.
Our tumulus had an impact on the life history of the cemetery. It marked the starting
point for the emergence of new Hellenistic graves that reused old tumuli. Of course, one
should also mention the grave plots in the northern and western periphery of the cemetery
that were created in the vicinity of older burials, namely the ‘Tumulus at Palatitsia’, the ‘Bella
Tumulus’ and the ‘Heuzey graves’, all of which postdate our burial mound.44
The next significant moment in the life cycle of the cemetery in general is undoubtedly
the destruction by the Gallic mercenaries. After their expulsion, a monumental landmark
appeared in the landscape, the Great Tumulus: honor to the glorious family of the Teme-
nids, a promise of protection for years to come, a credit to the King who ordered its con-
struction.45 In many of its details, the Stenomakri toumba offers a comparison with the
Great Tumulus. The funerary monuments are basic traits of the two complexes, which fol-
low parallel routes after their destruction: the recreation or construction of the two tumuli
constitutes an expression of veneration and respect and, at the same time, reveals the social
dynamics of a particular historical moment. On the other hand, the immense differences
between the two complexes in size and quality clearly demonstrate the royal status of the
dead in the Great Tumulus. A dominant feature in the district, the latter was destined to be-
come a point of reference in the archaeology of Macedonia, centuries later.

42 Kyriakou 2008, 260–261. A system of roads was observed in the Sanctuary of Eukleia in the forum of the city,
Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993, 51–57. Besides, a gate has been excavated near the burial plot with women’s graves at
the northwestern corner of the city, Kottaridi 2004.
43 Cf. Williams 1998, 90–108 on the reuse of ancient monuments and Gosden/Lock 1998. For a criticism of
archaeologists persisting in establishing relations with ancestors cf. Whitley 2002. For a comprehensive presen-
tation of agency theory in archaeology cf. Dornan 2002.
44 They were erected in the second half of the 4th cent. and the 3rd cent. BC. On the ‘Tumulus at Palatitsa’ cf. An-
dronicos et al. 1989, 348–349. On ‘Tumulus Bella’ cf. Andronicos 1984, 35–37 and 1994a, 175–176. On ‘Heuzey
graves’ cf. Drougou 1995–2000.
45 Andronicos 1984, 62 assumed that it was Antigonos Gonatas who ordered the construction of the Great
Tumulus after taking control of the area. On the relationship that the Antigonids promoted to Heracles and the
Temenid dynasty cf. Edson 1934.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 153
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 The intertwined biographies of these landmarks in the landscape of Vergina are sus-
ceptible to a study that offers insights into the perceptions people held at different historical
moments (during the early phase of the city, in the mid-4th century and the first quarter of
the 3rd century BC).
In the framework of the modern treatment of the monuments it is worth noticing that
the suggested recreation of the Stenomakri Toumba would constitute a practice which paral-
lels the recreation of the tumulus in antiquity after the plundering (both ‘rituals’ restore pro-
priety after ‘violations’, either robbery or scientific excavation).46 The visit to the Museum
of the Royal Graves and the visit to the tumulus cemetery with the restoration project of the
Stenomakri Toumba would represent two different suggestions of approaching antiquities,
both worth experiencing.

Bibliography

Andronicos 1968
Andronicos, M. (1968), Totenkult, Göttingen.

Andronicos 1969
A
%
«, M. (1969), B I. T N φ  T, Athens.

Andronicos 1970
Andronicos, M. (1970), “Sarissa”, BCH 94, 91–107.

Andronicos 1981
A
%
«, M. (1981), “A
φ«  B
”, Prakt, 57.

Andronicos 1984
Andronicos, M. (1984), Vergina. The Royal Tombs, Athens.

Andronicos 1994a
Andronicos, M. (1994), “The Macedonian Tombs”, in: R. Ginouvès (ed.), Macedonia from
Philip II to the Roman Conquest, Princeton/Athens, 144–191.

Andronicos 1994b
A
%
«, M. (1994), B II. O “ φ« « Pφ«”, Athens.

Andronicos et al. 1989

A
%
« M. / , . / -P% , X. / + «, P. (1989),
“A
φ B
«”, Egnatia 1, 343–357.

Antikas 2002
Antikas, T. (2002), “Horses and Heroes in the Tomb of Philip II”, Minerva 13, 46–49.

46 Duncan/Wallace 1978; Duncan 1995.

154 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Antonaccio 1994
Antonaccio, C. (1994), “Contesting the Past: Hero Cult, Tomb Cult, and Epic in Early Greece”,
AJA 98, 389–410.

