Stereotype

In social psychology, a stereotype is any thought widely adopted

about specific types of individuals or certain ways of behaving
intended to represent the entire group of those individuals or
behaviors as a whole.[1] These thoughts or beliefs may or may not
accurately reflect reality.[2][3] Within psychology and across other
disciplines, different conceptualizations and theories of stereotyping
exist, at times sharing commonalities, as well as containing
contradictory elements.

Contents An 18th-century Dutch engraving of the peoples of

the world, depicting the inhabitants ofAsia, the
Etymology Americas and Africa as savages. Shown below are
Relationship with other types of intergroup attitudes an Englishman, a Dutchman, a German and a
Content Frenchman.

Functions
Relationship between cognitive and social functions
Cognitive functions
Social functions: social categorization
Explanation purposes
Justification purposes
Intergroup differentiation
Social functions: self-categorization
Social functions: social influence and consensus
Formation
Correspondence bias Police officers buying doughnuts and
Illusory correlation coffee, an example of perceived
Common environment stereotypical behavior inNorth
Socialization and upbringing America.
Intergroup relations
Activation
Automatic behavioral outcomes
Accuracy
Effects
Attributional ambiguity
Stereotype threat
Self-fulfilling prophecy
Discrimination
Self-stereotyping
Role in art and culture Only boys playing video games exemplifies
a common stereotype that video games are
See also
Examples of stereotypes predominantly made for and played by boys.

References
Further reading
External links
Etymology
The term stereotype comes from the French adjective stéréotype and derives from the Greek words στερεός (stereos), "firm, solid"[4]
and τύπος (typos), impression,[5] hence "solid impression on one or moreidea/theory."

The term comes from theprinting trade and was first adopted in 1798 by Firmin Didot to describe a printing plate that duplicated any
typography. The duplicate printing plate, or the stereotype, is used for printing instead of the original.

Outside of printing, the first reference to "stereotype" was in 1850, as a noun that meant image perpetuated without change.[6]
However, it was not until 1922 that "stereotype" was first used in the modern psychological sense by American journalist Walter
Lippmann in his work Public Opinion.[7]

Relationship with other types of intergroup attitudes

Stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination [8]are understood as related but different concepts.[9][10][11][12] Stereotypes are regarded as
the most cognitive component and often occurs without conscious awareness, whereas prejudice is the affective component of
stereotyping and discrimination is one of the behavioral components of prejudicial reactions.[9][10][13] In this tripartite view of
intergroup attitudes, stereotypes reflect expectations and beliefs about the characteristics of members of groups perceived as different
from one's own, prejudice represents theemotional response, and discrimination refers to actions.[9][10]

Although related, the three concepts can exist independently of each other.[10][14] According to Daniel Katz and Kenneth Braly,
stereotyping leads to racial prejudice when people emotionally react to the name of a group, ascribe characteristics to members of
that group, and then evaluate those characteristics.[11]

Possible prejudicial effects of stereotypes[3] are:

Justification of ill-founded prejudices or ignorance

Unwillingness to rethink one's attitudes and behavior
[15]
Preventing some people of stereotyped groups from entering or succeeding in activities or fields

Content
Stereotype content refers to the attributes that people think
characterize a group. Studies of stereotype content examine what
people think of others, rather than the reasons and mechanisms
involved in stereotyping.[16]

Early theories of stereotype content proposed by social psychologists

such as Gordon Allport assumed that stereotypes of outgroups
reflected uniform antipathy.[17][18] For instance, Katz and Braly
argued in their classic 1933 study that ethnic stereotypes were
uniformly negative.[16]

By contrast, a newer model of stereotype content theorizes that

Stereotype content model, adapted from Fiske et
stereotypes are frequently ambivalent and vary along two
al. (2002): Four types of stereotypes resulting from
dimensions: warmth and competence. Warmth and competence are combinations of perceived warmth and
respectively predicted by lack of competition and status. Groups that competence.
do not compete with the in-group for the same resources (e.g.,
college space) are perceived as warm, whereas high-status (e.g.,
economically or educationally successful) groups are considered competent. The groups within each of the four combinations of high
and low levels of warmth and competence elicit distinct emotions.[19] The model explains the phenomenon that some out-groups are
admired but disliked, whereas others are liked but disrespected. This model was empirically tested on a variety of national and
[17][20]
international samples and was found to reliably predict stereotype content.

Functions
Early studies suggested that stereotypes were only used by rigid, repressed, and authoritarian people. This idea has been refuted by
contemporary studies that suggest the ubiquity of stereotypes and it was suggested to regard stereotypes as collective group beliefs,
meaning that people who belong to the same social group share the same set of stereotypes.[14] Modern research asserts that full
understanding of stereotypes requires considering them from two complementary perspectives: as shared within a particular
[21]
culture/subculture and as formed in the mind of an individual person.

Relationship between cognitive and social functions

Stereotyping can serve cognitive functions on an interpersonal level, and social functions on an intergroup level.[3][14] For
stereotyping to function on an intergroup level (see social identity approaches: social identity theory and self-categorization theory),
[14]
an individual must see themselves as part of a group and being part of that group must also be salient for the individual.

