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Introduction
When does focus on form work most effectively to promote second
language acquisition (SLA)? This question abour timing in focus on form
entails both psycholinguistic and pedagogical questions. Two broad as-
pects of timing will be discussed in this chaprer:
I thank Catherine Doughty for organizing the Focus on Form Symposium at the 1994
Second Language Research Forum in Montreal, where an early version of this paper
was presented. I thank the participants in that syrnposium, both panelists and audience,
lor their provocative questions. I also thank Manfred Pienemann, Howard Nicholas,
Laura Collins, Roy Lyster, and Nina Spader, for their comments on earlier versions, and
Catherine Doughty and Jessica \Williams for particularly valuable comments on later
versions. I wish that I could have usecl their collective wisdom to overcome all the gaps
and shortcomings, but I must take responsibility for the final product.
,, My own research, referred to in this chapter; is funded by the Social Science and
Humanities Research Council of Canada and the
Quebec À4inistry of Education's Fonds
Þour la formation de chercheurs et l'aide à la recherche.
177
178 Patsy M. Lightbown
nrentally "next" (e.g., Valdrnan, 1975).In fact, some research did show
that learners benefited from instruction focused on linguistic features
characteristic of their next developmental stage, whereas instructional
intervention that targeted too high or too low a developmental level was
either confusing or irrelevant (Pienemann, 1.989}.
1 Pienemann did not argue that learners should be prevented frorn hearing a wider
range of structllres than those which were targetecl. However, he concludecl that his
research showed that focusing on what was clevelopmentally too advanced coulcl
sometimes interfere with learners' progress.
Tlte intportance of timing in
focus on fonn 181
..j^l,r:i:,?l:
they tended ro advance along the,stage continuum,
Insreacl,
adding Stage 3 ques-
tions where there had been õnly stag"e t or stage
2 formJbe¡;?;.
,f,:i: progress was apparenr more in terÃ, ,f r"fr", ,fr.y leftsome_
:iT::
thaf rs' they produced fewer stage 2 questions out;
and more Stage 3 questions
after instruction.
Another finding from this recent research merits closer
attention, how-
ever. Following the insrru*ion, many
st'de'rs whose pr.i.r.rr..
"u.rãü
2 u*erances.dii produce a small ,,.,-b"rïf
i:t,:1.*l^l"r"Srage Stage 4
t_,1qf au;stlgns (Lightbown E¿ Spada, 1993). For exam"ple,
il]::"^: mlght.5use the stage 4 questions
rcarners
"\(/here is the dog? rwhere is the
2 The ¡efe¡ence list to srrnlol sqatement,
1!r¡ too long to place here, would inclucle
Long ( | 983e ). Liehtbown I o8J), Lightbown'anJ Spada. (1900), Doughty ( I e9 I
Lyster ( lq.e4a), Kãwal and'swain'1ì6041.
,1 'c"di.rnã ),
nìa¡ly of the chapters in this volurne.
vr"Ë"".; ii;;l;i,'"".1
"nd
¡. lrr tlre speech of native speake's
of English, questions in stages i.,2, and 3 are often
pragmaricolly appropriate.
J"..pt ?o, some ,ote-lår""â .r1¡rrr., i" stage 1
or do-fronted quesri.rrs irr.Srage
^Howe-ver, .,ir,, y,,, lravc
formt,d grarrrrrrntit.al quesrior'rr";,, UnJri;t,.- ' "'
l._(c a clog?,.). tltcy are nrr fully
ç.
1,82 Patsy M. l-ightboun
Stage 1
Single words or fragments
A spot on the dog?
A ball or a shoe?
Stage 2
Subj ect-uerb-obj ect tuith risit'tg itttrtrtøtiort
A boy throw the ball?
Two children ride a bicycle?
Stage 3
Frontittg
Do-frctrtirtg
Do the boy is beside the bus?
Do you have threc astronâut?
Wh-frortirtg
\What the boy is throwing?
tWhere the children are stancling?
Stage 4
\X/h- tuith copula ßE
\ü/here is the ball?
\7here is the space ship?
Yeshto questiotts tuith AUX itntersiott
Is the boy beside the garbage can?
Is there a dog on the bus?
Stage 5
tþlh- u,ith AUX secottd
'l7hat
is the boy throwing?