Bourdieu 1985
Bourdieu, P. (1985), “The Genesis of the Concepts of Habitus and of Field”, Sociocriticism 2
(2), 11–24.

Borza/Palagia 2007
Borza, E.N. / Palagia, O. (2007), “The Chronology of the Macedonian Royal Tombs at Ver-
gina”, JdI 122, 81–125.

Bräuning 1995
Bräuning, A. (1995), Untersuchungen zur Darstellung und Austattung des Kriegers im Grab-
brauch Griechenlands zwischen dem 10. und 8. Jhr v. Chr., München.

Bräuning/Kilian-Dirlmeier 2013
Bräuning, A. / Kilian-Dirlmeier, I. (2013), Die eisenzeitlichen Grabhügel von Vergina: die Aus-
grabungen von Photis Petsas 1960–1961, Mainz.

Chapman 2000
Chapman, J. (2000), Fragmentation in Archaeology. People, Places and Broken Objects in the Pre-
history of South-eastern Europe, London.

Chrysostomou 1987
X, P. (1987), “O « A  « ,
« P«”, in: A «, Thessaloniki,
1007–1024.

Daffa-Nikonanou 1969
φφ-N

, A. (1969), “E
« φ«  
φ  «
B
«”, Makedonia 9, 226–227.

Dornan 2002
Dornan, J.L. (2002), “Agency and Archaeology: Past, Present and Future Directions”, Journal
of Archaeological Method and Theory 9, 303–329.

Drougou 1995–2000
, . (1995–2000), “B
 – O φ Heuzey. N« 
φ« 
«”,
Egnatia 5, 227–244.

Drougou 1996
, . (1996), “T I  « M « 
)
”, AEM' 10A, 54–56.

Drougou 2005
, . (2005), B. T 
  « M « T«, Athens.

Duncan 1995
Duncan, C. (1995), Civilizing rituals. Inside Public Art Museums, London.

Duncan/Wallace 1978
Duncan, C. / Wallace, A. (1978) “The Museum of Modern Art as late Capitalist Ritual: an Ico-
nographic Analysis”, Marxist Perspectives, 28–51.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 155
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 Edson 1934
Edson Jr., C.F. (1934), “The Antigonids, Heracles and Beroea”, HarvStClPhil 45, 213–246.

Faklaris 1986
+ «, P. (1986), “I «    B
”, ADelt 41, A2, 1–58.

Faklaris 1994
Faklaris, P. (1994), “Aegae: Determining the Site of the First Capital of the Macedonians”,
AJA 98, 609–616.

Faklaris 2011
+ «, P. (2011), “K    φ II  « B
«: T $« 
 φ« « ” in: T(
 «    
 E . T« «

 $  P. '" , Athens, 345–368.

Garland 1982
Garland, R.S.J. (1982), “Geras Thanonton: an Investigation into the Claims of the Homeric
Dead”, BICS 29, 69–80.

Garland 2001
Garland, R. (2001)2, The Greek Way of Death, New York.

Gosden/Lock 1998
Gosden, C. / Lock, G. (1998), “Prehistoric Histories”, World Archaeology 30.1, 2–12.

Grassinger 1991
Grassinger, D. (1991), Römische Marmorkratere, Mainz am Rhein.

Greifenhagen 1960
Greifenhagen, A. (1960), Antike Kunstwerke. Ehemals Staatliche Museen Berlin, Antikenabtei-
lung, Berlin.

Guimier-Sorbet/Morizot 2005
Guimier-Sorbet, A.-M. / Morizot, Y. (2005), “Des bûchers de Vergina aux hydries de Hadra.
Découvertes récentes sur la crémation en Macédoine et à Alexandrie”, in: L. Bachelot /
A. Tenu (eds.), Entre Mondes orientaux et classiques: la place de la crémation, Colloque inter-
national de Nanterre 2004, Ktema 30, 137–152.

Guimier-Sorbet et al. 2006

Guimier-Sorbet, A.-M. / Hatzopoulos, M.B. / Morizot, Y. (eds.), Rois, Cités, Nécropoles. Institu-
tions, Rites et Monuments en Macédoine, Actes des Colloques de Nanterre (Decembre 2002) et d’At-
hènes (Janvier 2004), Athens.

Hammond 1979
Hammond, N.G.L. (1997), “The Archaeological Background to the Macedonian Kingdom”,
in: Ancient Macedonia I, 53–67.