Craig McGarty, Russell Spears, and Vincent Y. Yzerbyt (2002) argued that the cognitive functions of stereotyping are best understood
in relation to its social functions, and vice versa.[22]

Cognitive functions
Stereotypes can help make sense of the world. They are a form of categorization that helps to simplify and systematize information.
Thus, information is more easily identified, recalled, predicted, and reacted to.[14] Stereotypes are categories of objects or people.
Between stereotypes, objects or people are as different from each other as possible.[1] Within stereotypes, objects or people are as
similar to each other as possible.[1]

Gordon Allport has suggested possible answers to why people find it easier to understand categorized information.[23] First, people
can consult a category to identify response patterns. Second, categorized information is more specific than non-categorized
information, as categorization accentuates properties that are shared by all members of a group. Third, people can readily describe
object in a category because objects in the same category have distinct characteristics. Finally, people can take for granted the
characteristics of a particular category because the category itself may be an arbitrary grouping.

A complementary perspective theorizes how stereotypes function as time- and energy-savers that allow people to act more
efficiently.[1] Yet another perspective suggests that stereotypes are people's biased perceptions of their social contexts.[1] In this view,
people use stereotypes as shortcuts to make sense of their social contexts, and this makes a person's task of understanding his or her
world less cognitively demanding.[1]

Social functions: social categorization

In the following situations, the overarching purpose of stereotyping is for people to put their collective self (their ingroup
membership) in a positive light:[24]

when stereotypes are used for explaining social events

when stereotypes are used for justifying activities of one's own groupingroup)
( to another group (outgroup)
when stereotypes are used for differentiating the ingroup as positively distinct from outgroups

Explanation purposes
As mentioned previously, stereotypes can be used to explain social events.[14][24] Henri Tajfel[14]
described his observations of how some people found that the anti-Semitic contents of The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion only made sense if Jews have certain characteristics. Therefore,
according to Tajfel,[14] Jews were stereotyped as being evil and yearning for world domination to
match the anti-Semitic ‘facts’ as presented in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

Justification purposes
People create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the actions that their ingroup has committed (or
plans to commit) towards that outgroup.[14][23][24] For example, according to Tajfel,[14]
Europeans stereotyped Turkish, Indian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achieving
financial advances without European help. This stereotype was used to justify European
An anti-semitic 1873
colonialism in Turkey, India, and China.
caricature depicting the
stereotypical physical
Intergroup differentiation features of a Jewish
male.
An assumption is that people want their ingroup to have a positive image relative to outgroups,
and so people want to differentiate their ingroup from relevant outgroups in a desirable way.[14] If
an outgroup does not affect the ingroup’s image, then from an image preservation point of view
, there is no point for the ingroup to be
positively distinct from that outgroup.[14]

People can actively create certain images for relevant outgroups by stereotyping. People do so when they see that their ingroup is no
longer as clearly and/or as positively differentiated from relevant outgroups, and they want to restore the intergroup differentiation to
a state that favours the ingroup.[14][24]

Social functions: self-categorization

People change their stereotype of their ingroups and outgroups to suit context.[3][24] People are likely to self-stereotype their ingroup
as homogenous in an intergroup context, and they are less likely to do so in an intragroup context where the need to emphasise their
group membership is not as great.[24] Stereotypes can emphasise a person’s group membership in two steps: First, stereotypes
emphasise the person’s similarities with ingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also the person’s differences from outgroup
members on relevant dimensions.[24] Second, the more the stereotypes emphasise within-group similarities and between-group
differences, the more salient the person’s social identity becomes, and the more depersonalised that person is.[24] A depersonalised
[24]
person abandons individual differences and embraces the stereotypes associated with their relevant group membership.

Social functions: social influence and consensus

Stereotypes are an indicator of ingroup consensus.[24] When there are intragroup disagreements over stereotypes of the ingroup
ging from each other.[24]
and/or outgroups, ingroup members take collective action to prevent other ingroup members from diver

John C. Turner proposed in 1987[24] that if ingroup members disagree on an outgroup stereotype, then one of three possible
collective actions follow: First, ingroup members may negotiate with each other and conclude that they have different outgroup
stereotypes because they are stereotyping different subgroups of an outgroup (e.g., Russian gymnasts versus Russian boxers). Second,
ingroup members may negotiate with each other, but conclude that they are disagreeing because of categorical differences amongst
themselves. Accordingly, in this context, it is better to categorise ingroup members under different categories (e.g., Democrats versus
Republican) than under a shared category (e.g., American). Finally
, ingroup members may influence each other to arrive at a common
outgroup stereotype.

Formation
Different disciplines give different accounts of how stereotypes develop: Psychologists may focus on an individual's experience with
groups, patterns of communication about those groups, and intergroup conflict. As for sociologists, they may focus on the relations
among different groups in a social structure. They suggest that stereotypes are the result of conflict, poor parenting, and inadequate
mental and emotional development. Once stereotypes have formed, there are two main factors that explain their persistence. First, the
cognitive effects of schematic processing (see schema) make it so that when a member of a group behaves as we expect, the behavior
confirms and even strengthens existing stereotypes. Second, the affective or emotional aspects of prejudice render logical arguments
against stereotypes ineffective in countering the power of emotional responses.[25]

Correspondence bias
Correspondence bias refers to the tendency to ascribe a person's behavior to disposition or personality, and to underestimate the
extent to which situational factors elicited the behavior [26]
. Correspondence bias can play an important role in stereotype formation.

