Jan a Mynarova

Language of Amarna -
Language of Diplomacy
Perspectives on the Amarna Letters

Czech Institute of Egyptology

Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague
 PREFACE

Prague 2007
Reviewed by Petr Charvat and Bfetislav Vachala
The book was published from the financial means allocated for the research project of the MinistlY of
Education, Grant No. MSM 0021620826 (The Exploration of the Civilization ofAncient Egypt').
This study grew out of my Ph.D. dissertation devoted to the analysis of Greetings Formulae in Peri-
pheral Akkadian (ZdravfC( formule v perifemf akkadStine, Prague 2004). When I started work on my
dissertation I did not anticipate the number of colleagues and friends to whom I would be indeb-
ted for their unselfish help and advice in moments of crisis. However, this already large number of
people increased even more once I had decided to revise my work and prepare it for publication.
The present study would never have seen the light of day without the help of many friends and col-
leagues from various universities, museums and other institutions all over the world. I am especi-
ally grateful to my teachers, Nea Novakova and ]iff ProseckY, under whose guidance I took my first
steps in Akkadian, and to Petr Zemanek, my tutor for both my M.A. and Ph.D. studies. I am most
grateful to my friends and colleagues at the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University in Pra-
gue for the discussions that have always been an important source of inspiration (Filip Coppens,
Renata Landgrafova, and Hana Navratilova) and to Petra MaHkova Vlckova (Institute of Archaeolo-
gy, Masaryk University, Brno). My sincere thanks go to Wilfred G. E. Watson (Newcastle), who always
provided me with immense help and encouragement. For stimulating conversations we had over
the past years I would like to express my sincere thanks to Jose-Manuel Galan (CSIC, Madrid). To
Ignacio Marquez Rowe and Barbara Bock (CSIC, Madrid) for their help, assistance and inspirations
first in Barcelona and later in Madrid, I offer my thanks. My work would not have been possible wit-
hout the support of colleagues in various museums - from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo I would
like to express my sincere gratitude to Wafaa el-Sadiq, MayTI'ad and Wafaa Habib, from the British
museum thanks go to Jonathan Taylor, Christopher Walker, Stephanie Clark and Patricia Ussick; in
the Ashmolean Museum to Helen Whitehouse; and in the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin to
Joachim Marzahn. I am also very much indebted to Marilyn J. Lundberg of the Inscriptifact project.
Over the past couple of years I have had an opportunity to consult on the topic with many collea-
gues. In particular I would like to mention Gregorio del Olmo Lete (lPOA, Barcelona), Hamar Singer
(The Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University), John Huehnergard
(Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard Universily), Thomas Richter (lnslitut
fill' Archaologische Wissenschaften, Abtlg. Vorderasiatische und Klassische Archaologie, Johann
Wolfgang Goethe-Universittit, Frankfurt am Main), and Anson R Rainey (Emeritus Professor of
Ancient Near Eastern Cultures and Semitic Linguistics, Tel Aviv University), colleagues who always
responded to my questions with patience and erudition. For assistance and friendly support I
would like to express my sincere thanks to Margarita Conde and Harold Hays, Carolien van Zoest,
Tasha Vorderstrasse and Brian P. Muhs, Dita Grubnerova and Ema Hirschova, and last but not least
my thanks goes to my family and to my husband Jan. For correcting my English I am indebted to
Steven Patten and Katerina Honskusova.

© Jana Mynarova, 2007 The institutions that supported my research are the following - a research project of the Minist-
Photography © Marion Wenzel ry of Education, Grant No. MSM 0021620826 ('The Exploration of the Civilization of Ancient
Illustrations © Petra Marfkova V1i~kova Egypt'), Czech Science Foundation by means of a grant no. 404/06/P058 (project: 'Amarna - the
Layout AGAMA poly-grafickY atelier Crossroad of the Ancient World') and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation through the project of
the Council of American Overseas Research Centers, East-Central European Research Fellows,
carried out in 2006 in the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientfficas, Instituto de Filologfa,
ISBN 978-80-7308-191-1 Madrid.

3
 Gezer ................................................................. 90
Tel el-Hesi ............................................................. 90
Beth Shean ............................................................ 90

CONTENTS Chapter 5 ............................................................... 92

Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure 92

The Scribes of Amarna ••••• I •••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••••••••
92
Preface 3 Structure of the Opening Passages ........................................ . 99
Type 1 ............................................................ . 100
Contents 4
Type 2 ............................................................ . 100
List of Figures 8 Types 3A and 3B ................................................... . 101
Type 4 ............................................................ . 101
List of Tables 9 Type 5 ............................................................ . 102
Type 6 ............................................................ . 102
Chapter 1 11
Type 7 ............................................................ . 103
The City and Tablets 11 Type 8 ........................................................... , . 103
An Introduction 11 Type 9 ............................................................ . 104
The Discovery and the Early Explorations ..................................... . 13 Type 10 ........................................................... . 104
The Excavators and the Dealers - William M. Flinders Petrie, the DOG and the EES 33 Type 11 ........................................................... . 105
Type 12A ......................................................... . 105
Type 12B ......................................................... . 106
Chapter 2 40 Type 12C ......................................................... . 107
The Region and the Language 40 Type 13 ........................................................... . 107
Type 14 ........................................................... . 108
The Region ........................................................... . 40 Type 15 ........................................................... . 108
The Language ......................................................... . 42 Type 17 ........................................................... . 108
Amarna Peripheral Akkadian ............................................ . 45 Type 16 ........................................................... . 109
Type 18 ........................................................... . III
Chapter 3 53 Structure and Geography - A Conclusion .................................. . 112

The Letter Format 53

Chapter 6 ••••• I. I •• ' I. I ••• I I. I I I. I •• ' •• ' I I •••••• I. I ••••••• I I ••• " I. I I I ••
115
A Diplomatic Letter .................................................... . 53
The Structure ......................................................... . 54 The Heading ............................................................ . 115
The Opening Passages and the Amarna Corpus 58 Type 1 ............................................................... . 116
Type 2 ............................................. , ....... , ......... . 117
Chapter 4 67 Type 3 ............................................................... . 119
Type 4 ............................................................... . 119
Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian 67 Type 5 ............................................................... . 120
Alalab (Tell Atchana) ................................................... . 67 Type 6 ............................................................... . 120
Type 7 ............................................................... . 121
Middle Euphrates Valley ................................................ . 68
69 Type 8 ............................................................... . 121
Azu (Tell Hadidi) ................................................... .
The Heading - Conclusions ............................................. . 122
Ekalte (Munbaqa) .................................................. . 69
Emar (Meskene) ................................................... . 70 ,
Taanach (Tel TaCanek) .................................................. . 72 Chapter 7 125
I ••• I I. I I.' I. I ••••• I. I •• I.'.' I ••• I I ••••• I I •••••• I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Kumidi (Kamid el-L6z) ................................................. . 74

The Sender and the Addressee 125
Qatna (Tell Mishrife) ................................................... . 77 '" I ••••••••••• ,." I. "'"'" "" I "'" "" I" "' I I I

Ugarit (Ras Shamra) ................................................... . 80 'Brothers' - The Sender and the Addressee in the 'Royal' Correspondence ....... . 125
Aphek (Tell Rosh ha-cAin) ............................................... . 88 The 'Royal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Addressee ............ . 128
Hazor .............................................................. . 89 The 'Royal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Sender ............... . 129

4 5
 Pronouns .. , ................................ , ................ , .... . 170
Master and His Subject - the 'Vassal' Correspondence ....................... . 131
Independent personal pronouns ................................... . 171
The 'Vassal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Addressee ............... . 132
Suffixed personal pronouns ...................................... . 171
The 'Vassal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Sender .................. . 136
Demonstrative pronouns ......................................... . 172
Indefinite pronouns ............................................. . 172
Chapter 8 147 Relative pronouns .............................................. . 172
Numbers ......................................................... . 172
Salutations 147
Cardinal numbers .............................................. . 172
Greetings and Reports on Sender's Well-being (2. i, 2. ii, 2. iii, 2. iv) ............. . 147 Multiplicative numbers .......................................... . 172
The Prostration Formula (2. v) ........................................... . 152 Nouns ........................................................... . 173
Type 1 ............................................................ . 153 Gender and number ............................................. . 173
Type 2 ............................................................ . 153 Case system .................................................... . 173
Type 3 ............................................................ . 154 Stative ........................................................ . 174
Type 4 ............................................................ . 154 Verbs ..... , ................................ , ..................... . 174
Type 5 ............................................................ . 155 FOl'lns of the verbal root .......................................... . 174
Type 6 ............................................................ . 155 Finite forms - markers of person .............................. . 174
Type 7 ............................................................ . 156 Imperative ................................................. . 174
Type 8 ............................................................ . 156 Preterite, Perfect, Durative, }ussive ............................. . 174
Type 9 ...•........................•................................ 157 Precative ......................................................... . 176
Type 10 ........................................................... . 157 Non-finite forms ................................................... . 176
Type 11 ........................................................... . 158 Infinitive ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• , •••••• I •••••• I •••••••••• I.
176
Type 12 ........................................................... . 158 Ventive ....................................................... . 177
Type 13 ........................................................... . 158 Stem patterning ................................................ . 177
Type 14 ........................................................... . 159 Particles, Conjunctions, Adverbs ......................................... . 177
Type 15 ........................................................... . 159 Particles ...................................................... . 177
Type 16 ........................................................... . 160 Suffixed particles ........................................... . 177
Type 17 ........................................................... . 160 Presentation particles ........................................ . 177
Type 18 ........................................................... . 161 Modal particles ............................................. . 178
Type 19 ........................................................... . 161 Asseverative particles ........................................ . 178
Type 20 ........................................................... . 161 Prepositions ................................................... . 178
Type 21 ........................................................... . 162 Conjunctions .................................................. . 179
Type 22 ........................................................... . 162 Notes on the morpho-syntax and syntax .................................. . 179
Divine Blessings (2. vi) ................................................. . 164 The use of verbal forms ............................................. . 179
Syntax ... , ....................................................... . 179

Chapter 9 165
Chapter 10 ,I I. "' I. "' I •• I I. I •• ' I. I I. I I I •• I. I •••• I I I I I. I.'.' I I •••••••• I I I I
180
Notes on the Language of Amarna 165
Language of Amarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions 180
Orthography and Phonology ............................................ . 165
Determinatives .................................................... . 165
General detel'll1inatives .......................................... . 165 186
Appendix ••• , I I. I •••• " I "" I I •• I ••••••• I. I. I I.""" I I •• ' I I I I I ••••••• I I I I

Plural detel'll1inatives ........................................... . 166

Glossenkeil ....................................................... . 167
Syllabic and logographic writings ..................................... . 167 260
List of Abbreviations I I I •• ' ",." I "' I. I. I. I ••••• I I I ",., I I. I.""" I.' I I ••••

Nouns ................................. , ....... , .............. . 167

Multiplicative /lumbers 169
Bibliography 263
Mimation 170 •• "' I I I ••••• I. I. I •••••••••• , I •• I. I •••••• I •••••• I I. I •••• '.,. I

The ~ > I shift 170

Primae wand w > m shift ............................................ 170
Consonant doubling and plene writing ................................. 170
Morphology ........................................................... 170

6 7
LIST OF FIGURES LIST OF TABLES

Fig. 1 Boundary stelae and the site of Tell el-Amarna (after PETRIE 1894: pI. XXXIV). Tab. 1 The Amarna tablets purchased by E. A. Wallis Budge for the British Museum.
Fig. 2 'Oil(?) dd from the domain of the true king's son, Amenhotep' Tab. 2 The Amarna Tablets acquired by the Bulaq Museum from the initial find.
(after HAYES 1951c: fig. 27, KK). Tab. 3 Berlin Amarna collection.
Fig. 3 The Central City and the Main City of Tell el-Amarna (after KEMP - GARFI 1993: 60, fig. 12). Tab.4 The Amarna Tablets from Petrie's excavations kept in the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford).
Fig. 4 Block No. 19 (Q42.21) (after PETRIE 1894: pI. XLII). Tab.5 Post-Knudtzon's Amarna tablets (EA 359 - EA 382).
Fig. 5 The map of the ancient Near East. Tab. 6 An overview of analyzed tablets.
Fig. 6 Syro-Palestine of the Amarna letters. Tab. 7 An overview of Alalab letters, with the preserved opening passages.
Tab.8 Structures of the heading, preserved in the Ekalte letters.
Tab. 9 Structures of the opening passages employed in the Taanach letters.
Tab. 10 Structures of the opening passages employed in the Kumidi letters.
Tab. 11 Structures of the opening passages employed in the Qatna letters.
Tab. 12 An overview of Akkadian letters from Ugarit.
Tab. 13 Titles of 'royal scribe' and 'royal secretary' attested for the Amarna officials.
Tab. 14 An overview of the structures employed in the opening passages of the Amarna letters.
Tab. 15 An overview of the structures employed in the headings of the Amarna letters.

8 9
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

THE CITY AND THE TABLETS

An Introduction
The accidental nature of the discovery of a group of tablets by local natives at the very end of the
1880's in the vicinity of the modern village of Tell el-Amarna in Middle Egypt, coupled with unclear
accounts of how they reached their final resting places, has contributed to widespread speculation
and theorizing over the years. Even today, 100 years later, the debate continues in both scholarly
and popular literature. Without a doubt, the stOlY itself is partly enveloped in a mist of equivocation
and inaccuracy but despite that - or maybe because of that - it still remains as one of the most
frequently retold and discussed topics of both Near Eastern studies and Egyptology. Nevertheless,
the circumstances of the discovelY of the tablets were in fact, at that time, far from being exceptio-
nal or unusual and very shortly after the discovelY was announced, the new tablets brought about
immense interest on the part of scholars from many different branches of Near Eastern Studies and
Egyptology. They set their eyes upon a small village in Middle Egypt, nowadays referred to as Tell
el-Amarna, and identified as the place of the original discovery.
The modern village of Tell el-Amarna - the ancient Akhetaten (The Horizon of the Sun-disc' or
The Horizon of Aten: Eg. 1ll.f-jlll) is situated in Middle Egypt, slightly more than 300 km south of
Cairo, in the province el-Minia. The remains of the ancient capital city stretch for more than 12 km
from north to south on the east bank of the river Nile; however the actual city's ruins can be loca-
ted to a narrow strip with a width of between 1.0 and 1.5 km. (E-W) and 9 to 10 km. from north to
south.11t was probably during the 4'11 year of his reign, or early in his 5'11 year at the latest, that Amen-
hotep IV-Akhenaten (ca. 1353-1336 B.C.E.) made the compelling and final decision to lay down the
foundations of a new capital city, planned to be the place of his new residence, as well as a centre
of his religious ideas. Soon after, during the first months of the fifth year of his reign, his commit-
ment, intent and aim was demonstrated through the erection of the first group of boundary stelae,
positioned on the northern and southern territorial limits of the intended city's location (fig. l).
Plans for many important construction works were outlined (in the so-called 'Earlier Proclamati-
on:2 stela X in the north and stela M in the south. Serious damage of stela M soon led to the early
construction of a new southern stela, stela K). At present, there is a total of fifteen known bounda-
ry stelae - twelve on the east bank (referred to as J, K, L, M, N, P, Q, R, S, U, V and X) with the remai-
ning three to be found on the west bank of the river (stelae A, Band F).3 The king, who had already
changed his name from Amenhotep ('J-Je-Who-Makes-Amen-Satisfied') to Akhenaten ('I-Je-Who-
is-Beneficial-to-Aten'), his familt and the royal court had already moved to the newly established
city during the 6'11 year of his reign, i.e. at the time when many of the building projects were still very
far from being completed. It is a velY well known fact that the existence of the city - in the form
intended by Akhenaten - was rather short-lived. We generally calculate that the city's existence

I UPHII.l.(1999: 766).
2 See MURNANE-VAN SICLEN (1993:1).
3 For the set of boundary stelae see DAVIES (1908: 28-34, pis. xxv-xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxvII-xlIIi); SANDMAN (1938: 103-131); Urk.IV
1965-1990 and MURNANE - VAN SICl.EN (1993); for translations see especially J-JEI.cK (1961: 338-347); LtclITllEIM (1976:
48-51) (for later boundary stelae); and MURNANE (1995: 73-86).
·1 The eldest daughter of the royal couple named Merltaten Is likely to have been born between the 4'" and 5'h year of Akhe-
naten's reign.

11
 and the Tablets 1 - The City and the Tablets

extended for approximately h,yenty years. Nevertheless, the population reached between 20,000
.0
E and 50,000 inhabitants during that period.'
., B
'" -c
~
The inner layout and organization of Akhnaten's city were strongly influenced by the royal pala-
~
~ ~ 2l ce-city of Malqata in Western Thebes where, in the environs of the royal palace of his father Amen-
.~ 2l
'';; b .,
'"c
.,E C., '.c,
-0
0 0
0
0
.c
"'«"
hotep Ill, the king had spent several years of his childhood and adolescence. This fact is attested by
0 'u rl 0 means of a seal-impression on a jar-stopper, discovered during the excavations carried out by the
E c 0
.2
'" Metropolitan Museum of Art between 1910 and 1920 fi which mentions 'Gil(?)(Eg. del) from the
;,; domain of the true king's son Amenhotep' (fig. 2).7
I ~
.,
Vl

Qj
A large number of official and administrative buildings were constructed in the Central City of
1;; Akhetaten. These included: the King's HOllse and the Great Palace, as well as a large administrative
I
I quarter (see especially zones Q,42 and Q,43), which originally consisted of up to 150 houses," near-
.,
I::J
.,
a:
by military barracks, granaries and other non-residential complexes, as well as important religiolls
Qj
1;;
Qj
~
.,
0
Qj structures of the Great ('I-louse of the Sun-disc,' Eg. p}'~illl) and the Small Aten Temples ('Mansion of
I
>., 1. the Sun-disc,' Eg. (111'.1 p1.i11l) .
Qj
1;; I
.,
Cl.

.,"
.r:
~ Qj
1;;
co %
O~ <:
.,
Z
.~ "
0
Qj
Cl 1;;
I

.,
-,
Qj
1;;

Q
lLJ

'it ~ <: Figure 2 'Gil(?) del from the domain of the true king's son, Amenhotep' (after
""~"" "'C
::::::.
-
"'C
I-IAYES I951c: fig. 27, KK).

-~
-J

a...
The Discovery and the Early Explorations
Almost certainly, it was here in the building later identified by stamped bricks as 'The Place of
the Correspondence of Pharaoh, I. p. h.' (Q42.21; in Petrie's report Block No. 19, see pp. 33-36.r' - in
-J the area of the administrative quarter that the Amarna tablets were discovered during the year 1887
(fig. 3). The actual chronologicaltimeline of the discovery is itself rather uncertain. However, it is
:::, still possible to refer back to some data available in the resources of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo,
especially in the /0/1/'11(// d'elllree. It was probably not a complete accident that the tablets were
discovered by the end of 1887. Even from as early as May 1887 we can easily observe a growing
number of objects registered in the Cairo Museum and originating from the area of Middle Egypt,
the sites of Akhmim and Amarna being mentioned.1O

~, KEMP (1972); idel/l (1977); idel/l (1979); idel/l (1 ~lB I: 93-97); idel/l (19B9: 2Gfl); JIINSSEN (I flB3: 2B2-2BB); LACOVIIHA (I ~l~l9: (il);
TllnzE (l9B5); idem (WBG); idel/l (l9f)(i); SIIII\V (1992).
H For the inscribed material from Malqata see IIAYI!S (I%la); idel/l (I%lb); idel/l (l951c); idel/l (I%ld).

71-IIWES (l951c: 159; fig. 27, KK).

/I East of the King's I-louse; KEMP (Hl72: 6GB).
!I Cf. p[,!'H1E (lml4: pI. XLII); l'ENllLElIlJUY (1951: L 113-130).
10 For the objects registered already in December lUU7, i.e. prior to the registration of the various groups of tablets, see
jOIll'llal d'ell/nJe IV: 33(H., cr. especially J.2B02B-J.2U030, J.2UO;l5-J.2B037 being objects clearly identificable with the reign
of Akhenaten, including bas-reliefs, fragments of statues OJ' a vase. The man in charge of the sale of some of them is
Figure I Boundary stelae and the site of Tell el-Amal'l1a (after PETltlE 1894: pI. XXXIV). identified as Farag 1= Ismainl, an antiquities dealer, see below.

12 13
 Chapter 1 - The and the Tablets 1 - The City and the Tablets

Great Aten temple in his hands. ll Another scholar closely associated with the earliest history of the Amarna tablets,

likely centres of storage

and production o
O""=~...S;;"O==-~==",,",,_2~SO metres
also states autumn, or more precisely October 1887, as the date of the find. Archibald H. Sayce
makes mention of this date when describing accounts of the discovery. \3 Nevertheless, it was E. A.
Wallis Budge, fomteen years after his above-quoted report and in his extensive work entitled Histo-
1y of Egypt (1902), who changed the date of the discovery and attached himself to the traditionally
stated and widely accepted opinion that The Tell el-'Amarna Tablets were found about the end of
the year 1887 in a chamber which was situated in the small building that lies to the east of the pala-
ce built by Amen-l;etep Iv. in the city ofKhut-Aten, the ruins of which have been called by the Arabs
"Tell el-'Amarna".'I'1 Actually, several other reports, which were written shortly after the tablets were
o found and the discovery was announced in the media, identify the winter of 1887-1888 as the peri-
od of the Amarna tablets' discovery. However, many of these accounts were clearly based on the few
'original' reports which emanated directly from Egypt.'"
Great palace
JO 0 There are, indeed, several well-known stories pertaining to the detail of the discovery itself,
:0 including the one of an enigmatic Egyptian peasant woman, who - according to one version was
o
l searching for merchantable antiquities. Yet another story relates how the woman was 'digging out
dust from among the ruins to lay upon her land for "top-dressing," and who handed over her inte-
rest in the find to one of her friends for the sum of two shillings (10 piastres).'1H Nevertheless, the
N
find drew considerable attention from both scholars and interested members of the general public.

\ Information about the dubious context of the discovery, as well as numerous entirely groundless
speCUlations as to the number of tablets found during this initial stage, were very soon reported.
Certain obscurities and inaccuracies were soon corrected, including the number of tablets found-
about three hundred pieces though the actual account of the discovery and the subsequent
immediate destiny of the tablets remained largely in the realm of guesswork and deduction. Despi-
te the fact that many older, as well as more recent, publications provide us with a more or less
I extensive set of narratives in relation to the early history of the Amarna tablets, it is true that very

/ P,"'h'/ / II
Il
Published on June 5, I BBB; IlUIl(;E (I BIlB: 540).
Between IBB3 and 1B~)2, Ernest A. Wallis Budge was an Assistant Keeper of the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian
\ \
J Antiquities and on January 27, lB~)2 he became an Acting Keeper. Finally in 1B~)4 he reached a position of a Keeper of
I) Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities at the British Museum, which he kept until his retirement in 1924; sec 1lll!ItlIitIEit (I ~)95:
\ 71-72) wilh references. For an overview of the intricate scholarly career of E. A. W. Budge consult also IIAllilis (1957) who,
houses on the occasion of the centenary of Iludge's hirth, describes him as 'perhaps the most cololll'ful representative of a type
of omnivorous scholar, common enough at the end of the last centlll'Y, but now a thing of the past. A latter-say slll'vival
of the medieval polymath, an orientalist of vast scope and isatiable curiosity, Budge cast his net wide, and ranged over
houses L the whole field of ncar eastern studies, both linguistic and archaeological, without any of that disproportionate specht-
Iization which is the lot of tlw scholar today. fnthe years between the academic atmosphere has changed, and the emer-
houses gence of higher standards of scholarship, together with the incr(!ase in the fund of knolVledge to be assimilated, com-
( I pels the student to confine his attentions primarily to one branch of the study.' IlilHHlS (1%7: 230). Sec also CilMPllli1.1.
TIIOMPSON (19:15).
IJ S,IYCIi (1917: ml).
14 llUlllai (I ~)02: IV, Ill!».
----:-!
I '" Sec for example in July Illlll! BHOWN (lIlBH) who nwntions that 'clay tablets discovered last winter at Td-el-Amarna;' or
';1 later CONDEH (lB!J I: 2!J4) that 'In the winter of 101l7-B, however, il became known that some three hundred inscribed
bricks had been found by peasant explorers, and were being offered for sale in Cairo.' Sec also NlllBUIiH (I~)():l: 10): 'In the
I
beginning of lBBH some fellahin digging for marl not far fwm the ruins came upon a number of crumbling wooden
Figme 3 The Central City and the Main City of Tell el-Amarna (after KEMP GAIlI'I H)93: GO, fig. 12). chests, filled with day tablets closely covered on both sides wilh writing. The dusky fellows Illust have been not 11 lillie
delighted at finding themselves owners of hundreds of these marketable antiquities, for which a European purchaser
would doubtless give plenty of good gold coins. 'Ib multiply their gains they broke up the largest tablets into three or
four separate pieces, often to the grievous hindrance of the future decipherer. But very soon the matter bruited abroad;
the Govel'l1ment at once intervened, almost all the find was in due time secured, and a stop was put to any further dis-
In one of his earlier reports, Ernest A. Wallis Budge mentions, in relation to the discovery of the persal of separate tablets anel of fragments.' And I-1i1HHISON (lm)3: 2()~»): 'They were found in the year IBB7 by an Egypti-
tablets, that 'toward the end of the summer 1887 it became known that a collection of clay tablets an peasant woman amid the ruins of the palace of Amenophis IV., or Klm-en-Alen, at a place now knolVn as Tell el-
Amarna, midway between Minich and Assiout, on the eastern bank of the Nile, about 100 miles by river south of Cairo.
inscribed in the cuneiform had been discovered in Egypt.'" Although his report is at variance with The tablets number 320.'
later accounts, Budge was, without a doubt, one of the first Europeans to actually hold the tablets iii BUDca! (I ~)02: IV, 1B5).