Hammond 1997
Hammond, N.G.L. (1997), “The Location of Aegae”, JHS 117, 177–179.

Hammond/Griffith 1979
Hammond, N.G.L. / Griffith, G.T. (1979), A History of Macedonia II, 550–336 BC, Oxford.

156 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Hatzopoulos 1996
Hatzopoulos, M.B. (1996), “Aigeai: la localisation de la première capitale macédonienne”,
REG 109, 264–269.

Hatzopoulos 2006
Hatzopoulos, M.B. (2006), “De vie à trépas: rites de passage, lamelles dionysiaques et
tombes macédoniennes”, in: A.M. Guimier-Sorbet / M.B. Hatzopoulos / Y. Morizot (eds.),
Rois, Cités, Nécropoles. Institutions, Rites et Monuments en Macédoine, Actes des Colloques de
Nanterre (Decembre 2002) et d’Athènes (Janvier 2004), Athens, 131–141.

Hatzopoulos 2008
Hatzopoulos, M.B. (2008), “The Burial of the Dead at Vergina or the Unending Controversy
on the Identity of the Occupants of Tomb II”, Tekmeria 9, 91–118.

Heuzey/Daumet 1876
Heuzey, L. / Daumet, H. (1876), Mission archéologique en Macédoine, Paris.

Hitzl 1991
Hitzl, I. (1991), Die griechischen Sarkophage der archaischen und klassischen Zeit, Jonsered.

Humphreys 1980
Humphreys, S.C. (1980), “Family Tombs and Tomb Cult in Ancient Athens. Tradition or
Traditionalism?”, JHS 100, 96–126.

Karamitrou-Mentesidi 2008
K-M
% , . (2008), A
. A
 
 

M, Aiani.

Kefalidou 2001
Kefalidou, E. (2001), “Late Archaic Polychrome Pottery from Aiani”, Hesperia 70, 183–219.

Koenigs et al. 1980

Koenigs, W. / Knigge, U. / Mallwitz, A. (1980), Rundbauten im Kerameikos. Kerameikos XII,
Berlin.

Kotitsa 1998
Kotitsa, Z. (1998), Hellenistische Keramik in Martin von Wagner Museum der Universität
Würzburg, Würzburg.

Kotitsa et al. 2002

Kotitsa, Z. / Adusumalli, C.-I. / Chiaradia, M. (2002), “Tin-foiled ceramics from Macedonia”,
in: V. Kilikoglou / A. Hein / Y. Maniatis (eds.), Modern Trends in Scientific Studies on Ancient
Ceramics, Papers Presented at the 5th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Athens 1999,
Oxford, 163–170.

Kotitsa/Schüssler 2002
Kotitsa, Z. / Schüssler, U. (2002), “Zinn auf Keramik. Entstehung und Verwendung eines
Statussymbols in Makedonien”, AA, 65–84.

Kottaridi 1996
K% , A. (1996), “B
 1997”, AEM' 10A, 79–92.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 157
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 Kottaridi 1998
K% , A. (1998), “T    B
  1998. N   

  
A
”, AEM' 12, 405–412.

Kottaridi 2000
K% , A. (2000), “A  
  
A

$  

P
”, AEM' 14, 527–535.

Kottaridi 2001a
K% , A. (2001), “T $  «  «   M%
«. !«  φ 
  «
  « 
A
”, in: N.  % « (ed), K
«   E 
X  
 P
 E  
: 
   !« 1999,
Athens, 359–371.

Kottaridi 2001b
K% , A. (2001), “« 
φ«  « IZ2 EPKA 
   
-
  
A
 2000”, AEM' 15, 509–512.

Kottaridi 2002
Kottaridi, A. (2002), “Discovering Aegae, the Old Macedonian Capital”, in: M. Stamatopou-
lou / M. Yeroulanou (eds.), Excavating Classical Culture. Recent Archaeological Discoveries in
Greece [BAR International Series 1031], Oxford, 75–81.

Kottaridi 2004
K% , A. (2004), “H 
φ  « IZ’ EPKA 
  
  

A
 2003–2004: N     %  « E% «   «
 « «  «”, AEM' 18, 527–542.

Kottaridi 2009
K% , A. (2009), “H
  
A
 = 
   «
φ« %«”, AEM' 20 
, E « «, 143–153.

Kottaridi 2011
Kottaridi, A. (2011), “Burial Customs and Beliefs in the Royal Necropolis of Aegae”, in: Her-
acles to Alexander the Great. Treasures from the Royal Capital of Macedon, a Hellenic Kingdom in
the Age of Democracy, Oxford, 131–152.