For example, in a study by Roguer and Yzerbyt (1999) participants watched a video showing students who were randomly instructed
to find arguments either for or againsteuthanasia. The students that argued in favor of euthanasia came from the same law department
or from different departments. Results showed that participants attributed the students' responses to their attitudes although it had
been made clear in the video that students had no choice about their position. Participants reported that group membership, i.e., the
department that the students belonged to, affected the students' opinions about euthanasia. Law students were perceived to be more in
favor of euthanasia than students from different departments despite the fact that a pretest had revealed that subjects had no
preexisting expectations about attitudes toward euthanasia and the department that students belong to. The attribution error created
[27]
the new stereotype that law students are more likely to support euthanasia.

Nier et al. (2012) found that people who tend to draw dispositional inferences from behavior and ignore situational constraints are
more likely to stereotype low-status groups as incompetent and high-status groups as competent. Participants listened to descriptions
of two fictitious groups of Pacific Islanders, one of which was described as being higher in status than the other. In a second study,
subjects rated actual groups – the poor and wealthy, women and men – in the United States in terms of their competence. Subjects
who scored high on the measure of correspondence bias stereotyped the poor, women, and the fictitious lower-status Pacific Islanders
as incompetent whereas they stereotyped the wealthy, men, and the high-status Pacific Islanders as competent. The correspondence
bias was a significant predictor of stereotyping even after controlling for other measures that have been linked to beliefs about low
status groups, the just-world hypothesis and social dominance orientation.[28]

Illusory correlation
Research has shown that stereotypes can develop based on a cognitive mechanism known as illusory correlation – an erroneous
inference about the relationship between two events.[1][29][30] If two statistically infrequent events co-occur, observers overestimate
the frequency of co-occurrence of these events. The underlying reason is that rare, infrequent events are distinctive and salient and,
when paired, become even more so. The heightened salience results in more attention and more fective
ef encoding, which strengthens
the belief that the events arecorrelated.[31][32][33]

In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead people to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher rates to minority group
members than to majority groups, even when both display the same proportion of the behaviors or traits. Black people, for instance,
are a minority group in the United States and interaction with blacks is a relatively infrequent event for an average white American.
Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. crime) is statistically less frequent than desirable behavior. Since both events "blackness" and
"undesirable behavior" are distinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the combination of the two leads observers to overestimate
the rate of co-occurrence.[31] Similarly, in workplaces where women are underrepresented and negative behaviors such as errors
[34]
occur less frequently than positive behaviors, women become more strongly associated with mistakes than men.

In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gifford (1976) examined the role of illusory correlation in stereotype formation.
Subjects were instructed to read descriptions of behaviors performed by members of groups A and B. Negative behaviors
outnumbered positive actions and group B was smaller than group A, making negative behaviors and membership in group B
relatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants were then asked who had performed a set of actions: a person of group A or group
B. Results showed that subjects overestimated the frequency with which both distinctive events, membership in group B and negative
behavior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more negatively. This despite the fact the proportion of positive to negative behaviors
was equivalent for both groups and that there was no actual correlation between group membership and behaviors.[31] Although
Hamilton and Gifford found a similar effect for positive behaviors as the infrequent events, a meta-analytic review of studies showed
[29]
that illusory correlation effects are stronger whenthe infrequent, distinctive information is negative.

Hamilton and Gifford's distinctiveness-based explanation of stereotype formation was subsequently extended.[32] A 1994 study by
McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton found that people formed stereotypes based on information that was not distinctive at the time of
presentation, but was considered distinctive at the time of judgement.[35] Once a person judges non-distinctive information in
memory to be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and re-represented as if it had been distinctive when it was first
processed.[35]

Common environment
One explanation for why stereotypes are shared is that they are the result of a common environment that stimulates people to react in
the same way.[1]

The problem with the ‘common environment’ explanation in general is that it does not explain how shared stereotypes can occur
without direct stimuli.[1] Research since the 1930s suggested that people are highly similar with each other in how they describe
[36]
different racial and national groups, although those people have no personal experience with the groups they are describing.

Socialization and upbringing

Another explanation says that people are socialised to adopt the same stereotypes.[1] Some psychologists believe that although
stereotypes can be absorbed at any age, stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under the influence of parents, teachers,
peers, and the media.