14 15
 Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
few of them actually shed more light onto this fascinating subject than the masterly work of J0rgen
A. Knudtzon. 11
The circumstances surrounding the tablets become slightly more clear and explicit only when
the individual tablets, which in the meantime had reached the antiquities market, 18 were purchased
by several institutions, as well as some private individuals.
In one of his earliest articles dealing with the subject of the Amarna tablets, Ernest A. Wallis
Budge mentions that by about the middle of December 1887 he was already able to view and exa-
mine 'a considerable number' of these tablets. 19 This information can be further confirmed by one
of a series of letters sent by Budge to the Trustees of the British Museum and dated at the close of
1887. 20
According to Budge's later accounts and his correspondence, he started his second mission to
Egypt and Mesopotamia on December 7, 1887, leaving London and heading for Marseilles, where
he embarked on a steamship called Niemen, headed for Alexandria. After some problems caused
by bad weather, he reached Alexandria eight days later on Friday, December 16 and his late arrival
prevented him from embarking from Asyut the day after, at noon. Soon after his arrival he wrote a let-
ter describing his journey and plans for the following days, as well as some proposals for his onward
journey to Baghdad. Accompanied by General de Montmorency, Budge arrived in Cairo on Decem-
ber 19, where he met some antiquities dealers, as well as with the newly appointed Director of the
Antiquities Service, Eugene Grebaut. The same evening he boarded the train and, accompanied by
a certain Frenchman and a Maltese gentleman, he set forth for Asyut. The Frenchman is said to
have left the train earlier, probably during the night or very early in the morning, at Deir Mawas,
which was the train station for Hajj Qandil. In Budge's words this was in order - 'to set out to try to
buy some of the tablets said to have been found at Tell 'al-'Amarnah.'21 In Asyut, both Budge and the
Maltese gentleman embarked on a steamer and when the boat harboured for the night, at Akhmim
and Qena,22 Budge was able to make a visit to several antiquities dealers, including an unnamed
Frenchman, who was, according to Budge,23 the owner of a flour-mill in Cairo. This person can very
probably be identified as Mr. Frenay, who - according a later account on the discovery of the tab-
lets given by A. H. Sayce - was a superintendenf'l of the French flourmills in Akhmim. This infor-
mation can be further confirmed by Sayce's remark that the man also acted as an agent for the
Louvre. According to Budge's narrative, included in his autobiography, it was during the conversa-
tion that he held with 'the Frenchman' at Akhmim that he let slip that he was, indeed, the person
who had previously sold to Gaston Maspero - who was at that time a Director of the Antiquities Ser-
vice - an extensive collection of papyri, items that had been acquired by the Louvre!
According to his original plan Budge did not have any intention of stopping over in Luxor but, on
the contrary, intended to proceed directly to Aswan - and, indeed, on December 27 he sent a letter
11 KNUDTZON (1907-1915; 1964).
18 For the role of Individual antiquities dealers, especially of All Abd el-Hajj, Farag Ismaln and Marlus Panaylotls Tano, see
KNUDTZON (1964: 6-7).
19 BUDGIl (1888: 540).
20 Cf. Budge's letters written In Alexandria on December 16, 1887, Abu Tlh (probably Identical with the site of Abu Tlg, at
that time the second train station to the south of Asyut, cr. 'Abou tlg' In BiIlDIlKllR (1913: Map II) and 'AbOtig (Abutls)' In
HALL (1907: 299; 344; and Map Sec!. 311 on December 21, 1887 and finally In Doraw In Upper Egypt on December 27,
1887. The correspondence Is kept In the Central Archives of the British Museum. For a more detailed description of the
course of his second mission to Egypt and Mesopotamia In 1887-1888, see Budge's extensive autobiography, cr. BUDGIl
(1920: I, 123-338).
21 BUDGIl (1920: 1,134-135). Stili In 1907 the train was the preferred mode of transportation In order to visit the remains of
Tell el-Amarna, see 'Donkeys bad. The steamers do not allow sumclent time to see the tombs: the railway traveller,
22 however, Is bound by no such restrictions, and can spend here as much time as he pleases.' HALL (1907: 331).
2 In Akmlm probably the night of December 20-21, and In Qena on December 21-22, 1887.
3 BUDGIl (1920: I, 135).
2~ SAvell (1917: 89); idem (1923: 251).
16
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
from the Upper Egyptian site of Daraw. However, it was probably on December 22 or 23, when the
steamer made a stop for 'several hours' in Luxor, that Budge met some dealers, as well as an Ame-
rican missionary, the Revd. Chauncey Murch. Murch was also an important collector of Egyptian
Antiquities and served as an intermediary in many of the financial dealings of the British Museum
in Egypt. 25 Through both these contacts Budge received information pertaining to the recent disco-
veries and finds in the neighbouring areas. On the journey back to Cairo, however, Budge stopped
once again in Luxor, where - according to his autobiography - he took possession of several valu-
able objects, including the famous papyrus of Ani. The morning after his excursion to the West bank
of the river, he visited the house of AI-Hajj Muhammad Muhassib, later Bey, and during breakfast the
representatives of the police and armed forces arrived. They had come with orders from E. Grebaut,
who had been delayed on his route to Luxor and who had been held up in Naqqada, 'to take posse-
ssion of every house containing antiquities in Luxor, and to arrest their owners and myself [i.e. E. A.
W. Budge], if found holding communication with them".'26 After engaging in negotiations with the
chief of the police in Luxor, Budge and his fellows were allowed to do whatever they pleased. On the
same day, several other houses belonging to antiquities dealers were locked and sealed and police
guards were established. 21 According to Budge's own description of the ensuing situation in his
autobiography, it was later during the day that a man came from Hajj Qandil. He had in his hands
'some half-dozen tablets which had been found accidentally by a woman at Tall al- 'Arnarnah, and
he asked me to look at them, and to tell him if they were ~adim, i.e. "old" orjadfd, i.e., "new" - that
is to say, whether they were genuine or fake.'28 At the request of the man, Budge examined the tab-
lets and, during his examination, the material he had at his disposal was considerably enlarged by
means of another consignment of tablets, seventy-six in total, which arrived once again by means
of an unknown native from Hajj Qandil. Finally, Budge came to the conclusion that the tablets were
indeed genuine. However, before he communicated his conclusions to the two men of Hajj Qandil,
he was able to reach an agreement pertaining to these cuneiform tablets. The men were not pre-
pared to pay Budge for his examination, but he was 'allowed to take possession of the eighty-two tab-
lets forthwith.'29 and thus the conditions of the purchase were settled. The chronological scheme
given by Budge in his autobiography differs in many instances significantly from that in his letters
from Egypt. According to the narrative version of Budge's autobiography he 'secured' the tablets on
his way back to Cairo when he made a stop at Luxor. However, the same event of examining the tab-
lets overnight and securing them for the British Museum appears already in his letter sent from
Daraw on December 27. Though we do not know whether the letter was sent still during his jour-
ney to Aswan or when he was coming back to Luxor - it does not explain the data discrepancy. Since
the content of the letter is devoted entirely to his Luxor 'bussiness matters' - cr. 'When I arrived at
Luxor and began to find out what antiquities were found during the summer'3D - and not a single
object from Aswan is mentioned I would suggest that he wrote his letter on the way to Aswan. It
flows from the communication that at least the majority of the purchases was done during his first
stop in Luxor, declared to be only for 'several hours' and not on the occasion of his return to Cairo.
His first stay in Luxor obviously took more time than stated in his autobiography - 'I went a days
journey into the desert to a place where there were many papyri ... and after spending the next day
and night in bargaining and coaxing and persuading .. .'31.
25 See below; BIIlRlIRIIlR (1995: 302). Chauncey Murch also played an Important role In the formation ofa collection of Greek
papyri from Egypt housed In the Brilish Library. During 1893-1907 his name appears In connection with the acqusltlon
of more than 2300 papyri; see the 'Gazelleer of Papyri In British Collections,' hllp:llgpbc.csad.ox.ac.uk/.
26 BUDGIl (1920: I, 138).
21 For an account on the Grebaut - Budge Luxor 'affair' see also RmD (2002: 181 f.).
20 BUDGIl (1920: I, 140).
29 BUDGIl (1920: I, 141); for the true number of tablets acquired by Budge, see below.
30 A letter from Doraw, December 27, 1887, kept In the Central Archives of the British Museum.
31 See the previous note.
17
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
There is also a very clear and tangible reference to these tablets in the Minutes of the Trustees of
the British Museum, dating from a committee held on January 14, 1888 and referring to Budge's let-
ters from Egypt, including a letter sent on December 27, 1887 from Daraw in Upper Egypt mentio-
ning that Budge 'has secured 41 cuneiform Tablets in a remarkable script.'32 However, this informa-
tion pertaining to the number of cuneiform tablets differs significantly from what is, in fact, written
in Budge's letter and dated December 27,1887. Therefore, we shall quote the relevant passages ofthe
private letter in extenso - 'A certain man had 71 cuneiform tablets written in a remarkable script, and
when I had spent a night examining them I decided to bring them with me to make sure of securing
them. They were found at a place whose name I will give in the future. Four of them were stolen by
a Copt and the Paris authorities bought them for £40 and sent out a man on purpose to buy the
remainder. The Copt did not know to whom they were going and so the Frenchman was baulked.133
Obviously of some interest to us must be an additional item of Budge's correspondence that was
discussed at the committee on February 11, 1888. The letter, sent from Cairo on January 8, 1888,
refers to the activities of the representatives of the Cairo museum in relation to antiquities and
describes 'actions taken by Boulak [Le. Bulaq] authorities to intercept papyri and tablets, fortuna-
tely in Mr. Budge's own possession.'31 In order to make the acquired objects safe while still in Luxor,
Budge made the following arrangements: 'The box of tablets and papyri I shall not attempt to pay
for, but they are in the house of a man I can trust at worst they will go to the house of Gen. de Mont-
morency when I come down the river.'35 Based on his later account,l6 it is clear that as well as other
valuable things Budge brought 'the box containing the eighty-two tablets from ~Iajji ~andil' with
him on board a steamer that arrived from Aswan and was supposed to leave early in the morning
on the following day. From Asyut, Budge boarded the train for Cairo and with the invaluable help of
some British officers he was able to transport all his belongings to the town. 37 His original plans to
travel to Baghdad via Alexandretta and Aleppo, in the company of General de Montmorency had to
be changed at the eleventh hour and Budge, with the box of Amarna tablets, - at least according to
his autobiography -, took the road to Suez where he embarked on the steamer 'Navarino' on Janu-
ary 12, 1888. His journey took him via Aden, Karachi and Basra and, finally, after some delays en
route he reached Baghdad on February 13, 1888.38 According to his letter to the n-ustees, sent from
Aden on January 17, 1888, Budge was able to arrange for the shipment of a large quantity of Egyp-
tian objects to London, including: eight boxes of antiquities, one box of Coptic letters and frag-
ments, four boxes of papyri, two boxes containing models of a boat and a granary and many other
things.39 According to his sometimes slightly over elaborate autobiography, however,·1D he states that
he took the valuable box containing the Amarna tablets with him to Baghdad.
32 Cf. the copy of the Minutes. Department of Oriental (Egyptian & Assyrian) Antiquities. January 14. 1888. p. 2195. [n his
leuers of December 16. 21. and 27. 1887 Budge describes several groups of objects available for sale as well as the gene-
ral situation In the antiquities market. Of special Interest are those collections found during the summer. of which
Budge was Informed when he arrived In Luxor. He also gives a very detailed description of the unpleasant atmosphere
among the natives caused by the activities of the French director of the Bulaq museum. In addition. he Indicates his
plans for his forthcoming journey to Baghdad (via Alexandreua and Aleppo. see leuer of December 21.1887). He sche-
dules his return from Upper Egypt to Cairo for about January 5. 1888 In order to be able to leave for Alexandreua either
on January 13 or 14 and to arrive In Baghdad approximately eleven days later. He actually only reached Baghdad on Feb-
ruary 13. 1888 as he Immediately reported In his leuer of February 18. 1888. addressed to the Trustees.
33 The Central Archives of the British Museum.
31 Cf. the copy of the Minutes of the 'J)'ustees of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities of February II. 1888. p.
2204; see the section below on the Cairo Amarna tablets.
35 Budge's letter of December 21. 1887; the Central Archives of the British Museum.
36 BUDGE (1920: [. 146).
37 See BUDGE (1920: I. 146).
38 Cf. the copy of the Minutes of the Trustees of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities of April 14. 1888. p. 2234;
see also BUDGE (1920: I. 151-182).
39 Cf. the copy of the Minutes of the Trustees of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities. committee of February
II. 1888. p. 2205.
40 BUDGE (1920: I. 182).
18
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
Due to the responsibilities he held on behalf of the Trustees of the British Museum in Mesopota-
mia, it was impossible for Budge to immediately make use of the notes he had already made on the
tablets while in Egypt. He left Baghdad and via Bombay and Suez reached Cairo on April 2, 1888. On
April 24 he finally arrived in London. 41 Among the most important collections that he was able to
obtain during his 1887-1888 journey to the Near East, and which are enumerated in the conclusion
of the chapter devoted to this mission, one can also find 'Eighty-two tablets from Tall al-'Amarnah.'42
However, in the meantime - on Februmy 18, 1888 - Archibald H. Sayce announced by means of
his 'Letter from Egypt,' published in the Academy, the existence of about two hundred cuneiform
tablets said to originate from an Upper Egyptian site of Tell el-Amarna. 43 Sayce supplied his readers
with the information tllat some of the tablets had been bought by the Bulaq Museum but a larger
group had been purchased by Daninos Pasha. However, he further admitted that he himself did not
see any of them and thus could not give more details. Nevertheless, even on March 24, 1888, anot-
her series of Sayce's contributions from Egypt was again published in the Academy and there the rea-
ders were offered more detailed information:14 First of all, Sayce provided information that he had
already made a copy of one of the tablets belonging to Urbain Bouriant, who was at that time the
director of the French Mission Archeologiqlle, and that the tablets were written in a 'neo- Babylonian
form of cuneiform ... belonging to the period extending from the age of Assur-bani-pal to that of
Darius.' He also reported a rather unpleasant situation that had prevented him from studying tlle
tablets housed in the Bulaq Museum. According to A. 1-1. Sayce, these tablets were 'locked up in the
director's house; and, like several other objects of interest, are inaccessible both to the employes of
the museum and to foreign scholars who visit Cairo during the winter, when M. Grebaut is up the
river.' Nevertheless, this peculiar situation was soon to be corrected. Eugene Grebaut, a director of
the Bulaq Museum at that time, soon provided the audience with his explanation and clarification
of the situation:15 Grebaut's letter, addressed to Sayce alongside a short explanation by A. H. Sayce of
April 30, was published in the Academy. In his letter, sent from Bulaq and dated April 22, 1888, Le.
less than a month after the letter of Sayce addressed to the Academy, Eugene Grebaut strictly denied
the possibility that the 'Assyrian tablets' had ever left 'the offices of the building, where they were
in the hands of the curator' when Sayce arrived in Cairo and were 'all safely deposited in an acces-
sible part of the building, and not locked up in the private house of the director.' In his explanation
he also added a rather striking statement that 'Not being able to read Assyrian, but thinking you
would come to Egypt this winter, before I departed to Upper Egypt, I had requested that the existen-
ce of the tablets should be made known to you, and that you should be asked to leave at the Muse-
um some notes which would assist us in compiling our catalogue.' E. Grebaut further stated that the
information pertaining to the discove1Y and given to Sayce 'is not less erroneous that that regarding
the sequestration of the Assyrian tablets.' Despite the very short length of Grebaut's letter, we are able
to glean some velY interesting information to the date on which the tablets actually reached the
Bulaq Museum. According to him, the tablets were 'collected with some difficulty, at the Boulaq [Le.
Bulaq] Museum towards the end oflast year,' Le. by the end of 1887, which means at the time of Bud-
ge's visit to Egypt. Unfortunately, Grebaut's intention to publish 'the real facts' on the pages of the
41 BUDGE (1920: I. 333-334).
42 BUDGE (1920: I. 338).
43 A document which was sent from Cairo and dated on February 3. 1888. see SAyeE (l888a: 123); Sayce's Interesting Infor-
mation on the discovery was Immediately assumed by other media as well- see for example In the Alllericall lOl/mal of
Arc/weology alld of tIle HlstDlY of tile Fine Arts of March 1888 quoting Sayce literally 'Slnce my arrival In Cairo I have lear-
ned that about 200 cuneiform tablets have been offered for sale here. which are said to have come from Tel-el-Amarna.
Some have been bought by Danlnos Pasha. I have not seen a specimen of them. and [ cannot. therefore. say to what age
or class of cuneiform writing they belong. [f they really have been discovered In Upper Egypt. their Interest will be great.'
FROTHINGHAM (1888a: 75) or In an abbreviated form. SMITII (1888: 91) In the Classical Rei/lew. mentioning only the num-
ber and origin of the newly found tablets.
44 SAyeE (l888b: 211).
45 SAyeE _ GMOAUT (1888: 315).
19
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
Academy never materialized and thus our knowledge of the discovery largely rests upon several,
apparently not completely reliable, sources. A. H. Sayce expressed his apologies for the misinforma-
tion given by him to the readers and continued 'If I am again in Cairo I hope I shall not be so unfor-
tunate as to miss him again, or to lose the chance of copying inscriptions which throw light on
Nebuchdnezzar's campaign against Egypt, and possibly also on his campaign against Judah.'
These brief notes, however, were soon followed by further and more elaborate information, sent
by Sayce on March 30,1888 from Brindisi and published in the very same journal on April 7, 1888:'6
Based on his personal observation of Urbain Bouriant's tablets, Sayce interpreted the Amarna tab-
lets as being 'copies of dispatches sent to the Babylonian king by his officers in Upper Egypt.' Accor-
ding to this report, these particular tablets were supposed to mention the names of two kings -
'Amasis' [i.e. Ahmose II] and 'Apries' [i.e. HaibreL who was identified by Sayce as the Babylonian
king Nebuchadnezzar. Consequently, he had interpreted these tablets as being a confirmation of a
Babylonian conquest of Egypt. 47 However, the largest part of his report was devoted to Turkish law
pertaining to antiquities.
Nevertheless, Sayce's opinions regarding the date of the Amarna tablets were soon shown to be
mistaken by means of Adolf Erman's study 'Thontafelfund von Tell-Amarna,' published in the Sit-
zungsberichte der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, and he himself
soon accepted the new dating of the tablets to the reign of the 18'h Dynasty.4o
In the meantime, on April 26, 1888, E. A. Wallis Budge returned 'from his mission to Egypt and
Baghdad.'49 In his article published in the Proceedings of the Society of the Biblical Archaeology of
June 5,1888, Budge quoted several passages from Sayce's earlier reports, especially those pertaining
to their dating. In his appraisal of Sayce's results he confined himself only to a more general state-
ment that 'the brief examination of the tablets which I had been able to make in Egypt did not lead
me to the conclusion arrived at by my good friend Prof. Sayce, but as, owing to various circumstan-
ces, I was unable to verify or disprove his statements I said nothing about the matter publicly.'50 He
simply made some corrections to Sayce's report, relating to the number and ownership of known
tablets to 'about three hundred of pieces of inscribed clay ... sold this year in Egypt.'51
In relation to the ownership and location of the tablets, Budge stated that there were about a
dozen tablets in the possession of Urbain Bouriant, a few were held by the Bulaq Museum,52 six or
46 SAYGE (I 888c).
47 Sayce's report for the Academy of April 7, 1888 was also quoted by others, cf. 'Most of the tablets contain copies of dis·
patches sent to the Babyionian King by his officers in Upper Egypt; and, as one of them speaks of "the conquest of Ama·
sis" (kasad Amasi), while another seems to mention the name of Apries, the King in question must have been Nebuchd-
nezzar. The conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, so long doubted, is now become a fact of history.' FROTilINGIIAM
(l888b: 191).
·10 Cf. ERMAN - SGllRADllR (1888); SAYGr. (l888d: 488-489); idem (l888e: 299-301); see aiso FROTIIiNGHAM (l888c: 333). Strong
support for A. H. Sayce was expressed, among others, by Col. Conder '01'. Sayce was one of the first in the field to deci-
pher and comment on these brick epistles, and in 1888-9 he transiated, with some approach to a finai result, all those
which were not already sent to Europe. [n his haste he fell into several errors, of which his rivals have made the most,
and which have been corrected by schoiars. who set to work in a deliberate manner.... Yet notwithstanding these errors,
the value of Dr. Sayce's work on the subject must be duly recognized, and has received its proper recognition from the
German scholars who are now devoting themselves to this interesting study.' CONDER (1891: 294-295). As reported by
Frothingham, the tablets were to be published in Germany by Hugo Winckler. who, according to the Academy of Sep-
tember 8,1888 - at the time when the report was being done - was 'in Egypt, examining the tablets from Tel el-Amarna
in the BOldq Museum.' FROTIIiNGIIAM (l888c: 334). For the collations of the Cairo tablets. see also PmSER (l898a); idem
(l898b); idem (l898c); idem (l898d).
49 As reported by Peter ie Page Renoufon May 9, see the copy of the Minutes of the Trustees, Department ofOrientai (E. & A.)
Antiquities, dated May 12, 1888, p. 2256.
50 BUDG!! (1888: 541).
51 BUDG!! (1888: 542). However, in the very same voiume a detailed study on the Amarna tablets was aiso published by
52 A. H. Sayce, cf. SAYG!! (l888d: 488), still stating that the original number of discovered tablets was 'about 200.'
He could not be more precise in relation to the exact number of tabiets housed in the Bulaq Museum because during
his visit to the museum the director (i.e. E. Gr~baull was absent, see BUDGr. (1888: 541).
20
Chapter I - The City and the Tablets
eight small tablets were owned by an unnamed friend of Budge in Cairo, 'a considerable number'
were possessed by Albert (Abraham) Daninos Pasha, a large group of approximately one hundred
and sixty tablets was bought by an Austrian antiquities dealer, Theodor Graf, and via him, this
group of tablets reached the collection of the Berlin Royal Museums in 1888. 53 Budge further added
that there was also 'a small collection of 58 pieces, of which about 45 were mere fragments and of
little importance ... owned by a private person in Egypt,' and finally that eighty-one tablets were
acquired by the British Museum. 54 Thereafter, Budge listed all eighty-one Amarna documents that
had been acquired,s5 giving a short and descriptive overview of every single tablet, usually including
the names of both correspondents, supplemented by a description ofthe present state ofthese tab-
lets, followed by a discussion on palaeographic and content issues.
As we have already mentioned, Budge's article of June 1888 declared that he had been able to
view and examine 'a considerable number' of the tablets. This information is further confirmed by
the Minutes of the Trustees56 from a committee meeting that took place on January 14, 1888, repor-
ting, among other things, on three letters that had been received from E. A. Wallis Budge and dated
December 16, 21 and 27, 1887. These had been sent from three distinct places in Egypt, the Amar-
na tablets being specifically mentioned in the last one. 57 However, the tablets appear once again in
the Minutes of the Trustees of October 13, 1888. 58 During the committee meeting, a report of Peter
Ie Page Renouf, dated three days earlier, on October 10, 1888, was discussed, recommending the
purchase of a group of tablets from Messrs. Bywater, Tanqueray & Co., 'Shipping Merchants and
Agents.'59 Since the information is crucial in relation to the collection of the Amarna tablets housed
in the British Museum, we quote it here in full: 'A very valuable collection of 81 cuneiform tablets
found near Tell-el-Amarna, in Upper Egypt (*selected by Mr. Budge during recent missions to
Egypt), being a series ofletters and dispatches from Kings of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Phoenicia, to
Amenophis [Le. Amenhotep] III and his son Amenophis [i.e. Amenhotep] IY, B.C. 1530-1450. The
tablets illustrate the relations in which the correspondents stood to the Egyptian monarchs, either
as relatives, allies, or vassals. One of them proves the correctness of the tradition that the wife of
Amenophis III was a foreign lady, the King ofMitanni, North East of Palestine, addressing him as his
"son-in-law". In further illustration of the historical interest of the collection, Mr. Renouf quotes the
substance of three of the tablets. The character of the writing is unique, and several new words
occur. The price of the collection is £512, payable on the passing of the Museum vote for the cur-
rent year.' According to the Minutes, this recommendation was indeed sanctioned and on the very
same day, Le. on October 13, 1888, those eighty-one Amarna tablets were registered in the British
Museum, despite the fact that it is not obvious when exactly the sum was actually paid (see below).
Unfortunately, there is only very limited information available as to the origins of Budge's col-
lection. As is very clear from the above-mentioned letters, by the end of 1887 Budge was already
in possession of seventy-one tablets (and not forty one, see above) that he had acquired in Luxor.
53 It was probably the Austrian origin ofTheodor Graf that led Sayce to a wrong assertion In his earlier reports, that the
tablets were obtained for the Museum of Vienna, cr. for example SAYGr. (I 888f) and the mistaken information appeared
as well in his PSBA artlcie of June 5, cr. SAYGE (I 888d: 488) first enumerating the tablets in different collections' ... 160 by
the Mllsellm oJVlell/w, ... : and later referring to Erman's comment on the hieratic note, 'According to Prof. Erman a hie-
ratic note attached to one of the tablets now III Vie/ilia states that the collection had been transferred from Thebes to
the new capital of Khu-n-aten.' Unfortunately, this mistake by Sayce was also repeated by other media, such as In the
A/Ilelll/mm of June 9. 1888, the Americall JOllmal oJ Arcllaeology alld /lle 1-/ls/DlY oJ/lie Fille Arts of September 1888, cr.
FROTHINGIIAM (l888c: 333).
54 BUDG!! (1888: 541-542).
55 [n his own words 'secured: cf. BUDG!! (1888: 542).
56 Cf. the copy of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities of 1888, p. 2195.
57 See above.
58 See the copy of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities of 1888, p. 2359-2360.
59 See a letter of Bywater, Tanqueray & Co., 79 Queen Victoria St., London, from December 12, 1888 addressed to the Kee-
per of the Assyrian and Egyptian Antiquities; Correspondence of the Department of Oriental Antiquities of 1888.
21
 Chapter I - The City and the Tablets
Chapter I - The City and the Tablets

As to the origin of the remaining ten tablets, we are totally ignorant. A very short reference to the ses for the Trustees by Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge in 1888 ... '. Though in his later reports Budge states that
cuneiform tablets from Tell el-Amarna that were, together with tablets from Hellah, obtained by he was able to secure altogether eighty-two Amarna tablets during his second mission to the East,
Budge for the collections of the British Museum can also be found in Budge's letter addressed to in the earlier accounts he speaks only of eighty-one tablets. However, in the publication of 1892
Henry Sidgwick, sent on June 14, 1888. 60 Unfortunately, again, there are no relevant details con- reference is made to eighty-two tablets. It follows from this volume that there was indeed an 'addi-
cerning their origin. A clue to this mystery could be contained in a letter kept in the archives of tional' tablet with a distinct origin, in Bezold's and Budge's edition numbered as No. 46 (present
the Department of Oriental Antiquities and sent from Luxor by the American Revd. Chauncey BME 29829)66 and registered in the collection only on May 9, 1891, Le. almost three years later than
Murch to Peter Ie Page Renouf, dated November 23, 1888. The letter contains, among other the rest of the Amarna tablets. However, more light is shed on the problem of the origin of the tab-
things, information predominantly concerning financial matters pertaining to unpaid purchases let No. 46 by a report signed by Peter Ie Page Renouf and written by E. A. Wallis Budge on May 4,
that Budge had arranged in Egypt during 1887, cf. ' ... Reference to my correspondence with Mr. 1891. This report was considered by the committee five days later. 67 It is here that mention is made
Budge concerning some of the purchases he made here last year will show that since about the of the item, among 'a valuable collection of antiquities in twenty-two boxes' and 'among the Egyp-
51
1 of August I have had to urge very energetically that payment be speedily made. Though the full tian antiquities, [where) the following are the most interesting' obtained by Budge during his fourth
expectation here was that the money would be paid June 151 , I managed to satisfy those concer- mission to Egypt and Mesopotamia (Le. 1890-1891) as sequence number 10 'One Tell el-Amarna
ned here they should be patient as long as the delay was unavoidable. According to Mr. Budge's tablet.'
account £650 were paid to Messrs. Bywater, Tanqueray & Co. on Sept. 15'h. Though this payment
was made, there have been various delays which it is unnecessary to explain at length, and to the British BEZOLD-
present time only £100 have been received by us. On Oct. 8'h, I wrote a most explicit letter to Mes- Museum No, BUDGE (1892) Registered EA Notes
srs. Bywater, Tanqueray & Co. I insisted most urgently that the whole £650 be sent out immedia-
BME29784 BB 1 Oct 13, 1888 EAl Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
tely. I followed this letter by one to Mr. Budge three days later. It is a great pity that Mr. Budge did
BME29785 BB2 Oct 13, 1888 EA9 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
not see the Bywaters, as they have obeyed my instructions only so far as to send is a cheque for
BME29786 BB3 Oct 13, 1888 EAI0 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
£100. Your creditor has been forced to borrow money from Greek usurers at the rate of7 per cent BME29787 Oct 13, 1888 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BB4 EA5
per month. I have just returned after an absence of twenty days at Assouan, and I went to see him BME29788 BB5 Oct 13, 1888 EA35 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
last night. I find that he is now in the state of mind which I have been fearing, and which I have BME29789 BB6 Oct 13,1888 EA34 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
more that once suggested in my correspondence about the matter, viz., he is afraid I am decei- BME29790 BB7 Oct 13,1888 EA37 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
ving him about the money, and he is afraid he will never get it.'61 However, the following passage BME 29791 BB8 Oct 13, 1888 EA 19 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
is clearly of immense interest, since the Amarna tablets are mentioned directly - 'As high as £20 BME29792 BB9 Oct 13, 1888 EA 17 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
have been offered here for the Clay Cuneiform tablets. He feels that the first lot was taken from BME29793 BB 10 Oct 13, 1888 EA23 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
him at too Iowa rate. On the whole I found him in a very bad humor last night.' It is clear that the BME29794 BB 11 Oct 13, 1888 EA26 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
Revd. Chauncey Murch must have played a specific role in obtaining some of the tablets - never- BME29795 BB 12 Oct 13, 1888 EA 74 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
theless, it is impossible to judge whether 'the first lot' mentioned by Ch. Murch refers to any of the BME29796 BB 13 Oct 13,1888 EA 114 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
purchases already reported by Budge in December 1887, or whether it relates to the remaining BME29797 BB 14 Oct 13, 1888 EA83 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
tablets. Budge himself, however, was undoubtedly engaged in intense contact with other antiqui- BME29798 BB 15 Oct 13, 1888 EA 73 Buc!s.e's second mission (1887-1888)
ties dealers,62 such as a Cypriot Marius Panayiotis Tano. 63 However, the mention of the tablets in BME29799 BB 16 Oct 13, 1888 EA 136 Buc!s.e's second mission (1887-1888)
Murch's letter is important as it represents clear proof of the fact that during the autumn of 1888 BME29800 BB 17 Oct 13, 1888 EA88 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
there were still tablets available for sale. BME29801 BB 18 Oct 13, 1888 EA 132 Buc!s.e's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29802 BB 19 Oct 13, 1888 EA 125 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
The complete collection of Amarna documents then kept in the British museum was published
by Carl Bezold and E. A. Wallis Budge under the title 'The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Muse-
um with Autotype Facsimiles' (1892).&1 Even in the very first paragraphs of the Introciuctiollto the
&t The publication of the tablets was recommended by Peter Ie Page Renouf on March 0, 1889; It was discussed at the com-
volume,65 one can read that 'the British Museum possesses eighty-two [tablets], which were purclIa- mittee the following day. According to the copy of the Minutes of the Trustees, Dept. of Oriental Antiquities, dated
March 9, !B09, p. 2390, this Initiative was approved. Renouf's original plan consisted of a proposal to publish 'transcripts
of the texts, to be Illustrated with 25 auto gravure plates In which the best specimens, 30 In number, would be represented:
60 Cf. the document Trlnlty/Add.Ms.c/93/65.
the related costs for 500 copies were determined as: printing £80, plates £235, In total £315. It was further approved that
61 It should be noted that Murch's 'complaint' was, In the end, successful as, according to the letter of BywateI; Tanqueray the publication was, 'to be accompanied with translation.' The publication of the Amarna tablets, however, became the
& Co. of December 12, 1000, the 'wh.oIJ!' (underlined In the original) amount for the Revd. Chauncey Murch was received subject of discussion once again at a committee meeting of July 12, 1090, see the Department's copy of the Minutes of
from the Museum on December II, 1000 and was forwarded to him, with an explanation as to the reason why, In the the Trustees, July 12, !B90, pp. 2530-2539, mentioning a report ofRenouf of July 9 that due to the 'pressure of the general
62 nrstlnstance, they had sent only £100. work In the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities, the progress of editing and printing the cuneiform tablets
The Rev(1. Ch. Murch refers to an unnamed dealer - again In a context of the unresolved nnanclal matters: 'The man from Tell e\-Amarna has been delayed.' It was Budge's task to revise the work but this would Interfere with his mission
with whom Mr. Budge dealt had partners among those who dig for antiquities, and he Is also having a hard time In put- to the Near East. The reason for the urgency regarding publication of the London collection Is also stated - 'It Is Important
ting them off about their money. It Is certainly a great mistake that this money has not been remitted sooner, and If the that the tablets should, If possible, be published In the winter of this year when the Issue of the publication of the Berlin
matter drags on much longer, I very much fear that you will lose the assistance of the dealer who Is much better able tablets will be completed.' And thus It was Carl Bezold who was entrusted with the task of revising the publication and
63 than any other, to secure for you the best things that are found In Egypt.' who was to be paid for any work done by him.
Who knew Budge for certain and who was even In written communication with him during !BOO, as a letter by him, 65 BI!ZOLD _ BUDGE (1092: Ix).
written In Cairo on March 16, 1000 and referring to Budge's letter to him, proves; kept In the correspondence of the 66 Br.ZOl.D - BUDGE (1092: 95).
Department of !BOO, for Tano see also BIERBRIER (1995: 410). 67 See the Central Archives' copy of the report dated on May 5, !B91, p. 1700-1701/22-24.
22
23
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

British BEZOLD- British BEZOLD- EA Notes

Registered EA Notes Registered
Museum No. BUDGE (1892) Museum No. BUDGE (1892)

Budge's second mission (1887-1888) BME29852 BB 69 Oct 13,1888 EA278 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29803 BB 20 Oct 13, 1888 EA 123
Budge's second mission (1887-1888) BME29853 BB 70 Oct 13, 1888 EA264 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29804 BB 21 Oct 13,1888 EA87
BME29854 BB 71 Oct 13, 1888 EA294 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29805 BB 22 Oct 13, 1888 EA86 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29855 BB72 Oct 13, 1888 EA245 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29806 BB23 Oct 13,1888 EA 102 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29856 BB 73 Oct 13, 1888 EA69 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29807 BB 24 Oct 13, 1888 EA 131 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29857 BB 74 Oct 13, 1888 EA318 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29808 BB25 Oct 13, 1888 EA 118 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29858 BB 75 Oct 13, 1888 EA261 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29809 BB26 Oct 13, 1888 EA 141 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29859 BB 76 Oct 13, 1888 EA213 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME 29810 BB27 Oct 13,1888 EA 142 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29860 BB77 Oct 13, 1888 EA 187 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29811 BB 28 Oct 13, 1888 EA 149 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME 29861 BB78 Oct 13, 1888 EA205 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME 29812 BB29 Oct 13, 1888 EA 147 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29862 BB 79 Oct 13,1888 EA251 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29813 BB30 Oct 13, 1888 EA 151 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME 29863 BB80 Oct 13,1888 EA272 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME 29814 BB31 Oct 13, 1888 EA 155 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29864 BB 81 Oct 13,1888 EA277 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME 29815 BB 32 Oct 13, 1888 EA235 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29865 BB 82 Oct 13, 1888 EA357 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
BME29816 BB33 Oct 13, 1888 EA64 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29817 BB 34 Oct 13, 1888 EA63 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Oct 13, 1888 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Table 1 The Amarna tablets purchased by E. A. Wallis Budge for the British Museum.
BME 29818 BB35 EA 161
BME 29819 BB 36 Oct 13,1888 EA55 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29820 BB37 Oct 13, 1888 EA53 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) As we have already mentioned, in the very same volume of the Proceedings of the Society of the
BME29821 BB 38 Oct 13, 1888 EA303 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
Biblical Archaeology of June 1888, in which Budge's study was published, the readers were also offered
BME29822 BB39 Oct 13, 1888 EA304 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
the more extensive study by Archibald H. Sayce, devoted to the Amarna tablets belonging to Urbain
BME29823 BB40 Oct 13, 1888 EA306 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Bouriant's collection.G8 In this study Sayce was able to present a total of thirteen texts, including
BME29824 BB 41 Oct 13, 1888 EA59 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
short commentaries. Later, in 1917, when he published his account of the discovery of the Amarna
BME29825 BB42 Oct 13,1888 EA 100 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Tablets, A. H. Sayce linked the Bouriant collection with the earliest history of the discovery of the
BME29826 BB 43 Oct 13, 1888 EA 197 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
tablets. 69 He refers, once again, to Mr. Frenay of Akhmim, to whom the antiquities dealer, Elias, sold
BME29827 BB44 Oct 13,1888 EA 101 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
a collection of thirteen Amarna tablets. One of these was sent to Jules Oppert in the Louvre to assess
BME29828 BB 45 Oct 13,1888 EA 139 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
the genuine nature of the collection. Only when Frenay received Oppert's negative evaluation of the
BME29829 BB46 May9,1891 EA 176 Budge's fourth mission (1890 1891)
tablet did he lose interest in the case and the remainder of the tablets was sent to Muhammad
BME29830 BB 47 Oct 13, 1888 EA227 Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
Muhassib in Luxor (see above). The other tablets were sent to U. Bouriant, in Cairo. However, a
BME 29831 BB48 Oct 13, 1888 EA228 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
more likely scenario is presented by J. A. Knudtzon/o who states, that there were in fact a total of
BME29832 BB 49 Oct 13,1888 EA299 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
fourteen tablets originally belonging to U. Bouriant. Thirteen of these were published by A. H.
BME29833 BB 50 Oct 13, 1888 EA298 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Sayce71 but the last one, 'eine kleineTafel,' was sent by Bouriant, and not by Frenay, to Jules Oppelt
BME29834 BB 51 Oct 13, 1888 EA297 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
in Paris. This was accompanied by a short note, stating that the complete collection could be pur-
BME29835 BB52 Oct 13, 1888 EA325 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) 72
Budge's second mission (1887-1888)
chased by the Louvre. The final destiny of this tablet remains unclear.
BME29836 BB 53 Oct 13, 1888 EA323
BME29837 BB 54 Oct 13, 1888 EA324 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) Nevertheless, Sayce's work on the Amarna tablets continued in December 1888 when he received
73
BME29838 BB 55 Oct 13, 1888 EA316 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) permission from the officials of the Bulaq Museum to study the tablets in their collection. The
BME29839 BB 56 Oct 13, 1888 EA315 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) results of his study of some of the Bulaq tablets, together with some of the tablets in the private col-
BME29840 BB57 Oct 13, 1888 EA296 Budge's second mission (1887-1888) lections of Alexandros Rostovitz Bey, Vladimir Semionovitch Golenischeff and the Revd. Chauncey
BME29841 BB 58 Oct 13, 1888 EA30 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) Murch/·I were introduced by means of his article of June 4, 1889. 75 Based on his recent and more
BME29842 BB 59 Oc113,1888 EA248 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
BME29843 BB 60 Oct 13, 1888 EA 215 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Budge's second mission (1887 1888) 60 SAyeE (l888d).
BME29844 BB61 Oct 13, 1888 EA252
69 SAyeE (1917); see also an account In his autobiography, SAyer. (1923: 251-252).
BME29845 BB 62 Oct 13, 1888 EA270 Budge's second mission (1887-1888) 70 KNUDTZoN (1964: 8).
BME29846 BB 63 Oct 13, 1888 EA269 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) 71 SAyeE (l888d).

BME29847 BB 64 Oct 13, 1888 EA256 Budge's second mission (1887-1888) 72 The tablet Is traditionally labeled as EA 260; OrrERT (1888).
73 Sayce especially mentions the names of the Museum's directors, Eugene Gr~baut and (Heinrich Karl) Brugsch Bey, cr.
BME29848 BB65 Oct 13, 1888 EA330 Budge's second mission (1887 1888)
Oct 13, 1888 Budge's second mission (1887-1888) SAyeE (1889: 326).
BME29849 BB 66 EA224 74 Altogether thirty-three tablets, Including one which had been already published In 1888 under No. VII, see Sayce 1889:
BME29850 BB67 Oct 13, 1888 EA284 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) 336-340; but at the time of the later publication was already In the possession ofY. S. Goh~nlscheff.
BME29851 BB 68 Oct 13,1888 EA282 Budge's second mission (1887 1888) 75 SAyeE (1889).

24
25
Chapter I - The City and the Tablets Chapter I - The City and the Tablets

detailed study of the tablets, Sayee was able to correct some of his previous statements, presented ded in the official records. It was not until January 15, 1888, that the Museum bought from the same
in his article of 1888 and devoted to the texts from U. Bouriant's collection. However, he empha- man '4 barils avec inscriptions cuneiformes'83 and there are no more entries under the name 'Phi-
sized the fact that without a complete publication of all relevant documents, or at least by making lip' recorded in the journal at least until the end of 1891.
them accessible, some of texts' passages could not be entirely clarified. One of the added compli- The second group, J.28160, consisting of three tablets, is registered as originating from Akhmim
cations in relation to his work was the inaccessibility of the collection of Amarna tablets housed in with a description 'tablettes portant des inscriptions cuneiformes, 2 entieres et une moitie.'84
the British Museum. Sayee declared that 'had I had access to the collections of the British Museum,
The third group, J.28179, is the largest, and according to the journal consists of'tablettes couver-
these corrections would not have been required.'76 Without going into concrete details or the pre-
tes d'inscriptions cuneiformes, 17 entieres et 14 fragments'05 that had been seized in Giza. Despite
cise circumstances, Sayee stated that he was not able to study all of the Bulaq Amarna texts.
the fact that the retrievable information from the written documents in the Egyptian Museum in
Cairo is rather limited, J. A. Knudtzon, during his study of the tablets, was able to obtain more
When we talk about the original collection of the Amarna tablets housed in the Bulaq Museum, details from the Museum authorities. 06 He states that this group of tablets was in the hands of an,
we have in our mind those tablets that arrived at the Museum, and were registered there, during the antiquities dealer, Farag Ismain, someone who was required to hand them over to the Bulaq Muse-
early months of 1888. 77 There are the following entries in the Cairo journal d'entrl!e - J.28151 (CG um. The dealer was also forced to identify the place of their origin. 07
4765 and CG 4777), J.28160 (CG 4753, CG 4761 and CG 4770 70 ), J.28179 (CG 4743, CG 4744, CG 4746,
It is thus only with the last group of documents, J.28185, registered in the Bulaq Museum in
CG 4747, CG 4749, CG 4752, CG 4754, CG 4755 - two pieces, CG 4756-4760, CG 4762, CG 4764, CG
February 1888 that the site of Tell el-Amarna in Middle Egypt OO is stated as the place of origin of
4767, CG 4771, CG 4774, CG 4775, CG 4779, CG 4781-4785, CG 4788, CG 4789, CG 4795 - 2 pieces,19
'15 tablettes avec inscriptions cuneiformes; 1 tablette continent une inscription hieratique ajoute
CG 4796 00 ) and finally J.28185 (CG 4741, CG 4742, CG 4748, CG 4751, CG 4763, CG 4766, CG 4768, au texte cuneiforme.'09
CG 4769, CG 4772, CG 4773, CG 4776, CG 4778, CG 4780, CG 4786 and CG 4787). There are also four
tablets or fragments that were not registered in the journal d'entn!e, cf. CG 4750 (SR 4/12187/0), CG Catalogue G~neral lournal d'entr~e Special RegIster EANo.
4791 (SR 4112235/0), CG 4792 (SR 4/12236/0) and CG 4793 (SR 4112237/0). It is obvious that CG
CG 4741 1.2BIB5 411220B/0 EA31
4750 and CG 4791 were both transferred to Cairo from the Royal Museums in Berlin since there are
CG 4742 1.2BIB5 4112196/0 EA99
still clearly visible registration numbers, in both cases written in black ink, on them: - 1653 on tablet
CG4743 1.2B179 411221010 EA3
CG 4750 and 1882 on CG 4791. The tablets were thus presented in exchange for those tablets that
CG 4744 1.2B179 4112195/0 EA5
went the opposite way, i.e. from Cairo to Berlin (CG 4770; CG 4790; CG 4795 and CG 4796). A certain CG 4746 1.2B179 4112209/0 EA 16
ommission was made in the case ofCG 4790, which was not included in any of the above-mentioned CG4747 1.28179 4112207/0 EA41
Cairo groups, although the tablet was obviously sent to Berlin, where it was registered as VAT 2707.° 1 CG 474B 1.2BIB5 4112206/0 EA39
The very first entry in the journal d'ellln!e- J.28151 - records two tablets bought in January 1888 CG 4749 1.2B179 4112190/0 EA40
from a man called 'Philip.' No provenance is stated and the description is very short - '2 briques CG 4750 not registered 41121B7/0 EA36
portant des inscriptions cuneifonnes.'02 However, it could be of interest to note that the entry CG 4751 1.281B5 411221110 EA 104
J,28151 is actually the first purchase of the Museum from the otherwise only rarely acknowledged CG 4752 1.28179 4112199/0 EA lJ6
CG 4753 1.28160 4112212/0 EA lJ3
Mr, Philip, On the other hand, we should clearly state, that it was only after late December 1884 that
CG 4754 1.28179 4112189/0 EA 134
the names of people selling objects to the Museum were more regularly included, Thus, we cannot
CG4755 1.28179 4112188/0 EA 124
rule out the possibility that there were more purchases from him but that his name was not recor-
CG4756 1.28179 4112225/0 EA 94
CG4757 1,2B179 411219110 EA 75
76 SAyer. (lBB9: 326). CG475B 1.28179 4112205/0 EA 158
77 An absolute majority of the Cairo tablets originate In the Initial set discovered by local Inhabitants of Tell el-Amarna but CG4759 1.28179 4112197/0 EA52
two texts come from the excavations of the German Oriental Society (DOG) In 1913 (see the following part). There are CG4760 1.28179 4112192/0 EA 191
In fact four different numbering systems In the Egyptian Museum In Cairo - Cataloglle Glfneml (abbreviated CG), JOllmal CG 4761 1.2B160 411223010 EA 195
d'en//"(!e (/; registration started In \85B), Special Regls/er(SR) and JOllmal/ell1pomlrelTempormy Regls/er(TR; I.e. 'Yard- CG4762 1.2B179 4112229/0 EA206
book. Objects now In the Museum Yard but not Inscribed In the lournal d'entr~e and bones & large objects as they came
CG 4763 1.2B1B5 4/12194/0 EA 198
In before they are Inscribed'). With the exception of the two tablets from the DOG excavations, all remaining tablets
have the CG number; all of them are registered In the Special Reglste,; four tablets are not registered In the JOllmal d'ell/-
rife and no tablets were found to be listed In the Tempormy Regls/er. There are, altogether, four entries for the Amarna
tablets In the JOllmal despite the fact that the Special Regls/eralso records J.2B17B with EA 134 (CG 4754, SR 4/121B9/0). 83 1.2BI77; cr. JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 344-345.
Nevertheless, this Is a mistake In the SR since, according to JOllmal d'ell/rlfe, the tablet was registered together with some 84 JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 342-343.
other tablets under the number 1.2BI79. os JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 344-345.
70 According to the JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 342-343 CG 4770 was given to Berlin, see VAT 2709. 06 KNUDTZON (1964: 7, n. I).
79 According to the JOllnwl d'ell/rlfe IV: 344-345 CG 4795 was given to Berlin, cr. VAT 2710. A connrmatlon of this Identln- 07 Unfortunately, there Is no mention of Farag's name In the relevant section of the JOllmal d'ell/rlfe. In any case, this epi-
cation Is further provided by IZRE'm. (1997: 51) mentioning that VAT 2710 consists of two fragments. sode very probably happened during February IBBB, as the J.2BIBI-J.2BIB6 were registered at that time with Tell el-
00 Being also declared to be a part of the Berlin collection, see the JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV, 344-345; cr. VAT 270B. Amarna as the stated provenance of the objects, cr. JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 344-347; already on lanuary B, I BBB Budge repor-
01 The situation of the remaining not-registered tablets CG 4792 and CG 4793; as well as the 'omitted' numbers CG 4745 ted 'actions taken by Boulak [i.e. BulaqJ authorities to Intercept papyri and tablets: see copy of the Minutes of the Trus-
and CG 4794 has not yet been resolved. The exchange of six tablets between Cairo and Berlin Is also referred to In KNUDT- tees of the Department of Oriental (E. & A.) Antiquities of February II, IBBB, p. 2204 and above.
ZON (1964: 12). According to him, this action took place In \89B. 00 KNUDTZON (1964: 7) stated only that the tablets were bought 'von wem, welB Ich nlcht:
82 JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 342-343. 09 JOllmal d'ell/rlfe IV: 344-345.