Kurtz/Boardman 1971
Kurtz, D. / Boardman, J. (1971), Greek Burial Customs, London.

Kyriakou 2008
K, A. (2008), H   T « B«. Tφ
"« 
"«  
M  4 
. .X., Thessaloniki.

Kyriakou 2011
K, A. (2011), “Y%«    
 T   B
”, in: Z2 E
 -

   
  E 

 K
, A
 2005, Athens, 821–832.

Kyriakou 2013
Kyriakou, A. (2013), “A

$
« 
 / 
:  /  
o
    
 To   « B
«”, in: A2 E
 
 %
 

 H$, B"
 2010, Beroia, 211–246.

158 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Kyriakou / Tourtas forthcoming
Kyriakou, A. / Tourtas, A. (forthcoming), “Detecting Patterns Through Context Analysis. The
Case Study of Deposits in the Sanctuary of Eukleia at Vergina”, in: D.C. Haggis / C.M. Anto-
naccio (eds.), Classical Archaeology in Context. Theory and Practice in Excavation in the Greek
World, Berlin / Boston.

Lullies 1962
Lullies, R. (1962), Vergoldete Terrakotta-Appliken aus Tarent, Heidelberg.

Paschidis 2006
Paschidis, P. (2006), “The Interpretation of Civic Elites and Court Elite in Macedonia”, in:
A.M. Guimier-Sorbet / M.B. Hatzopoulos / Y. Morizot (eds.), Rois, Cités, Nécropoles. Institu-
tions, Rites et Monuments en Macédoine, Actes des Colloques de Nanterre (Decembre 2002) et d’At-
hènes (Janvier 2004), Athens, 251–258.

Petsas 1961–1962
P«, +. (1961–1962), “A
φ 
φ B
«”, ADelt 17,
218–288.

Petsas 1963
P«, +. (1963), “A
φ 
φ B
«”, ADelt 18, 217–232.

Pinelli/Wasowicz 1986
Pinelli, P. / Wasowicz, A. (1986), Catalogue des bois et stucs grecs et romains provenant de Kertch,
Paris.

Rhomiopoulou/Kilian-Dirlmeier 1989
Rhomiopoulou, K. / Kilian-Dirlmeier, I. (1989), “Neue Funde aus der eisenzeitlichen Hügel-
nekropole von Vergina, Griechisch Makedonien”, PZ 64, 86–145.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984
-P% , X. (1984), T 
φ
  « M « T«  
B, Thessaloniki.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993
-P% , X. (1993), “B
 1993. A
φ  I  « E«”,
AEM' 7, 51–59.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1996a
-P% , X. (1996), “T I  « E«  B
”, AEM' 10A,
55–68.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1996b
Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, Chr. (1996), “Aegae: a reconsideration”, AM 111, 225–235.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999
-P% , X. (1999), “B
 1938–1998: Z  
« 

  «”, in: P. K (ed.), A "(«  M"«:   M
  O
", Beroia, 37–48.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 159
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2002
-P% , X. (2002), “B
 2000–2002. A
φ  I  « E-
«”, AEM' 16, 479–490.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2004
-P% , X. (2004), B. O φ«  
. H 
φ 
 
, Athens.

Saatsoglou-Paliadeli/Kyriakou 2006
-P% X. / K, A. (2006), “A
φ  A
  
Nφ 
A
”, AEM' 20, 759–766.

Schmaltz 1970
Schmaltz, B. (1970), Untersuchungen zu den attischen Marmorlekythen, Berlin.

Stampolidis 2001
 % «, N. (2001), “O φ« « 
 E$
. Aφ   -

 ”, in: N.  % « (ed.), K
«   E  X  
 P

E  
: 
   !« 1999, Athens, 187–204.

Themelis/Touratsoglou 1997
) «, P. / T, I. (1997), O
φ
 , Athens.

Touratsoglou 1986
T, I. (1986), “T φ«  « B«.   %
   





”, in: Ancient Macedonia IV, 611–651.

Touratsoglou 2006
Touratsoglou, I. (2006), “Les Galates sous les pentes de l’Olympe: le trésor IV de Néos Pan-
téléimon, lieu-dit Krania, 2000”, RNum 162, 99–116.