If stereotypes are defined by social values, then stereotypes only change as per changes in social values.[1] The suggestion that
stereotype content depend on social values reflects Walter Lippman's argument in his 1922 publication that stereotypes are rigid
because they cannot be changed at will.[11]

Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestion that stereotype contents cannot be changed at will. Those studies suggested
that one group’s stereotype of another group would become more or less positive depending on whether their intergroup relationship
had improved or degraded.[11][37][38] Intergroup events (e.g., World War Two, Persian Gulf conflict) often changed intergroup
relationships. For example, after WWII, Black American students held a more negative stereotype of people from countries that were
the United States’s WWII enemies.[11] If there are no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevant stereotypes do not
change.[12]

Intergroup relations
According to a third explanation, shared stereotypes are neither caused by the coincidence of common stimuli, nor by socialisation.
This explanation posits that stereotypes are shared because group members are motivated to behave in certain ways, and stereotypes
reflect those behaviours.[1] It is important to note from this explanation that stereotypes are the consequence, not the cause, of
intergroup relations. This explanation assumes that when it is important for people to acknowledge both their ingroup and outgroup,
[1]
they will emphasise their difference from outgroup members, and their similarity to ingroup members.

Activation
The dual-process model of cognitive processing of stereotypes asserts that automatic activation of stereotypes is followed by a
controlled processing stage, during which an individual may choose to disregard or ignore the stereotyped information that has been
brought to mind.[13]
A number of studies have found that stereotypes are activated automatically. Patricia Devine (1989), for example, suggested that
stereotypes are automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of a stereotyped group and that
the unintentional activation of the stereotype is equally strong for high- and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the cultural
stereotype of blacks were presented subliminally. During an ostensibly unrelated impression-formation task, subjects read a
paragraph describing a race-unspecified target person's behaviors and rated the target person on several trait scales. Results showed
that participants who received a high proportion of racial words rated the target person in the story as significantly more hostile than
participants who were presented with a lower proportion of words related to the stereotype. This effect held true for both high- and
low-prejudice subjects (as measured by the Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotype was activated even for low-prejudice
individuals who did not personally endorse it.[13][39][40] Studies using alternative priming methods have shown that the activation of
gender and age stereotypes can also be automatic.[41][42]

Subsequent research suggested that the relation between category activation and stereotype activation was more complex.[40][43]
Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance, noted that the words used in Devine's study were both neutral category labels (e.g., "Blacks")
and stereotypic attributes (e.g., "lazy"). They argued that if only the neutral category labels were presented, people high and low in
prejudice would respond differently. In a design similar to Devine's, Lepore and Brown primed the category of African-Americans
using labels such as "blacks" and "West Indians" and then assessed the differential activation of the associated stereotype in the
subsequent impression-formation task. They found that high-prejudice participants increased their ratings of the target person on the
negative stereotypic dimensions and decreased them on the positive dimension whereas low-prejudice subjects tended in the opposite
direction. The results suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotype endorsement affects people's judgements when the category –
and not the stereotype per se – is primed.[44]

Research has shown that people can be trained to activate counterstereotypic information and thereby reduce the automatic activation
of negative stereotypes. In a study by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, participants were presented with a category label and
taught to respond "No" to stereotypic traits and "Yes" to nonstereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects showed reduced
stereotype activation.[45][46] This effect is based on the learning of new and more positive stereotypes rather than the negation of
already existing ones.[46]

Automatic behavioral outcomes

.[47][48][49][50] For example, Bargh,
Empirical evidence suggests that stereotype activation can automatically influence social behavior
Chen, and Burrows (1996) activated the stereotype of the elderly among half of their participants by administering a scrambled-
sentence test where participants saw words related to age stereotypes. Subjects primed with the stereotype walked significantly more
slowly than the control group (although the test did not include any words specifically referring to slowness), thus acting in a way
that the stereotype suggests that elderly people will act. In another experiment, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows also found that because the
stereotype about blacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal exposure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomly
selected white college students reacted with more aggression and hostility than participants who subconsciously viewed a white
face.[51] Similarly, Correll et al. (2002) showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can influence people's behavior. In a series of
experiments, black and white participants played a video game, in which a black or white person was shown holding a gun or a
harmless object (e.g., a mobile phone). Participants had to decide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the target. When the target
person was armed, both black and white participants were faster in deciding to shoot the target when he was black than when he was
white. When the target was unarmed, the participants avoided shooting him more quickly when he was white. Time pressure made
the shooter bias even more pronounced.[52]

Accuracy
Stereotypes can be efficient shortcuts and sense-making tools. They can, however, keep people from processing new or unexpected
information about each individual, thus biasing the impression formation process.[1] Early researchers believed that stereotypes were
inaccurate representations of reality.[36] A series of pioneering studies in the 1930s found no empirical support for widely held racial
stereotypes.[11] By the mid-1950s, Gordon Allport wrote that, "It is possible for a stereotype to grow in defiance of all evidence."
[23]
Research on the role of illusory correlations in the formation of
stereotypes suggests that stereotypes can develop because of
incorrect inferences about the relationship between two events (e.g.,
membership in a social group and bad or good attributes). This
[29][31][33][35]
means that at least some stereotypes are inaccurate.