26 27
 Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

Catalogue General Journal d'entree Special Register EANo. VAT No. SCHROEDER (l915a) EANo.

CG 4764 1.28179 4112198/0 EA 143 VAT 148 + VAT 2706 No.1 EA2
CG4765 J.28151 4112227/0 EA 148 VAT 149 No.3 EA6
CG4766 J.28185 4112203/0 EA 150 VAT 15091 No.4 EA7
CG 4767 J.28179 4112201/0 EA233 VAT 151 + VAT 1878 No.6 EAll
CG4768 J.28185 4112200/0 EA244 VAT 152 No.5 EA8
CG4769 J.28185 4/12204/0 EA250 VAT 153 No. 14 EA38
CG 4771 J.28179 4112232/0 EA267 VAT 190 No. 10 EA21
CG4772 J.28185 4112213/0 EA280 VAT 191 No.9 EA20
CG4773 J.28185 4112216/0 EA274 VAT 233 + VAT 2197, no. 1 + VAT 2193 No. 11 EA27
CG4774 J.28179 411223110 EA293 No. 88 EA 164
VAT 249
CG 4775 J.28179 4112193/0 EA328 VAT 250 No. 90 EA 166
CG 4776 1.28185 4112217/0 EA322
VAT 271 + VAT 1600 + VAT 1618 + VAT 1619 + VAT 1620
CG4777 J.28151 4112218/0 EA320
+ VAT 2192 + VAT 2194 + VAT 2195 + VAT 2196. nos. 3-6 No. 12 EA29
CG 4778 J.28185 4112219/0 EA314
+ 2197. nos. 3-5 + 3 unnumbered fragments
CG 4779 J.28179 4112221/0 EA331
VAT 323 No. 76 EA 144
CG 4780 1.28185 4112215/0 EA305
VAT 324 No. 35 EA 76
CG 4781 J.28179 4112214/0 EA301
CG 4782 VAT 325 No. 89 EA 165
J.28179 4112228/0 EA313
CG4783 J.28179 VAT 326 No.91 EA 167
4112238/0 EA49
CG 4784 J.28179 4/12202/0 VAT 327 No. 94 EA 170
EA216
CG4785 J.28179 4112226/0 EA220 VAT 328 No. 117 EA204
CG 4786 J.28185 4112220/0 EA262 VAT 329 No. 148 EA258
CG4787 J.28185 4/12222/0 EA225 VAT 330 No. 116 EA203
CG 4788 J.28179 4112233/0 EA 180 VAT 331 No. 115 EA202
CG 4789 J.28179 4112234/0 EA 199 VAT 332 No. 172 EA302
CG 4791 not registered 4112235/0 EA235+327 VAT 333 No. 146 EA255
CG 4792 not registered 4112236/0 EA247 VAT 334 No. 137 EA239
CG 4793 not registered 4112237/0 EA 188 VAT 335 No. 145 EA254
VAT 336 No. 108 EA 189
Table 2 The Amarna Tablets acquired by the Bulaq Museum from the initial find. VAT 337 No. 83 EA 156
VAT 338 No. 114 EA201
VAT 339 No. 160 EA283
The fate of by far the largest group of Amama documents - the approximately one hundred and VAT 340 + VAT 2191a-c, no. 2 No. 201 EA25
sixty tablets that were bought by an Austrian antiquities dealer, Theodor Graf of Vienna - is well- VAT 341 No. 127 EA221
documented. In 1888 the tablets became a part of the collection of the Royal Museums in Berlin - VAT 342 No. 202 EA32
'Del' grosste Theil des Fundes ist durch uneigenni.itzigen Bemi.lhungen des I-Ierm Theodor Graf in VAT 343 No. 27 EA60
Wien fill' die Kt)niglichen Museen zu Berlin erworben hatte. Ermoglicht wurde die Erwerbung VAT 344 No. 54 EA 106
insbesondere durch die seItene Freigebigkeit des I-Ierm Kommerzierenrathes J. Simon in Berlin, VAT 345 No. 56 EA 108
weIchel' den grosseren Theil del' durch I-Ierm Graf nach Berlin gekommenen Sammlungen den VAT 346 No. 55 EA 107
Koniglichen Museen zum Geschenk machte.'90 According to Knudtzon,91 an important role in this VAT 347 No. 86 EA 162
action was performed by an antiquities dealer named Ali Abd el- I-Iajj, a man who had originally shown VAT 348 No. 194 EA356
a large group of tablets to an official of the Bulaq Museum 'von ihm abel' den Bescheid erhalten, daB VAT 349 No. 64 EA 119
sie falsch seien.' The Berlin set was enlarged, shortly afterwards, by other 'corpora' of Amarna tablets, VAT 350 No. 62 EA 117
including a group of twelve tablets from the original collection of Urbain Bouriant. 92 VAT 351 No. 73 EA 138
VAT 395 No. 199 EA22
90 VAT 422 No. 200 EA24
WINCKLER In WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: not numbered). see also FRamiNGHAM (1889: 200); for the publication of the tablets see VAT 559 No. 22 EA51
especially WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890); WINCKLER (1888); Idem (l889a); idem (l889b); Idem (1890); Idem (1891); Idem (1896);
91 ERMAN (1889); idem (1890) and SCIIROEDER (l915a). For James Simon cr. WORMIT (1963); MATIllr,s (2000); SCiluSTlm (ed.) (2001).
KNUDTZON (1964: 6-7).
92
T1le autographs of the Berlin collection were published by SCHROEDER (l915a). descrlplion of two omitted fragments. i.e. 93 Unfortunately. this tablet was a casualty of World War II; It was given to the Berlin Museum In 1928. on permanent loan,
VAT 3780 (EA 361) and VAT 3781 (EA 381) followed In SCIIROEDER (1917). cf. tab. 3, p. 23. but It was not found after 1945; persollal COlli III 1111 Icalloll J. Marzahn.

28 29
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

VAT No. SCHROEDER (l915a) EANo. VAT No. SCHROEDER (l915a) EANo.
VAT 624 No. 84 EA 157 VAT 1630 No. 60 EA 115
VAT 868 No. 46 EA92 VAT 1631 No. 59 EA 111
VAT 931 No. 45 EA91 VAT 1632 No. 33 EA71
VAT 1183 No. 68 EA 126 VAT 1633 No. 41 EA84
VAT 1208 No. 52 EA 103 VAT 1634 No. 38 EA 79
VAT 1238 No. 49 EA96 VAT 1635 + VAT 1700 No. 36 EA77
VAT 1239 No. 32 EA68 VAT 1636 No. 65 EA 120
VAT 1282 No. 37 EA 78 VAT 1637 + VAT 1638 No. 70 EA 129
VAT 1318 No. 40 EA81 VAT 1639 No. 75 EA 140
VAT 1531 No. 154 EA271 VAT 1640 No. 133 EA232
VAT 1532 No. 153 EA268 VAT 1641 No. 134 EA234
VAT 1582 No. 149 EA259 VAT 1642 No. 162 EA286
VAT 1583 No. 191 EA340 VAT 1643 No. 164 EA288
VAT 1584 No. 79 EA 143 VAT 1644 No. 163 EA287
VAT 1585 No. 98 EA 174 VAT 1645 + VAT 2709 No. 165 EA289
VAT 1586 No. 170 EA307 VAT 1646 No. 166 EA290
VAT 1587 No. 122 EA212 VAT 1647 No. 158 EA279
VAT 1588 No. 99 EA 175 VAT 1648 No. 121 EA211
VAT 1589 No. 144 EA253 VAT 1649 No. 142 EA246
VAT 1590 No. 152 EA266 VAT 1650 No. 168 EA295
VAT 1591 No. 31 EA67 VAT 1651 + VAT 2711 No. 198 EA 14
VAT 1592 + VAT 1710 No. 111 EA 196 VAT 1654 No. 13 EA33
VAT 1593 No. 118 EA207 VAT 1655 No. 15 EA42
VAT 1594 No. 21 EA50 VAT 1656 No. 16 EA44
VAT 1595 No. 105 EA 183 VAT 1657 No.2 EA4
VAT 1597 No. 175 EA311 VAT 1658 No. 85 EA 159
VAT 1598 No. 50 EA 97 VAT 1659 No. 92 EA 168
VAT 1599 No. 132 EA231 VAT 1660 No. 93 EA 169
VAT 1601 No. 161 EA285 VAT 1661 No. 44 EA90
VAT 1602 No. 173 EA308 VAT 1662 No. 63 EA 118
VAT 1603 No. 143 EA249 VAT 1663 No. 47 EA93
VAT 1604 No. 124 EA 217 VAT 1664 No. 61 EA 112
VAT 1605 No.7 EA 12 VAT 1665 No. 66 EA 121
VAT 1606 No. 171 EA300 VAT 1666 No. 58 EA 110
VAT 1607 No. 123 EA214 VAT 1667 No. 74 EA 133
VAT 1608 No. 110 EA 193 VAT 1668 No. 48 EA95
VAT 1609 No. 185 EA334 VAT 1669 No. 141 EA243
VAT 1610 No. 130 EA226 VAT 1670 No. 140 EA242
VAT 1611 + VAT 1613 + VAT 1614 + VAT 2710 No. 195 EA357 VAT 1671 No. 182 EA321
VAT 1612 + VAT 1617 + VAT 2708 No. 196 EA358 VAT 1672 No. 183 EA326
VAT 1615 No. 104 EA 182 VAT 1673 No. 181 EA329
VAT 1616 + VAT 1708 No. 186 EA335 VAT 1674 No. 109 EA 192
VAT 1622 No. 113 EA200 VAT 1675 No. 51 EA98
VAT 1623 No. 102 EA 181 VAT 1676 No. 177 EA317
VAT 1624 No. 72 EA 130 VAT 1677 No. 100 EA 178
VAT 1625 No. 67 EA 122 VAT 1678 No. 139 EA 241
VAT 1626 No. 42 EA 85 VAT 1679 No. 187 EA337
VAT 1627 No. 43 EA89 VAT 1680 No. 28 EA62
VAT 1628 No. 53 EA 105 VAT 1681 No. 159 EA281
VAT 1629 No. 57 EA 109 VAT 1682 No. 156 EA275

30 31
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

VAT No. SCHROEDER (1915a) EANo. VAT No. SCHROEDER (1915a) EANo.

VAT 1683 No. 128 EA222 VAT 1876 No. 120 EA210
VAT 1684 No. 101 EAl77 VAT 1877 No. 96 EAI72
VAT 1685 No. 29 EA65 VAT 1880 + VAT 1879 No.8 EA 18
VAT 1686 No. 155 EA273 VAT 1883 No. 184 EA332
VAT 1687 No. 69 EA 127 VAT 1884 No. 189 EA338
VAT 1688 No. 150 EA263 VAT 1885 No. 87 EA 163
VAT 1689 No. 131 EA229 VAT 1887 No. 180 EA339
VAT 1690 No. 20 EA48 VAT 2198 + VAT 2707 No. 138 EA240
VAT 1692 No. 17 EA45 VAT 3780 SCHROEDER (1917) EA361
VAT 1693 No. 19 EA47 VAT 3781 SCHROEDER (1917) EA381
VAT 1694 No. 18 EA46 VAT 8525 collective number EA382
VAT 1695 No. 77 EA 145
VAT 1696 No. 125 EA218 Table 3 Berlin Amarna collection.
VAT 1697 No. 151 EA265
VAT 1698 No. 169 EA310
VAT 1699 No. 119 EA208 Although Jules Oppert considered a cuneiform tablet found in Egypt and sent to him by Urbain
VAT 1701 No. 135 EA237 Bouriant to be a counterfeit, it was later lost. Therefore, it was not until 1890 that the first Amarna
VAT 1702 No. 30 EA66 tablet was registered in the Louvre collections. The tablet - today known as EA 209 (AO 2036) - had
VAT 1703 No. 103 EA 179 to belong to the original set of tablets discovered by the fellahin during the period of autumn 1887
VAT 1704 No. 192 EA341
and winter 1888. It was given to the collection by Gaston Maspero. 95 This was only shortly before the
VAT 1705 No. 112 EA 194
first excavations to be conducted in a scholarly way began in the Tell el-Amarna area.
VAT 1706 No. 157 EA276
VAT 1707 No. 188 EA336
VAT 1709A + VAT 1886 No. 176 EA312 The Excavators and the Dealers - William M. Flinders Petrie, the DOG and the EES
VAT 1709B No. 179 EA360
VAT 1711 No. 39 EA80
Without a shadow of a doubt, it would have been impossible for the abundant flow of informa-
VAT 1712 No. 34 EA72 tion pertaining to the discovery of the cuneiform tablets in the area of Tell el-Amarna to have esca-
VAT 1713 No. 167 EA291 ped the attention of Sir William M. Flinders Petrie. At that time - in 1891- he was finishing the exca-
VAT 1714 No. 24 EA56 vation work that he had started only the previous year in the pyramid field of Meidum. 96 After sur-
VAT 1715 No. 147 EA257 mounting several difficulties, predominantly of a political and an administrative nature,97 Petrie
VAT 1716 No. 26 EA58 was able to start his excavations at Tell el-Amarna in November 1881. As had been the practice since
VAT 1717 No. 197 EA 13 1887, two enthusiastic and dedicated benefactors, Jesse Haworth and Martyn Kennard, sponsored
VAT 1718 No. 81 EA 154 his work. During his single excavation season (1891-1892),98 Petrie focused his efforts on the area of
VAT 1719 No. 80 EA 152
VAT 1720 No. 126 EA219
95 SCIII!ll. (1890: 73r.), WINCKI.I!R - Aom. (1889-1890: No. 149 n); TJlURI!Au·DANGIN (1922: IOJ).
VAT 1722 No. 178 EA319
96 PL'TRII! (l892a); Idem (I 892b: 138-147).
VAT 1723 No. 95 EA 171 97 PIITRJr. (1940: 134-136), cr. Petrie's account 'Again to Moncrleff's and had an hour with Grdbaul. First M. [I.e. MoncrleffJ
VAT 1724 No. 107 EA 186 took the question of place. I let out to him just before that [ was not solely needing Saqqareh, but that It was G:s [I.e.
VAT 1725 No. 106 EA 185 Grdbaut's) weakest point - about Farag digging there - and so I could work best on him with thaI. M. took up my line
VAT 1738 No. 25 EA57 excellently, and pressed and cross·questloned G. most diligently about It for a long time. At last, as G. stuck to Its being
VAT 1867 No. 136 EA238 reserved for the Museum and Its agents, M. returned and asked me If there was any other place [ could take. G. had alre-
ady barred Abydos -like Saqqareh - so I alluded to that, to let him negative It again, and then named Tell el Amarna. [-Ie
VAT 1868 + VAT 1869 + VAT 1721 No. 23 EA54
said that they were working there and had been excavating the tombs for some time. [ pressed for the town, and to that
VAT 1870 No. 129 EA223 he acceded, and Moncrief nailed him clearly to It: PIlTRIll (1940: 134-135). The gloomy situation at Tell el-Amarna at the
VAT 1871 No. 78 EA 146 time of Petrie's arrival Is eloquently described by him as follows: 'The Egyptians carried away the buildings In whole
VAT 1872 No. 82 EA 155 blocks down to the lowest foundations, completely smashed the sculptures, and left nothing In the houses; and the
VAT 1873"' No. 71 EA 128 Museum authorities, and a notorious Arab dealer, have cleared away without any record what had escaped the other
plunderers of this century. I have now endeavoured to recover what lillie remained of the art and history of this peculi-
VAT 1874 No. 174 EA309
ar site, by careful searching In the town. From the tombs [ am debarred, although the authorities are doing nothing
VAT 1875 No. 97 EA 173 whatever there themselves, and the tomb of Khuenaten remains uncleared, with pieces of the sarcophagus and vessels
98 thrown Indiscriminately In the rubbish outside: PIlTRJr. (I 892c: 356).
PIlTRIE (1894: 23-24, 34-37, pis. XXXI-XXXIII, XLII); see also PIlTRIll (l892c). An account on Petrie's work at Tell el-Amarna
94 Missing since 1963; see http://www3.amarna.lelop.cslc.es/. can be also found In STIlVIlNSON (1892).

32 33
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

the Central City. After a while, having regard for the cuneiform tablets, he targeted a place indica- luding a near-by structure, chamber No. 18. His search went as far as the road running to the east,
ted to him by a local man. According to Petrie's own description of the developing situation, he which separated the first group of buildings from a second (No. 21). Beyond this, other houses were
ignored, at first, the offer by local natives to provide information on the location of the tablets' dis- located, and it was here that one more tablet was found. The situation was even less promising for
covery in exchange for employment opportunities on the excavations. It was later that he selected him in the area to the west and to the south of block No. 19. Here, the layers of dust were very thin
the the excavation area and designated it as a block of chambers No. 19 (fig. 4).99 He expected to and, after removing all the debris, he found nothing new. Eventually, Petrie reached the conclusion
locate the tablets in the southwestern room of the medium-sized structure (approximately 19 by 22 that it would be impossible to find any additional tablets in the immediate vicinity.
meters). This was the place that had been identified during the previous year lOO in the presence of In fact, only one fragment of a tablet was found in the complex of the 'Egyptian Foreign Office'
A. H. Sayce as the place of the original discovery. In this particular area Petrie was able to locate only and it was a text labeled EA 354, a small fragment of tablet 2 of diri. All remaining tablets origina-
'one piece of a tablet in a chamber and two rubbish-pits, which had been filled up before the walls ted from the two rubbish-pits. The discovered tablets, as well as one inscribed clay cylinder, were
were built and which contained other fragments'lOl. With a desire to find more pieces of cuneiform studied and most of them were drawn by Archibald H. Sayce and published in Petrie's account on
tablets, the excavations continued deeper and deeper until the workmen reached the natural sand the excavations of the city in 1894 103 and are now kept in the collections of the Ashmolean Museum
level. However, the above-mentioned rubbish-pits were discovered only at a depth of less than 2.5 in Oxford. 10·1
m.! Petrie thus drew the conclusion that the two rubbish-pits had to precede the existence of this
block of chambers and that the scribes 'lived close by this spot, before the chambers were built, to Ashmolean Museum no. SAYCIl (1894) EAno.
receive the archives'102. Nevertheless, since the very beginning of his excavations, Petrie had been
Ash. 1893.1-41 (408) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXJlI) EA43
well aware of the fact that the nature of the tablets was different from the tablets discovered earlier
Ash. 1893.1-41 (409) SAYCIl (1894: pI. XXXJlII) EA 135
in the area of Tell el-Amarna. Among the newly discovered documents, scholarly texts - dictionaries
Ash. 1893.1-41 (410) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXI II II) EA61
and 'working materials' - prevailed. In accordance with this information, he continued searching
Ash. 1893.1-41 (411) SAYCIl (1894: pI. XXXIIIV) EA 190
for more tablets at a considerable distance from the site of block No. 19 (more than 60 meters), inc-
Ash. 1893.1-41 (412) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXII/V) EA351
Ash. 1893.1-41 (413) + (421) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXII/VI + XXXIII/ XlV) EA352+353
Ash. 1893.1-41 (414) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIIIVII) EA342
Ash. 1893.1-41 (415) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXII/VII) EA 14
Ash. 1893.1-41 (416) SAYCIl (1894: pI. XXXIJlIX) EA355
Ash. 1893.1-41 (417) SAYCIl (1894: pI. XXXII/X) EA344
Ash. 1893.1-41 (418) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXII/Xl) EA354
--, Ash. 1893.1-41 (419) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XlI) EA348
Ash. 1893.1-41 (420) SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XlII) EA346

- Ash. 1893.1-41 (422)

Ash. 1893.1-41 (423)
SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XV)
SAyeE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XVI)
EA347
EA236

I •
Ash. 1893.1-41 (424)
Ash. 1893.1-41 (425)
Ash. 1893.1-41 (426)
SAyeE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XVII)
SAYel! (1894: pi. XXXIII/XVIII)
SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XVIII bis.)
EA345
EA350
EA 184

Figure 4 Block No. 19 (Q42.21) (after PETRIE
1894: pI. XLII).
99 PIlTRIE (1894: 23); see Q.42.21.
100 I.e. In 1890, as connrmed In a chapter written by Sayce; see SAYCE (1894: 34); In the account by Sayce In 1923, however,
the story or the Identification or the place or the original discovery Is already established as the winter or 1888, cr. 'On
our way up the river we had spent a day or two at myoid hunting-ground, Tel el-Amarna, and I was taken to see the
house In which the cunelrorm tablets had been round. It was already nearly demolished by the sebbaklllll or diggers
ror nitrogenous soli. [ round that It had been built or large bricks each stamped with the legend: "The house or records
or Khu-t-Aten" (or Tel el-Amarna); ... [ carried away some or the best-preserved or the bricks, two orwhlch [ presented
to Grant Bey, while the rest [ handed over to the Bulak Museum.' SAYCIl (1923: 262). This date Is rurther supported by
Sayce's rderence to his visit to Petrie, at that time excavating at Fayum and [-[awara. Petrie was excavating In the town
or Medlnet el-Fayum, as weilln the pyramid neld or l-lawara, during his excavation season or 1888-1889, cr. PIlTRIE
(1889), Idem (1890).
101 PIlTRlIl (1894: 23).
102 PIlTRIE (1894: 24). See also PIlTRIE (l892c: 356): 'The cunelrorm tablets discovered here were all In store rooms outside
the palace; they were placed by the house or the Babylonian scribe, which was localised by our nndlng the waste pie-
ces or his spoilt tablets In rubbish holes.'
103 SAyeE (1894: 34-37, pis. XXXI-XXXIII); there were altogether six letters - EA 43, EA 61, EA 135, EA 184, EA 190, and EA
236; one Inventory or Egyptian girts - EA 14; rour rragments or tablet 2 or C/i,.i - EA 351. EA 352+353, EA 354; an exerci-
se probably In letter writing - EA 342; a clay cylinder - EA 355; three exercises - EA 344, reverse or EA 346 only, and EA
345; a rragment or a sign list S' - EA 348; probably a lexical list - EA 347 and a rragment containing an exercise Ill-la-Ii
(obverse) and Silbellalplwbel A (reverse) - EA 350. The texts not Included In Sayce's autographs are an exercise EA 343
and a rragment or a syllabary EA 349. There was also an unlnscrlbed tablet, dlscovel'Cd during Petrie's excavations. For
the scholarly texts, cr. [ZRE'HI. (1997).
1001 [n ract, none or the tablets rrom Petrie's excavations remained In Egypt and there are only five entries In the /ollmal
c/'elllrl!eV: 134-221 ror the period or 1891-1893 that can be reliably linked with the site orTell el-Amarna. During that
particular period, there were only two missions working there slmultaneously- that one led byWllliam M. Flinders Pet-
rie and a mission led by an Italian, Alessandro Barsanti, who was excavating the royal tomb on behalr or the Bulaq
Museum. There was also a short visit made by Howard Carter, who Joined Petrie early In 1891 'In order to do some exca-
vating ror Mr. Thyssen Amherst,' cr. PIlTRlIl (1940: 142), and who visited the royal tomb In 1892 In order to copy several
scenes there. There Is an entry /.29819, consisting or several shabtls made or various materials that can be Identified
with the excavations or Barsanti (without being clearly mentioned) dated to 1892, cr./oumal c/'ellm!eV: 158-159. At
least two rragmentary shabtls rrom the Royal Tomb were also bought by Petrie and today are housed In the collection
orthe Petrie Museum, I.e. UC 007 and UC 2236; cr. PIlTRlIl (1940: 141). The only entry In the ]ollrnalwhlch Is connected
with Petrie's excavations Is /.30175 rrom May 1892, cr. ]ollrnal c/'ellIrt!e V: 188-189, or a rragment or cornice with cartou-
ches or the sun-disc and Akllenaten; ror an overall account on the circumstances and conditions or Petrie's excavations
In Tell el-Amarna see PIlTRlE (1940: 134-145).

34 35
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
Ashmolean Museum no. SAYCE (1894)
Ash. 1893.1-41 (427) None
Ash. 1893.1-41 (428) None
Ash. 1893.1-41 (429) None
Table 4 The Amarna Tablets from Petrie's excavations kept in the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford).
While the archaeological exploration of Tell el-Amarna continued, the antiquities market was
not standing still in relation to the Amarna tablets. The tablets that were, at that time, still availab-
le for sale originated, with utmost certainty, from the time ofthe early illicit excavations by villagers;
this fact was still valid at the close of the 19'h and the onset of the 20,h century. One of the Amarna
tablets, originally in the possession of the Revd. Chauncey Murch, had obviously been acquired by
him in Luxor, probably very shortly after its discovery. However, as is evident from the records of the
Art Institute of Chicago, the so-called 'Murch fragment' had already been registered in the local col-
lection in 1894.105 In 1915 it arrived at the Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago,
obtained by the Oriental Institute in Chicago (a join to EA 26; A 9356).
In 1902, the newly appointed director of the French Institute of Oriental Archaeology in Cairo,
(/nstitut fran~ais d'arC/ufologie orientale, IFAO) Emile Chassinat, was presented with the opportuni-
ty of studying two more Amarna tablets. With regard to the two new tablets, Jean-Vincent Scheil, the
author of their first publication, noted only that 'des circonstances fficheuses ont empikhe autre-
fois l'acquisition abon marche, pour nos musees nationaux, d'un des collection les plus precieuses
du monde ... M. Chassinat, Ie zele successeur de M. Bouriant al'lnstitut franc;:ais d'archeologie ori-
entale du Caire, vient de mettre la main, Ie plus heureusement du monde, sur deux nouvelles pieces
de ces archives.'106 Although we are uncertain as to the immediate destiny of the two tablets, they
appeared at the antiquities market in Cairo in 1924, where they were purchased by the Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art in New York 107
Only shortly afterwards, on May 11, 1903, were four more Amarna tablets registered in the col-
lection of the British Museum. However, in Egypt the four tablets, i.e. BME 37645 (EA 28); BME
37646 (EA 230); BME 37647 (EA 292), BME 37648 (EA 82), remained at that time in the collection of
Alexandros Rostovitz Bey.IOR It is possible that the tablets could have arrived in London in the pre-
vious year. However, it is clear that the man in charge of this concern was a well-known Cairo dea-
ler in antiquities, Panayotis Kyticas. The new London tablets apparently originated from the first lot
of Amarna documents, the same source as the tablets studied by Chassinat.
A different fate was encountered by a further small group of three tablets, whose original owner
was the Russian Egyptologist Vladimir Semionovitch Golenischeff. The later history of this set of
tablets was only recently clarified by Shlomo Izre'el. '09 It was in 1911 that the relatively small corpus
of Amarna tablets was ceded to the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow and, subsequently, its
location became obscure. Only in 1973 did Cord Ktihne" o suggest that there was a possibility that
the tablets from V. S. Golenischeff's collection might be housed in the Moscow museum. This
assumption was confirmed by Pinl;as Artzi in 1985.'"
105 See LUCKIlNDlLL - ALLEN (I916) and MORAN (1992: xlv, n. 6); cf. also ADEI. (I 892); SCIiElL (1892: 310).
106 SCHElL (1902: 113). Consult also PEISER (1903).
107 BULL (1926: 170), MORAN (1988); see MMA 24.2.11 (EA 15), MMA 24.2.12 (EA 153).
108 For Rostovltz Bey cf. most recently CIIRVSIKOPOULOS (2007); texts published by SCllEIL (1892).
109 For the publication and relevant details cf. IZRE'E1. (I995a); cr. PM 1,25,1575 (EA 70); PM 1,25,1567
1574 (EA 160).
110 KOIINE (1973: 2, n. 8).
III Am'll (1988) quoted by IZRE'EL (I 995a: 125).
36
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets
EAno. It was in January 1918 that a small collection of six tablets was acquired by the Louvre, i.e. AO 7093
(EA 362); AO 7094 (EA 364); AO 7095 (EA 367); EA 7096 (EA 366); AO 7097 (EA 363); AO 7098 (EA 365),
EA343
thus enlarging the Amarna set til ere to a total of seven objects. The purchase was achieved by G. Bene-
EA349
dict who, during his visit to Egypt, obtained tl1ese tablets from an unnamed private individual." 2
uninscribed
Ifwe are to follow up on only those archaeological missions that contributed to the development
of the Amarna corpus, we should next devote our attention to the efforts of an expedition conduc-
ted by the German Oriental Society (Deutsche Orient-GesellschaJt, DOG) under the direction of
Ludwig Borchard. Following some velY short-term trial work, conducted throughout the area ofTell
el-Amarna in 1907, excavation work was again carried out in 1911; it then continued until the out-
break of World War I in 1914. The German mission concentrated its efforts on the area of private
houses located in the North and South Suburbs. In 1913 - in houses 0.47.2 and N.47.3 respectively
- two more fragments of cuneiform tablets were discovered. 113 These fragments were registered in
the Journal d'entree of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo in 1914 as J.48396 (4/12223/0; EA 359; found
in 0.47.2) and J.48397 (4/12224/0; EA 379; found in N.47.3)."4
However, in 1921 the exploration of Tell el-Amarna continued by means of a mission from the
Egypt Exploration Society (EES). The first stage of the EES project at Akhenaten's city lasted from
1921 to 1924 and it was during the first excavation season in 1921, directed by Thomas Eric Peet,
that the known corpus of cuneiform Amarna documents was enlarged by one additional tablet. 1I5
The tablet was discovered in rubbish filling Room 8,"6 in a house referred to as 0.49.23. In a publis-
hed report by T. E. Peet and C. Leonard Woolley ll7 the actual place of discovery is stated in more
detail as being a corridor located south of the Central Hall of the house 0.49.23." 8
Early in the 1933-1934 excavation season, when the EES mission was led by John D. S. Pendlebu-
lY, eight inscribed tablets were discovered, d. BM 134863-BM 134866; BM 134868; BM 134870-BM
134872, and two more which were not inscribed - d. BM 134867 and BM 134869." 9 During this par-
ticular season, Pendlebury paid more attention once again to the area already addressed by William
M. E Petrie more than forty years earlier. It was here, in the zone of administrative structures - Q.42.1,
7,5, and above all Q.42.21 '20 that several stamped bricks with the inscription 'The place of the letters
of the Pharaoh, may he live, be prosperous and healthy' were discovered. '2' With the exception of
a single tablet, which was found in the area of the house referred to as 'Clerk's house no. 43' (Q.43.43),
the remaining corpus of fragmentary tablets was found in the premises of the royal bureau, or in
PendlebUlY's words the 'Records Office.' Despite the very poor preservation of the building, a total of
ten tablets or fragments of tablets were found in the largest room of Q.42.21. '22
112 These documents were later published by Fran~ols Thureau·Dangln; 'Le hasard a voulu que quelques-unes des tablet-
tes mlses au Jour, II y a environ trente-c1nq ans, par les fellahs a E1-Amarna, restassent Jusqu'lclln(!dltes : trouv(!es par
M. B(!nedlcte dans une collection prlv(!e d'antlqult(!s (!gyptlennes, ces tablettes, au nombre de six, ont (!t(! acqulses en
1918 par Ie Mus(!e du Louvre .... Ces tablettes font partie de la correspondance du rol d'Bgypte aves les petits princes
syro-palestlnlens ses vassaux: TIIUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 91).
113 BORCIIARDT (1914: 34-36); SCIIROEDI!R (1914); OLZ(l914/8).
II~ Cf. tab. 5, p. 28.
115 Cf. SMITII- GADD (1925); GORDON (1947).
116 Cf. 'It Is written in Assyrian and gives a list of rare woods with articles made from them: PEEl (1921: 175).
117 PEEl _ WOOLLEY (1923: 17).
118 At present EA 368 It is kept in the collection of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford (Ash. 1921.1154).
119 The tabiets were registered in the British Museum, only in 1966. See also GORDON (1964).
120 Cf. PENDI.EDllRV (1951: I, 113); during the season of 1933-1934 the excavations concentrated upon the houses in the
Central City that were identified as 'residences of under-clerks employed in the Foreign Office,' see KEMP (1981); KEMP
- GARrl (1993).
(EA 137); PM 1,25, 121 See aiso PElmE (1894: pI. XLII); PETRIE (1898: I) and PENDl.ElIURY (1951: I, 114, 150; II, pi. LXXXIII. V); Q41.21.
122 PENDLEDURV (1951: I, 114-115). In the same building, several other objects were discovered, I.e. a small foot made of
faience, a fragment of limestone, a limestone figurine of a monkey piaying a harp, a pottery head ofa foreigner, a LI-I IlIA
shard, a limestone figurine of a monkey, faience rings of Smenkhkare and Tutankhmnen, see PENDLEDURY (1951: I, 120).
37
Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets Chapter 1 - The City and the Tablets

Only recently has the actual detail of the discovery of the tablets from the EES excavations by EAno. Museum no. Origin Publication
John D. S. Pendlebury, as well as those by William M. E Petrie, been widely and openly discussed.
the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
This has come about as a consequence of Shlomo Izre'el's study devoted to the scholarly tablets EA373 BM 134864 GORDON (1947)
Q.42.21
from Tell el-Amarna.123 First, he provides us with a thorough overview of discussions surrounding
the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
the actual context of the excavation, including a comparison between Petrie's own statements and EA374 BM 134863 GORDON (1947)
Q.42.21
those of Pendlebury and other scholars. 124 He then concentrates on questionable and uncertain the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
EA375 BM 134866 GORDON (1947)
matters, demonstrating that Petrie's claim that the two rubbish-pits containing tablets that 'had Q.42.21
been filled up before the walls were built,'125 might not be completely reliable. In addition, he points the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
EA376 BM 134865 GORDON (1947)
to the fact that the plans of Petrie and Pendlebury are dissimilar. Q.42.21
the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
However, in the meantime a number of additional tablets had continued to make their, some- EA377 BM 134871 Q,42.21
GORDON (1947)
times opaque, journey to enrich several collections in different museums all over the world. It was EA378 BM 50745 probably the initial find MILLAIID (1965)
probably in 1925 tllat another Amarna tablet, EA 378 (BME 50745) was acquired by the British the DOG excavations in 1913,
Museum from the antiquities dealer, Panayotis Kyticas l26 and it was soon followed by another - this EA379 J.48397 (4112224/0)
N.47.3
SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 190)
time the tablet, EA 380 (BME 58364)127 - which became part of the collection as a result of it being probably from Petrie's
EA380 BME58364 WALKER (1979)
gifted by Percy E. Newberry in 1926. Fifty years later C. B. E Walker was able to offer a very plausib- excavations, 1891-1892
le reconstruction of its preceding history, tracing it back through P. E. Newberry, Howard Carter and EA381 VAT 3781 probably the initial find SCHROEDEII (1917): IZRE'EL (1997)
Lord Amherst to Petrie's excavations of Tell el-Amarna in 1891-1892. review of RAINEY (1970)
EA382 VAT 8525 collective number by KLENGEL (1974: 262)
In 1933, due to the considerable efforts ofJean Capart, one Amarna tablet became part of the col-
lection of the Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire in Brussels. 128
Table 5 Post Knudtzon's Amama tablets (EA 359 - EA 382).
In addition, the Amarna corpus incorporates a further tablet, dated to the same period as the
remainder and discovered at the southern Palestinian site of Tell el-Hesi by an expedition of the
Palestine Exploration Fund, led by E J. Bliss in 1891. 129 To sum up, the Amarna tablets and respective fragments are, at present, kept in the following col-
lections. The most extensive group is housed in the Vorderasiatische Museum In Berlin, consisting
EAno. Museum no. Origin PublIcation altogether of 202/203 tablets and relevant fragments. 130 This group is followed by the British Muse-
the DOG excavations in 1913: um collection in London, with 96 tablets. A slightly smaller collection is kept in the Egyptian Muse-
EA359 J.48396 (SR 4112223/0) SCIIIIOImIJII (1915: No. 193)
0.47.2 um in Cairo, where 52 objects are registered and on display. The collection in the Ashmolean Muse-
EA360 VAT 1709B probably the initial find SCIIIIODIJII (1915: No. 179) um in Oxford contains a total of 23 registration numbers, originating from the excavations of Petrie
EA361 VAT 3780 probably the initial find SCIIROIJDER (1917: 105-106) in 1891-1892 and the Egypt Exploration Society in 1921, while 7 tablets are to be found in the Louvre
EA362 AO 7093 acquired In 1918 by the Louvre TIIURt!Au-DANGIN (1922) in Paris. The location of 3 pieces, originally belonging to Vladimir S. Golenischeff. was very uncertain
EA363 AO 7097 acquired In 1918 ~ the Louvre TIIUIlIJAU- DANGIN (1922) for a long period of time, being bought, along with other pieces from the large Golenischeff collection,
EA364 AO 7094 acquired in 1918 by the Louvre TIIURIJAU- DANGIN (1922) by the Pushkin Museum in Moscow. Only in 1985 was P. Artzi officially to confirm their existence in the
EA365 AO 7098 acquired in 1918 by the Louvre TIIUIII!AU-DANGIN (1922) collections of the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Since 1924, two more tablets have appeared in the
EA366 AO 7096 acquired In 1918 by the Louvre TIIIlIll!AU-DANGIN (1922)
Metropolitan Museum in New York, being those first studied by ~. Chassinat. There is also one
EA367 AO 7095 acquired In 1918 by the Louvre TIIIlIll!AU-DANGIN (1922)
piece, originally in the possession of the Revd. Chauncey Murch. He acquired it in Luxor, and via
the EES excavations In 1920-1921:
EA368 Ash. 1921.1154 SMITII - GADD (1925) the Art Institute of Chicago and Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago, it was, final-
0.49.23
EA369 E.6753 DOSSIN (1934)
ly, obtained by the Oriental Institute in Chicago. Unfortunately EA 260, the tablet sent by Urbain
probably the Initial find
the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
Bouriant from Egypt to Julius Oppert, has been lost. Finally, the corpus of the Amarna documents
EA370 BM 134870 GORDON (1947) was enlarged in 1896 when, as the result of linguistic and contextual similarities, Hugo
Q.42.21
the EES excavations, 1933-1934: Winckler included a tablet, found in Tell el-I-Iesi and now kept in the Archaeological Museum at
EA371 BM 134868 GORDON (1947)
Q.43.43 Istanbul, in his study.13I
the EES excavations, 1933-1934:
EA372 BM 134872 GORDON (1947)
Q.42.21

123 [ZRE'EL (1997: 2-9).