Trantalidou 2005
Trantalidou, K. (2005), “Loyaux jusqu’à la mort. Remarques préliminaires sur les seize an-
imaux inhumés dans le tumulus de Mikri Doxipara-Zoni (Thrace-Grèce)”, in: A. Gardeisen
(ed.), Les équidés dans le monde méditerranéen antique, Actes du colloque (Athènes 26–28 Nov-
embre 2003), Lattes, 29–40.

Tsigarida 1987
Tsigarida, B. (1987), “X φ
 «    B
”, in: A «, Thessaloniki,
907–913.

Tsigarida 2006
Tsigarida, B. (2006), “Couronnes, Diadèmes, Colliers et Boucles d’Oreille de Macédoine
Centrale à l’Époque de Philppe II et d’Alexandre le Grand”, in: G. Nicolini (ed.), Les Ors des
Mondes grec et barbare, Paris, 139–145.

Van Dyke/Alcock 2003

Van Dyke, R.M. / Alcock, S.E. (2003), “Archaeologies of Memory: an Introduction”, in: R.M.
Van Dyke / S.E. Alcock (eds.), Archaeologies of Memory, Oxford, 1–13.

160 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Watzinger 1984
Watzinger, C. (1905/reprint 1984), Griechische Holzsarkophage aus der Zeit Alexanders des
Grossen, Osnabrück.

Wehgartner 1992
Wehgartner, I. (1992), “Die Gruppe Vogell. Attische Eichellekythen und ihre Symbolik”, in:
H. Fröning / T. Hölscher / H. Mielsch (eds.), Kotinos. Festschrift für Erika Simon, Mainz am
Rhein, 284–291.

Whitley 2002
Whitley, J. (2002), “Too Many Ancestors”, Antiquity 76, 119–126.

Williams 1998
Williams, H. (1998), “Monuments and the Past in Early Anglo-Saxon England”, World Ar-
chaeology 30.1, 90–108.

Zahrnt 1984
Zahrnt, M. (1984), “Die Entwicklung des makedonischen Reiches bis zu den Perserkriegen”,
Chiron 14, 325–368.

Zurbach 2005
Zurbach, J. (2005), “Pratique et signification de l’incinération dans les poèmes homériques.
Quelques observations”, Ktema 30, 161–171.

THE THE
HISTORY
HISTORY
OF AOF
FOURTH
A 4TH CENTURY BC TUMULUS AT VERGINA 161
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS
Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
162 ATHANASIA KYRIAKOU

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 1 (Kyriakou) | The Stenomakri Toumba before the excavation.

Fig. 2 (Kyriakou) | View of the Early Iron Age cemetery at Vergina.

PLATE 43

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 3 (Kyriakou) | Plan of the three graves, the periboloi and the monument of the Stenomakri Toumba.

Fig. 4 (Kyriakou) | Drawing of the painting inside tomb B.

PLATE 44

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 5a (Kyriakou) | One of the polychrome hydriai from tomb B.

Fig. 5b (Kyriakou) | Detail of a polychrome hydriai from tomb B.

PLATE 45

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 6 (Kyriakou) | Tomb .

Fig. 7 (Kyriakou) | Tin-foiled askos

found inside tomb .

PLATE 46

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 8 (Kyriakou) | Hydria with white slip from tomb .

Fig. 9 (Kyriakou) | Red figure acorn lekythos

from tomb .

PLATE 47

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
 Fig. 10 (Kyriakou) | Drawing of silver kalyx
from tomb .

Fig. 11 (Kyriakou) | Terracotta with griffin attacking deer.

PLATE 48

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 12–13 (Kyriakou) | Drawing and detail of the sword in tomb A.

PLATE 49

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 14–15 (Kyriakou) | Details of a spearhead and a butt found in tomb A.

PLATE 50

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 16 (Kyriakou) | The funerary monument with the marble krater buried inside its foundation.

Fig. 17 (Kyriakou) | Pyres observed around the monument.

PLATE 51

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 18 (Kyriakou) | Plan of the archaeological site of Vergina.

PLATE 52

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 19–20 (Kyriakou) | Periboloi of the three graves.

PLATE 53

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 21 (Kyriakou) | The looters’ hole in tomb .

Fig. 22 (Kyriakou) | The looters’ hole closed with rough stones.

PLATE 54

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 23 (Kyriakou) | Working in the old trenches.

Fig. 24 (Kyriakou) | The second excavation period.

PLATE 55

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09
Fig. 25 (Kyriakou) | The recreation proposal.

PLATE 56

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet
Heruntergeladen am | 26.04.16 10:09