Empirical social science research shows that stereotypes are often

accurate.[53][54] Jussim et al. reviewed four studies concerning racial
and seven studies that examined gender stereotypes about
demographic characteristics, academic achievement, personality and
behavior. Based on that, the authors argued that some aspects of
ethnic and gender stereotypes are accurate while stereotypes A magazine feature fromBeauty Parade from
March 1952 stereotyping women drivers. It
concerning political affiliation and nationality are much less
features Bettie Page as the model.
accurate.[55] A study by Terracciano et al. also found that stereotypic
beliefs about nationality do not reflect the actual personality traits of
people from different cultures.[56]

Effects

Attributional ambiguity
Attributive ambiguity refers to the uncertainty that members of stereotyped groups experience in interpreting the causes of others'
behavior toward them. Stereotyped individuals who receive negative feedback can attribute it either to personal shortcomings, such
as lack of ability or poor effort, or the evaluator's stereotypes and prejudice toward their social group. Alternatively, positive feedback
can either be attributed to personal merit or discounted as a form ofsympathy or pity.[57][58][59]

Crocker et al. (1991) showed that when black participants were evaluated by a white person who was aware of their race, black
subjects mistrusted the feedback, attributing negative feedback to the evaluator's stereotypes and positive feedback to the evaluator's
desire to appear unbiased. When the black participants' race was unknown to the evaluator, they were more accepting of the
feedback.[60]

Attributional ambiguity has been shown to affect a person's self-esteem. When they receive positive evaluations, stereotyped
individuals are uncertain of whether they really deserved their success and, consequently, they find it difficult to take credit for their
achievements. In the case of negative feedback, ambiguity has been shown to have a protective effect on self-esteem as it allows
people to assign blame to external causes. Some studies, however, have found that this effect only holds when stereotyped individuals
can be absolutely certain that their negative outcomes are due to the evaluators's prejudice. If any room for uncertainty remains,
stereotyped individuals tend to blame themselves.[58]

Attributional ambiguity can also make it difficult to assess one's skills because performance-related evaluations are mistrusted or
discounted. Moreover, it can lead to the belief that one's efforts are not directly linked to the outcomes, thereby depressing one's
motivation to succeed.[57]

Stereotype threat
Stereotype threat occurs when people are aware of a negative stereotype about their social group and experience anxiety or concern
that they might confirm the stereotype.[62] Stereotype threat has been shown to undermine performance in a variety of
domains.[63][64]

Claude M. Steele and Joshua Aronson conducted the first experiments showing that stereotype threat can depress intellectual
performance on standardized tests. In one study, they found that black college students performed worse than white students on a
verbal test when the task was framed as a measure of intelligence. When it was not presented in that manner, the performance gap
narrowed. Subsequent experiments showed that framing the test as diagnostic
of intellectual ability made black students more aware of negative stereotypes
about their group, which in turn impaired their performance.[65] Stereotype
threat effects have been demonstrated for an array of social groups in many
different arenas, including not only academics but also sports,[66] chess[67] and
business.[68]

Not only has stereotype threat been widely criticized by on a theoretical

basis,[69][70] but has failed several attempts to replicate it's experimental
The effect of stereotype threat (ST) on
evidence.[70][71][72][73] The findings in support of the concept have been
math test scores for girls and boys. Data
suggested by multiple methodological reviews to be the product of publication from Osborne (2007).[61]
bias.[73][74]

Self-fulfilling prophecy
Stereotypes lead people to expect certain actions from members of social groups. These stereotype-based expectations may lead to
self-fulfilling prophecies, in which one's inaccurate expectations about a person's behavior, through social interaction, prompt that
[75][76][77]
person to act in stereotype-consistent ways, thus confirming one's erroneous expectations and validating the stereotype.

Word, Zanna, and Cooper (1974) demonstrated the effects of stereotypes in the context of a job interview. White participants
interviewed black and white subjects who, prior to the experiments, had been trained to act in a standardized manner. Analysis of the
videotaped interviews showed that black job applicants were treated differently: They received shorter amounts of interview time and
less eye contact; interviewers made more speech errors (e.g., stutters, sentence incompletions, incoherent sounds) and physically
distanced themselves from black applicants. In a second experiment, trained interviewers were instructed to treat applicants, all of
whom were white, like the whites or blacks had been treated in the first experiment. As a result, applicants treated like the blacks of
the first experiment behaved in a more nervous manner and received more negative performance ratings than interviewees receiving
the treatment previously afforded to whites.[78]

A 1977 study by Snyder, Tanke, and Berscheid found a similar pattern in social interactions between men and women. Male
undergraduate students were asked to talk to female undergraduates, whom they believed to be physically attractive or unattractive,
on the phone. The conversations were taped and analysis showed that men who thought that they were talking to an attractive woman
communicated in a more positive and friendlier manner than men who believed that they were talking to unattractive women. This
altered the women's behavior: Female subjects who, unknowingly to them, were perceived to be physically attractive behaved in a
[79]
friendly, likeable, and sociable manner in comparison with subjects who were regarded as unattractive.