124 Mainly ALDRED (1988); KOHNE (1973); and MOIlAN (1992).
125 PETRIE (1894: 23).
126 The tablet was registered on May 8, 1926; for publication see MII.l.ARD (1965).
127 For Its publication see WALKER (1979).
128 See EA 369 (E.6753); DOSSIN (1934: 125-126). 130 [ncludlngVAT 1873 (EA 128) already registered as being missing by 1963, see http://amarna.lelop.cslc.es/lndexg.html.
129 Buss (1898); PmsER (1899); EA 333 (Istanbul Arkeolojl MUzeleri, FI. 1I). 131 WINCKLER (1896).

38 39
 Chapter 2 - The Region and the Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language

Figure 5 The map of the

ancient Near East.

THE REGION AND THE LANGUAGE

The Region
The Amarna corpus embraces, geographically, a considerable extent of the ancient Near East
(fig. 5). Apart from the correspondence of rulers of the Great Powers (i.e. Egypt, Ijatti, Mitanni,
Assyria and Babylonia) and some 'independent' polities (such as Alasiya and Arzawa), most of the
texts originate from numerous city-states or, to be more precise, the 'city-kingdoms' of the Syro-
Palestinian region.132
The Syro-Palestinian region of the Amarna letters is, geographically, a relatively well-defined ter-
ritory, delineated in the south by the Gaza area, with Ugarit and NuIJasse representing the nort-
hernmost regions. A large number and range of items emerges from many of the areas covered by
the Amarna corpus. In many cases they directly or indirectly relate to the power politics of the indi-
vidual political centres.
The terrain of the area is relatively varied and it is easily possible to identify several north-south
strips or parallel chains spreading over the whole region.,:nThe extreme south is covered by the nort-
hern edges of the Negev Desert, delineated to the east by the very arid zone of Wadi Araba. On the
west, along the Mediterranean, stretches a fertile plain, which, reaches a maximum width of approxi-
mately 40 km. in the south and, to the north, gradually decreases to a very narrow strip at the Carmel
mountain range. At this point, the littoral zone opens up again at Haifa Bay and continues north as far
as Rosh ha-Niqra, where it is interrupted once again by a mountainous region, which reduces its width
The most distinct geological and topographical phenomenon in the southern part ofSyro-Pales-
to only 4-5 km. The narrowness of the coastal plain, at only several kilometers wide, is also clearly tine is the Jordan Hirt Valley, a part of the Great nirt Valley, which comprises (from south to north)
visible in relation to the territories of Lebanon and Syria, continuing as far as the '{\Irkish border. Wadi Araba, the Dead Sea, the Jordan Valley, the Sea of Galilee and the I-hIla Valley. Further to the
[n the south, the hilly country ofShephela gradually develops in the hinterland and, further to the north, in the eastern foothills of the Lehanon Mountains, the fertile highland of Beqa' opens up,
cast, the mountainous region of Judea and the Samarian Hills emerges. As we continue northwards, extending to the foothills of Anti-I.ebanon in the cast, a parallel chain of mountains a range that
we arrive at Lower and Upper Galilee, interrupted by several valleys including the Jezreel Valley. The joins up in the south with the Golan [[eights and reaches an altitude of almost 3000 m. above sea
contrast of a fiat coastal plain and a hilly inland region is more evident and striking further to the level. In the Beqa' area two of the important watercourses of the Syro-Palestinian region emerge
north, in Lebanon, where at only a distance of several kilometers from the narrow littoral, a belt of the Litani HiveI', running to the south and the Orontes, (lowing to the north. Further inland, cast of
mountains rise, i.e. Lebanon or the Lebanon Mountains. These run from north to south and reach the Anti- Lebanon range, we can observe the relatively monotonous desert relief of the Eastern pla-
an altitude of between 2000-3000 m. above sea level. To the north, the Lebanon Mountains fall away teau, with the Hawran plateau stretching to the south to the Yannuk river. The Eastern plateau is
to the valley of the Nahr cI-Kebir river, separating it from the Jebel Ansariya Mountains in Syria. affected only by a small number of hill ranges, before reaching the Euphrates Valley. North of the
However, this range docs not reach the high altitudes we find in Lebanon. Further to the north, sepa- two chains of the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, we find the [-[oms gap. While Lebanon runs parallel
rated from Jebel Ansariya by the important fertile zone of the Amuq plain, within the territory 0("[\11'- in the north with Jebel Ansariya, Jebel Zawiya runs in a contra direction. Between them extends the
key, the mountainous Ammanus region is located, close to the Mediterranean littoral. Ghab depression and the Orontes river. i\ part of the Syro-Palestinian region not referred to in the
Amarna correspondence is the area representing a transition bet ween the Mesopotamian 'centre'
ancl the Syro-Palestinian'periphery,' namely Jazira. Jazira is a fertile and triangular shaped region,
J:I2 For the division of the corpus. consult. primarily. KNUDTZON (I f)G4: 191'.); his division has been widely accepted through- located in the territories of modern-day Turkey, Syria and [raq.lts location is determined by theTig-
out the Amarna studies. d. recently 'international' JlerS/lS 'vassal' correspondence. in: MOHAN (I f192: xxii-xxxvi); 'Ie let-
ris and the Euphrates, as well as the latter's tributaries, the Khabur river and the Balikh river.
tere dei "Grandi He'" Jlers/ls'le leHere dei "Piccoli He ... · in LiVEI!JINI (l9flB-1999); for a discussion on the terminology of
'international' JlerS/lS 'imperlal' documents consult COllEN - WI'STBHOOK (2000: 1-2). For the imperfect nalure of such a Several sites mentioned in the Amarna letters arc also located in the territory of Jordan, where
strict dyadic division based on the 'social rank' of a sender and an addressee. cf. MVNMovA (200Ga). to the east of the Great Jordan Hift, with the Yarmuk and the ez-Zerqa rivers being the main tribu-
I:J:J For the geography of the Syro-Palestinian region consult. in particular. AIIAHONI (1977); OUNI EFUAT (If)BO); AIIAHONI taries - the terrain rises sharply to an altitude of between 500-1000 m. above sea level. The majori-
AVI- YONAII (2002); HAINEV NOTl.EV (2007) (with further literature on the subject); for the natural environment of the
southern regions. see [)IININ (200:!) supplemented by GOLl>BEJt(; (200:!). For the northern region consult AKKEU~IIINS - ty of the territory is covered by an extremely arid desert plateau, the Syrian Desert; however, there
SUIIYIIUTZ (2003: 2-7) and WIlITIl (W71) with further literature. Further reading: EVENI\lII- SIlIINIIN 'IIID~IOH (1982); 1'.01lA- are also several mountainous regions (such as the Jordanian Highlands), distinctive wadis and
HV (lfml); [)ANIN (1988). extensive depressions.

40 41
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language

The Language Figure 6 Syro-Palestine of

the Amarna letters.
As early as the Early Bronze Age there was a geographic diversity within the Syro-Palestinian
region (fig. 6), especially in its northern areas, and this was accompanied by an obvious cultmal
and linguistic diversity. This combined the Hurrian element, predominantly in the area of the Kha-
bur triangle, and the Semitic peoples, a characteristic featme of this region which extended into
the Late Bronze Age as well. UI Even in the Middle Bronze Age the northern areas maintained
strong cultural and political ties with Mesopotamian centres and their cuneiform tradition. Howe-
ver, the coming of the Late Bronze Age saw a significant change in these 'centre - periphery' inter-
actions. These changes resulted in the Syro-Palestinian political centres elaborating a new system
of contacts, based on ties with its neighbouring partners. The first half of the second millennium
B.C.E. saw the formation of the kingdom of Mitanni in northern and central Syria, originally estab-
lished in the area of the upper Khabur river but soon spreading to the east, as far as the area of
Nuzi in the foothills of the Zagros Mountains. To the west, the kingdom reached the vicinity of
Aleppo. U:,
While the northern parts were formed under the influence of the Hurrians and the Indo-Europe-
an Hittites, who spread out from the area of central Anatolia and gradually infiltrated the northern
parts of Syria, the southern region traditionally attracted the attention of the Egyptians. However, Byblos (Gubla)
the scale and the nature of the Egyptian influence upon the southern parts differed considerably
over the second half of the second millennium B.C.E. It is thus obvious that the Syro-Palestinian
area represents several culturally and geographically distinct units, whose development has been
determined by different linguistic, social and geopolitical factors.
At present, based on the archaeological material, it is firmly established that the period or phe-
nomenon referred to as the Late Bronze Age began in the northernmost areas some 100-150 years
earlier than in its southern neighbours, i.e. approximately around the middle of the 171h century
B.C.E. Uti The transition from the Middle to the Late 13ronze Age, accompanied by the destruction of
cities and other settlement areas in northern Syria, is closely associated, in this region, with the
military activities of the Hittites. lll As mentioned above, the turn of the 16 1h and l5,h centuries H.C.E.
saw the gradual expansion of the Hurrian clement into southern Anatolia, central Syria and Upper
Mesopotamia and this cultural-political entity was able to maintain its dominant position in the
region until the mid-14'h century B.C.E., when it was subdued by the Hittite king, SuppiluliulJ1a 1.t:1tt
Within the southern parts of Syro-I'alestine, a characteristic system of city-kingdoms with general-
ly accepted boundaries, gradually developed. In their midst, various groups of nomadic or semi
nomadic peoples were able to travel without restraint. The onset of the Late Bronze Agel:!" in the

1:1-1 For the Ifurrian phenomenon in southern areas during the Middle - I.ate Bronze Age transition, as well as during the
Amarna period, sec NA'MIAN (l9fl4); DEVEH (1 fl9B); ffl'ss (19fl7) with further literature.
n" It is not the aim of the chapter to give an historical and archaeological overview oftlw Syro-l'alestinian region. For a recent
comprehensive overview of these items, consult, primarily, AKKEH~IANS - SCIIIV,IHTZ (200:l: 2BB-:\!i9) with further reading.
1:lti For recent discussions of the Syro-I'alcstinian chronology, sec, in particular, BIEIIIK (I'd.) (2000); idef/l (20(l:l); BIEIIIK-
CZI'HNY (eds.) (2007); for div(!rse key-aspects of the chronology, sec also ASTH()~I (ed.) (1 flB7); idef/l (19B9); C;ONEN (HlB7);
DEI'EH (1990); idem (1 fl91); idef/l (1997); IlO1'I'~l1"I"( (1 flflO); idml (W91); BIHIIK (Wfll); idef/l (W97); WEINSTEIN (Wfll);
BECK~IAN (2000); VAN SOl.llT (2000); WAHIIlJHTON (2000).
1:17 C/'. KBo 10, 1-2 (CTII 4). Nevertlwless, it would be too simplistic to attribute the collapse of MIddle Bronze Age socie-
ties to a single factor. The llittite military activities, which took place in the northern areas during the ](i'" century
B.C.E q as well as the Egyptian activities slightly more than 100 years later in the south, undoubtedly contributed to the
breakdown of the independent political and cultural system of 'city-states' or 'city-kingdoms,' that had reached its cli-
max during the final phases of the Middle Bronze Age. south is traditionally connected, directly or indirectly, with the activities of Egyptian kings and their
1:111 For a revised chronology of the Hittite empire and its synchronization with the neighbouring areas ct'. BI'CKMIIN (2000); military forces. According to this scheme, and based on Egyptian written sources, the decisive point
for the chronology of Suppiluliullla's reIgn, see recently PIIHKI!H (2002). For the chronology of Mitanni, see Ill! MII!!TINO for the Egyptian presence in the south is represented by the military actions of the kings of Dynas-
(2004) with relevant literature.
ties 17 and !il, Kamose (ca. 1554-154D B.C.E.) and Ahmose l (ca. 1550-1525 B.C.E.J. After defeating
I:!!I For recent discussion on the l.ate Bronze Age chronology, sec the proceedings of the SCIEM 2000 l.ate Bronze Age Con-
ference (Vienna, January 30 - February 1,2003) published in iillL 14, cr. especially CIIIIIII\I' (2004); FISCIIE!! (2004); MIIH- the Hyksos in the Eastern Nile Delta, Ahmose continued further into the southern parts of the Syro-
TIN (2004); NOVAK (2004); PilNITZ-COIIl!N (2004). Palestinian region, where - after three years of siege - he succeeded in capturing the I-Iyksos cent-

42 43
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
re of Saruhen.140 However, these military actions are traditionally accepted as being only the star-
ting point for the more extensive and intense activities undertaken by the royal successors, culmi-
nating in the achievements ofThutmose III. Within this perspective, the expUlsion of Hyksos from
the Egyptian Delta and the subsequent military actions place the intersection of the Middle and
Late Bronze Age periods at about 1550 B.C.E. However, within the context of the chronological
scheme of the southern region we can easily observe certain insufficiencies in traditional schemes
since the earliest changes distinguishable in the archaeological material can already be dated to the
transition of the 171h and 16'h centuries B.C.E. Questions in relation to the beginning of the Late
Bronze Age - its dates, origins and the development and extent of the external impact - still repre-
sent one of the essential challenges for both Near Eastern and Egyptian archaeology and history.
Unfortunately, the archaeological material - above all the pottery - that traditionally serves as a
relatively reliable dating criterion, does not have an essential informative value for the Middle -
Late Bronze Age transition period, since the pottery traditions of the Middle Bronze Age gradually
merge into the traditions of the Late Bronze Age. 141 Another crucial element in relation to an under-
standing of the transition process, represents the limited nature of Egyptian written sources dealing
with the military activities of the rulers of early Dynasty 18. From available, but very limited, sour-
ces we can deduce that during the earliest stage of the New Kingdom the Syro-Palestinian region
did not represent a primary military focus for Egyptian rulers. 1·12 The central focus of their concern
was situated further to the south, in the economically important regions of gold-bearing Nubia. 1013
Nevertheless, it stands to reason that the Egyptian kings undertook military actions in Syro-Pales-
tine as well, but their direct impact on the cultural development within the region was, at this stage,
rather limited. It is necessary, therefore, to look for the immediate reasons of this situation in the
internal developments within the region. There is no direct evidence in the Egyptian sources that
would bear witness to the fact that the politics of Egyptian rulers were based on some long-term
plan. The military expeditions were only temporary and were not intended to establish any penna-
nent Egyptian presence in the region. A change of this policy arrives only in mid-15'h century RC.E.,
with the reign of Thutmose III (ca. 1479-1425 B.C.E.)14'1 and his military actions, which were also
directed against the interests of the king of Mitanni in the region. Consecutive interventions into
the domestic matters of a large number of Syro- Palestinian city-kingdoms changed, to some extent,
the character of the relationship between Egypt and these political entities, although the real extent
of Egyptian authority has traditionally, almost certainly, been overestimated. On the other hand,
when we consider Thutmose's military terminology and phraseology, as well as his politics and
diplomacy, we can still find their echoes in later documents, including the diplomatic language of
the Amarna letters.
During the Late Bronze Age period, the linguistic situation of the region, defined earlier in this
chapter presents rather an intricate and widely researched subject. Scholars are usually in accor-
dance with the presumption that during this particular period the language accepted for 'interna-
140 For the textual sources, see mainly VANOERSJ.llYEN (1971); I-IAMelll (1972); KWG (2002) with previous literature; ror the
autobiography or Ahmose, son orIbana see Urk. IV 1:16-11: 14; ror Ahmose Panekhbet, see Urk. IV, 32,6-35,1); ror the
discussion on the city orSaruhen see mainly KEMPINSKI (1974); Sill'" (1979); GORG (1991); RAINEY (1993); OREN (1997); ror
the military activities or Egyptian kings or the early 18th Dynasty, consult recently MOIIRlS (2005: 27-113) with rmther
literature.
\011 cr. AM IRAN (1969: 124-190).
142 Consult REIJI'ORO (1979); WmNSTmN (1991); I-IOF\'MmER (2004). For an excellent evaluation or Egyptian military policy, see
MORRIS (2005) with extensive references.
loll For theTombos Inscription orThutmose I see, primarily, Ur/.:. IY. 82,9-86,15; REIJI'ORO (1979-1980); DIlAOnURY (1984-1985);
DERG (1987).
144 For the most recent studies on various aspects or the reign orThutmose III consult especially DRYAN (2006); DER MANU-
WAN (2006); DORMAN (2006); L\sKowsKI (2006); O'CONNOR (2006); RWr-ORO (2006); SPAJ.lNGER (2006). For the military cam·
palngs see REOr-ORO (2003) with rmther literature. For the stelae orThutmose III see recently DEYlAGE (2002: I, 87- 97;
99-10\; 157-203; 249-261; 299-313, 329-341; 349-359; 451-479; 485-487; 506-511) with rererences to rmther literature.
44
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
tional' or 'diplomatic' written communication between the representatives or members of the par-
ticular polities was Akkadian, or more accurately so-called Peripheral Akkadian. However, the 'lan-
guage of diplomacy' attested in written sources, for which the Amarna corpus represents the most
proper example, is only a tiny fragment in a mosaic of the overall language situation of Syro- Pales-
tine during the second half of the second millennium B.C.E. Indeed, the region must have displayed
a highly complex picture. In terms of genetic typology, the pertinent part of the ancient Near East
covered, during this period, different language families and despite there being a parallel co-exis-
tence and mutual incidence of the individual languages, the state of linguistic union was never
reached there. Within the context of close contacts there must have existed a necessity for a com-
mon type and means of communication between the individual polities and, apparently, between
the individual speakers as well. As I have already pointed out, a special variant of Akkadian respon-
ded to this need in respect of diplomatic and international business matters - usually marked as
'Peripheral Akkadian,' generally recognized as the lingua franca of the ancient Near East at that
time. I'15 Although in the earlier stages of the Amarna studies many scholars considered the langua-
gue of letters to have been 'barbarized,' nowadays this perspective has been largely abandoned.
Amarna Peripheral Akkadian
The earliest studies focusing in particular on the philological and linguistic matters relating to
the Amarna corpus stemmed, without question, from Knudtzon's prominent edition of the Amarna
texts. Without any exaggeration, his study established a pivotal cornerstone for future generations of
scholars. The earliest generation of these scholastic waves was represented by, among others, E M.
T. de Liagre Bohl with his study devoted to the language of the Amarna letters, having a particular
emphasis on the Canaanisms,I'\6 Erich Ebeling dealing with the verbal system l47 and Paul Dhorme
on the language of Canaan. 140 Later, in 1932, Rene Labat published his volume devoted to another
segment of Peripheral Akkadian, i.e. the Akkadian language from Boghazkoyl49 and similarly, in 1938
Nuzi Akkadian was discoursed in a study by Cyrus H. Gordon. 150 However, a new milestone and a key
element in achieving a better understanding of the system of Peripheral Akkadian is witnessed in a
dissertation of a student and a follower of the great Amarna scholar, William E Albright,151
William L. Moran from 1950 on the syntax of the Byblos letters. 152 Just to illustrate the subsequent
'flow' of scholarly interest we should mention at least some of the names and studies which follo-
wed e.g. Anson E Rainey and his works on the Canaanite in the Amarna texts. 153 It was in 1970 that
Gernot Wilhelm published his treatise on the Nuzi 1-lurro-Akkadian I5'1and in the same year George
145 For a thorough evaluation and discussion on the position or Peripheral Akkadian In the Syro-Palestlnian region during
the Amarna age, Including rererences to relevant literature,cr. most recently IZIIE'm. (2007). An alternative perspective
orthls 'truism' suggested by VON DASSOW (2004: 641, n. I), with rererences to rurther literature, Is not accepted In this
volume.
1·16 DOIII. (1909).
10\7 Enm.lNG (19\0).
1·10 DIIORME (1913); idem (1914).
1·19 L\MT (1932).
150 GOROON (1938).
151 See above ALRRIGIIT idem (1937); idem (l942a); idem (l942b); idem (l943a); idem (l943b); idem (l943c); idem (l944b);
or ALRRIGIIT - MOIlAN (1948); idem (1950).
152 MORAN (l950a/2003); For the other Amarna studies orw. L. Moran see also MaliAN (1948); Idem (l950b); idem (1951);
idem (1953); idem (1960); idem (1971); idem (1973); idem (l975a); idem (l975b); idem (1984); idem (1985); idem (1987);
idem (1988); idem (1992). For the collected works, see MalIAN (2003).
153 See mainly RAINEY (l996a) with idem (l996b); or ror Individual phenomena especially idem (l97011978a); idem
(1971); idem (1973); idem (1974); idem (1975); idem (l976a); idem (1977); idem (l978b); Idem (1988); idem
(1989-1990); idem (1990); idem (1991-1993); idem (l992a); idem (l992b); Idem (1994); idem (2002); idem
(1995-1996); idem (2003).
154 WILIIELM (1970).
45
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
Giacumakis published his dissertation on the Akkadian of AlalaIJ. 155 More recently, AlalaIJ Akkadian
has also been studied by Daniel Arnaud,I56 whose name appears, inter alia, with the study of the
Akkadian of Sidon. 157 The Akkadian of Mitanni became an object of research for Hans- Peter Adler. 158
Shlomo Izre'el first thoroughly studied a corpus of Amarna documents from Gezer l59 and later con-
centrated his interest on the Akkadian of Amurru. l60 The same tradition has been followed by Zip-
pora Cochavi-Rainey, who focused her attention on Egyptian Akkadian l61 and recently on the Akka-
dian of texts from Ala~iya.162 In 1979 John Huehnergard submitted his dissertation entitled 'The
Akkadian Dialects of Carchemish and Ugarit' to Harvard University. In the following years John
Huehnergard,l63 as well as Wilfred van Soldt,l&! published their studies devoted to the Akkadian cor-
pora of an ancient harbour-city of Ugarit. In 1998, Stefano Seminara published an account
on the Akkadian of Emar. These works represent only a few examples of the studies that were
produced.
A concept of 'centre (or core) - periphery' relations, though first proposed as a model of econo-
mic development in underdeveloped regions, has been recently developed and has seen a wider
application in other areas, such as political sciences, sociology, social anthropology and philology.
From such a broader perspective, the majority of the Amarna documents can be considered as - in
the context of the Akkadian language - 'peripheral', as long as Mesopotamia itself is regarded as its
'centre.' It is recognised, however, that this represents a very simplistic definition of the situation.
The real nature and position of Peripheral Akkadian within the Syro-Palestinian region still remains
as one of the most intriguing and disputed questions. Moreover, it was far from being a homogenous
language or even a dialect, since the particular texts are more or less influenced by scribes who were
not native speakers of the Akkadian language and who injected elements of their own native languages
into the form of Akkadian that they learned at 'schools'!165
The individual variants of Peripheral Akkadian emerged from 'the Akkadian linguistic continu-
um,' which covers a period earlier than the documents of the Amarna archive. 166 With the exception
of four texts - EA 15 written in Assyrian, EA 24 in Hurrian and the Egyptian - Arzawa corresponden-
ce EA 31-32 in the Hittite language, the majority of the remaining Amarna documents were written
down in a special-'peripheral' - form of the Akkadian language, based on Babylonian. The conside-
rable variability of individual groups of documents allows for only a very general description.
The Amarna Akkadian reflects, in the same way as other variants of Peripheral Akkadian, many
shared innovations combined with phenomena which were at that time already out of use in the
repertoire of the Middle Babylonian documents eminating from Babylonia itself. To obtain a more
complete picture of the form used in the Amarna letters, it is necessary to add to this combination
of new and old several features not attested in Babylonian written sources. From the very onset of
the Amarna studies, it became clear that a dyadic geographical division could also be recognized in
relation to the linguistic situation, with the variants attested in the northern region being denoted
as I-Iurro-Akkadian. While for the southern regions holds, that the vocabulary of the Amarna texts
155 GIACUMAKIS (1970).
156 ARNAUD (1998).
157 ARNAUD (1999-2000).
150 ADLER (1976).
159 [ZRE'EL (1977); idem (1978).
160 [ZRE'EL (1991).
161 COCHAVI-RAINIlY (1989); Idem (l990a); Idem (l990b); idem (1997).
162 COCHAVI-RAINIlY (2003).
163 HUElINERGARD (l9B9).
I&! VAN SOLDT (199 I).
165 FOI' the scribal tradition and references to further literature, see pp. 92-99 In this volume.
166 [n his study devoted to the Amurru Akkadian Shlomo Izre'eluses the term 'dialect: Instead of'variant' cr. IZRE'EL (1991:
355); see below.
46
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
remains largely Akkadian, the grammar, - 'whatever this might have been,'167 of these regions is
Canaanite. Through reference to the considerable diversity of southern variants from 'good' Midd-
le Babylonian, some scholars have even raised a question as to whether such a language - 'extreme-
ly barbarized' should still be called Babylonian at all, even stating that 'The language can only be
described as an etirely new code, only vaguely intelligible (if at all) to the West Semite because of
the lexicon, and to the Babylonian because of the grammar.'l68
As we have already mentioned, the nature and position of the Akkadian language in the area ren-
dered in the Amarna corpus of documents still represents a crucial element for our understanding
of the specific language situation during the second half of the second millennium B.C.E. in Syro-
Palestine. On several occasions, the situation has been interpreted as the bilingualism of individu-
al Canaanite scribes - though bilinguism, as understood by Kilian Butz l69 in the context ofthe anci-
ent Ebla, cannot be demonstrated in the Syro-Palestinian region of this period - or a diglossia,
where the local Semitic language had low prestige, whereas the Peripheral Akkadian was valued as
the socially more prestigious and inactive in casual everyday communication. In addition, the
Peripheral Akkadian was, indeed, not even a pidgin language as demostrated by Shlomo Izre'el in
his review of Huehnergards' publication on the Akkadian of Ugarit. 170
In an effort to answer the question 'To what degree was the Syro-Palestinian region '~adized"
at that time?' we still encounter several fundamental and difficult to answer issues. At all times, we
should be conscious of the fact that we have at our disposal only written sources and, in the case of
the Amarna corpus, sources related either to the milieu of diplomacy or to the scholarly tradition!
No one disputes the fact that there was a certain level of influence of the Akkadian cuneiform tradi-
tion, yet it is very difficult to determine to what extent this affected the broader social strata, rather
than just the members of a very restricted entourage of professional scribes, It is highly probable
that the usage of Peripheral Akkadian was strictly limited to this social setting. Without a doubt, the
individual variants of written Peripheral Akkadian echoes, more or less, certain traces of the scribes'
own substrate languages, However, the extent to which these substrate languages and, above all,
the formal structure of the relevant written documents, affected the resulting image of any formal
adjustment of diplomatic letters remains for us a highly speculative issue.
The relatively extensive geographical range has a direct influence on not only the variability of the
local language milieu, but also on the diversity of individual 'variants' of Peripheral Akkadian. It is
obvious that there are considerable differences between particular regions, not only in the gramma-
tical structure of the relevant texts but also, understandably, in their palaeographical and orthographi-
cal aspects, A relatively large number of studies have already proven that it is almost impossible to
deal with the whole Amarna corpus as a compact and indivisible unit but, on the contrary, it is a pre-
requisite to set apart individual smaller groups, selected according to obvious and well-defined cri-
teria (for example depending on the place of origin of the selected texts), which can be remitted to
further analysis, at a later stage. However, even this type of approach may not be sufficient because
167 [ZRE'EL (1987: 2).
160 Cf. MORAN (1992: xxi-xxii). FOI' a detailed discussion on the linguistic nature of Amal'l1a Akkadian, see especially [ZRE'EI.
(l9B7). revised recently, cf. Idem (2007); KOSSMANN (1994); RAINEY (l996a: 11,1-16,31-32).
169 Consult BUTZ (1984).
170 IZRE'EL (1992) and further accentuated In Idem (2007: 5-6). At present Peripheral Akkadian Is most often described as a
jargoll, cf. [ZRE'EI. (l9B7: I) 01' RAINEY (1996a: II, 3 I); a pldgill, cr. MORAN (1992: xxi), IKEDA (1992: 21); 01' an illleriallguage,
cf. GIANTO (1990: 10-11). RAINEY (l992b: 331). In 1994 Maarten Kossmann wrote: The Akkadian used In these countries
has its peculiaritIes, some of which can be explained from the native language of the scribes, but none of them reveals
the mixed language type attested In Amal'l1a-Akkadlan:, cf. KOSSMANN (1994: 171) and the nature of Peripheral Akkadian
as the mixed language has been accepted and further supported by [ZRE'EI. (2007: 6-7), proposing yet another attribution
suitable fOl' the discussed situation, i.e. a fused lallguage, cr. IZRE'EL (2007: 6-7). For a detailed description of the linguistic
situation at Ugarlt, and especially a position of Peripheral Akkadian, consult MARQurz ROIVE (2006: 139-\66). For an eva-
luation of Peripheral Akkadian as the language of contact, see MARQUEZ ROIVE (2004).
47
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
even within a single geographically consistent corpus, diversities can occur. These can be related to
the continuous development of the structure over time, as well as to the individual traits of the par-
ticular scribe, his background and the traditions of the school from which he 'graduated:
In order to demonstrate some of the general influences of the substrate language on the repre-
sentation of Akkadian, it is helpful to present some observations concerning Egyptian Akkadian. If
we start from the presumption that the scribes writing the letters were native speakers of the other-
wise well-known Egyptian language, and educated in the Mesopotamian tradition, then the Egyp-
tian corpus offers us some valuable opportunities for a more detailed and reliable exposition.
'Egyptian Peripheral Akkadian' or more accurately 'Egyptian Amarna Peripheral Akkadian,' to set
it apart from the later Ramesside documents, provides us with a good example of one of the many
local Amarna-Age Akkadian traditions or variants. '7' With reference to the palaeography, the graphe-
mic system of the letters of Egyptian origin there is a strong resemblance to the northern scribal tra-
dition, the writing system and the form of the signs clearly reminding us of a middle Hittite duc-
tuS.172 The exceptions to the rule are represented in the letters EA 1 and EA 369, which are more akin
to the texts of Syrian origin. This presents us with an intriguing question as to whether the Egypti-
an system could have been based on the Hittite system or whether both systems, i.e. Egyptian and
Hittite, were in point of fact derivatives of yet another common source. The idea that the cuneiform
system was introduced into Egypt by means of the Hittites was first proposed by Kaspar
Riemschneider in 1976 in his lecture 'Who Taught Babylonian to the Egyptians?' 173. He called atten-
tion to the fact that out of a total of thirteen Amarna documents written in Egypt, eleven of them
utilise shapes for signs that correspond to the respective shapes in Hittite texts. The same proposi-
tion is valid also for some other Akkadian epistolary documents belonging to the corpus of the
Egyptian Akkadian of the 14'h century BC, such as the Kumidi letters (Kumidi 1, Kumidi 2) 17·1 or the
letter of the widowed queen to the Hittite king Suppiluliuma I (KBo 28, 51). The conclusion that the
signs in Egyptian letters are similar to the forms of signs in comparable Hittite documents was also
reached by Gernot Wilhelm. However, he accentuated an, until then neglected, fact that this simi-
larity disappears after the Amarna period. Nevertheless, based only on the matter of similarities in
palaeography, it is not possible to presume that the Egyptians adapted a Hittite variant of Periphe-
ral Akkadian, coupled with their own writing system. To come to such a conclusion it would be
necessary to compare both corpora of texts and, following this analysis, to decide to what extent it
is possible to talk about a Hittite influence.
In the context of orthography, if we compare the Akkadian corpus from Egypt to the similar
groups of texts from Ugarit '75 or Amurru '76 we can observe a notable alternation in dental and velar
sets (especially Idl and It/),177 while there are almost no routine alternations in labial'70 and sibi-
lant '79 sets. There is a common denominator in Egyptian and Amurru Akkadian - a confusion of the
voiced and unvoiced consonants whereas a single sign can, in some specific cases, represent an
emphatic and a non-emphatic realization within one single set. lRo The signs expressing plurality, as
well as relevant determinatives, fully conform to their respective usage in the texts from the centre,
i.e. Babylonia, and the individual variations can be associated with scribal errors. Sound changes
inside words (assimilation, dissimilation) appear regularly.,n, While the Egyptian Amarna Akkadian,
when contrasted with the corpus of Ugaritic Akkadian, does not contain, in most cases, a semicon-
sonant w in the position of the first radical of the root (the so-called primae W)102 and only a few tra-
ces can be observed in words of exclusively Egyptian origin, mediae w irregularly alternate with 111.
171 Cf. COCIIAVI-RAINIlY (l9B9); idem (l990a); KoRINKovA (1999).
172 SCHROEDER (l915a).
173 See BECKMAN (l9B3: 112).
17~ POI' the Kumldl documents, cr. pp. 74-77 In this volume.
175 HUElINERGARD (l9B9: 33ff.).
176IzRE'EL (1991: II. 112-132).
48
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language
However, it should not be seen as an exception to the rule when a single word appears in the very
same geographical corpus, recorded both orthographic representations, i.e. the old one (with w) as
well as the new one (with m). Egyptian Amarna Akkadian, in common with the contemporaneous
Amorite texts, witnesses solely sporadic changes of §to I when the sound occurs before a dental '83.
In common with other Amarna corpora, the evidence of mimation is very unsystematic, the exam-
ples represent relatively regularly constructed forms of verbs with ventive and pronominal suffixes.
In the field of morphology it is highly probable that while the unusually high incidence of inde-
pendent pronouns results from their appearance in the substrate language ofthe scribes, the usage
of suffix pronominal forms in Akkadian did not cause any serious problems to the scribes. 1M The
177 Cf. Dl =: tE(EA I: 43. a-wa-tf-ka); Dl =: q{(EA 369: B. fa-q{-/II,); DA =: fa (EA 14: 1.73. Id-al-bi-kll; EA 5: 13. la-[/)e-pu-lIs.
EA 14: I. 7B, la-pal; EA 14: II, 1,54. III. 70, ~{-la-aU-fa; EA 14: 11.3. mt!-q{-td; EA 14: II. 49, li-n{-Id; EA 14: II. 56 fe-er-Id;
EA 99: lB. la-ad-din-fll; EA 162: 7.15.29.32, at-Ia; EA 162: 7. Id-fa-pa-at; EA 162: 12, la-ad-da-li-in-fll; EA 162: 16, la-
a-kll-u/; EA 162: 22. 24, fal-ma-a-Id; EA 162: 23. la-ak-klI-la; EA 162: 26. la-am-mat; EA 162: 27, lak-Ia-Ia; EA 162: 32,
35. la-m-am; EA 162: 33, 39, lR-la; EA 162: 36. la-fa-ak-klI-an; EA 162: 3B. la-ma-at; EA 162: 39. bal-Ia-Ia; EA 162: 43.
51. fa-al-Id; EA 162: 43. 51. an-ni-Id; EA 162: 49. Id-mat; EA 162: 50. la-qab-bi; EA 162: 75, il-Id-lIa-a~; EA 367: I, M.ill-
lar-li-Id; EA 367: 14. ta-mt!-ek-ki; EA 367: 15. fll-fll-m-lcO; DU =: lit (EA 14: I, 62. lIi-m-b[II); EA 14: I. 62: q[d) -ab-Ia-/lit-
IIJf-fll; EA 14: I, 72. 73. 1II/-qa-lIi; EA 14: I. 77, SAG-Ili-fll-nll; EA 14: II. 7. III-rl-mi-fli; EA 14: II. B. 69, I/lll-bal-li-it-/li; EA
14: II. 9, qa-ab->lIf<-la-/it-lIf-fll; EA 14: 11.10,53,55.61.111,6.7. lIa-al-pat-fli; EA 14: II. 36. lIa-all-st!-/li; EA 14: 11.47,
/1lI-rl-im-tli; EA 14: II. 4B, pa-glls-Ili; EA 14: II. 49. a-rl-ik-lIi; EA 14: II, 51, UII-bu-IIII-lIi-lit; EA 14: II. 60. ~{-lp-pa-ra-lIi;
EA 14: II, 76, m-a{l-bl/-lIi; EA 14: II, B3, ar-m-kil-lIi; EA 14: II. B4. B5. dl-qa-m-lit; EA 14: II. B4, ar-kil-lit; EA 14: III. ll-13.
15. III-bll-lIl-lit; EA 14: III. 34. UII-Ill-lIi; EA 14: III, 39. Ii-lilt-IIi; EA 14: 111.44,60, ki-lr-re-Iit; EA 14: Ill. 62. k{-m-lIi; EA
14: III. 65. If-q{-II-Ia-Ili; EA 14: III. 72. ri-qli-lit; EA 14: Ill, 74. lI1a-fe-el-lIi; EA 14: IV, 10. dll-dl-ni-lIi; EA 14: IV, II. IlIp-
lIi-lIa-lIi; EA 14: IV, 16./lllt-lI1al-lI-it-lIi; EA 162: 77, (Ia-M-lIi; EA 162: 49, i-bal-III-\li); DAG =: laq (EA I: BB. laq-ba-a; EA
162: 21, 4B. 59. laq-bu-d); DAG =: lak (EA 162: 27. lak-la-lcO; TA =: da (EA 14: 1,46. m-au-da; EA 14: II, lB. i-fa-ad-da-dll);
TA =: la (EA 367: 16; EA 369: 6, p{-Ia-II); TI =: dl (EA I: B2.Uu-r1a-d]l; EA 370: 1. M.I-dl-Ia); TI =: (1 (EA 369: 12. (l-ba-all);
TI =: de9 (EA 99: 21; EA 162: 14,40, 7B; EA 367: 22; EA 369: 24. tl7-I-de9); TU =: (ili (EA 14: Ill, 54, ki'I-all-d/l-ri-fi-lIl1; EA 14:
Ill. 64. ki'I-an-dli-m; EA 162: 12, ~(-{ili-lIa); TAB =: dab (EA I: 16. i-dab-bll-lIb; EA 1: 54, 76. I-dab-bll-bll; EA 1: 74. I-dab-
bll-bll-lIl-ik-kll; EA 1: BO, I-dab-bll-bll-ka); KI =: qt!(EA 1: 20. qt!-rl-Ib; EA 1: 25; EA 162: 10; EA369: 7, la-qt!-e); KI =: q{(EA
162: 22, q{-Id-fa); KAB = qab ((EA 1: 33. I-qab-ba-ku; EA 1: 62; EA 162: 50, ta-qab-bi; EA 367: 9.12. i-qab-ba-kll); KAB =
gab (EA 1: 94. gab-ba; EA 162: B. 20. 21. 3B. 41, 49, 6B. 70. 71, gab-bi; EA 367: ll. gab-bd; EA 367: 17. gab-bll); GA =klI
(EA 14: 1. B, fll-lIk-kll-klI-al; EA 14: II. B3, ar-m-kil-lIi; EA 14: III. 54, klI-an-dli-rl-fl-III1; EA 14: III, 64. klI-atH/ii-m; EA
162: 59, It-la-al-klI-ak-kll; EA 162: 23, la-ak-klI-a-Ia; EA 162: 34. kil-a-fa; EA 162: 36, la-fa-ak-kil-all; EA 162: 54. II-II-li-
klI; EA 162: 59. it-la-al-klI-ak-kll); GA =qa (EA 99: 6; EA 367: 3; EA 369: 3; EA 370: 4. qa-M-e; EA 162: 4. IB, li-qa-all-IIi;
EA 162: 31. qa-llI; EA 370: I, af-qa-III-lIa).
170 BI =p{(EA I: B6. p{-fll-lIi; EA 14: III, 75. 76. IV, 1-5.7-16. IB, 19. p{-d; EA 162: 62, DUB-p{; EA 367: 16; EA 369: 6, p{-Ia-
It); BA = pa (EA 14: II, 12, fll-pa-alJ; PA = ba (EA 14: I, 49. Ua-m-ga-M-as. EA 14: I. 75, ill-~a-bd-ti; EA 14: III. 20. 21, 26.
29.30. III-bd-m; EA 14: IV, 11-16, lB. 19. ba-af-/II; EA 99: 16. II-Iq-ba-kll; EA 162: B. M-Il/t-II; EA 162: 10. M-a-bl; EA 162:
76. M-a-lII-Ii-lIla; EA 367: 9. 12, I-qab-M-kll; EA 367: II, gab-bcO.
179 ZA = ~iI (EA 1: 74. 76. ~iI-m-ll; EA 1: B6, ~iI-a-m; EA 1: B7, ~iI-m-II); ZI =: ~t! (EA 1: BB. a-~t!-e; EA 162: 25. 1~-~t!-elJ; ZI = ~{
(EA 162: 16. kar-~{-I-fll); ZU =: ~/i (EA 1: BO, 97. ~/i-Ua-ar-It).
100 Por the examples cr. notes 177-179.
Inl POI' assimilation. see II >d (EA 1: 12. Id-dl-lIa-am-kll; EA 1: BO. id-dl-III1-III; EA 99: lB. la-ad-dill-fll; EA 162: 12. la-ad-
da-II-III-fll); II> t (EA 1: 72, it-Ia-at-Ia-kll; EA 1: 74, it-tal-kll; EA 1: B9, it-la-dill; EA 162: 3. 11, it-Ia-sli-Ilk-fll; EA 162:
44.47, fa-al-li; EA 162: 51, fa-al-Ia; EA 162: 59. it-Ia-al-kil-ak-kll; EA 369: 2B. yl-ta-dill); Ill> II (EA I: 14, la-af-pll-m-
all-III; EA 1: 55. li-fe-bl-III-III-III-III; EA I: 97, ta-af-pll-m-III; EA 14: II, 36.lIa-all-st!-lit; EA 162: 4, lB. lI-qa-all-lIi; EA 162:
4, lB. fll-rl-ba-all-lIl; EA 162: 17. ll-lap-m-all-lIl; EA 162: 42, 56. 11I-lIla-fir.-all-m); Ill> k (EA I: 12. Id-dl-lIa-kll; EA I:
33. I-qab-ba-kll; EA 1: 5B. li-fe-bl-/II-III-kll; EA 1: 60; EA 5: 14. li-fe-bl-Ia-ak-kll; EA 1: 72. II-Ia-al-Ia-kll; EA 1: 74, I-dab-
bll-bll-III-lk-kll; EA I: B7. pal-UII-III-lk-kll; EA 5: lB. IIf-le-bl-la-ak-kll; EA 5: 17, l/-fe-bl-Ia-[kJII; EA 99: 16. II-Iq-ba-kl/;
EA 162: 3. [Iq-ba-a[k-kl/; EA 162: 5. III-l/I-II-lIa-ak-kll; EA 162: 34, Ip-pl/-fa-ak-kll; EA 162: 46, I-Ie-ez-ba-ak-kll; EA 162:
59. it-Ia-al-kil-ak-kll; EA 162: 61; EA 369: 3, 1I1-le-bl-la-ak-kll; EA 367: 3; EA 370: 3. IIf-le-bi-la-kl/; EA 367: 6. 1II1l-le-e!-
fe-m-ku; EA 367: 10. lB. I-kaf-fa-dak-kll; EA 369: 5, 1I11l-le-fe-m-ak-kll; EA 369: 19, Ii-Iq-ba-ak-kll; EA 370: 7, 1I11l-le-ef17 -
fl-[m-kll)); 111 >f(EA I: 75. a-IIa-all-dl-lIa-af-fll-l/It-ll; EA 162: 60. fll-bl-Ia-af-fll-III1-II; EA 367: 12. fl-ma-af-fu); for dis-
similation. cf. dd> lid (EA 1: 61. la-/Ia-all-dl-lIl; EA I: 6B, I-lIa-all-di-III1-lIa-fi; EA I: 75. a-lIa-all-dl-lIa-af-fll-III1-II; EA
I: 76. a-lIa-an-dlll-fll-lIl1; EA 14: 11,42, na-ma-all-dll).
182 Cf. EA 162: 12 a-fl-Ib.
163 IZRE'El_ (1991: I. 60).
1M Examples of this can be found In two letters of Egyptian origin, EA I and EA 14.
49
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language