How do you sây "lancer"?
seemed much more likely that these questions were made up at least
partly of unanalyzed chunks in which a variety of noun phrases could be
inserted. As such, they did not necessarily provide evidence that learners
were actually using subject-auxiliary inversion or "AUX-second" rules
for forming questions.a
On the other hand, even if the Stage 4 and Stage 5 questions were
essentiâlly chunks, the learners usually appeared to know what they
meant. They knew when it was appropriate to use these questions and
what information they could expect to gain by asking them. One might
say that, in asking these questions, they were providing themselves with
meaningful, comprehensible input. A longitudinal follow-up showed that
the learners continued to advance in their ability to use question forms
after the specific teaching materials on questions had been withdrawn
(Spada & Lightbown,1.993).It may be that these chunk or semichunk
utterances were serving as available input to the learners' own developing
systems. That is, although these utterances had not been integrated into
the learners' interlanguage systems at the time when the learners first
began to use them, the utterances were nevertheless there, "available" as
input for later integration.
I believe that this explanation is consistent with a proposal that Shar-
wood Smith (1981) made in describing a possible role for instruction in a
model of language acquisition that was largely compatible with Krashen's
view. In this model, metalinguistic knowledge or memorized utterances
do not directly alter the structure of the learner's interlanguage, but they
can play an important role by permitting the learner to produce useful
input to his or her own system.
Acquisition from one's own "monitored" or memorized utterances is
only one plausible explanation for the usefulness of practicing language
forms that are beyond the current developmental stage. Another hypoth-
esis, compatible with cognitive approaches to SLA, is that through ex-
posure to instruction, learners have acquired "knowledge" of these fea-
tures but have not yet acquired "control" of them (see, e.g., Bialystok,
1994a; Mclaughlin,1987).It is hypothesized that opportunities to use
the utterances in discourse-appropriate contexts help learners get this
control (see DeKeyser, this volume, for a detailed discussion of cognitive
approaches).
5 Students in the classes in which the research was carried out always had rich
communicative language interaction throughout the day. The instruction took up
only a fraction of their daily exposure to the language over a period of 2 weeks.
Tbe importance of timing in focus on form 185
Researchers have found that learners who are taught relative clause
types that are well beyond the level at which they are currently operat-
ing may progress through several of the levels following instruction
(Dought¡ 1,991,;Eckman, Bell, & Nelson, 1988; Gass,1"982; but see
footnote 1 in Long & Robinson, this volume). There is some difference
among the findings as to whether learners acquire all the relativization
positions that are implicated by the one that is taught, that is, to the left of
it in Figure 2. In some cases, learners appeâr to learn the relativization
position that is tâught as well as all those that are implicated by it. This
has led to the "maximality" hypothesis: that all implicated positions will
be acquired when a more advanced one is. Further, it was observed in
some studies that learners learned only the relativization positions to the
left of the one that was focused on in instruction. This led to the "uni-
directionality" hypothesis: that generalízatíon will take place only to the
left of the position taught.
Hamilton (1994) questioned both the maximality and the unidirec-
tionality hypotheses. He suggested that the evidence, in both his study
and some of those that preceded his, yielded somewhat ambiguous results
regarding these hypotheses.6 On the one hand, there was evidence that
not all learners learned up to and including the level at which they were
taught (i.e., the learning was not "maximal"). On the other hand, some
learners learned not only up to and including the level at which they had
been taught but seemed to have acquired knowledge of the more ad-
vanced (nonimplicated) position levels as well (i.e., learning was not
"unidirectional"). A study by Ammar (1,996) provides further evidence
6 Hamilton's study involved the use of both the NPAH and another implicational
framework that he called rhe SO hierarchy. Details of the two hierarchies are beyond
the scope of this chapter, but the findings that Hamilton reports are consistent for
both wirh regard to the issues raised here.
1,86 Patsy M. Lightbown
for the learners' ability to generaliz e beyond the level at which they
were
taught.