Discrimination
Because stereotypes simplify and justify social reality, they have potentially powerful effects on how people perceive and treat one
another.[80] As a result, stereotypes can lead to discrimination in labor markets and other domains.[81] For example, Tilcsik (2011)
has found that employers who seek job applicants with stereotypically male heterosexual traits are particularly likely to engage in
discrimination against gay men, suggesting that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is partly rooted in specific
stereotypes and that these stereotypes loom large in many labor markets.[15] Agerström and Rooth (2011) showed that automatic
obesity stereotypes captured by the Implicit Association Test can predict real hiring discrimination against the obese.[82] Similarly,
af hiring decisions.[83][84]
experiments suggest that gender stereotypes play an important role in judgments that fect

Self-stereotyping
Stereotypes can affect self-evaluations and lead to self-stereotyping.[3][85] For instance, Correll (2001, 2004) found that specific
stereotypes (e.g., the stereotype that women have lower mathematical ability) affect women's and men's evaluations of their abilities
(e.g., in math and science), such that men assess their own task ability higher than women performing at the same level.[86][87]
Similarly, a study by Sinclair et al. (2006) has shown that Asian American women rated their math ability more favorably when their
ethnicity and the relevant stereotype that Asian Americans excel in math was made salient. In contrast, they rated their math ability
less favorably when their gender and the corresponding stereotype of women's inferior math skills was made salient. Sinclair et al.
found, however, that the effect of stereotypes on self-evaluations is mediated by the degree to which close people in someone's life
endorse these stereotypes. People's self-stereotyping can increase or decrease depending on whether close others view them in
stereotype-consistent or inconsistent manner.[88]

Stereotyping can also play a central role in depression, when people have negative self-stereotypes about themselves, according to
Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hollon (2012).[3] This depression that is caused by prejudice (i.e., "deprejudice") can be related to a
group membership (e.g., Me–Gay–Bad) or not (e.g., Me–Bad). If someone holds prejudicial beliefs about a stigmatized group and
then becomes a member of that group, they may internalize their prejudice and develop depression. People may also show prejudice
internalization through self-stereotyping because of negative childhood experiences such as verbal and physical abuse.

Role in art and culture

Stereotypes are common in various culturalmedia, where they take the form of dramatic
stock characters. These characters are found in the works of playwright Bertold Brecht,
Dario Fo, and Jacques Lecoq, who characterize their actors as stereotypes for theatrical
effect. In commedia dell'arte this is similarly common. The instantly recognizable nature
of stereotypes mean that they are effective in advertising and situation comedy. These
stereotypes change, and in modern times only a few of the stereotyped characters shown
in John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress would be recognizable.

Media stereotypes of women first emerged in the early 20th century. Various stereotypic
depictions or "types" of women appeared in magazines, including Victorian ideals of
femininity, the New Woman, the Gibson Girl, the Femme fatale, and the Flapper.[89]
American political cartoon titled
More recently, artists such as Anne Taintor and Matthew Weiner (the producer of Mad
The Usual Irish Way of Doing
Men) have used vintage images or ideas to insert their own commentary of stereotypes
Things, depicting a drunken
for specific eras. Weiner's character Peggy Olson continually battles gender stereotypes Irishman lighting a powder keg
throughout the series, excelling in a workplace dominated by men. and swinging a bottle. Published
in Harper's Weekly, 1871.
Some contemporary studies indicate that racial, ethnic and cultural stereotypes are still
widespread in Hollywood blockbuster movies.[90] Portrayals of Latin Americans in film
and print media are restricted to a narrow set of characters. Latin Americans are largely depicted as sexualized figures such as the
Latino macho or the Latina vixen, gang members, (illegal) immigrants, or entertainers. By comparison, they are rarely portrayed as
[91]
working professionals, business leaders or politicians.

Stereotypes are also common in video games, with women being portrayed as stereotypes such as the "damsel in distress" or as
sexual objects (see Gender representation in video games). Black men are portrayed most often in stereotypical roles such as athletes
and gangsters (see Racial representations in video games).

In literature and art, stereotypes are clichéd or predictable characters or situations. Throughout history, storytellers have drawn from
stereotypical characters and situations to immediately connect the audience with new tales. Sometimes such stereotypes can be
sophisticated, such as Shakespeare's Shylock in The Merchant of Venice. Arguably a stereotype that becomes complex and
sophisticated ceases to be a stereotype per se by its unique characterization. Thus while Shylock remains politically unstable in being
a stereotypical Jew, the subject of prejudicial derision in Shakespeare's era, his many other detailed features raise him above a simple
stereotype and into a unique character, worthy of modern performance. Simply because one feature of a character can be categorized
as being typical does not make the entire character a stereotype.

Despite their proximity in etymological roots, cliché and stereotype are not used synonymously in cultural spheres. For example, a
cliché is a high criticism innarratology where genre and categorization automatically associates a story within its recognizable group.
Labeling a situation or character in a story astypical suggests it is fitting for its genre or category. Whereas declaring that a storyteller
has relied on cliché is to pejoratively observe a simplicity and lack of originality in the tale. To criticize Ian Fleming for a
stereotypically unlikely escape for James Bond would be understood by the reader or listener, but it would be more appropriately
criticized as a cliché in that it is overused and reproduced. Narrative genre relies heavily on typical features to remain recognizable
and generate meaning in the reader/viewer.