usage of verbal forms of perfect and preterite is very unsystematic within the Egyptian corpus and
l85
it is almost impossible to trace any distinction in temporal locution - as in the Amorite texts.
However, other verbal forms are composed regularly and even here, in common with the writing of
plural markers or determinatives, some sporadic aberrations can be considered as being scribal
errors. 186
It was Franz Bohl 187 who divided the Egyptian Amarna letters into two individual groups, accor-
ding to their syntax. While in the first group he placed letters where the subject precedes the predi-
cate, in the other set it is the predicate that comes first within the sentence. Such a division actual-
ly corresponds to a division based on the palaeography, i.e. the group with the syntactic structure
S(ubject) - P(redicate) - O(bject) - C(omplement) corresponds to the letters written in the Hittite
ductus 180 while in the letters written in a non-Hittite ductus the P(redicate) - S(ubject) - O(bject) -
C(omplement) structure is in evidence. 109 However, Bohl's proposition that the word order in the
first group reflects an Egyptian word order did not meet with acceptance because the same word
order can also be interpreted as an influence of Canaanite. 190
One example of the influence of a substrate language in the Akkadian texts of Egyptian origin is
evidenced in the area of vocabulary. Though we can recognize the Egyptian origin of some standar-
dized idioms,l9l it is clear that the words of Egyptian origin are only rarely used in the letters belon-
ging to the Amarna corpus,192 with a majority being terms for different kinds of materials and
objects such as adaba,193 akilnu,19.1 ame $abi,195 ana[la,19G assa,197 azida,198 buatilpuati,I99 daJi,2°o ba-
nflllu saba,2OI batapi,2°2 [lina,203 bubwl1111,2°4 bunima,2°5 kui[lku,2°6 kukkubu,2°7 maban,2°° mabda,2°9
namsa,210 nassa,2I1 paqa,212 ra[lda,213 sabnaku,2io1 simiu,215 serda,2IG suibda,217 llI'LISSa,218 wad[Ja,219
185 See IZRE'EL (1991: II, 220f. and n. 182).
I8° T here are, for example, two abnormal constructions of the precatlve within the Egyptian corpus, I.e. EA 162: 42, 56,
Instead of I/-In the prefix of 3 ms there Is 111-. '!\vo unnormalized usages of a negative particle In In place of III (In a nega-
tion of a statlve) are Interpreted by Zipora COCllAVI-RAINEY (1989: 39-46) as a possible Canaanite Innuence of a West
Semitic lallo In declarative sentences.
187 BOIIL (1909: 78).
180 Cf. EA 5; EA 14; EA 99; EA 162; EA 367; EA 370 and very probably also EA 163 and EA 190.
189 Cf. EA I and EA 369.
190 For a syntactical analysis of the Egyptian corpus, see also COCIIAVI-RAINEY (1993; EA I) and GIANTO (1997; for EA I and
EA 162).
191 See p. 77, n. 413 In this volume.
192 Cf. RANKE (1910); LAMBDIN (1953); COCIIAVI-RAINEY (1990a); idem (1997); KoRINKovA (1999).
193 A kind of a dress, EA 14 III: 21.
194 A kind of a vessel, an 'amphora', EA 14 Ill: 36; EA 148: 12-13.
195 'Red coloured', EA 14 III: 29.
196 A kind ofa vessel, EA 14 I: 36.
197 A kind ofa large (storage) jar, EA 14 Ill: 44.
wizza,220 administrative terms - ibripita,221 irpe,222 misi,223 pamalJil,224 pasiti,225 ~abe pitati,226
sabSi[wSibu,227 SU11lIti,228 weru,229 as well as personai,230 d. Amanappa,231 Amanbatpe,232 Amanrnasa,233
Api,234 Appiba,235 Dasarti,236 Jjaip/Jjac pi,237 Jjamassi,238 Jjan(n)i/Jjan'i/Jjanya,239 Jjaramassj,240 Jja-
tip,241 Jjaya,242 Jjuria,243 Iamaya,244 Irimayassa/Iriyamassa,245 Le'eya,246 Maya,247 Mayatj,248 Maireya,249
Manabpirya,250 Mane,251 Manya,252 Miyare,253 Napbu'rureya or Napburia or Namburiya,254 Nib-
215 A statue, EA 14 I: 68.
216 An uncertain meaning; associated with craft works, EA 14 II: 56.
217 A water jar, EA 14 Ill: 61.
218 A headrest, EA 14 II: 20.
219 A vessel for offerings, EA 14 II: 53; Ill: 66, 71.
220 A klnd of a jar, EA 14 I: 15.
221 An Egyptian title 'an overseer of archers,' EA 107: 14.
222 An Egyptian title 'a hereditary prince,' EA 289: 38.
223 An army, cr. EA 101: 04, 33; EA 105: 27; EA lOB: 38; EA 110: 48, 52; EA Ill: 21; EA 126: 63.
22·1 A speclalklnd of military force, EA 162: 74.
225 An Egyptian title 'a vizier,' EA 71: 1.
226 Royal archers, EA 49: 6; EA 65: 12; EA 70: 23, 26; EA 28: 71; EA 53: 47, 53, 67, 68; EA 71: 14,27; EA 72: 9; EA 73:10,13,22;
EA 75: 43; EA 76: 32, 38; EA 77: 23, 27; EA 79: 17, 18,32; EA 81: 30, 43, 46; EA 82: 19,42,50; EA 85: BO; EA 86: 7; EA 90: 60;
EA 91: 28; EA 93: 17,26; EA 94: II, 13; EA 95: 16,37; EA 102: 34; 103: 29, 52, 55; EA 105: 19; EA 107: 30; EA 108: 27, 32; EA
Ill: 19; EA 112: 38; EA 114: 45; EA 116: 73; EA 117: 57, 60; EA liB: 43; EA 119: 20; EA 121: 4B; EA 123: 42; EA 124: 51; EA
127: 39; EA 129: 30, 34, 38, 40, 49, 78, 95; EA 131: 33, 40, 43; EA 132: 14,59; EA 136: 38; EA 137: 40, 45, 49, 9B; EA 141: 22,
30,31,46;EA 142: 14,30; EA 144: 20,2B; EA 166:04; EA 173:05; EA 174:21; EA 176: 16;EA 191:06, 12; EA 195:30;EA 196:
37; EA 201: 13,21; EA 202: II, 19; EA 203: 12; EA 204: 14; EA 205: 12; EA 206: 12, 17; EA 216: 09,16; EA 244: 10,20; EA 269:
12; 2BI: 12, 2B; EA 2B2: II; EA 2B3:16, 26; EA 285: 16; EA 286: 53, 54, 57, 59; EA 2B7: 15, 17,21,23; EA 2BB: 50, 51, 57; EA
290: 20, 22; EA 293: 32, 40; EA 296: 34; EA 337:11; EA 362: OB, 10, 18, 19,41; EA 363: 18; EA 369: 06.
cr.
227 An Egyptian title 'a scribe oflellers,' EA 316: 16; for a discussion and fUl'lher literature pp. 92-99 In this volume.
228 A granary, EA 294: 22.
229 An Egyptian title 'rulers,' EA 14 II: BB; EA 108: 16; EA 109: 22, 39; EA 129: 12; EA 150: 06; EA 152: 09, 47, 50; EA 227: 20;
EA 230: II; EA 285: 06; EA 287: 47, 69; EA 28B: 10.
230 A reconstruction of MIuunlln EA II: 161s doubtful.
231 EA 73: 01; EA 74: 51; EA 77: 01; EA 79: 09; EA 82: 01; EA 86: 01; EA B7: 01; EA 93: 01; EA 109: 62; EA 117: 23.
232 EA 185: 11,20,26,35,40,47,49,51,54,55,64,68,73; EA 186: 12, 17, 25,26,3 L 33, 4 L 5 L 54, 57, 58.
233 EA 105: 34; EA 113: 36, 43; EA 114: 51.
23·1 EA 13B: 08, 57, 107.
235 EA 58: 6'; EA 69: 25, 29; EA 100: 12; EA 105: 35.
236 EA 162: 76, according to I·IESS (1993: 66) either Egyptian or Indo-Aryan.
237 EA 107: 16; EA 132: 40, 42; EA 133: 09; EA 149: 37.
230 EA II: 09; EA 27: 37, 40, 52; EA 29: 25; EA 198: 15.
239 EA 21: 25 (M.Un-III-I,.,); EA 47: 23, 26; EA 301: 12; EA 316: 15; EA 369: 05 (M.Un-nll-ln); EA 161: II, 17,27,31 (M.Un-nll-
t); EA 162: 56, 63; EA 367: 07 (M.Un-nll-lII) and EA 227: 16 (M.Un-III).
2'10 EA 20: 33, 36; EA 21: 33; EA 49: 26.
2-11 EA 161: 38, 43, 46; EA 164: 04, 18,26,42; EA 165: 15,26; EA 166: 12,32; EA 167: 14; EA 168: OB.

190 A kind of a stone vessel, EA 14 III: 34. 2'12 EA II: 19,13',14'; EA 66: 04; EA 71: 01; EA 101: 02,19; EA 109: 62; EA 112: 42, 48; EA 117: 65; EA 166: 01,14; EA 255: OB;
199 A bracelet, EA 14 I: 74; II: 27, 28. EA 268: 16; EA 289: 31.
200 A kInd ofa chest, EA 14 I: 48. 2013 EA 41: 02.

201 A kind of a chest, EA 14 II: 52. 2·14 EA 62: 42, 45.

202 A container, EA 14 I: 34. 245 EA 130: II; EA 370: OB.
203 A measure vessel, EA 14 Ill: 62. cr.
246 Either Egyptian or West Semitic, l'lr_~s (1993: 104); EA 162: 70.
204 An offering jar, EA 14 I: 58, 60; II: 51. 247 EA 62: 26; EA 216: 13; EA 217: 16,22; EA 218: 14; EA 292: 33; EA 300: 26; EA 328: 24; EA 337: 26, 29.

205 A bronze vessel, EA 14 II: 82. 240 EA 10: 44; EA II: 26'; EA 155: 08, 15,22,26,29,42,50,60.
2'19 EA 367: 7.
206 A ritual vase, EA 14 III: 43, 55.
207 A vessel for n liquid content, EA 14 I: 33; III: 41, 42; IV: 13, 23. 250 EA 51: 4; EA 59: OB.
cr.
200 A kind of vessel; there Is also a possibility that It denotes an ebony chest, COCIIAVI-RAINEY (1997: 99); EA 14 IV: 20. 251 EA 19: 17,21; 20: 08,14,18,19,23,43, 64A, 640, 66, 69; EA 21: 24; EA 24 I: 53, 59, 71,114; II: 7,13,16,19,57,86,91,95,

209 A klnd of a bracelet, EA 14 I: 77. 100, 102, 107, Ill, 116; IV: 20, 21,26,27,35,52, 54, 55, 57; EA 26: 15; EA 27: 07, B3, 97; EA 2B: 17; EA 29: 70, 7B, B9, 151,
210 A water jar, EA 14 Ill: 37, 67. 167,174.
252 EA 162: 72.
211 A kind of a measuring vessel, EA 14 I: 43; II: 80; Ill: 48.
212 A labelling of high quality, EA 14 III: 32.
253 EA 2B9: 31.
213 A metal (bronze?) jar, EA 14 I: 46. 254 EA 7: I; EA B: I; EA 9: I; EA 10: I; EA II: I; EA 14 I: I; EA 16: I; EA 26: 27, 32, 40, 46, 50, 54, 59; EA 27: 39; EA 28: I; EA 29:
214 A klnd ofa storage vessel, EA 14 Ill: 54. 61,63,65,67,76; EA 53: I; EA 55: I; EA 210: I.

50 51
Chapter 2 - The Region and the Language Chapter 3 - The Letter Format

mu'areya,255 Nimmabe,256 Niu,257 PaQa(m)nata/e,258 Papu,259 Peya,260 PiSyari,26) Pauru/Pawural

Puwuru,262 Pabura/PjQura/PuQuru,263 Rianapa,264 Sarru,265 Suta,266 Sutti/67 Tabmaya,268 Tabmassi/69
Teye,270 Tfiya,271 Tutu,272 Riamanu[-x)273 and divine names 274 - D.a-ma-nu-um,275 D.a-ma-nu,276
D.a-ma-na,277 D.a-ma-a-nu278 or D.a-ma-a-11ll-11-ti-La-an/ 79 D.a-ma-a-nu-1l-La-an,280 D.a-ma-a-nu-
11- uL-La -an, 28) D. a-ma-a-11ll-11-e, 282 D. a-ma-a-nu- u- til-La-a-an. 283
An identification of D.A in EA 164: 40 is still doubtful. The traditional explanation of this name is THE LETTER FORMAT
that D.A could be an abbreviated form of Amun's name. 284 However, this explanation has been refu-
ted by both Nadav Na'aman and Jose-Manuel Gal<in. While for Galan 285 D.A could represent an
Egyptian compound 1l!1·JI 'great god,' for Na'aman 286 D.A could be an identification of Aten, which A Diplomatic Letter
is a theory further supported by the chronological scheme of the Amarna letters.
When considering the epistolary tradition preserved in documents written down in Peripheral
However, the 'infiltration' of originally Egyptian words into 'a common Amarna lexicon' and their Akkadian/ 88 it is clear that, within this large corpus of texts, individual letters share a relatively well-
utilization in the Amarna corpora is a phenomenon which is extremely rarely attested.207 standardized formal structure, i.e. a letter format. In most cases the letter format contains the fol-
Based on this very short description of the 'language' of the Amarna letters of Egyptian origin we lowing elements, an opening passage and the body of the letter.
can assume that a geographical closeness need not significantly affect the form of a language. The In an effort to obtain a more representative, as well as a convenient picture of the Amarna letters
individual variants of Peripheral Akkadian do indeed reflect certain traces of its own language as representatives of a 'diplomatic language,' it is essential to give close attention to both the letter
substrate, though it is still questionable as to what extent these substrate languages, and a formal format and to the individual elements that one can find within the 'highly standardized' opening
structure of relevant texts written in these languages, affect the formal structure of the Amarna passages. 209 In this respect, the Amarna corpus offers a wide range of opportunities. For further ana-
letters. lyses it very important that all the relevant material originates from the specified context of the royal
archive,290 it is chronologically very well determined 29 ) and, above all, in many of these texts the ori-
gin is directly or indirectly indicated, either in the opening passage or in the body of the letter.
Even today, the way in which a diplomatic letter is composed might represent a key-factor in
255 EA I: 2; EA 2: I; EA 3: I; EA 5: I; EA 17: I; EA 19: I; EA 20: I; EA 21: I; EA 22 IV: 45, 47; EA 23: I; EA 24 I: 84; Ill: 104, 106;
modern diplomacy. It is essential to recognize the elements which characterise the structure, as
IV: 128; EA 26: 8, 9, II, 12,21,25,30,34; EA 27: 9, 13, 14,20,38; EA 29: 6, 8, II, 12, 16, 18,21,24,25,28,31,35,36,37,44,
47,48,48,50,51,53,55,61,62,66,68,71,73,75, 104, 136;EA31: I. well as the way in which the individual elements combine with one another. It is not too simplistic
256 EA 162: 77. to describe the writing of diplomatic letters as a process of assembling standardized and generally
257 EA 29: 37. accepted - as well as expected - formulae of politeness, before reaching the desired subject. Howe-
258 EA 60: 10,20,32; EA 62: I; EA 68: 22; EA 131: 35. ver, we must keep in mind that an omission of these phrases and formulae, or an employment of
259 EA 333: 2, 22.
260 EA 292: 42, 51; EA 294: 16,24,30. some non-standard expressions 292 is inadmissible and easily reveals an inexperienced author-scri-
26) EA 162: 71. be of the message. Among the expected phrases belongs an expression of compliments. After both
262 EA 117: 47; EA 124: 44; EA 129: 95, 97; EA 131: 22; EA 132: 38; EA 263: 21; EA 287: 45; EA 289: 38; EA 362: 69. sides of the correspondence are identified, the sender - such as the Embassy, presents its compli-
263 EA 57: 6,10; EA 117: 61; EA 122: 31; EA 123: 13,34; EA 132: 47; EA 189: 17, 18; EA 190: 2; EA 207: 17; EA 208: II. ments to the addressee, for example the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The sender never requests the
2&1 EA 292: 36; EA 315: 13; EA 326: 17.
265 EA 162: 68. desired subject directly but always 'has the honour to ... '! The politeness goes even further since the
266 EA 234: 14,23,33; 288: 19,22. Embassy avails itself of this opportunity to renew its assurances of highest consideration to the
267 EA 5: 19. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 293 Today, in modern society, the forms of an address and salutations are
268 EA 265: 09, II; EA 364: 13. bound with a diplomatic protocol and a very formal style of letter writing is employed following
269 EA 303: 20.
strict written rules and conventions.
270 EA 27: 112; EA 28: 7, 43, 45; EA 29: 3, 8, 9, 45, 46, 61, 63, 66,107,117, 124A, 12411, 143A, 1430, 187.
27) EA 162: 69.
212 EA 158: 1,5,12,34; EA 164: I, 10, 16,30,33,35,43; EA 167: 28, 31; EA 169: 16,36.
273 EA 347: 3. 288 See the following chapter, pp. 67-91.
214 Cf. a name of an Egyptian god Amun (out of composite names; see above).
289 The signincance of the opening passages as a starting point for further discussion was recognized, in the neld of the
Amarna studies, at an early stage by HARRISON (1893) In his discussion on the correspondence of IlIbhaddl, when he
275 EA I: 46; EA 19: 15,24,76.
bound together the chronology of IlIbhaddl's lellers and a preference given \0 certain type of 'salutations', I.e. the ope-
276 EA 20: 74; EA 369: 29.
ning passages.
277 EA 71: 4; EA 77: 3; EA 86: 3, 5; EA 95: 3.
290 Against all the odds In relation to the location of the lellers' discovery, It is apparent that all of them originate from the
278 EA 20: 26; EA 27: 87. immediate area or Immediate vicinity of the royal archive.
279 EA 24 I: 76. 29) On the subject of the chronology of the Amarna lellers, consult especially CAMPOELL (1964) and KOIINE (1973).
280 EA 24 I: 101. 292 In this respect a diplomatic faux pas can be Interpreted, for example In a case, such as the usage of 'the Canadian
28) EA 24 II: 65.
Embassy' Instead of the correct and ofnclal form 'the Embassy of Canada.'
282 EA 24 II: 77. 293 The standardization of these diplomatic phrases Is renected In the usage in other languages, such as in Spanish 'La
283 EA 24 IV: 118; see HESS (1986: 150). Embajada de Chile en Praga saluda muy atentamente al Mlnlsterlo de Relaclones Exterlores y tiene el honor de .. .' and
284 Cf. SCIIROEDER (l915b); RAINEY (I 978b: 108); HESS (1986: 150); MORAN (1992: 252). 'La Embajada de Chile hace proplcla la ocasl6n para reherar al Mlnisterio de Relaclones Exterlores las segurldades de
285 GAlAN (1992: 289). su m~s alta y distlngulda conslderacl6n.' 0)' In French 'L'ambassade de France b Prague pr~sente ses compliments au
286 NA'AMAN (1991: 250-252). ministere des Affalres ~trangeres et b I'honneur de .. .' and 'L'ambassade de France remercle Ie minlstere des Affalres
287 See a term for military troops of Egyptian archers: ~abe plliiti, I.e. Eg. pdljll', p. 51, note 224. ~trangeres et salsie celie opportunlt~ pour lui r~noubeller les assurances de sa tres haute consld~ratlon.'