úhu, *", consistent in all the studies, however' was what Hamilton
those of
referred to as the cumulatiue constraint. Hamilton's results and
relationship,
,rr. ãrrr.rrr"dies confirmed the existence of an implicational
they were
i-rrátir, whether or nor what they learned went beyond what
;;;;h;, i.li""tt followed the same sequence of implicational relation-
5f,ü;."i{amiltor obr.rued that learners made progress along the relative
knew before
;i;;;; hilchy, adding positions to the right of those they that was taught
ifr. mir".,iorr, 6rrt nor"necessarily learning the_position
move a step or
oi-*.tythi"g io the left of it. Instead, they might simply
and
t-o f"io"a ih"i, .rrrr.nt level, but always in the predicted sequence,
without skipping stePs.
learners
Other ,.rårJh thåt seems to point to the efficacy of exposing
relation-
to the most advanced features - ,tru.t.rt.s in an implicational
rnlp l,f.r, *Z"U (1985) and of J.{!ite (this volume) on the acquisi-
Both
;i;; ;l;;*essive determiners in Ènglish by francophone learners. has been
ZãUft J"¿ J. \Øhite,s studies show thát the most advanced stage
deter-
reached *li.n learners can reliably choose the correct possessive
"object" is a human
;il (his or her) incases in which the,possessed
u.*g *r-r.re narural gender is different from that of the possessor (e.9.,
l¡, írothrr, her fathei) and when body parts (his arm, her head) are also
Learners who can do
-at.hed with tire .orr..t possessive dáterminer.T forms for inanimate objects
this will also tend to choäse the correct
nossessed. but the reverse is not true (see Figure 3)'
'*iì;;ú.i:\øhit. Zoblincreased studentJ exposure to correct uses of
"r,d
posr.ssiie determiners in contexts in which the meaning was clear. In
fãitr rtrr¿1.r, students' exposure to these linguistic features was embodied
l,'.nhun..á input (incråased frequency and/or salience of possessive
ã.r.r*in.rr foi a hàited period of tlme) rather than more traditional
l"r1r"lii." providing rules and explanations. In both studies, learners'
ã;I"ú.r-ial stage"advanced. Noionlythe most advanced students but
ulso leärn.rs who"started at low levels benefited from the focused
ex-
who were exposed o.nly.to examples of
;;;";;.'i" iobl,sstud¡ learners
iorr.rriu. determiners íith ho-un entities (nouns reflecting natural gen-
äer) tended to progress more rhan those exposed only to examples of
7' Note that the cross-linguistic problem for body parts is not the same âs the one for
."iiri* lirfr nârurâl g.î¿át fi French, there is a- prefe.ence for using definite articles
;"r¡.;;il;;;r.r.iuË ¿.,.r-iners wit'h body paris (ll prø.td_-la maùtwith .d.e
sa mère = He
natural
i^Urr'rli iJ"¿ of his [feminine agreement] móther). The difficulty
gî"ã.i i, tt-t. t.nd.n.y to use the"French rule, making_ the possessive determiner agree
i,,nä. g."¿.t of the possess.d rather than that of ihe possessor. Grammatical
g.rla., aã., not seem to ..."t. so lasting a problem' That is, there seems to be a
!i."t., t.'ta.ncy to "transfer" nâturâl rãther than grammatical gender'
The irnportance of timing in focus on form 1,87
Stage L: Preemergence - avoidance oÍ his and her and/or use of definite article
instead of his or ber.
The boy gave the boat to the mother.
Stage 2: Preemergence - use oÍ yottr for all persons, genders, and numbers; some
very rare uses of his or her.
The boy gâve your boat to your mother.
Stage 3: Emergence" of either or both his and her; use is occasional but not to
criterion.
The boy gave his boat to the mother.
Stage 5: Differentiated use of both l¡is and her, to criterion with inanimate nouns
but not reliably with body parts or "kin-different" nouns (when the gender of the
possessor is different from that of the possessed).
The boy gave the boat to her [boy's] mother.
He has Band-Aids on the arm.
Stage 6: Differentiated use of both his and her, to criterion for inanimate nouns
and, in some kin-different contexts, correct Íor his or ber.
Stage 8r Error-free use of his and her in all contexts, including kin-different
natural gender and body parts.
"stages refined and adapted by J. White (1'996), based on research by Zobl (198.5). J.
White used a minimum number of examples in learners' spontaneous oral production as
the criterion for stage assignment.
Doughty (1991) has suggested, for example, that, with regarcl ro relarive
clauses, the developmental progress is from "no relativization" to "some
relativization" and that there is no real sequence of development among
the individual relative clauses. Furthermore, in the relative ciause se-
quence, performance at any stage can be grammatically correct, whereas
performance at earlier stages in the acquisition of questions or possessive
determiners entails the production of ungrâmmatical sentences. Nev-
ertheless, in the research on relative clauses, observations tend to confirm
that the presence of certain features in a learner's language implies the
previous or concurrent presence of other related features. The features
that imply the presence of others, previously or concurrentl¡ are being
treated in this context as nxore aduanced deuelopmentally. It would be
less controversial to say simply that they are implìcationally related.