In cultural studies, critic Homi Bhabha has theorized that cultural stereotypes prevail because they work through repetition and
[92] Thus in colonial culture the 'native' is simultaneously stereotyped as
ambivalence, easily shifting between contradictory meanings.
sly and indolent, lascivious and impotent. Similarly, Rey Chow has shown that the "ethnic" in contemporary culture comes from split
[93] More recently, Jörg Schweinitz has discussed the history of stereotyping
stereotypes reinforced by the influences of global capital.
in film,[94] while Mrinalini Chakravorty has considered how contemporary global novels traffic in cultural stereotypes to make
ethical demands of readers.[95]

See also
Archetype
Attribute substitution Examples of stereotypes
Attribution bias
Base rate fallacy Cultural and ethnic
Cognitive bias
Ethnic stereotype
Conjunction fallacy (Linda
List of anti-cultural, anti-national, and anti-ethnic terms
problem)
List of ethnic slurs
Counterstereotype (antonym)
Stereotypes of Americans
Face-ism
Stereotypes of Germans
Implicit stereotype
Stereotypes of groups within the United States
In-group favoritism
Stereotypes of African Americans
Labeling theory
Stereotypes of Argentines
Negativity effect
Stereotypes of Hispanic and Latino Americans in the
Out-group homogeneity
United States
Role
Stereotypes of South Asians
Role reversal
Stereotypes of Jews
Scapegoating
Statistical syllogism Sexuality related
Stigma management
LGBT stereotypes
Stigmatization
List of sexuality related phobias
Trait ascription bias
“Women are wonderful” effect Other
Gender Stereotypes of animals
Blonde stereotypes
Gender role#Gender
stereotypes Nurse stereotypes
Femininity Physical attractiveness stereotype
Masculinity