52 53
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
However, for any diplomatic correspondence - modern or ancient - it also stands that a success-
ful correspondence definitely depends upon such diplomatic facilities as a declaration and logical
arguments, as well as a strong and clearly recognizable emotional context for the written record. It
is evident that in any diplomatic text there is a considerable need to decode the indirect instruc-
tions as well as the emotional metaphors representing the most important diplomatic codes.
However, many misunderstandings - sometimes pragmatic - might appear in the communication
between correspondents with different cultural backgrounds. It is thus extremely important to
compare the realities of both cultural backgrounds.
The material of the Amarna letters offers a unique possibility for such a comparison. The conside-
rable linguistic, cultural, social and religious differences without question demanded that the develo-
ping relations among particular entities should be facilitated through the use of universally accepted
codes. These codes had to be comprehensible to all members of this 'international' community. It is
obvious that the Amarna culture, as well as modern diplomacy, created a very specific diplomatic lan-
guage, containing many ceremonial and complimentary phrases, influenced by the social environ-
ment. Through such phrases, both sides acknowledged recognition of prestige, power or dependency.
Thus, it is one of the main goals of this study to determine if the scribes of the Amarna letters-
in a similar way to their contemporary counterparts - followed any rules and/or conventions when
composing letters, choosing a particular style and letter format, including the type of address or
salutation. If we discover certain parallels between letter writing in Peripheral Akkadian and in the
native languages of the scribes as well as in the contingent geographical particulars, this could con-
tribute to the further discussion as to the origin of some of the Amarna documents.
As has been already stated/9.1the variability in respect of the Amarna language situation is, to a
great extent, related to a relatively wide area from which the particular letters originate. It is thus
obvious that among the individual regions differences can be recognized, not only in a grammati-
cal structure of these texts but also in their palaeography and orthography. Nevertheless, can we
also observe the same phenomena in the standardized formulae and expressions that, to a certain
extent, were 'codified' by generally accepted conventions or even rules? In this respect it is impos-
sible to deal with the corpus on the whole. On the contrary, it is imperative to set apart several smaller
collections, based on their stated origin and to analyze them carefully. Only then will it be possible
to reach more general conclusions. However, even such an approach is unlikely to be sufficient
because even when focusing on one collection, consisting of a geographically consistent corpus,
differences can occur. These differences are often in connection with a development of the existent
structure over time or with the scribe's individuality, his background and school tradition, or rather
his 'training.' Thus, we will try to determine if it is possible to recognize within the Amarna corpus
any structural differences determined by the origin of the individual epistolary documents and, in
cases where such differences are found, to discuss in detail their individual backgrounds.
The Structure
Immediately, it is possible to recognise that the Akkadian letters, preserved in the Amal'l1a archi-
ve, share, in the same way as many other similar texts discovered in other places,295 an identical or
very similar formal structure. Therefore, in many of the studies devoted to various aspects of the
Peripheral Akkadian epistolary tradition we may find only brief and rather concise comments or
descriptions as far as the structure or internal organization is concel'l1ed. Since the subject of the
structuralization, as well as further analyses of the inner structure preserved in these letters, usual-
ly passes for general interest, it is the aim of this chapter to provide a more detailed overview, as well
as a discussion on this important aspect of the epistolary tradition.
29·1 See pp. 42-45 In this volume.
295 See pp. 67-91.
54
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
When describing the general structure of the Akkadian letters belonging to the Amarna corpus,
we can, of course, identify parallels with other epistolary groups of documents - after all, the pro-
blems of epistolography belong in the same camp as the traditional and widely researched subject
in Ancient Near Eastern studies. 296 Based on his analysis of the Hebrew and Aramaic epistolograp-
hy, Lindenberger297 postulated a tripartite elementary structure present in these letters - an intro-
duction (containing the address and the greeting), the body of the letter and a conclusion contai-
ning some specific concluding formulae. 29B Among the elements that are almost always present in
the opening passage are the two introductory parts, the introductory address and the greeting, con-
taining, primarily, the identification of the sender and the addressee, often mentioning their res-
pective titles as well. 299 However, the introductory greeting is largely varied, starting with very simple
greeting and moving towards more complex formulae. loo Among the Aramaic letters, Lindenber-
gerlOI has been able to recognize two main groups. While in the first group the greetings are repre-
sented through a plea for the blessing for the addressee, in the second group the sender expresses
his wishes of well-being, wealth and prosperity to the addressee. Nevertheless, both groups might
be combined as well. l02 However, in many Hebrew letters no greetings formulae are in evidence.lol
With respect to Peripheral Akkadian, a deal of great attention has been given to the Akkadian and
Ugaritic epistolary documents discovered at Ugarit.11H In her dissertation, SallyW. Ahl speaks about
three elements, or, in her own words, 'component parts/lOS in the structure of the Akkadian letters
found at Ugarit - 'the heading,' 'the salutation' and 'the subject.'106 A typical letter would thus con-
tain the heading inclusive of an identification of both correspondents, the salutation that might be
composed of up to three elements - 'an obeisance of the sender to the addressee,' 'a greeting' and
'a divine blessing' - and 'the subject.'107
296 Consult especially the results of the research project of the SBL 'Ancient Eplstolography Group: cr. WIlITE (1982). I'or the
Ugarltic correspondence and leller formats, consult especially LoEWENSIi\MM (1969). AliI. (1973), KIUSfI!NSEN (1977), CUN-
CIlILLOS (1999) and see also PAIIDEE - WIIiTING (1987). Adetailed discussion on the Hllllte eplstolography can be found In
HAG\!NBUCIINER (1989: for the structure, consult especially 29-86 ).I'or the Akkadian eplstolography, consult PFEIFFER (1923)
and especially SALONEN (1967). I'or Mesopotamia In general, see OPPENIlEiM (1987); MICIIALOWSKI (1993). I'or Aramaic and
Neo-Assyrlan lellers cr. PALES (1987). On Hebrew eplstolography, see CAZElJJ:S (1954-1957); PAllIJEE (I978a); idem (1982);
for the lellers from Arad cr. PAil DEE (1978b). I'or Aramaic and Hebrew correspondence, see also, with references to further
literature, LINIJI!NBEIIGlm (1994); idem (2003).l'or Aramaic lellers, consult especially 1'1r/.MYElI (1974); idem (1982).
297 LlNIJI!NIlEIlGEIl (1994: 6ff.).
290 In addition to the concluding or summarizing formulae, references to the scribe, and In some cases also the date when
the leller was composed, are mentioned. Akind of'exterlor address' may follow. However, It Is obvious that some of the
standard. above-mentioned, elements might be omilled by the scribe. Thus, In his study, which was also devoted to the
structure of the Aramaic lellers, I'ITZMYlm (1974) discusses the following structural elements: the pmescriptio, the Initi-
al (religious or secular) and secondary greetings, the concluding formulae, the mention of a scribe or a secretary and
the nnal or exterior address, leaving aside the body of the leller. The terminology postulated by I'ltzmyer Is only slight-
ly modlned by PARDEI! (1982) for the Hebrew lellers, who IdentInes within the structure the following elements: the
address, the Initial and the secondary greetings, the concluding formulae and the mention of a scribe or secretary. the
date and the nnal or exterior address.
299 The social rank of the correspondents Is most often couched In the expressions of'the master' for the superior and 'the
servant' for the Inferior. Eventually, references to family metaphores are referred to.
100 The Is similar 10 some of the Akkadian lellers belonging to a corpus of Egypto-Hllllte correspondence, found at Boghaz-
kay (13'10 centlllY B.C.E.).ln addition, some Hebrew and Aramaic lellers do not contain messages other than the greetings.
101 LINDENRERGER (1994: 7ff.).
1021'0r the greeting formulae In the Aramaic lellers, consult also I'ITI.MYEII (1974: 214-216).
101 [n the case of the following texts: Lindenberger no. 61, Lindenberger no. 64 and Lindenberger no. 66 we witness a pas-
sage, In which the sender explicitly expresses his subordinate position to the addressee, using the expression of '[ am
nothing but a dog: 1'01' a quallncatlon of the sender as a 'dog' In the Amarna lellers, consult pp. 140, 145-146.
104 Consult especially AliI. (1973: esp. 72ff.); KRISTENSEN (1977); CUNCIIII.LOS (1989).
lOS Am. (1973: 49).
lOG The very same three elements can be also recognized In the epistolary documents wrillen in Ugarltle, cr. AlII. (1973:
99ff., 108ff.). Atripartite scheme of the Ugarille leiters has been recognized also by CUNCIIII.I.OS (1999: 360) who, howe-
ver, described these three elements as 'heading,' 'main message' and 'ending'. [n his concept the heading comprises of
the address, proskynesls, greetings and wishes. The body of the leller or the message represents the second part of Uga-
rille epistolary documents, whereas the ending or closing formula contains a call for a reply (CUNCIIIt.t.OS 1999: 367).
55
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
In her vieWOS the heading309 - Le. the part where an identification of the sender and the respective
addresee is stated, the form reflects the original oral transmission of the message - consisting of two
interrelated elements - the identification of both correspondents, whereas the identification of the sen-
der is introduced by 'an elliptical statement'310 of speech and 'an injunction to speak'311 to the addressee.
The correspondents are usually identified by means of their personal names. Their respective functional
andl or honorific titles are often included in tlle identification as well. The identification of the sender and
the addressee, including tlleir respective titles, are important items, especially in formally strict corres-
pondence, such as in the diplomatic letters preserved in the Amarna corpus. It is not only in tlle case of
the Amarna letters that for purposes of expression, as well as for the identification of the respective social
rank of both correspondents, a terminology based on family relations is employed.
The identification of the correspondents may result in a dual form. In the first of them - used
between correspondents of an equal social rank or in letters addressed by a person with a higher
social rank to his inferior - the identification of tlle sender comes first, followed by the identificati-
on of the addressee. On the other hand, in the second - observed in the letters addressed by a per-
son with a lesser social status to his superior - the identification of the addressee, often containing
honorific elements, precedes the identification of the respective sender.312
For the elliptical statement of speech the convention is that this statement notifies the reader
that the following text is a communication ofthe sender ofthe letter. A component part of the ellip-
tical statement is a particle umma followed by a noun in the genitive form or a noun phrase (in
apposition), by which the sender is - in a more or less elaborate manner- identified.313 A marker of
the following direct speech, an enclitic particle -ma , might appear as a suffIX. The other element of
the heading is named by Ahl as an injunction to speak. The injunction to speak can assume two dif-
ferent forms - either a simple or a composite. Within the simple form ofthe injunction we can iden-
tify a genitive construction (preposition + name andlor title of the addressee) followed by a verbal
form qibima (imperative ms with suffixed enclitic particle -mall~), while in the composite form the
name andlor title of the addressee is further enhanced by other nouns or nominal phrases in apo-
sition. The sequence of the elliptical statement and the injunction to speak is conditioned by the
form used for the identification of the correspondents. While in the letters, where the sender's iden-
tification precedes the identification of the addressee, the elliptical statement is employed first,
followed by the injunction to speak, cr. umma SENDER - ana ADDRESSEE - VERI3AL FORM. Among
letters, where the addressee is identified first, the sequence will be the injunction to speak followed
by the elliptical statement, cr. ana ADDRESSEE- VERI3AL FORM - umma SENDER. 315
The second part of the letter represents the salutation, containing up to three individual ele-
ments referred to by Ahl as 'an obeisance of the sender to the addressee,' 'a greeting' and 'a divine
blessing.'316 All these elements eloquently reveal the nature of the relationship between the sender
and the addressee.
The first of these elements - an obeisance of the sender to the addressee317 can be more simply
identified as a prostration formula representing an expression of the respect of the sender in relation
307 A slightly different set of terminology for the Individual elements preserved In the Ugarltlc and Akkadian epistolary
documents has been proposed by KmSTENSI!N (1977). who targeted the following nve elements: 'the address,' 'the pro-
308 stratlon formula,' 'greetings,' 'well-being of sender' and 'well-being of addressee' In his study.
Alii. (1973: 69-7S); for the parallels In the corpus ofUgarlt1c epistles, see iclelll (1973: 108-IIS).
309 The 'address' In Kristensen's terminology, cr. KRISTBNSEN (1977: 144-147).
310 In the terminology of FINLEY (1979: 18S-186) called 'a marker of direct speech.'
311 FINLEY (1979: 18S- I 86) applies for this part of the heading a term 'the Introductory statement of direct speech.'
312 Cf. originally NOUGilYROL (I 9SS: 3).
313 The sender can be Introduced by his name andlor respective title only or, In more detail, by a noun phrase extended
by other nouns or noun phrases In aposltlon.
m The enclitic -ilia might be surnxed to the name of the addressee, In this case It Is considered as an emphatic element,
cr. Alii. (1973: 74). For the particle In the Old Babylonian, see RAINEY (l976b); for Its usage In the 'greeting formula' of the
Old Babylonian letters, consult SLilNSKI (1998).
315 See AlIL (1973: 72).
56
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
to the addressee by means of repeatedly 'falling at' the addressee's feet. Ahl divided this element
into four individual parts: 318
(i) 'a directional phrase' - one of the the two essential parts - 'to the feet' - is represented by a pre-
position ana followed by a noun sepe, further modified by the genitive pronoun, noun or noun
phrase, indicating to whom the act is excercised, Le. the addressee.
(ii) 'a locative phrase' - in the corpus of the Akkadian letters found at Ugarit, represented by an
expression 'from a distance,' understood as 'from an appropriate distance.' It consists of a prepo-
sition iStll followed by an adverb ruqis, expressing where the action of prostration takes place.
(iii) 'an element of manner' - it is an adverbial expression, describing how the prostration is carried
out. In the corpus studied by S. Alli it usually takes a form of 'twice seven times,' Le. 2-su 7 -suo
(iv) 'a verbal form' - the final and essential part of the prostration formula, usually in preterite 1 cs
'I fall' or 'I prostrate' (Le. amqut, uJ[ze[zin), expressing both the subject of the sender and proper
act of prostration.
The second element of the salutation is the greeting, containing a wish of well-being to the addres-
see. Ahl postulated, based on the sequence of the elements, two main different forms of 'the gree-
ting,' with subsequent sub-forms: 319
(i) 'a simple form' - the first place in the element is occupied by a precative particle Iii, followed by
a stative 3 mp form sulmif 20 and a phrase, by means of which the addressee is indicated, most
often by a preposition ana I11llblli often with a suffIXed pronoun of 2 sIp genitive.321
(ii) 'an inverted form' - the prepositional phrase, identifying the addressee, precedes the precative
phrase Iii sulmii; this form can be also used in cases when the greeting is addressed to a third
party or when double greetings are employed.322
The tllird element recognized by Ahp23 in the salutation is the divine blessingl2.1- a request for a bles-
sing of the divine world or of a particular deity. In its simplest form, it consists of tllree parts - a subject,
an exhortation (particle ill + imperfect 3 sIp of l1a~iiru 'to guard,' 'to watch over,' 'to protect') and an object
(pronominal -ka or substantive, cr. napistaka). However, this element can also be extended and an adver-
bial phrase ana sulmani 'for peace' or 'safely' can be used preceding the exhortation. The divine blessing
is a rather variable element and thus can be also enlarged through a vocative noun or by other blessings.
Another aspect affiliated to the preference given to a specific form of the opening passage in the
Akkadian letters found at Ugarit, i.e. the social rank of the individual correspondents, is also under-
lined - though indirectly - by J. I-Iuehnergard in his overview of Akkadian epistolary documents dis-
covered at Ugarit.J25 As has been already mentioned, the social ranks of the sender and the addres-
see have implications for the choice of heading. Perhaps, on that basis, I-Iuehnergard illustrates the
opening passages in three examples: first comes the letter sent by the king of Ugarit to his superior
(RS 20.238; Ug. V. no. 24); the second is a letter exchanged between the king and queen of Ugarit,
addressed to their inferior (RS 19.70; PRUIV. 294) and finally, the last example illustrate correspon-
dence from an inferior to the king of Ugarit (RS 17.383; PRUIY, 221-223). In the relationship between
the inferior and the superior rulers I-Iuehnergard pays heed to the fact that immediately after the
316 Alii. (1973: 7S-82); the parallels to the Individual parts allested In the Ugarltlc lellers can be found at idelll (1973:
IIS-120).
317 A 'prostration formula' In: KmSTENsEN (1977: 147-IS0).
3\8 AIIL (1973: 7S-77).
319 Alii. (1973: 77-8\).
320 Sporadically Imperative ms blllll( 'live!'.
321 For other examples, see AIIL (1973: 78-79).
322 However, the greeting can be further extended by an adverb modifying the greeting 'very' or 'very, very', i.e. cIallIIls or
da 11 11 Is dalllliS.
323 AIIL (1973: 81-82).
324 KRISTENSEN (1977: IS0-IS3) joins the parts referred to In Ahl as the greeting and the divine blessing Into one category,
'the greetings'.
57
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
heading, an obeisance expressed by the prostration formula follows an extended wish of well-being
to the addressee, including his own household. The second example, where the expressed relation-
ship is between the superior (ruler) and his inferior, illustrates the situation where, after the heading,
there follows a simple or short form of the wish of well-being to the addressee and a plea for divine
blessings. Finally, in the last example, reflecting the relatioship between the inferior to his superior
(ruler), the heading is accompanyed a stereotyped declaration as to the sender's well-being and
a request for information regarding the addressee's well-being.
On the grounds that there is considerable similarity between the opening passages in the Amar-
na letters and those preserved in the epistolary documents discovered at Ugarit, and discussed by
S. Ahl in detail, the present study will utilise only a slightIy modified terminology, based on Ahl's
work. 326 Thus, the general structure of the opening passage can be described more simply as a bino-
minal structure, consisting of the heading and followed by the salutations. The heading is composed
of four elements - an identification of the sender (introduced by an elliptical statement of speech)
or the addressee and an injunction to speak. The salutations may contain the following elements-
a prostration, greetings and divine blessings.
The Opening Passages and the Amarna Corpus
Despite tIle generally prevalent opinion tImt the opening passages present a simple structural and
content-based phenomenon, this is contrary to tIle evidence. In fact, the opening passages constitute
a rather specific and complex body of material, worthy of a more detailed analysis. 327 We can identify
here a series of components, some of them as expected but several otIlers being conditioned by indi-
vidual and/or geographical factors. For our better understanding of the 'language of diplomacy,' as
represented by tIle corpus of the Amarna letters, it is necessary to determine what exactly the opening
passages meant for both correspondents, i.e. the sender and the addressee. It is important to establish
if tIle preference given to certain types of opening passage was only accidental or if there was, in fact,
a system of generally understood codes, reflecting the social reality of the situation.
As we have already mentioned, from a historical point of view the Amarna archive covers only a
relatively short period during which the documents were written. However, this chronologicallimi-
tation ensures that all relevant documents were composed in accordance with one, broadly used
and understood mode and style of letter writing. Thus we can presuppose that the format of the
letter, as well as its individual elements, should reflect identical social components, intelligible to
all interested parties.
On the basis of the social hierarchy of individual senders and addressees, as well as according to
the particular place of discovery, the Amarna material can be understood at once as a corpus of
diplomatic and administrative correspondence. It is exactly the character of the texts, as well as
their explicit determination, that makes the Amarna documents an extremely important historical
source for the ancient Near East, during the period around the middle of the 14'h century B.C.E.
It was J. A. Knudtzon,328 in his fundamental study on the Amarna letters, who chose to divide the
Amarna epistolary documents into two separate groups. A key factor in this decision was in relati-
on to the social position of the correspondents. Thus, based on the social rank of the sender and the
addressee, Knudtzon postulated two, numerically unequal, sets. Since then, his division has been
widely accepted by other scholars. 329
The smaller group of documents represents the so-called 'international' correspondence. Into
this category we can place both letters and lists of objects, which might constitute component parts
of these letters having been exchanged between particular representatives of the 'Great Powers'
325 HUEIINF.RGARD (1999: 375-377).
326 For a similar IIppllcallon or Ihese crllerla, see OWEN (1981: 4-6).
J27 Cr. MVNAl\ovA (2004); idem (2006a), idem (2006b).
58
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format
and/or lesser 'independent states' of the region. Thus we can find here the following entities: 330
Egypt (EA 1, EA 5, EA 14),331 Babylonia (EA 2, EA 3, EA 4332 , EA 6_13 333), Assyria (EA 15 and EA 16),
I Mitanni (EA 17, EA 18-29334 ), tJatti (EA 41-44), Alasiya (EA 33-40) and Arzawa (EA 31 and EA 32).
However, the overall majority of the letters represent documents of more or less an administrative
character, marked as a 'vassal' or 'imperial' correspondence. Nevertheless, such a categorical divi-
sion of the texts within the corpus encompasses several weak points since distinctions are strongly
influenced by our own subjective perception and impression of, for example, the 'political status' of
individual correspondents, as demonstrated by the the epistolary documents from Ugarit. 335
Based on the nature of the texts, the Amarna documents represent a comprehensive corpus for
the study of letter structure, as well as for analyses of the opening passages. However, in order to
study the opening passages we have to leave aside some unsuitabale documents, which can be divi-
ded into the following groups:
(i) scholarly documents - a diametrically different group of Amarna documents, which constitute the
representatives of a cuneiform scribal tradition336 among tIl em a part of tIle Akkadian version of tIle
story ofKeMi (EA341), probably an exercise in letter writing (EA 342), exercises (EA 343, EA 344, EA
345, EA 346,337 EA 377), probably a lexical list (EA 347), fragments of a So signlist (EA 348, EA 379),
probably a fragment of syllabary (EA 349), a fragment of tu-ta-ti exercise330 and Silbenalphabet N 39
(EA350), fragments of elir;, tablet 2 (possibly joins; EA351,3"O EA352+353, EA354 and EA373), a clay
cylinder (EA 355), tIle myth of Adapa and the SOUtIl Wind (EA 356), tIle myth of Nergal and Ereski-
gal (EA 357), a still undetermined narrative3'" (EA 358), fragments of tIle epic sar tamlu'iri (EA 359,
EA 375), a fragment of undetermined genre (EA 360), an Egyptian-Akkadian vocabulary (EA 368),
fragments of a literary texts (EA 372, EA 376), and a list of divine names (EA 374);
(ii) lists of gifts or inventories - cr. the following texts: EA 13, EA 14, EA 22, EA 25, EA 120 and, very
probably, also EA 172;
(iii) epistolary documents written in other languages - i.e. a I-Iurrian letter EA 24 and two letters
written in Hittite, EA 31 and EA 32;
(iv) second parts of the foregoing tablets - these documents do not incorporate any opening pas-
sage, cf. EA 101, EA 113, EA 134, EA 236, EA 237, EA 245 and EA 251;
(v) damaged or broken - there is also a group of several letters in which the opening passages were
either completely lost or are too fragmentary to allow us to postulate only a very general recon-
struction of their original state, cr. EA 4, EA 36, EA 43, EA 46, EA 47, EA 56+361, EA 57, EA 66, EA
67, EA 69, EA 70, EA 72, EA 80, EA 115, EA 127, EA 128,JoI2 EA 131, EA 133, EA 135, EA 163, EA 167,
It 320 See KNIJDrl.ON (1964: 19rr.).
329 For a lexllncludlng Ihe IWO mosl recenl volumes orlranslallons, consult MOIlAN (1992: xxii-xxxiii) and LIVEIIANI (1998-1999).
t 330 According 10 Ihe origin or Ihe documenls.
I
331 The remaining group or seven documenls Is addressed 10 pelly Syro·Palesllnlan rulers and Ihus has been Included In
Ihe second group or documenls, see EA 99, EA 162, EA 163, EA 190, EA 367, EA 369 and EA 370.
332 See GORI!N - FINKEISfEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 34-35).
333 EA 12, rrom a 13abynllln prlncess(1), see GOREN - FINKI!ISTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 36).
j' 3J.I For EA 18 see GOREN - FINKEI.m:lN - NA'AMAN (2004: 40). EA 30, a leller rromlhe Mllannilln king 10 Ihe Canaanlle rulers,
! Is Ihererore lisled among Ihe 'vassal/Imperial' correspondence.
335 cr. MVNAnovA (2006a: 125): 'I have Irled 10 demonslrale here, Ihlll bOlh Ihe rormllnd Ihe conlenlS or Ihe lellers rrom
Ugmll speak ror Ihelr "stalus", somewhere Inbelween Ihe so· called "Inlernallonal" and so·called "Vassal" correspon·
dence .... Our underslandlng orlenns like "royal," "vassal," "Independence," "Imperial" elc.ls probably 100 much Innu·
enced by our modern way or Ihlnking, and II can be dlrncult ror us 10 dlrrerenllale, describe, and above all \0 correclly
appreciale Ihe slluallon which Is so dlrrerenl and dlslanl rrom our own.'
336 For Ihls subjecl, consull especially ARIZI (1986); Idem (1992); DEMSKY (1990); IZRIl'F.!. (1997); VAN DER TOORN (2000).
337 Only Ihe reverse.
330 On Ihe obverse.
339 On Ihe reverse.
340 According 10 IZRE'm. (1997: 32) EA 351 mlghl be a join with EA 352+353, EA 354 and EA 373.
JoII For 'The King and Ihe Evil Porlendlng, Ominous Sign In His House,' see ARrLI (1982).
59
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format Chapter 3 - The Letter Format

EA 169, EA 173, EA 179-181, EA 186, EA 190, EA 197, EA208, EA218, EA219, EA240, EA247, EA Opening
EAno. Sender
291, EA 310, EA 313, EA 335, EA 371 and EA 381; Passage

(vi) fragments - cf. a collective number EA 382; EA23 lines 1-12 Tuilratta (Mitanni)
EA26 lines 1-6 Tusratta (Mitanni)
Even with this elimination of items, we still have at our disposal a total of289 opening passages 343 EA27 lines 1-6 Tusratta (Mitanni)
EA28 lines 1-11 Tusratta (Mitanni)
preserved within the Amarna corpus3H to which we can also add the Tell el-Hesi tablet (EA 333).
EA29 lines 1-5 Tuilratta (Mitanni)
Altogether, these represent a relatively homogenous group of opening passages available for analy- EA30 lines 1-2 Tuilratta (Mitanni)
sis, although their state of preservation differs considerably. Such a limitation, however, enables us EA33 lines 1-8 King of A1ailiya
to study and discuss the preserved opening passages and relevant formulae in more detail. Among EA34 lines 1-7 King of A1asiya
these documents we can also distinguish two different groups - i.e. letters with a more or less cle- EA35 lines 1-8 King of A1a§iya
arly stated origin and letters without a stated origin in the opening passages. This situation must EA37 lines 1-7 King of A1a§iya
always be taken into consideration when making more general conclusions. EA38 lines 1-6 King of A1ailiya
EA39 lines 1-9 King of A1asiya
It is not the aim of the chapter to give a thorough overview of the types of opening passages pre-
EA40 lines 1-5 King of A1asiya
served in the Amarna corpus;345 however, it is necessary to make some general remarks at this point. EA41 lines 1-6 Suppiluliuma I (ljalli)
In general, we can describe the epistolary Amarna documents as having predominantly a binomi- EA42 lines 1*-3* Suppiluliuma I (ljatti)
nal pattern, consisting of the opening passage and the respective body of the letter. Only velY rare- EA44 lines 1-6 Zita (ljalli)
ly is this binominal pattern extended by means of a postscript, following the body of the letter, that EA45 lines 1-7 Ammiiltamru I (Ugarit)
contains a message to the scribe reading the pertinent letter to the addressee, cf. EA 286-289 and EA48 lines 1-4 Queen of Ugarit [-\Jlepa
EA 316. 3'16 It has already been mentioned, sub (iv), that in some cases, no opening passages are EA49 lines 1-7 Niqmaddu II (Ugarit)
employed and it is highly probable that in these cases the particular tablets were indeed second parts Daughter of ... (unknown, sent from Byblos;
EA50 lines 1-7
or tablets, following on from the foregoing tablets, and thus not in need of an opening passage. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 159))
EA51 lines 1-3 Addunlrari (Nu\Jasile)
EA52 lines 1-4 Akizzi (Qalna)
Opening
EAno. Sender EA53 lines 1-3 Akizzi (Qalna)
Passage
EA54 lines 1-3 Akizzi (Qalna)
EA 1 lines 1-9 Amenhotep 111 (Egypt) lines 1-3 Akizzi (Qalna)
EA55
EA2 lines 1-5 Kada§manenlil I (Babylonia) lines 1-3
EA58 Te\JuteMub (Syria)
EA3 lines 1-6 Kada§manenlil I (Babylonia)
EA59 lines 1-4 Citizens of1\mip
EA5 lines 1-12 Amenhotep III (Egypt)
EA60 lines 1-5 Abdiailirta (Amurru)
EA6 lines 1-7 Burnaburiya§ II (Babylonia)
EA61 lines 1-5 Abdiailirta (Amurru)
EA7 lines 1-7 Burnaburiya§ II (Babylonia)
EA62 lines 1-3 Abdiailirta (Amurru)
EA8 lines 1-7 Burnaburiyall II (Babylonia)
EA63 lines 1-6 Abdiailtarti (Gat h)
EA9 lines 1-6 Burnaburiyall II (Babylonia)
EA64 lines 1-7 Abdiailtarli (Gat h)
EAI0 lines 1-6 Burnaburiyall II (Babylonia)
EA65 lines 1-5 Abdiailtarli (Gath)
EAll lines 1-4 Burnaburiyall II (Babylonia)
EA68 lines 1-8 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 12 lines 1-6 Babylonian princess (Babylonia)
EA 71 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 15 lines 1-6 Alllluruballil I (Assyria)
EA 73 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 16 lines 1-5 Aililuruballil I (Assyria)
EA 74 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 17 lines 1-10 1\lilralta (Mitanni)
EA 75 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 18 lines 1-6 Tuilralla(1) (Mitanni)
EA 76 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA 19 lines 1-8 1\lilralla (Mitanni)
EA77 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA20 lines 1-7 1\lilralla (Mitanni)
EA 78 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos; sent from $umur; GOREN - PINKEI..'>TElN - NA'AMAN [2004: 139))
EA21 lines 1-12 1\lilralta (Mitanni)
EA 79 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA81 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
EA82 lines 1-4 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
342 Leller EA 128 might be a double letter, see MORAN (1992: xxiv, n. 58). EA83 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
343 See tob. 6 'An overvlew of onalyzed tablets'. However, In his study devoted to the scholarly texts from Amarna Sh.
EA84 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
[zRIl'm. (1997: 97-99) also recognized two more letter fragments that were omitted In the previous studies devoted to
the Amarna letters. First of these Is a tablet EA 361, being a join to EA 56 (today In Berlin; VAT 1714) and EA 381 (VAT EA85 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
3781). Nevertheless, none of them Is applicable for fUrlher analysis. EA86 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
3H EA 170 Is a double letter. The first message with the opening passage In lines 1-6 Is addressed by two Individuals, EA87 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
Ba'luya and Betl'llu, to Azlru of Amurru. The second messnge (following the body of the first message), with the ope-
j EA88 lines 1-4 Ribhaddi (Byblos)
ning passage In lines 36-39, was sent by a certain Amurbn'la to four Individuals concerning the report of well-being of
their relatives. The two opening passages are thus marked as EA 170A and EA 170B respectively.
345 Cf. pp. 89-104 In this volume.
I EA89
EA90
EA91
lines 1-6
lines 1-5
lines 1-2
Ribhaddi (Byblos)
Ribhaddi (Byblos)
Ribhaddi (Byblos)
34G The postscript Is also preserved In EA 32; however, this letter Is written In Hittite nnd thus not suitable for fmther analysis.

60 61
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format Chapter 3 - The Letter Format

Opening Opening
EAno. Sender EAno. Sender
Passage Passage
EA92 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 151 lines 1-5 Abimilkl (Tyre)
EA93 lines 1-3 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 152 lines 1-5 Abimilkl (Tyre)
EA94 lines 1-3 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 153 lines 1-3 Abimilkl (Tyre)
EA95 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 154 lines 1-5 Abimilkl (Tyre)
Egyptian commander (sent from ~umur; GOREN - FINKELSTEIN EA 155 lines 1-6 Abimilki (Tyre)
EA96 lines 1-6
- NA'AMAN 12004: 1161) EA 156 lines 1-3 Aziru (Amurru)
Yapa'hadda(?) (Beirut; sent from Gaza; GOREN - FINKELSTEIN EA 157 lines 1-5 Aziru (Amurru)
EA97 lines 1-3
- NA'AMAN 12004: 161-1621) EA 158 lines 1-4 Aziru (Amurru)
EA98 lines 1-2 Yapa'hadda (Beirut) EA 159 lines 1-4 Aziru (Amurru)
EA99 lines 1*-9* Amenhotep III or Amenhotep IV (Egypt) EA 160 lines 1-4 Aziru (Amurru)
Irqata and its elders (sent from ~umur; GOREN - FINKELSTEIN EA 161 lines 1-3 Aziru (Amurru)
EA 100 lines 1-6
- NA'AMAN 12004: 1221) EA 162 lines 1-2 Amenhotep IV (Egypt)
EA 102 lines 1-8 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 164 lines 1-3 Aziru (Amurru)
EA 103 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 165 lines 1-3 Aziru (Amurru)
EA 104 lines 1-5 Ribhaddl (Byblos) EA 166 lines 1-5 Aziru (Amurru)
EA 105 lines 1-5 R1bhaddl (Byblos) Aziru (AmulTu; probably sent from Gaza; GOIlEN - FrNKELSrElN
EA 168 lines 1-3
EA 106 lines 1-3 Ribhaddl (Byblos) - NA'AMAN 12004: 112-1131)
EA 107 lines 1-8 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 170A lines 1-6 Ba'luya and Bet ilu (Amurru)
EA 108 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 170B lines 36-39 Amurba'lu (Amurru)
EA 109 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 171 lines 1-2 Aziru (Amurru)
EA 110 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Bybios) EA 174 lines 1-7 Beri (/ja~abu)
EA 112 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Bybios) EA 175 lines 1-6 Jldaya (/jasl)
EA 114 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 176 lines 1-6 unknown (Beqa'Valley)
EA 116 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 177 lines 1-5 Yamiyuta (Gudda~~una)
EA 117 lines 1-5 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 178 lines 1-3 Ulbiya (Beqa'Valley)
EA 118 lines 1-8 Ribhaddl (Byblos) EA 182 lines 1-5 Sutarna (Mu~ibuna)
EA 119 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 183 lines 1-9 Sutarna (Mu~ibuna)
EA 121 lines 1-7 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 184 lines 1-8 Sutarna (Mu~ibuna)
EA 122 lines 1-8 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 185 lines 1-8 Mayarzana (Uasl)
EA 123 lines 1-9 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 187 lines 1-8 Saliya (Eni~asi)
EA 124 lines 1-6 Ribhaddi (Byblos) EA 188 lines 1-3 unknown (unknown)
EA 125 lines 1-7 R1bhaddi (Byblos) EA 189 lines 1-4 Etakkama (Qadesh)
Rlbhaddi Byblos (sent from ~umur; GallEN - FINKIH$I"I!IN EA 191 lines 1-3 Arzawiya (Rubizza)
EA 126 lines 1-3
- NA'AMAN 12004: 154-1551) EA 192 lines 1-9 Arzawiya (Rubizza)
EA 129 lines 1-3 R1bhaddi (Byblos) EA 193 lines 1-4 Tiwate (Labana)
EA 130 lines 1-8 R1bhaddi (Byblos) EA 194 lines 1-5 Biryawaza (Damascus)
EA 132 lines 1-7 R1bhaddl (Byblos) EA 195 lines 1-15 Blryawaza (Damascus)
Rlbhaddl (Byblos; sent from Beirut; GOREN - FINKIH.~lHN EA 196 lines 1-4 Biryawaza (Damascus)
EA 136 lines 1-5
- NA'AMAN 12004: 1571) EA 198 lines \-9 Arawana (Kumidl)
EA 137 lines 1-4 R1bhaddi (Byblos sent from Beirut) EA \99 lines 1-4 unknown (Bashan region)
Ribhaddi (Byblos sent from Beirut; GOREN - FINKEI$TElN 'IYour(?)] servants' (probably from Bashan region;
EA 138 lines 1-4 EA 200 lines 1-6
- NA'AMAN 12004: 157-1581) GORl!N - FINKIiI$TEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 2211)
EA 139 lines 1-4 Illrapi' and Byblos EA 201 lines \-8 Artamanya (Ziriba~ani)
EA 140 lines 1-4 Illrapl' and Byblos Amaya~e (probably from Bashan region; GallEN - FINKEI.'>TElN
EA 202 lines 1-6
EA 141 lines 1-8 Ammunira (Beirut) - NA'AMAN 12004: 2211)
EA 142 lines 1-5 Ammunira (Beirut) EA203 lines \-8 Abdlmllki (Sasblml)
EA 143 lines 1-6 Ammunira (Beirut) EA 204 lines 1-8 ruler ofQanu
EA 144 lines 1-9 Zimreddi (Sidon) EA 205 lines 1-8 ruler ofTubu
EA 145 lines 1-4 Zimreddl (Sidon) EA 206 lines \-8 ruler of Nazib(?)a
Abimllkl (Tyre; not from Tyre; GOREN - FINKEI$TElN [ptel ... ] (unknown; sent from A~tartu; GOREN - FINKEI$TIiIN
EA 146 lines 1-6 EA207 lines 1-3
- NA'AMAN 12004: 168-1691) - NA'AMAN 12004: 221-2221)
EA 147 lines 1-5 Abimllkl (Tyre) Zi~amimi (unknown; sent from Damascus; GOREN - FINKEI$TEIN
EA 209 lines 1-6
EA 148 lines 1-3 Abimllkl (Tyre) - NJ\'AMAN 12004: 2221)
EA 149 lines 1-5 Abimllki (Tyre) Zitriynra (unknown; sent from Gaza(?); GOREN - FINKELSTEIN
EA211 lines 1-7
EA 150 lines 1-3 Abimllkl (Tyre) - NA'AMAN 12004: 306-3071)

62 63
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format Chapter 3 - The Letter Format

Opening Opening
EAno. Sender EAno. Sender
Passage Passage
Zitriyara (unknown; sent from Gaza(?); GOREN - FINKELSfEIN Baclumeuir (1 .. .iJgmate(?); sent from Tel Yoknean(?);
EA212 lines 1-5 EA259 lines 1-5
- NA'AMAN [2004: 307)) GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 252-255))
Zitriyara (unknown; sent from Gaza(?); GOREN - FINKELSfEIN EA260 lines 1-5 Baclumir (Bit-Tenni)
EA213 lines 1-9
- NA'AMAN [2004: 307-308)) Da~ru (unknown; sent from Samhuna(?); GOREN - FINKELSfEIN
EA261 lines 1-6
Bayawa (unknown; sent from Gaza(?); GaliEN - FINKEISfEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 305-306J)
EA215 lines 1-9
- NA' AMAN [2004: 308)) EA262 lines 1-6 Da~ru (unknown)
EA216 lines 1-6 Bayawa (unknown) unknown (Palestine; sent from Rehob(7); GOREN - FINKEISfEIN
EA263 lines 1-5
A[Um ... J (unknown; sent fIOm Gaza(?); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 250))
EA217 lines 1-7
- NA'AMAN [2004: 310)) EA264 lines 1-4 Tagi (Gintikirmil)
EA220 lines 1-9 Kurtuya (Zu(?)nu) EA265 lines 1-4 Tagi (Gintikirmil)
Yiktasu (unknown; sent from Tel Yoknem(?); EA266 lines 1-8 Tagi (Gintikirmil)
EA221 lines 1-7
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 255)) EA267 lines 1-8 Milkilu (Gezer)
Ylktasu (unknown; from Tel Yoknem (1); EA268 lines 1-7 Milkilu (Gezer)
EA222 lines 1-7
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 255)) EA269 lines 1-8 Milkilu (Gezer)
EA223 lines 1-6 Endaruta (Ak~ap) EA270 lines 1-8 Milkilu (Gezer)
Sumhadda (unknown; sent from Beth Shean(1); EA271 lines 1-8 Milkilu (Gezer)
EA224 lines 1-6
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 234-237)) EA272 lines 1-7 Baclu~iptl (Gezer)
EA225 lines 1-7 Samuhadda (Sambuna) Belet-UR.MAI.:J.MES (~abuma; sent from Gezer(1);
EA273 lines 1-7
EA226 lines 1-5 jipturl[~aJ (unknown; from Gaza(7); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 308)) GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 276-277))
EA227 lines 1-4 ruler of Hazor Belet-URMAl;I.MES (~abllma; sent from Gezer(?);
EA274 lines 1-9
EA228 lines 1-9 Abdltir~1 (Hazor) GaliEN - FINKEISfEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 276-279))
EA229 lines 1-7 Abdlna[ ... J (sent from Gath; GOREN - FINKEUiTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 286)) EA275 lines 1-8 Yaczibada (sent from Shepela)
EA230 lines 1-3 Yama (unknown) EA276 lines 1-8 Yaczlbada (sent from Shepela)
unknown (unknown; from Byblos(?); unknown (unknown; sent from Shephela(?);
EA231 lines 1-10 EA277 lines 1-7
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 315)) GaliEN - FINKEISfElN - NA'AMAN 12004: 291))
Surata (unknown; sent from Beth Shean(1); EA278 lines 1-8 Suwardata (Gath)
EA232 lines 1-11
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 239)) EA279 lines 1-8 Suwardata (Gath)
EA233 lines 1-15 Satatna (Akka) EA280 lines 1-8 Suwardata (Gath)
Satatna (Akka; sent from Beth Shean(?); GOIU:N - FINKELSTEIN EA281 lines 1-7 Suwardata (Gath)
EA234 lines 1-9
- NA'AMAN [2004: 238J) EA282 lines 1-7 Suwardata (Gath)
Satatna (Akka; sent from Beth Shean(?); GaliEN - FINKEISfElN EA283 lines 1-6 Suwardata (Gath)
EA 235+327 lines 1-11
- NA'AMAN [2004: 238-239)) EA284 lines 1-5 Suwardata (Gath)
Bayadi (unknown; sent from Anaharath(1); EA285 lines 1-4 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
EA238 lines 1-3
GOIII!N - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 240-243)) EA286 lines 1-4 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
Baduzana (unknown; sent from Anaharath(1); EA287 lines 1-3 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
EA239 lines 1-7
GaliEN - FINKIlLSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 241-243)) EA288 lines 1-4 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
EA241 lines 1-8 Ru~manya (Sm'una) EA289 lines 1-4 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
EA242 lines 1-8 Blridiya (Meglddo) EA290 lines 1-4 Abdlbeba (Jerusalem)
EA243 lines 1-7 Biridiya (Megiddo) EA292 lines 1-7 Baclu~lpll (Gezer)
EA244 lines 1-8 Blrldiya (Megiddo) EA293 lines 1-7 Baclu~lpli (Gazer)
EA246 lines 1-7 Blrldlya (Megiddo) EA294 lines 1-6 ~1I ... nl ... J (central Palestine)
EA248 lines 1-8 YaMata (Meglddo) EA295 lines 1-7 Baclu~lpli (Tyre)
Baclu-URSAG (Gintlpadalla; sent from Rehob(?); Yabtlru (central or southern Palestine; sent from Ashdod(7);
EA249 lines 1-4 EA 296 lines 1-8
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 249-250J) GaliEN - FINKIlISfEiN - NA'AMAN 12004: 292-293))
EA250 lines 1-3 Baclu-UR.SAG (Glntipadalla) EA 297 lines 1-7 Yapabu (Gezer)
EA252 lines 1-4 Lab'ayu (Shechem) EA298 lines 1-14 Yapabu (Gezer)
EA253 lines 1-6 Lab'aYll (Shechem) EA299 lines I-II Yapabu (Gezer)
EA254 lines 1-6 Lab'ayu (Shechem) EA300 lines 1-10 Yapabu (Gezer)
MutbaClu (Pella; sent from Beth Shean(?); EA301 lines I-II Subandu (southern Palestine)
EA255 lines 1-7
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 261)) Subandu (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon(1);
EA302 lines 1-10
EA256 lines 1-4 MutbaClu (Pella) GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 297))
Baclumeblr ([ ... IJgmate(1); sent from Tel Yoknean(1); Subandu (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon(1);
EA257 lines 1-6 EA303 lines 1-12
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA' AMAN 12004: 251)) GaliEN - FINKEISfEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 297))
Baclumeblr ([ ... IJgmate(?); sent from Tel Yoknean(7); Subandu (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon(1);
EA258 lines 1-5 EA304 lines 1-14
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 12004: 251)) GaliEN - FINKEISfEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 298])