Clearl¡ there are many questions raised by these findings that suggest
the need for further research. From a pedagogical perspective, it is impor-
tânt to know whether focus on form that is not timed to match learners'
developmental stage is necessarily inefficient or eyen counterproductive -
as suggested in different ways by both Krashen and Pienemann. To this
end, it is important to have a clearer understanding of the types of input
learners are able to use in pushing their interlanguage development
forward.
The notion that only instruction that is "timely" in terms of develop-
mental level is fascinating, and teachers are enthusiastic about finding
sequences that will guide their teaching. However, the pedagogical im-
plications of such a recommendation are cause for consiclerable concern.
Some of the problems associated with the implementation of develop-
mentally timed instruction were menrioned earlier in this chapter (Lighr-
bown, 1985a). Another potential problem with such a proposal is that
teachers and syllabus writers could come to treat developmental se-
quences as a new basis for syllabus or materials design, returning to the
teaching of language features in isolation, something that no research in
SLA or language teaching currenrly supports (Long, 1985; Long &
Robinson, this volume).
In summar¡ the current state of research on the possible advantages of
matching instructional intervention to developmental readiness suggests
that we should avoid pushing the idea too far in pedagogical conrexrs.
The evidence, although suggesrive, is far from overwhelming that learners
benefit only from developrnentally matchecl instruction. Further research
may continlre to support the hypothesis that, although FonF instruction
cannot induce learners to skip stages, providing focus on form - even if it
is beyond the next developmental stage that learners are expected to
attain - can move learners along the sequence more quickly than they
could move without it and leacl them further toward mastery (see Long,
1991,1996). If this is so, then the daunting pedagogical task of selecting
The importance of timing in foa.ts on form 189
model they were to echo or had practiced it thoroughly and could say it
without making mistakes. Based on ân interpretation of psychological
learning tlieory* and the descriptive linguistics of the period (see, e.g.,
Brooki 1.9e4iLado,1,964), the principle underlying this approach was
the importan.. of practicing corrèct foims, which led to the formation of
habitsãnd subsequent learning by analogy'
As a result of toth changes in linguistic theory and frustration with
some of the outcomes of language initruction, this approach was subse-
quenrly discredited and replãced by that put more emphasis
"pp.ouches
á., g.tilrrg learners to use language with a focus on meaning,. New ap-
proã.h.rl often referred to as comnrunicatiue language teacbing, were
tur.d or r..ommendarions from applied linguists (e.g., Breen & Candlin,
1gg0; Brumfit & Johnson, 1,979). SLA researchers and theorists (e.g',
Dulay & Burt, 1975; Krashen,1.982) also encouraged teachers to allow
l.arn.rs to ,rrá language freel¡ to provide substantial amounts of com-
prehensible input,"anã not to *oity about the production of perfect
r.rtt.run..r. Errors were seen as a natural part of language acquisition, and
they were expected to work themselves out eventuâll¡ if learners re-
main.d motivated and if they continued to have access to sufficient com-
prehensible input and/or opportunities for communicative intefaction.
Many teachãrs resisted this approach for a while, and some have never
really accepted this version of .o--.rnicative language teaching . -
indeåd, some huue never accepted any version of communicative or task-
based Íanguage teaching. Eventuall¡ however, many experienced teach-
ers have .ä*ã r" acknÑledge that the old methods were often ineffec-
tive, or at least that the new ones were more fun for everyone' And new
t.".h.rr, trained in university progrâms by applied linguists who were
supportárs of the new approaðh, *.t. convinced frorn the outset that
lrÅg,rug" teaching that pùi the emphasis on meaning, not forms, was the
,,ri[ht'; way to teach. This now includes a whole range of c.lassroom
npfro".h.r, from some fairly radical language classes in which there is no
ptå.ti.e or speaking at all - only listening and/or reading (see Lightbown,
iggZ) - thrãugh task-based instrucrion (see Crookes Ec Gass, 1993a,
I993b;Long ü Crookes, 1992), ro immersion and other content-based
insrrucrion in which language is to be learned incidentally as learners
focus on learning history or math (see Doughty & Varela, this volume;
Genesee, 1987; Swain & LaPkin, 1'982).