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f) (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 69 (5): 797–811. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.69.5.797(https://do
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66. Stone, Jeff; Lynch, Christian I.; Sjomeling, Mike; Darley
, John M. (1999). "Stereotype threat effects on Black and
White athletic performance".Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 77 (6): 1213–1227. doi:10.1037/0022-
3514.77.6.1213 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2F0022-3514.77.6.1213) .
67. Maass, Anne; D'Ettole, Claudio; Cadinu, Mara (2008)."Checkmate? The role of gender stereotypes in the ultimate
intellectual sport" (http://clarksvillechessclub.org/pdf%20files/The%20role%20of%20gender%20stereotypes%20in%
20chess.pdf) (PDF). European Journal of Social Psychology. 38 (2): 231–245. doi:10.1002/ejsp.440 (https://doi.org/1
0.1002%2Fejsp.440).
68. Gupta, V. K.; Bhawe, N. M. (2007). "The Influence of Proactive Personality and Stereotype Threat on W
omen's
Entrepreneurial Intentions".Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies. 13 (4): 73–85.
doi:10.1177/10717919070130040901(https://doi.org/10.1177%2F10717919070130040901) .
69. Arthur Robert Jensen "The g factor: the science of mental ability" 1998 ISBN 0-275-96103-6,Praeger Publishers, 88
Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881, pages 513-515: "the phenomenon of stereotype th reat can be explained in
terms of a more general construct, test anxiety , which has been studied since the early days of psychometrics. est T
anxiety tends to lower performance levels on tests in proportion to the degree of complexity and the amount of
mental effort they require of the subject. Therelatively greater effect of test anxiety in the black samples, who had
somewhat lower SAT scores, than the white subjects in the Stanford experiments constitutes an example of the
Yerkes-Dodson law ... by conducting the same type of experiment using exclusively white (or black) subjects, divided
into lower- and higher-ability groups, it might be shown that the phenomenon attributed to stereotype threat has
nothing to do with race as such, but results from the interaction of ability level with test anxiety as a function of test
complexity."
70. Stoet, G.; Geary, D. C. (2012). "Can stereotype threat explain the gender gap in mathematics performance and
achievement?" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0026617). Review of General Psychology. 16: 93–102.
doi:10.1037/a0026617 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2Fa0026617). Pdf. (http://volition.gla.ac.uk/~stoet/pdf/Stoet-Geary-R
GP2012.pdf)
71. Fryer, R. G.; Levitt, S. D.; List, J. A. (2008). "Exploring the Impact of Financial Incentives on Stereotype Threat:
Evidence from a Pilot Study".American Economic Review. 98 (2): 370–375. doi:10.1257/aer.98.2.370 (https://doi.or
g/10.1257%2Faer.98.2.370).
72. Yong, Ed (9 September 2016)."A Worrying Trend for Psychology's 'Simple Little Tricks' " (https://www.theatlantic.co
m/science/archive/2016/09/can-simple-tricks-mobilise-voters-and-help-students/499109) . The Atlantic. Retrieved
11 September 2016.
73. Ganley, Colleen M.; Mingle, Leigh A.; Ryan, Allison M.; Ryan, Katherine; Vasilyeva, Marina; Perry, Michelle (1
January 2013). "An Examination of Stereotype Threat Effects on Girls' Mathematics Performance"(https://dl.dropbox
usercontent.com/u/85192141/2013-ganley .pdf) (PDF). Developmental Psychology. 49 (10): 1886–1897.
doi:10.1037/a0031412 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2Fa0031412). PMID 23356523 (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubm
ed/23356523).
74. Flore, Paulette C.; Wicherts, Jelte M. (2014). "Does stereotype threat influence performance of girls in stereotyped
domains? A meta-analysis".Journal of School Psychology. 53 (1): 25–44. doi:10.1016/j.jsp.2014.10.002(https://doi.
org/10.1016%2Fj.jsp.2014.10.002). ISSN 0022-4405 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0022-4405). PMID 25636259 (ht
tps://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25636259).
75. Kassin, Saul M.; Fein, Steven; Markus, Hazel Rose (2011).Social psychology (https://books.google.com/books?id=3
aCdjhGxDjgC&pg=PA172) (8th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. p. 172. ISBN 978-0-495-81240-1.
76. Brown, Rupert (2010).Prejudice: Its Social Psychology(https://books.google.com/books?id=PygYKbRoZjcC&pg=P
A
94) (2nd ed.). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 94–97.ISBN 978-1-4051-1306-9.
77. Chen, Mark; Bargh, John A. (1997)."Nonconscious Behavioral Confirmation Processes: The Self-Fulfilling
Consequences of Automatic Stereotype Activation"(http://www.yale.edu/acmelab/articles/Chen_Bargh_1997.pdf)
(PDF). Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 33 (5): 541–560. doi:10.1006/jesp.1997.1329(https://doi.org/10.1
006%2Fjesp.1997.1329). Retrieved 5 April 2013.
78. Word, Carl O.; Zanna, Mark P.; Cooper, Joel (1974). "The nonverbal mediation of self-fulfilling prophecies in
interracial interaction".Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. Elsevier. 10 (2): 109–120. doi:10.1016/0022-
1031(74)90059-6 (https://doi.org/10.1016%2F0022-1031%2874%2990059-6) .
79. Snyder, Mark; Tanke, Elizabeth D.; Berscheid, Ellen (1977)."Social perception and interpersonal behavior: On the
self-fulfilling nature of social stereotypes"(http://jefferson.library.millersville.edu/reserve/COMM301_Paul_SocialPerc
eption.pdf) (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 35 (9): 656–666. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.35.9.656
(https://doi.org/10.1037%2F0022-3514.35.9.656) .
80. Banaji, Mahzarin R. (2002). "The Social Psychology of Stereotypes". In Smelser
, Neil; Baltes, Paul. International
Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences
. New York: Pergamon. pp. 15100–15104. doi:10.1016/B0-08-
043076-7/01754-X (https://doi.org/10.1016%2FB0-08-043076-7%2F01754-X) . ISBN 978-0-08-043076-8.
81. Fiske, Susan T.; Lee, Tiane L. (2008). "Stereotypes and prejudice create workplace discrimination"(https://books.go
ogle.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=8edJmBsyRHwC&oi=fnd&pg=P A13). In Brief, Arthur P. Diversity at Work. New York:
Cambridge University Press. pp. 13–52.ISBN 978-0-521-86030-7.
82. Agerström, Jens; Rooth, Dan-Olof (2011). "The role of automatic obesity stereotypes in real hiring discrimination".
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83. Davison, Heather K.; Burke, Michael J. (2000). "Sex Discrimination in Simulated Employment Contexts: A Meta-
analytic Investigation".Journal of Vocational Behavior. 56 (2): 225–248. doi:10.1006/jvbe.1999.1711(https://doi.org/
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84. Rudman, Laurie A.; Glick, Peter (2001)."Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes and Backlash toward Agentic W
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Further reading
Hilton, James L.; von Hippel, William (1996). "Stereotypes".Annual Review of Psychology. 47 (1): 237–271.
doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.47.1.237.
Stuart Ewen, Elizabeth Ewen,Typecasting: On the Arts and Sciences of Human Inequality. New York (Seven Stories
Press) 2006
Stereotype & Society A Major Resource: Constantly updated and archived
Regenberg, Nina (2007)."Are Blonds Really Dumb?". In mind (3).
Are Stereotypes True?
Stereotype Susceptibility: Identity Salience and Shifts in Quantitative Performance, Margaret Shih,odd
T L. Pittinsky,
Nalini Ambady Research about the effects of 'positive' and negative stereotypes on encouraging/discouraging
performance.
Turner, Chris (2004). Planet Simpson: How a Cartoon Masterpiece Documented an Era and Defined a Generation .
Foreword by Douglas Coupland. (1st ed.). Toronto: Random House Canada. ISBN 0679313184. OCLC 55682258..
Crawford, M. & Unger, R. (2004). Women and Gender: A Feminist Psychology . McGraw Hill New York. New York.
45-49.
Spitzer, B.L.; Henderson, K; Zavian, M. T. (1999). "Gender differences in population versus media body sizes: A
comparison over four decades".Sex Roles. 40 (7/8): 545–565. doi:10.1023/a:1018836029738.
External links
Interview with social psychologistsSusan Fiske and Mike North about the stereotyping of older people
How gender stereotypes influence emerging career aspirations– lecture by Stanford University sociologist Shelley
Correll on 21 October 2010
Social Psychology NetworkStereotyping
Stereotypes – Media Smarts, Canada's Centre for Digital and Media Literacy
Age and Health based stereotypingAge and Health based stereotyping

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