64 65
J
Chapter 3 - The Letter Format Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Opening
EAno. Sender
Passage
EA30S lines 1-14 Subandu (southern Palestine)
Subandu (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon(?);
EA306 lines 1-11
GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 2981)
EA307 lines 1'-2'
unknown (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon or Gaza; EPISTOLARY PERIPHERAL AKKADIAN
GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 3111)
unknown (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon or Gaza;
EA308 lines 1'-8'
GOREN - FINKIlLSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 3111)
unknown (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon or Gaza; The Amarna corpus, or more precisely the Amarna letters, are often mentioned as primary and
EA309 lines 1'-S' important representations of the peripheral epistolary tradition of the Late Bronze Age. Never-
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 311-3121)
unknown (central or southern Palestine; sent from La\)ish(?); theless, the Amarna corpus represents only a fragment of this phenomenon, as is evidenced
EA311 lines 1'-13'
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 2891) throughout Late Bronze Age Syro-Palestine. Not all corpora, however, include the epistolary
unknown (southern Palestine; sent from Ashqelon or Gaza; documents, or more precisely, a combination of the diplomatic and administrative letters which
EA312 lines 1'-6'
GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN [2004: 312-3131) appear in the Amarna correspondence. It is necessary to stress that in this chapter, where the
EA314 lines 1-10 PU-bacla (Yur~a) objective is to offer only a brief overview of epistolary Peripheral Akkadian as well as to provide
EA31S lines 1-7 PU-bacla (Yur~a)
the reader with a short description of the inner structure of particular letters, the texts are arran-
EA316 lines 1-9 PU-bacla (Yur~a)
Dagantakala (Syria; sent from Gaza(?); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN
ged according to the place of their discovery, instead of according to the place of their origin.
EA317 lines 1-6 I am fully aware that this approach is very simplistic and cannot be used as an opportunity for
- NA'AMAN [2004: 3091)
Dagantakala (Syria; sent from Gaza(7); GalIEN - FINKELSTEIN further analysis or as a means of reaching more general conclusions concerning a typology of the
EA318 lines 1-7
- NA'AMAN [2004: 3091) opening passages. This approach is, nevertheless, eventually abandoned in the ensuing part,
Zura§ar (Glntla~na; sent from Gaza(7); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN devoted to analyses of the Amarna material.
EA319 lines 1-14
- NA'AMAN [2004: 302-3031)
EA320 lines I-IS Yidya (Ashqelon)
Yldya (Ashqelon; sent from Gaza(7); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN Alalab (Tell Atchana)
EA321 lines 1-14
- NA'AMAN [2004: 29SI)
EA322 lines 1-14 Yldya (Ashqelon)
The earliest Late Bronze Age peripheral corpora,3017 however, originate in a region situated
EA323 lines 1-9 Yldya (Ashqelon) outside the 'borders' of Amarna Syro-Palestine, namely at the Amuq plateau, as well as in the
EA324 lines 1-9 Yldya (Ashqelon) basin of the upper stream of the Euphrates river. Without a doubt, one of the most important
EA32S lines 1-9 Yldya (Ashqelon) centres of the northern area, which is not attested through the letters of the Amarna archive, is
EA326 lines 1-8 Yldya (Ashqelon) the site of ancient Alalau (modern Tell Atchana)3.'8 in the Amuq plain. The relevant stratum for
EA328 lines 1-16 Yabni'iu (Lachlsh) the particular Late Bronze Age material is Level IV, being dated approximately to the 15'h centu-
EA329 lines 1-12
Zimreddi (Lachish; sent from Gaza(7); GaliEN - FINKELSTEIN ry B.C.E. 3"9 Among almost 300 tablets and fragments written in Hurro-Akkadian or I-Iurrianized
- NA'AMAN [2004: 288-2891)
Akkadian 350 discovered in Level IV, there was a group of approximately seventeen documents of
EA330 lines 1-8 ~Pllbacia (Lachish)
an epistolary nature,351 cf. the following texts: AlT 106 (AT 118); Alt 107; AIT 108 (ATT 38/251); AIT
EA331 lines 1-12 Sipliba'ia (Lachish)
EA332 lines 1-6 ~Pliba'la (Lachlsh)
109; AIT 110; AIT 111 (ATT 38/9); AIT 112 (*ATT 38/20); AIT 113 (ATT 38/104); AIT 114 (ATT
EA333 lines 1-3 Papu (central or southern Palestine) 38/14); AIT 116 (ATT 38/8); Alt 117 (ATT 38/32); AlT 118 (ATT 49/1); AlT 123 (ATT 38/58); AIT 297
EA334 lines 1-3 [... Idi\) (Zu\)ra) (ATT 38/21), as well as AIT 5 (AT 139) and AIT 124, both probably letters, and AIT 115 which is
Ijizlru (unknown; sent from Zukra(7); GOIII!N - FINKEI.m!IN
EA336 lines I-S
- NA'AMAN [2004: 2201)
Ijlzlru (unknown; from A~tarlu(7); GaliEN - FINKP.lSrElN 3017 For an overview of the corpora, see also PIH)I!IIS~N (1998); HOIIOWITZ - OSIIlMA - SANDP.IIS (2002); Idem (2006).
EA337 lines 1-6 31D The earliest period of archaeological survey and excavation Is connected with the activities of the Orlentallnstitllte of
- NA'AMAN [2004: 2191)
EA338 lines 1-3 Z[I ... I (unknown) the University of Chicago under the direction of C. Leonard Woolley (1936-1939; 1946-1949), cr. especially WOOLI.EY
(1938); Idem (1939); Idem (I9SS). The excavations of the Oriental Institute were renewed In 2000, led by K. Ashhan Yener
EA362 lines 1-4 Rlbhaddl (Byblos)
and since 2006 the excavations have continued with the support of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism ofThrkey and
EA363 lines 1-6 Abdlre§a (Enl§asi) the Mustafa Kemal University; see Illlp:llwww.alalakh.org.seeYp.Np.1I (1998); Idem (2001); Idem (200S). For the reports
EA364 lines 1-9 Ayyab (A§tarlll) of Individual seasons since 2000, see Illlp:llwww.alalakh.orglreporunaln.asp.
EA 36S lines 1-7 Blridlya (Megiddo) 319 For the chronology of Alala\}, In general consult especially SMITII, S. (1940); NA'AMAN (1976); idem (I979a); CoUDN (1977);
EA366 lines 1-10 J)uwardata (Gat h) GATI!S (1981); Idem (1987); OUVA (1999-2000); ZP.EII (2004).
EA367 lines I-S Amenhotep IV (Egypt) 350 Cf. RAINEY (I996a: II, I), 'a development of nn Akkadian strongly flavored by the Hurrlan language spoken by large seg-
EA369 lines 1-4 Amenhotep III (Egypt) ments of the mid-second millennium popUlation there.' For a detailed overviews of studies pertnlnlng the Alala\} Akka-
EA370 lines 1-6 Amenhotep IV (Egypt) dian, see chiefly ARNAUD (1998) and MARQUEZ ROWE (1998).
EA378 lines 1-10 Yapa\)u (Gezer) 35) For an overvIew of the already published Alala\} texts, Including references to the subsequent literature, see Hp.ss (1988).
For an extensive study of the documents from Level IV, see VON DASSOW (200S). For the publications of the tablets,
consult, above all, SMITII, S. (1939); WISEMAN (I9S3); Idem (I9S4); SPEISER (1954); Hl!Ss (1992); for the overview of the
Table 6 An overview of analyzed tablets. Alala\} texts, see GREENSTEIN (1997). For the archives and scribes see NA'AMAN (1980) and (-lESS (1996).

66 67
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

badly broken.352 The opening passage, to which we will pay greater attention in the following Azu (modern Tell Hadidi)
sections, is preserved, - in several cases only in a fragmentary state - in altogether nine letters
One of the sites located in the valley of the Euphrates is Tell Hadidi (ancient Azu), situated on the
(see the following table 7).
west bank of the river. Between 1974 and 1978 the site was excavated by the expedition of the Mil-
wakee Public Museum, in co-operation with the University Wisconsin and the UniversityofMichi-
AlT/ATI No. Description Dating gan.356 Altogether, fifteen tablets were discovered during the excavations in area H (located on the
a letter from IrteSSup to the king with a seal probably to the reign of Niqmepa High Tell) - in particular in the southernmost building referred to as the 'Tablet Building'.m Chro-
AlT 107 impression of IrteSSup's sealing. cr. COLLON -llimilimma nologically, the tablets fall into the 15'h centllly B.C.E. and presumably represent the remains of
(1975: No. 215) a private archive of two members of the same family, tIuziru (father) and Yaya (his son). According
AlT 108 a ietter from a king to Utti; for a seal impression. to the reign of Niqmepa to the reports of the excavator, the largest group of tablets, eight, was found in a globular jar with
(ATI 38/251) cr. COLLON (1975: No. 227) its neck broken off. Two more tablets were found with a pilgrim flask and a jug close to the door in
a letter from BiriaSSura to Niqmepa; with a seal
AlT 109 impression of BiriaSSura's sealing, cr. COLLON the reign of Niqmepa the western room, and, respectively, with storage vessels at the north wall. In the large room of the
(1975: No. 210) 'Tablet Building,' a complete tablet, as well as several other fragments of cuneiform tablets were
AlT 111 a letter ofTirisra to Niqmepa with a seal unearthed. 358 However, there was actually only a single letter among the Tell Hadidi texts (Tell Hadidi
(ATI38/9) impression of Tirisra's sealing. cr. COLLON to the reign of Niqmepa no. 8; H-76-T7; see below).359 It was addressed by a man called Urbi to a certain Aribalpa and furni-
(1975: No. 228)
shed with a seal impression on its reverse side.
AlT 112 a letter from Tirisra to Niqmepa with a seal
(OATI 38/20) impression ofTirisra's sealing. cr. COLLON to the reign of Nlqmepa
(1975: No. 228) Tell Hadidi No.8 (H-76-T7), lines 1_2.360
AlT 113 a letter of AklmuSuni to Pallanuwe probably to the reign of Niqmepa 01 a-na M.a-ri-lwl-pa 01 To Aribalpa;
(ATI 38/104) 02 11111-ma M.llr-bi-ma 02 thus (says) Urbi:
AlT 116
a letter of lalnije(7)llo Sal ... 1
(ATI 38/8)
The opening passage of the Tell Hadidi text No.8 represents the most simple type,361 consisting
AlT 117
a letter of Balaltu(7)lto Tapazl solely of the heading. The addressee's identification (without any functional or honorific titles)
(ATI 38/32)
AlT 124 a letter of MII ... I to Sarrul ... 1 comes first, followed by an elliptical statement of speech introduced by a particle 11l11ma and only
at that point provides us with an identification of the sender (again in the most simple form, i.e.
without any title stated) with an enclitic particle -ma, i.e. ana AOORESSEE pN - Wl1ma SENDERpN-ma.
Table 7 An overview ofAlalab letters, with the preserved opening passages.
EkaIte (Munbaqa)
Middle Euphrates Valley A much larger corpus of tablets, dating from the early Late Bronze Age and written in Peripheral
Akkadian, was discovered during the nineteen seventies at nearby Ekalte (modern day Munbaqa) -
Among the earliest Syro-Palestinian corpora of documents written in Peripheral Akkadian and a site situated on the east bank of the river Euphrates. 302 Due to the absence of Middle Babylonian
dating to the Late Bronze Age belong, in particular, the texts that were discovered in the course traces in the Ekalte texts, the corpus can be dated slightly earlier than the texts from Alalab IV. 363 Out
of the excavations conducted at several sites located in the basin of the Upper Euphrates river153 of ninety-five numbered documents, originating from the excavations,lM as well as from the priva-
as well as in the Jabbul plain,m and even further to the north-east in the area of the Khabur tri- te collections,365 and included in the fully-fledged publication of the Ekalte texts byWalter Mayer,l66
angle. 355 there are only three documents of an epistolary nature. Two of the letters (no. 64, MBQ-T 33 and no.

352 A document marked as AlT 1251s a leiter wrllten In Hlltlte.
353 Only recently two cuneiform documents (Bz 51/23:21 and Bz 50/23:32) have been discovered at the site of Tell Bazl. In
the area of the 'Central Building' located at the Citadel. However. none of the tablets belongs to the category of episto-
lary documents. On the other hand. the Tell Bazltablets are very Important royal documents. being records of dona-
tions and holding seal Impressions of the Mltannlan dynastic sealing. For the publication of the tablets see SAUAnnRGI:R
In: SAUAOnRGnR - EINWAG - OTTO (2006: 78f.); for the archaelogical reports see especially EINWAG - KOIII.MEYER - OlTO
(1995); EINWAG - OTTO (1996); idem (1999); idem (2001); EINWAG (2000).
35~ A tablet designated as UEM TI was discovered during the 1999 season at the site of Umm el-Marra and It has been
dated to the earliest phase of the Late Bronze Age. altested at the site. It contains a legal text - a contract concerning
the release of a slave girl. Azzu. and her children and another person of /Jalliga/haW status. provldlng them with real
estate In the presence of the king Sultarna II. There Is an Impression of a dynastic seal ofSauStatar on the tablet's rever-
se side. Por the publication relating to the tablet. see CoopnR - SCIIWARTZ - WI!STOROOK (2005); for the archeological
reports see especially CURVERS - SCIIWARTZ (l997a); idem (I997b); SCIIWARTZ - CURVERS - STUART (2000); SCIIWARTZ - CUR-
VERS - DUNIIAM - STUART (2003); SCIIWARTZ el ai. (2000); idem (2006).
355 For the Tell Brak tablets. see especially FINKRI. (1985: 191-198); idem (1988: 83-85); [U.lNGSWORTII (1988: 99-108) and
EmnM (1998) with previous literature; for a HUrI'lan leiter from Tell Brak. consult WILlInLM (1991).
356 For the results of five excavation seasons at Tell [-[adldl. see especially DOHNRMANN (1978); idem (1979); idem (198\);
idem (1985); idem (1988). The works were preceeded by a mission led by H. Franken of Lelden University (1973-1974),
who conducted a series of soundings there. see PEDERsP.N (1998: 32).
357 DORNEMANN (1979: 144f.).
350 DORNEMANN (1979: 144-145); for an overview. as well as a catalogue ofTell I-[adldl tablets. see WIIITING In: DonNEMANN (1979:
145-149). Apublication of the [-[adldltablets Is available online at http://www.helslnkl.fi/-whltlng/hadldcal.html.
359 This tablet was found. together with seven more tablets. In the globular pottery jar.
360 Cf. a drawing of the tablet In DORNRnMANN (1985: 57) and http://www.helslnkl.fi/-whltlng/hadld08a.html.
361 For a structure and a relevant typology of the opening passages consult pp. 99-112.
362 For the final reports. with references to relevant literature. consult CZICIION - WI!RNER (1998); WERNER (2004); for the
Ekalte texts. see also VON SODRN (1982); MA¥nR (1990); idem (1993) and an overview In MA¥nR (1993-1997). For a comple-
te publication of the Ekalte texts. consult MAYER (2001).
363 For a recent discussion on the chronology of the Ekalte and Emar texts. see PRUSZINSKY (2004).
3601 I.e. altogether 89 texts.
365 Cf. Hirayama (Nos. 90 and 91) and Jonathan Rosen (Nos. 92-95) collections.
366 See MAw-R (200 I).

68 69
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

72, MBQ-T 42) have been discovered in Room 49 of House 0, which was probably the place ofresi- the epistolary documents as well as to pay more attention to the structure of the opening pas-
dence of Zu-Anna's family,367 while the third one (no. 44, MBQ-T 85) originated from an Outer city, sages of individual texts. The Emar texts are usually dated to the period starting at the very end
HouseT, Room 17.368 of the 14'h century B.C.E. and ending at the beginning of the 12'h century B.C.E. The majority
of the tablets were uncovered in the course of the French salvage excavations led by J.-C!. Mar-
Ekalte no. 44 (MBQ-T 85), lines 1_2.369 gueron (1972-1976).374 However, a large number of tablets found their way into numerous pri-
01 a-na a-bi-li-mu [qt)- cbi' -[mal 01 To A\}ilimu [s) Cpea'[k); vate collections through the medium of the antiquities market. The largest group of the Emar
02 um-ma M.a-ri-ta-mu c5E5,-cka '_Cma' 02 thus (says) Aritamu, c your brother:' documents were written in Peripheral Akkadian, although Hun'ian, Sumerian and Hittite texts
have been discovered as well. 375 As far as the epistolary documents are concerned, the most
Ekalte no. 64 (MBQ-T 33), lines 1-2.370 important among the Emar archives and libraries is the material originating from the so-cal-
led 'Temple du Devin' (M1). Out of 398 numbered texts, a total of sixteen have been disco-
01 a-na MU-lf-pa-as-se 01 To Jlipasse; vered. 376 Another private letter has been unearthed, together with six more tablets, in Area A V,
02 wn-ma ir-ib-D.l5KUR-[ma) 02 thus (says) Iribaddu[:)
Room 18. The corpus of the epistolary documents found at Emar constitutes in total eighteen
documents, although two more letters are at present housed in the private collection of Jona-
Ekalte no. 72 (MBQ-T 42), lines 1-3371
than Rosen - cf. RE 83 and RE 97. 377 Among the letters, therefore, belong the following texts-
01 a-[n)a cM.'tt-tu-ni-D.da-gan 01 T[o) Utunidagan Emar VI 25 (Msk 73280); Emar VI 258 (Msk 7454); Emar VI 259 (Msk 7445); Emar VI 260 (Msk
02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak; 7442); EmarVI 261 (Msk 7452); EmarVI 262 (Msk 7437); EmarVI 263 (Msk 7497); EmarVI 264
03 [u) m-ma sa-an-ta-am-mi-ma 03 [t)llUS (says) the steward: 372 (Msk 7441); EmarVI 265 (Msk 74102c); EmarVI 266 (Msk 7451); EmarVI 267 (Msk 7474 + Msk
7475); EmarVI 268 (Msk 7461); EmarVI 269 (Msk 7472); EmarVI 270 (Msk 7498d); EmarVI 271
(Msk 7471); EmarVI 272 (Msk 74270); EmarVI 273 (Msk 74208d); EmarVI 536 (Msk 74735); RE
Text Structure of the heading 83 and RE 97. It is not inconceivable that EmarVI 304 (Msk 74146c) could also be a fragment
Ekalte no. 44 (MBQ-T 85), lines 1-2 alia ADDRESSEEI'N - VERnAL FOIIM - III/Jllla of an epistolary document. In the majority of these documents the opening passages are very
SIlNDERpNfl!lIT-IIJa well-preserved and thus are appropriate for further analyses. 370
Ekalte no. 64 (MBQ-T 33), lInes 1-2 alia ADDRESSEEpN - I/IIJI/W SENDERI'Wma
ana ADDRESSEEpN - VEllnAL FOIIM - II mllw
Ekalte no. 72 (MBQ-T 42), lInes 1-3 373 As far as a provenance Is concerned a serious problem represents a leuer referred to as ME 127 by ARNAUD (l992a:
SENDEIITIT-ma
195-197). This tablet, along with twenty-six mare documents published In the same study. are dated to the Late Bron-
ze Age and spring from Illegal excavations In the Middle Euphrates Valley.
Table 8 Structures of the heading, preserved in the Ekalte letters.
ME 127. lines 1-9 (Cf. AnNAuD 1992a: 195-196)
01 a-lla M.ZII-ZII M.kll-ka 01 To Zuzu. Kuka.
02 M.ga-ak-ka (I M.la-lIIt-11 02 Gakka and Tanutl.
In the case of tablets no. 44 and no. 64, the letters consist of an opening passage, followed by the 03 EN.MES-Ia q(-bl-lIIa 03 my masters speak;
body of the particular letter, whereas in letter no. 72 the names of witnesses are also included. 04 lIIlI-ma M.ZU -ba-/a lR-kll-IIII-lIIa 04 thus (says) Yadlbacla. yoUI' servant:
Nevertheless, in all three documents the opening passage includes only a heading in which the 05 a-lla G1R.MES EN.MES-Ia 05 At the feet of my masters.
identification of the individual addressee precedes the identification of the particular sender. The 06 U-lllrII-qi! 2-!1I7-!1I 06 from afar twice. seven times.
sender's identification is always introduced by the particle umma. In text No. 44, the latter's idenli- 07 1O-!1I12-!1I am-qlll al-la-gar-ri-Ir 07 ten times. twelve times. I fall and roll over.
fication is extended by his honorific title. In text no. 72, the sender is not identified by name, as in 08 it-II EN.MES-Ia 1II1-III1-me-e 08 (Of)whatever Is Iwelll with my masters
the other examples, but by means of his title only. An verbal form, i.e. qibfma, is present in two of 09 !1I/-lIIa-lIl1(e.-l1Ia /i-le-rII-1I1 09 may news be sent back to me.
the documents - no. 44 and no. 72. I The text ME 127 Is a double leuer addressed by a certain Yndl-bacla to four addressees. ZUZll. Kuka. Gakka and

Emar (Meskene) r
~I
Tanutu. The structure of the opening passage contains the heading In which the addressees' Identification Is follo-
wed by a verbal from and only then comes the elliptical statement with the Identification of the sender. cf. alia
ADDIIESSEE~N ADDIIESSEI!~N ADDIIEssEEI' NADDIIEssEEtNoI>XTfH' - VEIIBAI. FOIIM - 1I1111/1n sENDlm~N.I'XT' The salutations are
! represented here by means of a very eloquent prostration formula followed by a requests for news concerning the
A very large corpus of Peripheral Akkadian documents was discovered at the site of ancient
addressees.
Emar (modern day Meskene). Despite the fact that, as in the case of the texts from Ekalte and 374 See especially MAIIGllEIION (l975a); Idem (l975b); Idem (l982a); Idem (l982b); MAIIGllEIION (ed.) (1980); for the Syrlan-
other places in the river-basin of the Euphrates river'l73 mentioned above, the site is located German excavations, see especially FINKnmNl!II el al. (2001); FINKBElNEII el al. (2002); FINKBElNEII- SAKAI. (2003).
outside the 'borders' of the 'Amarna world,' it is necessary to include here a short overview of 375 The Hurrlan material stili remains largely unpublished. For the Emar texts. see especially HllElINEIIGAIID (1983); Idem
(1997); LARoCIIE (1982); AIINAUD (l985a); Idem (l985b); Idem (1986); Idem (1987); Idem (l99Ia); Idem (l992b); BECKMAN
(1988); Idem (1996); TSUKIMOTO (1988); Idem (1990); Idelll (199Ia); Idem (l99Ib); Idem (l992a); ie/elll (1992b); Idem
367 MAYEII (2001: 6). (1994); Idem (1999); DALLEY - TEISSIEII (1992); SIGRIST (1993); SINGEII (2000); WESTENIIOIZ (2000). Par the archives of Emar.
360 MAYEII (2001: 5). consult DIETIIICII (1990).
369 Cf. MAYEII (2001: 114; fig. 21; pI. 65). 376 Cf. AIINAUD (1986: 255-267). For a re-evaluatlon of Elllar VI 536 to be a LBA document. consult DUIlAND - MAIITI (2003:
370 Cf. MAYER (200): 130; fig. 32; pI. 74). 152-156)
371 Cf. MAYEII (2001: 136; fig. 35; pI. 77). 377 Cf. BECKMAN (1996: 104-105; 120-121).

372 Far the title. consult MAYEII (2001: 128; 136). 370 The opening passages are not preserved In the following texts: EmarVI 271. EmarVI 273 and EmarV1304.

70 71
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

When compared with the letter formats of the epistolary documents mentioned above, the Emar nach 6 (Fi. 6, E~ 2799).383 In all four cases, the epistolary documents are addressed to a certain Tal-
corpus represents a relatively comprehensive and ample picture, particularly in relation to the sub- wi~ar,384 probably a local ruler. In two cases, Taanach 5 and Taanach 6, the sender is identified as
ject of the opening formulae. Several types of opening passage have been documented, including a person bearing an Egyptian name Amanbatpa (Eg.jmn-btp),385 while the document Taanach 1 was
the most simple form consisting only of the heading, as well as the binominal structures of the hea- sent to Talwi~ar by a man called EbliteMub and Taanach 2 by a certain Abiyami. In his study devo-
ding, followed by a prostration formula or the heading accompanied by divine blessings, or even a ted to Taanach texts, William F. Albrighf86 has proposed the possible identification of this Aman-
more elaborate tripartite structure of the heading, the prostration formula and the greetings. 379 batpa as an Egyptian crown prince and future king, Amenhotep II, although he has been unable to
It is possible to state that among the epistolary documents discovered at Emar, or attributed to support his proposal with further evidence. 387 Despite the fact that the dating of the tablets' context
Emar, the heading containing the identification of the addressee followed by the verbal form and to the 151h century B.C. E., or more precisely to the second half of the 151h century B.C.E., has been
the identification ofthe sender is the most widely used formula, cf. EmarVI 25, EmarVI 258, Emar confirmed by the results obtained through the excavations of P. W. Lapp, and thus confirming the
VI 259, EmarVI 260, EmarVI 261, EmarVI 263, EmarVI 264, EmarVI 265, EmarVI 266, EmarVI 267, possibility that the tablets were written in a period that followed a series of military campaigns led
EmarVI 269, EmarVI 270, EmarVI 272, EmarVI 536 and HE 97. The type of heading in which the by Thutmose III to Syropalestine, the identity of Amanbatpa still remains unresolved. A dating of
sender's idenfitication precedes the identification of the addressee is attested only in three cases- the Taanach tablets to this particular period was actually suggested in 1961 by Avraham Malamat,
in Emar VI 262 (without the verbal form), Emar VI 268 (umma SENDERpN+TIT - ana ADDRESSEE pN - who associated their existence with the Thutmoside political and administrative organisation of
VERBAL FORM) and HE 83 (umma SENDER pN - ana ADDRESSEE pN +EXT - VERBAL FORM) and the preference Syro-Palestine. 388 On the other hand, Albert E. Gloc~89 considers Amanbatpa to be an Egyptian offi-
given to this type of the heading, very probably, is due to the higher social status of the particular cial posted in Gaza, but probably sending this letter from Megiddo. Nevertheless, regardless of the
sender. identity of Amanbatpa, it seems highly probable that this corpus represents the earliest evidence of
a direct contact between the representative of the Egyptian royal court and some local kinglet of the
A velY frequent element among the Emar letters is a prostration formula - a part of the saluta-
tions - by means of which the subordinate social position of the sender and his obeisance to his Syro- Palestinian region. Such an assumption is also based on the evidence of palaeography.
superior, i.e. the addressee, is expressed, though the manner of the performance of the act is vari-
able - cf. Emar VI 258; Emar VI 260; Emar VI 261; Emar VI 263; Emar VI 264; Emar VI 265; Emar VI Taanach 1 (Fi. 1, E~ 2788), lines 1_7. 390
266; EmarVI 267; EmarVI 269; EmarVI 270; EmarVI 272 and HE 97. 01 Ca-l1a' M.tal-wi-sa,- 01 cTo'Talwgar
02 q{-b{-ma 02 speak;
03 wn-ma M.e[1-li-D.lM 03 thus (says) EbliteMub:
Taanach (Tel Tacanek) bll-lu-u{ dam-q{- CiS' 04 Live welT!
04
Nevertheless, if we focus on the Syro-Palestinian area geographically, as evidenced in the Amar- 05 DINGIR. cMES' li-is-al-lu 05 May the god s' ask after
C

na material, we also encounter several important corpora of Peripheral (epistolary) Akkadian - 06 csu '-lum-ka su-lum 06 your w'eil-being, the weil-being
antecedent, contemporary, as well as following the Alnama period. 07 c(:"_ka DUMU.MES-ka 07 of your chousehold' (and) your sons.
Among the earliest Late Bronze Age corpora discovered in this particular region belong, without
Taanach 2 (Fi. 2, E~ 2789), lines 1_3. 391
doubt, the tablets that were unearthed in the Jezreel Valley at the site ofTaanach (modern day Tel
TaCanek). These tablets have been dated approximately to the second half of the 151h century B.C.E. 01 a-l1a M. tal-wi-sal" q{-bf 01 To Talwgar speak;
The importance of the 'Taanach corpus' rests on their number, as well as on the proportion of the 02 U/11-ma M.SES-ia-mi EN DINGIR.MES-lUt 02 thus (says) Abiyami: May Bael, the deity,392
preserved epistolary documents in relation to the other texts. 03 03 guard your life.
The first archeological works at the site, conducted by the mission of the University of Vienna
Taanach 5 (Fi. 5, E~ 2798), lines 1-3. 393
directed by Ernst Sellin between 1902 and 1904, brought to light, altogether, seven complete and
five fragmentary tablets. In the middle of the nineteen sixties (1963-1968), during three excavation 01 a-na tal-wi-sal' 01 To Talwgar;
seasons, the work at Taanach was revived by a joint expedition of the American Schools of the Ori-
ental Research and the Graduate School of the Concordia Seminary, led by Paul W. Lapp.380 Up to 383 The tablets were nrst published by a member of Sellin's mission Friedrich (= Dedflch) Hrozny, cr. I-IROZN\' (1904); idem
the present day, nine letters or letter fragments have emerged - all of them were discovered in the (1905); see also Al.nRIGIIT (l944a); GLOCK (1971); Idem (l9B3); IlAINHY (1977); idem (1999); GORG (l9BB). For nn archaeolo-
course of Sellin's excavations and all of them are now kept in the collections of the Archaeological gical and historical overview of the site with references to previous literature, consult GLOCK (1993).
Museum in IstanbuJ.381 Leaving aside those letters in which the internal structure is impossible to 38-1 See AI.nRIGIIT (l944a) for an earlier reading of the name as RewaMa.
385 In the case of both of these lellers, none of the correspondents Is Identlned by title.
reconstruct, i.e. Taanach 8 (Fi.14, E~28011),382Taanach 8a (Fi. 15, E~2803), Taanach 9 (Fi. 8, E~ 2805),
386 cr. AI.IIRIGIIT (l944a: 16; 27, n. 101).
Taanach 10 (Fi. 9, E~ 2802), Taanach 11 (Fi. 10, E~ 2804), the following four letters are velY well-pre- 387 Unfortunately, our knowledge of the participatIon of members of the royal family, and especially of crown princes, In rela-
served: Taanach 1 (Fi. 1, E~ 2788), Taanach 2 (Fi. 2, E~ 2789), Taanach 5 (Fi. 5, E~ 2798), and Taa- tion to the functioning of state and foreign policy during the Dynasty 18 Is vClY scarce. However, the situation essentially
Improves during the Rmnesslde period see for example a discussion and conclusions In FISIIER (200 I: I, 121-136); for diplo-
matic reliefs ofilamesse " and his Individual sons see idem (2001: I, 51-53 (for AmunhlrkhopshefJ, 74 (for Ramessel, 130).
379 For a discussion on the Emar letter formats, consult MYNAnovA (/11 press a). 388 MAIAMAT (1961: 218-227).
380 Consult primarily SELLIN (1904); Idem (1905); LApp (1964); Idem (1967); Idem (1969). 389 cr. GI.OCK (1993: 1431).
381 The remaining fragmentary texts are considered to be administrative lists of persons; for the Taanach texts, Including 390 Dased on HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 130-131; 218; 235).
an alphabetic cuneiform text TT 433 (Tannach 15), see the recently published work, and further bibliography, of HORO- 391 Dased on HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 133; 218; 235).
WITZ- OSHIMA - SANDERS (2006: 127-151; 161-162; 2IB-221; 235-239). 392 For an Identlncatlon of the deity see RAINEY (1999: 157"- 15B').
382 See 1-loROWlTZ- OSHIMA - SANDERS (2006: 144, n. 24). 393 Based on 1-loROWlrz - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 140; 237).