The írnpact of the tr.* ãpproaches to language teaching is often
brought hóme to me when clasiioom teachers give me minilectures on the
val.re of unfettered communication in the classroom, the power of com-
prehensible input, and perhaps, above all, the danger of raising the affec-
iive filter by correcting l.nrt ..r' errors when they are in the- midst of a
communicarive acr (Kiashen, 1.982)l If language is to be the focus of the
The importance of timing in focus on fonn L91
has shown positive results for learners who have experienced an_integra-
tion of forms and meaning in their instructional environment. Research
in intensive ESL classes wilh young francophone learners has shown that
teachers who focus learners' atten¡ion on specific language features dur-
ing the interactive, communicâtive activities of the class are more effec-
tiå than those who never focus on form or who do so only in isolated
;'g'r--n, lessons" (Lightbown, L991; Lightbown & Spada, 1990;
S;;t & Lightbow", tggZ\. These effective teachers tend to provide
få."r forñ on the fl¡ without causing the interactiou to be interrupted
""
o, i.ur,t.r, to be discouraged' Similarly, Lyster (1'994a) described a
French immersion reacher hé observed who seemed particularly adept at
getting learners to correct their own errors. The teacher did this mainly
Ëy urlii,rg srudents perrinenr questions.about how they thought the lan-
gí"g, wãrked, alwáys in the contexr of communicative interaction. Lys-
i.r ått..l this iegotiation of fontz, something different from the negotia-
tion of mearinglhat is typical of communicative language_teaching.
Vanpaften's research fi"ai"g (1,990) that learners have difficulty focus-
ing on forms and meaning at the same time rnight âppear to be an argu-
to form into meaning-
-ãnt ugainrt the feasibility of integrating attention
ful intJractions. It does not seem so to me. In fact, VanPatten's experi-
mental research on input processing suggests that learners benefit from
this joint focus when the får- in question is crucial to the meaning being
corríey.d. It is when the targeted forms (e.g., verb endings) do not con-
tributá crucially to the principal meaning in focus (e.g.' inflation in Latin
America) that iearnerr-."p.ri.n.. acute problems in attencling to both.
'When
the fornt in ftcws (Ë.g., the subiect and the object of the verb in a
sentence with unfamiliar word order or missing pronouns) is an impor-
rant carrier of the meanìng in foats (who did what to whom)' learners clo
benefit from the dual focus on forms and meaning'
There will, of course, be situations when the form that is being targeted
is not cruciaÍ for" the meaning that is in focus. In these cases it may be
necessary to stop the commuìicative activity for a few seconds and to
make thá fo..r, or form quite explicit - albeit brief. For those few seconds
of focus on form, studénts should know that their attention is being
drawn to forms, not meaning. This can help to avoid the situation, so
frequent in communicative language teaching, when teachers offer a gen-
tle irnplicit correction, and learners hear the correction as a continuation
of the conversation:
Student: I don't speak very well English.
Teacher: You don't speak English very well?
Stuclent: No.
Conclusion
It is neither necessary nor desirable to attenpt
to teach students all as-
pects of the second or foreign language
th.y ãr. learning. That is forru-
nate, for it is also clear thatlt r"ould Ëe There is no
impossibl. to ào"ro.
L96 Patsy M. Lightbount
I
doubt that a greât deal of language acquisition will take place without
focused instruction and feedback, when leamers are exposecl to com-
prehensible input and opportllnities for meaningful interaction. How-
èu"r, ,o-. features of a language are very difficult - or perhaps im-
possible - to acquire in this way. Future research should focus not only on
identifying such features but also on seeking to understand what makes
thern diffìcult or impossible to acquire without guidance. Valuaþle
research is currently uncler way to identify the features for which learn-
ers seerì most likely to benefit from some kind of focus otl foln (for:
sorìe examples of this work, see Doughty & Williams, Chapter 10, this
volume; Harle¡ 1'993;Long, 1996; L. \ü/hite, 1991).
Knowing which features are likely to benefit from or require focus on
form is one step toward providing second language instruction that takes
âccount of the psycholinguistic facts of second language acquisition.
Knowing when to offer such focus on form is another step. There is a
need for considerably more research that starts from this question.