72 73
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

02 llIn-ma a-ma-an-lJa-at-pa 02 thus (says) Amanbatpa: lets was unearthed in 1969, cf. Kumidi 1 (KL 69: 277) and Kumidi 2 (KL 69: 279), both documents
03 D.lM ZI-ta-ka li-i~-~ur 03 May Ba'l guard your life. being letters from an unnamed Egyptian king addressed to a local ruler, as well as fragmentary texts
Kumidi 3 (KL 69: 100) and Kumidi 4 (KL 69: 278). Despite the fragmentalY nature of the two latter
Taanach 6 (Fi. 6, E~ 2799), lines 1-3.394 documents, it is still possible to recognize their epistolalY nature. The excavations at the site con-
01 [a-na tall-wi-sar 01 [To Ta]lwi~ar; tinued from 1972 to 1981,397 and as a result the Kumidi corpus was enlarged by three more texts-
02 [um-ma al-ma-an-[w-at-pa 02 [thus (says) Almanbatpa: Kumidi 5 (KL 72: 600) being the second part of a letter/9o Kumidi 6 (KL 74: 300) being another let-
03 [D.lMl ZI-ta-ka li-i[~-~url 03 May [Ba'1] gua[rdl your life. ter399 and finally, Kumidi 7 (KL 78: 200) a school text or an incantation:loo Nevertheless, there are two
more epistolary documents originating, very probably, from Kumidi. The first of them 401 - another
Text Structure of the opening passage letter - was published by Arnaud in 1991 and since no details concerning its origin were given, the
text will be further referred to as Arnaud's text (1991). Although the origin of the other cuneiform
(i) Heading
aI/a ADDRESSEEpN - VERBAL FORM - /lI1l/lla SENDER epistolary document is uncertain, it is said to come from Kamid el-Loz and it allows us to include
Taanach 1 (Fi. I, E~ 27BB), lines 01-07 it in this section. Based on the publication of John Huehnergard, the tablet will be referred to as
(ii) Salutations
GREETINGS - DIVINE BLESSINGS Huehnergard (1996):102 Thus, at present, the Kumidi corpus comprises altogether nine tablets.
(i) Heading
Primarily on the basis of the orthography, the content as well as the formal structure of the Kumi-
aI/a ADDRESSEEpN - VERBAL fORM - /III/lila SENDERpN
Taanach 2 (Fi. 2, E~ 27B9), lines 01-03 di texts, Dietz O. Edzard made an extremely valuable comparison between the newly discovered
(ii) Salutations
DIVINE BLESSINGS texts and the so-called 'vassal' correspondence of the Amarna archive. As a consequence of his ana-
(i) Heading lysis he has suggested the approximate dating of the Kumidi tablets to the mid-14[h century B.C.E:[03
alia ADDRESSEEpN - /I/Ill1la SENDERpN Concerning the letters' format and the structure of the opening passages, only five documents are
Taanach 5 (Fi. 5, E~ 279B), lines 01-03
(ii) Salutations
DIVINE BLESSINGS relevant - Kumidi 1 (KL 69: 277), Kumidi 2 (KL 69: 279), Kumidi 6 (KL 74: 300), Arnaud (1991), and
(i) Heading
Huehnergard (1996).
aI/a ADDRESSEEpN - /I/Ill//a SENDERpN
Taanach 6 (Fi. 6, E~ 2799), lines 01-03
(iI) Saluta tlons Kumidi 1 (KL 69: 277), lines 1_4.40'[
DIVINE BLESSINGS
01 a-na M.za-la-ia U) URU.ta-ma-as-ga 01 To Zalaya, ruler of Damascus,
Table 9 Structures of the opening passages, employed in the Taanac/7 letters. 02 q(-bf-ma U/11-ma LUGAL-/11a 02 speak; thus (says) the king:
03 a-nu-ma (lIp-pa an-na-a 03 I am herewith Isendingl this tablet
04 lIs-te-bi-la-ku qti-be-e a-na ka-a-sa 04 to you, saying to you.
Based on the letter format, and especially on the structure of the opening passages, we can easi-
ly observe and distinguish two separate groups among the Taanach letters. Into the first group we Kumidi 2 (KL 69: 279), lines 1_5:105
can place only the letter Taanach I, while the remaining three documents represent the second 01 a-na M.lR-LUGAL LO URU.sa-za-e-na 01 To Abdimilku, ruler of Sazaena,
group. Nevertheless, the sequence of addressee's and sender's identification is identical in all Taa- 02 q(-b(-ma U/11-ma LUGAL-ma 02 speak; thus (says) the king:
nach letters - i.e. the identification of the addressees precedes the identification of the senders. 03 a-n[u-ma !Il1p-pa a/l-na-a 03 I am here[withl/sendingl this [tlablet
Concerning the heading, the presence of a verbal form (qibfma) is attested only in the texts Taanach 04 u[s-tle-bi-la-ku qa-be-e 04 to you, saying
1 (line 2) and Taanach 2 (line I, without the enclitic particle -mal. What differentiates the two 05 [a-nla ka-a-sa 05 [tlo you.
groups is the presence or absence of greetings in the second part of the opening passage - the gre-
etings are present only in the text Taanach 1 (line 4). On the other hand, the divine blessings - anot-
her part of the salutations - can be encountered in all the documents, however, only in Taanach 1 395 Por an overview of the archaeologlcai works at Kamld el-Uiz, consult primarily I-IACIIMANN - KllSCIIKE (1966); ED7.ARIl-
are the blessings also extended to the addressee's family (lines 5-7), while in the remaining letters I-IAclIMANN - MANSI'EI.IJ (1969); I-IACIIMANN (ed.) (1970); idel/l (1980); idem (1982); idem (l9B6); IIACIIMANN (l9B9); ADum
(1994); ADum - PENNlm (2001); a thorough overview of the 1963-1981 period at Kiimid ei-Uiz with references to further
it is only the addressee to whom the divine blessings are destined. literature is presented In WEIPPERT (l99B); for the renewed works by the mission of the Alberl-Ludwigs-Universittlt in
Preiburg, led by Marlles I-Ieinz, consuit especially the reports available at hllp:llwww.orienl.uni-freiburg.de/archaeo-
iogie/arch/grabungn.html.
Kumidi (Kamid el-Loz) 396 See ED7.ARD (1970); see also NA'AMAN (1988).
397 Por the consequences of the military connIct at the site see PISK (1991).
Contemporary with the Amarna archive are the documents from Lebanese Kamid el-Loz (anci- 398 See WILlIELM (1973); idem (l9B2); see aiso RAINEY (l976a).
ent Kumidi). The excavations of the site in the southeastern sweep of the Beqa' Valley, located stra- -I 399 cr. ED7.ARD (1976).
tegically at the crossing of routes connecting the Jordan Valley with land-locked Syria, as well as ·100 ED7.ARD (1980); ARNAllD (l99Ic: 8, n. 2).
with the Meditarranean coast, brought to light another significant corpus of documents, written in ·101 ARNAUD (l99Ic), cf. also NA'AMAN (2005: 315-316).
0102 Cr. HUEIINERGARD (1996). The tabiet was brought to the United States by means of an antiquities purchase. At the time
Peripheral Akkadian, also inclusing some epistolary texts.39~ Between 1963 and 1981 a total of seven of I-Iuehnergard's publication it was heid (on loan) at the Depllrtment of Neal' Eastern Languages and Civilisations,
texts were discovered at the site, including six letters and one school text. 396 The first group of tab- Harvard University.
403 cr. EDZARD (1970: 55-62); for a different dating of the Kumidi texts, see NA'AMAN (l98B).
404 cr. EDZARD (1970: 50, ng. 101\; 52, ng. 12; 55-56).
394 Based on HOROWITZ - OSIlIMA - SANDERS (2006: 141-142; 219; 237). 405 cr. EDZARD (1970: 50, ng. 10/2; 53, ng. 1311; 56).

74 75
 Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Kumidi 6 (KL 74: 300), lines 1-4.406 With regard to the standard letter format, the two letters addressed by the Egyptian king, i.e.
Kumidi 1 and Kumidi 2, stand apart. While the remaining three documents utilise a standard
01 a-na M.LU.GAL be-f{-ia 01 To the magnate, my master,
two-fold structure, consisting of the opening passage followed by the body of the letter, in Kumi-
02 q{-b{-ma 02 speak;
di 1 - and it is highly probably that it has been also employed in Kumidi 2411 - the letter's struc-
03 um-ma M.e-SI-ra-BI 03 thus (says) Birabi(?),
04 IR-ka4 a-na GIR<.MES> EN-ia ture has been extended by a closing formula containing a report on the sender's well-being, i.e.
04 your servant: I fall at the feet of my
am-qll-ut master. on the well-being of the Egyptian king.412 The two texts differ from the remaining Kumidi letters
also in relation to components employed within the opening passages. While the opening pas-
Arnaud (1991), lines 1_4. 407 sages of the remaining three letters contain 'standard' components, recognised in other episto-
lary documents, the two 'Egyptian' letters comprise, in particular, a message or statement from
01 [a-na LU KUR.a-mlu-ri 01 [To the ruler of Amlurru,
the sender that the letter is addressed to the addressee. The purpose of this message is, so far,
02 [q{-bi-ma um-ma M.L)U.GAL 02 [speak: thus (says) the mlagnate,
only witnessed in the Amarna archive, in particular with letters addressed by the king of Egypt
03 [AD-ka nUTU 40B l su-lum-ka" 03 [your father: May the Sunl/ask afterl your
su-lllln MES1 E- ka 4 to his subordinates, cf. 'I am herewith sending this tablet to you, saying to you'.m In spite of the
well-being, the well-being of your
household differences, in all five letters the heading is composed in a way in which the identification of the
04 [1'1 su-lum gdb-bl i-ka 4 /i-is-al 04 [and the well-being of everything addressee 414 precedes the identification ofthe sender introduced by a particle umma;1I5 followed
(that belongs)) to you. in three cases 416 by a verbal form (qiblma). Concerning the salutations, the letter Arnaud (1991)
contains an expression of divine blessings (in lines 3-4) in a type that is, outside the Amarna
Huehnergard (1996), lines 1_2.409 corpus, known from the following two texts - Taanach 1 (lines 5-7) and Hazor 10 (lines 4-6).
01 a-na LU.GAL a-bi-ia 'um-ma' Another parallel in relation to the Amarna letters is represented in the final part of the opening
02 <M.>DINGIR-l'af-p{-i'l DUMU-<ka> a-na GIR.<MES>-<ka> am-qut passages in Kumidi 6 (line 4) and Huehnergard (1996) (line 2), i.e. a prostration formula. In both
cases the act of prostration, serving as a manifestation of obeissance to the addressee, takes the
01 To the magnate, my father; 'thus' most simple form.
02 (says) Illirapi', <your> son: I fall at <your> feet.
Qatna (Tell Mishrife)
Text Structure of the opening passage
Only recently, has an extremely important contribution to our knowledge of epistolary Periphe-
(I) Heading
alia ADDIIESSEEI'N+TIT - VEIIDAL FORM - IIl11l11a
ral Akkadian been revealed by means of the excavations conducted by an international Syrian - Ita-
Kumidl 1 (KL 69: 277), lines 1-4
SENDERrrr -lIla lian - German joint project at the Syrian site of the ancient Qatna (modern day Tell Mishrife) :117
(0) Statement concernIng the message

Kumidi 2 (KL 69: 279), lines 1-5
Kumldi 6 (KL 74: 300), lines 1-4
Arnaud (J99l), lines 1-4"·
0) HeadIng
·111 The lower part of the tablet is unfortunately broken off.
alia ADDRESStmpN+TIT - VlmllAI. FOIIM - IIIl1l1la
412 Cr.lines 12-18: 'And know that the king Is hale like the Sun In the sky. For his troops, his chariots In multitude, from the
SENDl!llTIT-IIIa
(0) Statement concerning the message
Upper Land to the Lower Land. from the slunlrlse to the sunset, lall goes very wi ell.'
-Ill For its Egyptian equivalent 'This leller is sent to you. to the following erfect: literally 'this writing of speaking: I.e. Eg.
0) I-leading jll.lIl· lI=k s.~ /I" " del b"r dd. For the literal translation d. CAMINOS (1954: 4; d. pBologna 1094. 1.4); idem (1954: 7; d.
aI/a ADDIU!SSEI'-ITr, EXT - VElHlAI. FOIIM - 1II1/lIla
pBologna 1094, 1.9); Idem (1954: 13; d. pBologna 1094.3,6); Idem (1954: 13; d. pBologna 1094.4,2); idem (1954: 83. d.
SENIJEIII'N+I!XT p Anastasi III. 3,9); idem (1954: 91-92. cr. pAnastasi III. 5.5); idem (1954: 95. cr. pAnastasi III, 6,2 - 6,3); Idem (1954: 100,
(II) Salutations cr. pAnastasl III, 6.11); idem (1954: 260. cr. pAnastasi V. 22.1); idem (1954: 304, cr. pSalller I, 3.6); idem (1954: 305. cr.
PROSTRATtON pSalller I, 4,0 - 4.1); idem (1954: 312. cr. pSalller 1,5,5); idem (1954: 315. cr. pSalller I. 6.1); idem (1954: 317. cr. pSalller I,
(I) HeadIng 6.10); idem (1954: 319. cr. pSallier I. 7.9); idem (1954: 321, cr. pSallier I. 8.2 - 8,3); idem (1954: 324. cr. pSallier I. 8.7); idem
aI/a ADDlIliSSHl!rrr - VERDAI. FORM - IIIl1/lIa SP.NDl!llTIT.I!XT (1954: 355, cr. pSallier IV verso. vs. 9,1); idem (1954: 438. cr. pKoller, 3.4 -3,5); idem (1954: 469. cr. p1\lrin B, vs. 2.4); idem
(il) Salutations (1954: 497, cr. pLeyden 348. vs. 9,7), for the texts consult GARDINER (1937); and BAKIR (1970: 41-64) with further referen-
DMNIl BLr_~SINGS ces. Cr. EA 99, EA 367. EA 369 and EA 370.
(I) HeadIng ·11·1 Only in Kumidi 6 and Huehnergard (1996) an extended form of the identification is used.

Huehnergard (1996), lines 1-2 aI/a ADDRr~~sp.llrIT,r:XT - "lIlllla SENDERpN.oI!XT m Tlle extended form of the identification is used In Kumidl6 and Huehnergard (1996). In Arnaud (1991) it is reconstructed.
(Ii) SalutatIons ·116 cr. Kumidll; Kumidi 2 and Kumidi 6; in Arnaud (1991) the injuction to speak is reconstructed.
PROSTRATtON 417 For the previous archaeological works orIlobel'l du Mesnil du Buisson at the site during the nineteen twenties. con-
sult primarily Du MP-SNII. DU BUISSON (1935). During the second excavation season. several cuneiform tablets were
Table 10 Structures of the opening passages, employed in the KllInidi letters. unearthed in the temple complex of NIN-a.GAL. identifying. beyond doubt. the site as the ancient Qalna; for the
tablets see BOTTnRO (1949); idem (l950a); idem (I950b). Since 1999. the works have been carried out by teams from
the University of Udlne (directed by Daniele Morandi Bonacossi). the Directorate of Antiquities of the Republic of
406 Cf. EDZARD (1976: 62-64). Syria (directed by Michel al-Maqdissi), and the Altorlentallsches Seminar of the University of Tllbingen (directed
·107 cr. ARNAUD (l99Ic: 11-12; 14-\5). by Peter PrHlzner). see especially AL-MAQDISSI (eds.) (2002); AI-MAQDlSSI- DOIIMANN-PrALZNER - PrALZNER - SULEIMAN
400 ARNAUD (l99Ic: II) suggests here a reconstruction D1NGIR.MES-III1. (2003); AL-MAQDlSSI (1996); idem (2001); idem (2002a); idem (2002b); idem (2003); AL-MAQDlSSI- MORANDI BONACOS-
409 Cf. HUElINERGARD (1996: 100-102). SI (2005); BADAWl, M. - LUCIANI. M. - MORANDI BONACOSSI, D. - NovAK. M. - PrAl.zNER. P. (2000); idem (2001); idem
410 Based on the reconstruction. (2002a); idem (2002b); Idem (2003); NovAK (2004).

76 77
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

In 2002, a large corpus of 67 tablets and fragments belonging to a local royal archive from the 05 SES-ka bu-Iu-u{ 05 your brother: Live!
Late Bronze Age period 418 was discovered within the area of the royal palace. The majority of tablets 06 a-na UGU-ku-nulu-lt sul-mu 06 May it be well with you.
was located in the southern part of the subterranean corridor (AQ1; 'Areal 8683,' altogether 65 tab-
lets) leading from the throne room, while the remaining two tablets were discovered in its northern MSH02G-i0275, lines 1-3.
section, in the vicinity of the northern palace wall (AZ; 'Areal 8685'). However, before the destruc- 01 a-na M.id-a-an-ta be-If-ia LO.a-bi-ia
tion of this part of the palace by fire, the tablets had been originally stored in a common storage 02 um-ma M.sar-ru-ta-se DUMU- rka-na '-ka-ma
place on the first floor.419 The corpus of tablets, known today as the 'Idadda's (ldanda's) Archive,'420
03 a-na UZU.GIR.MES be-If-ia LO.a-bi-ia am-qut
contained documents written in Peripheral Akkadian, though velY strongly influenced by the Hurrian
language, i.e. the so-called Hurro-Akkadian.421 In addition to administrative texts (altogether 58 tab-
01 To Idanda, my master (and) my father;
lets), i.e. a category known already from the previous excavations, and juridical documents (4 tab-
02 thus (says) Sarrutase, your son:
lets) there were also five letters identified among the newly discovered tablets.422 These letters,
03 At the feet of my master (and) my father, I fall.
labelled as MSH02G-i0193, MSH02G-i0194+284, MSH02G-i0274 (a double letter), MSH02G-i0275
and MSH02G-i0276, were addressed by three different senders to the local ruler, Idadda (ldanda):123
MSH02G-i0276, lines 1-6.
Another fragment of a letter was brought to light at Qatna during 'Operation H' of the Italian
archaeological mission. Unfortunately, the tablet was discovered in a secondary context and only 01 a-na M. id-a-an-da SES- ia 01 To Idanda, my brother;
the lower part of the tablet (MSH01-H 1993.1) has been preserved, so it is impossible to reconstruct 02 um-l11a M.ta-ku-wa SES-ka 02 thus (says) Takuwa, your brother:
the original structure of the opening passage:124 03 btl-Iu-u{ IU-lt sul-mu 03 Live! May it be well
04 a-na UGU-ka SUKKAL-ka 04 with you. With your /great! governor
MSH02G-i0193, lines 1-3. 05 GAL sal-l11u-ka SIGs-qis 05 (and) your good well-being,
06 IU-lt sul- I1W 06 may it be well.
01 a-na M.id-a-an-da 01 To Idanda;
02 um-l11a M.lw-an-nu-ut-ti 02 thus (says) Jjannutti:
IU-lt SUI-I1Ul a-na UGU -ka May it be well with you. Text Struclure of the opening passage
03 03
(i) I-leading
MSH02G-i0194+284, lines 1-5. alia ADDRI>SSEEI'N - /l1Il1l1n SENDEIII'N
MSH02G-iOI93, lines 1-3
(iI) Salulallons
01 a-na M.id-a-an-da SES-ia 01 To Idanda, my brother; GIIEETINGS
02 U/11-l11a M.da-ku-wa SES-ka 02 thus (says) Takuwa, your brother: (i) I-leading
03 bu-Iu-u{ IU-lt suI-11m 03 Live! May it be well MSH02G-iOI94+21l4, lines 1-5 alia ADDRI>SSEEI'N+I;)(T - 1II111/1n SENDEIII'N,I;)(T
04 a-l1a UGU-ka SUKKAL-ka 04 with you. With your governor (Ii) Salulalions
GIIEETINGS
05 E.GAL IU-lt sui-11m 05 (and) with the palace, may it be well.
(I) Heading
alia AIJIJIlESSBll\'N ana AIJIJIII~~SEHj'N - IIIll1l1a SENDHIIE\'N
MSH02G-i0274, lines 1-6. MSH02G-i0274, lines 1-6 /lillI/in SENIJEIIEj'N, EXT
01 a-l1a M.id-a-an-da 01 To Idanda (Ii) Salulallons
GIIElrrlNGS
02 it a-Ila LO.URU-ia-ni-Ila 02 and to URU-ianina;
(i) I-leading
03 um-ma M.lJa-an-nu-ut-ti 03 thus (say) Jjannulti
alia AIJIJIlI~~SEErN.I!XT - /l1II1I1n SENIJEllrN,I;)(T-1I1n
04 ilum-ma M.da-ku-wa 04 and Takuwa, MSH02G-i0275, lines 1-3
(Ii) Salulalions
PROSTIIATION
(I) I-leading
·118 For the Old Babylonian lablels, see RICIITI!Il (2003a: 182-183) wilh furlher lileralure. For lhe epigraphic malerial from lhe alia ADDIlESSl!IlrN .• rxr - /l1/1I/1n SENDERrN+I;)(T
royal palace, consull especially RICIITER (2001), idem (2002), Idem (2003a), Idem (2003b), Idem (2004) and idem (2005). MSI-102G-i0276, lines 1-6
(II) Salulalions
·119 For lhe archileclure, consul I especially NovAK - Pl'illZNER (2003); for lhe lex IS, see RICIITER (2003a: 136), Idem (2005: 110).
GREETINGS
·120 For lhe inaccuracy of lhe label 'archive', see RichIeI' (2005: 110-111): 'The facllhallhe adminislralive documenls, on
lhe one hand, and lhe lellers, on lhe olher, have many personal names in common (and lhus cannol renecl an exlen-
ded perliod of lime) suggesls lhallhese lexls do nol conslilule an "archive" bul more likely "dally business" of various Table 11 Stmctures of tlle opening passages employed in the Qa(l1a letters.
kinds.' For Idanda, consul! RICIITER (2003b: 610-611).
421 RICIIHR (2005: 112).
m Cf. RICIITER (2003a: 171), Idem (2005: 109).
423 Cf. Thomas Richler, persollal eommllllientioll (Oclober 6,2005); I would like 10 express my sincere lhanks 10 Th. Rich- Despite the fact that the Qatna epistolary corpus is very limited with regard to the number of
ler, who provided me wilh lhe nol-yel-published opening passages of lhe Qa\lla iellers and allowed me 10 sludy lhem, preserved documents, we can recognize some unifying elements in the format of the opening
as well as 10 include lhem in lhis chapler. See also RICIITER (2003a: 171); Idem (2005: 109). passages. In all the letters. the opening passage consists of two separate parts - a heading and
.J24 For lhe lranslalion, see EIDEM (2003: 165); for a physical descriplion oflhe lablel, see idem (2003: 165, n. 3). For lhe cor-
pus of adminislralive lablels, consull EIDEM (2003: 164-167). For a discussion on lhe adminislralive lablels discovered
salutations. Concerning the heading we can stress that in all cases the heading is of a very simple
in lhe Lale Bronze Age paiace in lhe Area AK, see EIDEM (2007). Ailogether, 43 table IS and relaled fragmenls were dis- form. It is composed of the identification of both correspondents. First comes the identification
covered in the 'Lower Cily Palace' so far, EIDEM (2007: 298). of the addressee and it is followed by the identification of the sender introduced by a particle

78 79
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

llmma. 425 In none of the letters is a verbal form present. A different situation can be observed with Text Edition Museum No.
the salutations. Whereas in four cases the salutations consist of various greetings (MSH02G-iOI93,
RS 11.730 PRUIIl: 12-13, pI. III. pI. V fig. 5 [photo) National Museum of Aleppo, M 3372 =A 2794
MSH02G-iOI94+284, MSH02G-i0274, and MSH02G-i0276), in MSH02G-i0275 the prostration act
RS 11.794 PRU III: 17-18, pI. V Louvre, AO 19.960
is preserved. In the following three cases - MSH02G-iOI94+284, MSH02G-i0274, MSH02G-i0276
RS 11.834 PRU Ill: 17, pI. VII National Museum of Aleppo, M 3420 =A 2805
- the greetings, next to the wishes of well-being to the addressee, extended to other subjects as PRUIII: 16-17, pI. VIII, pI. V fig. 6 [photo)
RS 12.005 National Museum of Damascus, DO 3676
well, involve also an imperative part 'Live!', preceding the wishes and attested in a slightly different PRUIII: 14-15, pI. IX, pI. VII fig. 7 [photo) National Museum of Damascus, DO 3683
RS 12.033
form, i.e. 'Live well!' in a letter Taanach 1, line 4 (see above). RS 13.007 B PRU III: 6, pI. X National Museum of Damascus, DO 3695
RS 15.0ll PRU III: 19, pI. XlI National Museum of Damascus, DO 3903
Ugarit (Ras Shamra) RS 15.014 PRU III: 5, pI. XlII National Museum of Damascus, DO 3563
RS 15.018 PRU III: 11-12. pI. XlII National Museum of Damascus, DO 3908
However, by far the largest number of epistolmy texts written in Peripheral Akkadian comes RS 15.019 PRU III: 13, pI. XIV National Museum of Damascus. DO 3909
from the Syrian site of the ancient Ugarit (modern day Has Shamra). The archaeological excavati- RS 15.024
PRU III: 18, pI. XIV NatIonal Museum of Damascus, DO 3914
ons that have been conducted at the site since 1929,426 brought to light several thousand tablets, + 15.050
many of which were written in Peripheral Akkadian'127 and some of them can be classified as a pri- RS 15.033 PRUIII: 15-16, pI. xv. pI. VIII fig. 9 [photo) National Museum of Damascus, DO 3919
mmy medium of 'international' communication. RS 15.063 PRU III: 20, pI. XVII, VIII fig. 10 [photo) Tartus Museum, 509
In 1999, J. Huehnergard, in his overview of Akkadian epistolary documents from Ugarit, menti- RS 15.077 PRUIII: 6-7, pI. XVIII, pI. IX fig. 11 [photo) Tartus Museum, 510

oned a total of354 published and unpublished letters, as well as relevant letter fragments: 128 In 2001 RS 15.108 PRU III: 20-21, pI. XXI National Museum of Damascus, DO 3980

the number of published epistolary texts from Ugarit was slightly increased through the volume of RS 15.124 PRU III: 21, pI. XXVI National Museum of Damascus, DO 3992

RSOXIV containing several letters discovered in 1986,'129 1988 430 and 1992.<131 RS15.178 PRU III: 8-9, pI. XXXVI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4031
RS 16.003 PRU III: 3-4, pI. XXXIX National Museum of Damascus, DO 4222

Museum No. RS 16.1ll PRU III: 13-14, pI. XL National Museum of Damascus, DO 4235
Text Edition
RS 16.ll2 PRU 1II: 4, pI. XL National Museum of Damascus, DO 4236
RS 1.[056) VIROLLI!IIUD (1929: pI. LXXVI, No. 1) Louvre, AO 12.040 RS 16.ll6 PRU III: 10, pI. XLI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4238
RS 1.[057) VIIIOLLI!IIUD (1929: pI. LXXVI, No.2) Louvre, AO 12.041 RS 17.078 PRUIV: 196-197, pI. V National Museum of Damascus, DO 4557
RS 1-11. Louvre, AO 19.952 RS 17.083 PRUrv: 216, pl.lX National Museum of Damascus, DO 4562
unpublished
[028)
RS 17.ll6 PRUrv: 132-134, pI. Xl National Museum of Damascus, DO 4582
VIIIOLLl!llUD (1936: 21-26), photo Schaeffer
RS 4.449 Louvre, AO 18.888 RS 17.130 PRU IV: 103-105, pI. XV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4592
(1939: pI. XXVI, fig. 3)
RS17.132 PRU rv: 35-37, pI. XVI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4594
THURllAu-DANGIN (1935: 188-193,
RS 6.198 Louvre, AO 18.889 RS17.133 PRU IV: 118-119. pI. XVII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4595
153 fig. 8 [photo))
RS 8.333 PRUIII: 7-8 Louvre, AO 19.955 RS17.142 PRUVI: no. 4, 5-6, pI. II National Museum of Damascus, DO 4603

RS 10.046 PRU III: 9-10, pI. II National Museum of Aleppo, M 3412 =A 2788 RS17.143 PRUIV: 217-218, pI. XVIII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4604

RS 11.723 PRU III: 9, pI. III Louvre, AO 19.950 RS 17.144 PRUVI: no. 6, 7-9, pI. III National Museum of Damascus, DO 4605
RS 17.148 PRUVI: no. 7, 9-11, pI. IV NatIonal Museum of Damascus, DO 4609
RS 17.152 PRUIV: 214. pI. XXI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4613
425 Only In Ihe letter MSH02G-10274 are both Ihe addressee and Ihe sender two separate Individuals. I.e. Idanda and URU- RS 17.239 PRUVI: no. 8,11-12, pI. IV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4631
lanlna (addressees) and Ijannuttl and Takuwa (senders). RS 17.247 PRUIV: 191, pI. XXXII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4638
·12G For a general overview of the excavations at Ras Shamra. Ras Ibn Hanl and Mlnet el-J3elda. consult mainly the volumes PRUIV: 180, pI. XXXIV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4644
RS 17.286
of Ugaritica (see Ug I-VII) and Ras Slwlllm-Oligarit (see RSO I. JII. VI. VIII-XI. XJII-XVI) and regular archaeological
RS 17.288 PRUrv: 215, pI. XXXV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4646
reports (In AASIAAAS. CRAIBL. Syria). see also recent overviews In GAI.I.IANO - CAI.VET (eds.) (2004) and YON (2006). with
references to further studies. For Ras Ibn Hanl. see J30UNNI - L'lGARCE. E. - L'lGARC~. J. (1998). RS 17.289 PRU rv: 192, pI. XXXV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4647
427 In addition to Peripheral Akkadian. the following languages are In evidence - Ugarltlc. Sumerian. Hurrlan. Hlltile and RS 17.292 PRU rv: 188, pI. XXVI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4649
Luwlan. Egyptian. Phoenician and documents written In the Cypro-Mlnoan script. For the Akkadian of Ugarlt. see RS 17.315 PRU rv: Ill, pI. XXXIX National Museum of Damascus, DO 4658
above all 1-luElINERGARIl (1989) and VAN SOLilT (1991); for the publications of textual material. consult above all the follo-
RS 17.383 PRUrv: 221-223. pI. LXVI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4717
wing volumes Palais Royal d'Ougarit (see PRU II-VI); Ras Slwlllm-Ougarit (RSO II. IV. VII. XII. XIV); Ugaritlca (UgV);
for an edition of the documents In Ugarillc. consult primarily TI,e Cuneiform Aipllabetic Textsfrolll Ugarit. Ras Ibn /-Iani RS 17.385 PRUrv: 194, pI. LXVII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4719
and Otller Places (KTU: second. enlarged edition) (CA1); for the concordance see J30RIlREUII.- PARIlEE (1989) with related RS 17.390 PRUVI: no. 10, 13-14, pI. V National Museum of Damascus. DO 4723
bibliography In CUNCIIII.I.OS (1990). RS 17.391 PRUrv: 226, pI. LXVII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4724
420 HUEIINERGARD (1999: 381-389).
RS 17.393 PRUrv: 226-227, pI. LXVIII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4726
429 Cf. RS 86.2208; RS 86.2211; RS 86.2212+86.2214A; RS 86.2216; RS 86.2221+86.2225+86.2226+86.2240; RS 86.2223; RS
86.2230; RS 86.2232; RS 86.2234 (photograph only. cr. ARNAUD 2001: 287. I1g. 13); RS 86.2236; RS 86.224 I; RS 86.2249. RS 17.394
PRU rv: 220, pI. LXIX National Museum of Damascus, DO 4727
<130 Cf. RS 88.2009; RS 88.2011; RS 88.2013; RS 88.2158. + 17.427
431 Cr. RS 92.2006; RS 92.2007; RS 92.2017; RS 92.2021. Altogether. 212 Akkadian leiters were discovered In the House of RS 17.398 PRUVI: no. II, 14, pI. V National Museum of Damascus, DO 4730
Urtenu. MALORAN-L'lDAT (pers. comlllullication), see also BORDREUJL - MALDRAN-L'lOAT (1995); MAI.ORAN-L'lOAT (l995a); RS17.422 PRU rv: 223-225, pI. LXXII National Museum of Damascus. DO 4735
idelll (l995b); MALORAN-L'lOAT - L'lcKENDACIWR (2001); CAI.VET (2004); MALORAN-L'lOAT (2004); L'lCKENOACIIER - MAI.RRAN-
RS 17.423 PRUrv: 193. pI. LXXIII National Museum of Damasclls, DO 4736
L'lDAT (2005).

80 81
J
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Text Edition Museum No. Text Edition Museum No.

RS 17.424 RS 20.172 UgV: no. 39,120-122,390 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5343

C+17.397B PRUIV: 219-220, pI. LXXIV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4535 RS20.174A UgV: no. 25, 90-91. 384, 704 fig. 32 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5346
RS 17.425 PRUIV: 218, pI. LXXV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4737 RS 20.178 UgV: no. 55, 147-149,397 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5350
RS 17.428 PRUVI: no. 9,12-13, pI. V National Museum of Damascus, DO 4739 RS 20.182 A National Museum of Damascus, DO 5353
U~V:no.36, 111-114,389
RS 17.429 PRU IV: 227-228, pI. LXXV National Museum of Damascus, DO 4740 (+) B + DO 5354
RS 17.451 PRUVI: no. 12, 14-15, pI. V National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.182 C UgV: no. 63, 159,400 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5355
RS 17.452 PRUVI: no. 5, 6, pI. 11 National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.182 0 UgV: no. 67, 162-163,400 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5356
RS 17.455 PRUVI: no. 3, 5, pI. 11 National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.184 UgV: no. 28, 97-100, 386, 715 fig. 37 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5358
RS 17.456 PRU IV: 228, pI. LXXVI National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.1890 UgV: no. 73,167,401 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
RS 18.003 PRUIV: 103-105, pI. LXXVIII National Museum of Damascus, DO 4755 RS 20.191 UgV: no. 75,168-169,401 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5363
RS 18.054 A PRUIV: 228-229, pI. LXXXI National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.194 UgV: no. 62, 158-159,399 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5366
RS 18.057 PRUVI: no. 13, 15, pI. VI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4800 RS 20.196 0 UgV: no. 77,170,401 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
RS 18.089 PRUVI: no. 15, 17-18, pI. VI National Museum of Damascus, DO 4817 RS 20.200A UgV: no. 78,170-171. 402 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5370
RS 18.268 PRU IV: 229, pI. LXXXIV National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.200 B UgV: no. 40, 122-123,390 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
RS 18.281 PRUVI: no. 17, 19, pI. VII National Museum of Damascus, without no. RS 20.200 C UgV: no. 29, 100,386,716 fig. 38 [photo) National Museum of Damascus, without no.
RS 19.006 PRUVI: no. 1,2, pI. 1 National Museum of Damascus, DO 4993
UgV: no. 33, 105-107,388,727-729
PRUVI: no. 14, 15-17, pI. VI National Museum of Damascus, DO 5037 RS 20.212 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5380
RS 19.050 figs. 42, 42A and 42B
RS 19.053 PRUVI: no. 18, 19-21, pI. V11 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5040 RS 20.2140 UgV: no. 79,171,402 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5383
PRUIV: 294, pI. LXXXVIII; UgIV: 64, National Museum of Damascus, DO 5055 RS 20.216 UgV: no. 35,108-110,389,720 fig. 39 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5385
RS 19.070
fig. 49 [photo) RS 20.219 UgV: no. 44, 129-131,393 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5388
PRUVl: no. 2, 2-5, pIs. HI; UglY: 64, National Museum of Damascus, DO 5062
RS 19.080 RS 20.225 UgV: no. 45, 131-132,394 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
fig. 50 [photol
RS 20.227 UgV: no. 57, 151-154,398 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5393
RS 19.115 PRUVl: no. 19,21, pI. VIII National Museum of Damascus, DO 5091
RS 20.232 UgV: no. 58, 154-155,399 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5397
UgV: no. 26, 91-94, 384, 709-711 figs. 35, National Museum of Damascus, DO 5266
RS 20.003 UgV: no. 31,102-104,387,718
35A and 35B [photos) RS 20.237 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5401
National Museum of Damascus, DO 5276 fig. 38A Iphotol
RS 20.013 UgV: no. 49, 136-138,395
UgV: no. 24, 87-89, 383, 698
RS 20.015 UgV: no. 53, 143-145,396 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5278 RS 20.238 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5402
fig. 30 [photo)
RS 20.016 UgV: no. 38,117-120,391 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5279
RS 20.239 UgV: no. 52,141-143,396 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5403
RS 20.017 UgV: no. 43, 128-129,393 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5280
RS 20.242 UgV: no. 72, 166-167,401 National Museum of Damascus, wilhout no.
RS 20.018 UgV: no. 22, 83-85, 382, 700 fig. 311photol National Museum of Damascus, DO 5281
UgV: no. 32,104-105,387,716
RS 20.019 UgV: no. 48,135-136,394 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5282 RS 20.243 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5405
fig. 38 [photol
RS 20.021 UgV: no. 42, 126-128,392 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5284
RS 20.244
UgV: no. 27, 94-97, 385, 713-714 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5285 (probably
RS 20.022 UgV: no. 61, 157-158,399 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5406
figs. 36 and 36A Idemlcal wllh
RS 21.063 Om
RS 20.023 UgV: no. 54, 145-147,397 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5286
UgV: no. 20, 69-79, 380-381, 641 figs. 22,
RS 20.246 UgV: no. 68, 163-164,400 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5408
RS 20.033 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5290 UgV: no. 59, 156,399
22A-G RS 20.248 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5410
RS 20.095 UgV: no. 65, 161,400 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5291 UgV: no. 30, 100-102,386,734
RS 20.255 A National Museum of Damascus, DO 5414
UgV:no.46,132-133,394 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5301 fig. 44 [photol
RS 20.130
National Museum of Damascus, RS 20.426,14
RS 20.141 A UgV: no. 76 + no. 154, 169-170,401
DO 5313 + DO 5324 (Pt1858) UgV: no. 70 + no. 69,164-165,401 National Museum of Damascus, wHhout no.
+ 20.152
+ 21.072
UgV: no. 34, 107-108,388,735 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5314
RS 20.141 B RS 20.[4381
fig. 45 [photol UgV: no. 47, 133-134,394 not Indicated in PRUVI1: 274
(Pt 1844)
RS 20.150 UgV: no. 56, 149-150,398 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5322
National Museum of Damascus, DO 5323 RSL 1 (RS UgV: no. 23, 85-86, 383, 696
RS 20.151 UgV: no. 50, 138-139,395 Louvre, AO 21.087
[Varia 161l figs. 29 and 29A
RS 20.158 UgV: no. 51. 139-141,395 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5330 RS 21.006 C
+ 20.195 R UgV: no. 80,171,402 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
(= RS 20.21-1 OJ
RS 20.159 UgV: no. 74,168,401 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5331
RS 21.007 C UgV: no. 71, 165,401 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
UgV: no. 37, 115-116,390,691 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5334
RS20.162 RS 21.054 B UgV: no. 66,161-162,400 National Museum of Damascus, without no.
fig. 27 Iphotol
RS 20.168 UgV: no. 21, 80-83, 382, 694 fig. 28 National Museum of Damascus, DO 5341
+ 20.195 P [photo) m KOIINE (1974).

82
I 83
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Text Edition Museum No. Text Edition Museum No.

RS 21.063 F RSOVlI: no. 6. 27-29. pI. II; UgVlI:
(probably RS 34.143 National Museum of Aleppo. M 869
UgV: no. 60. 156--157.399 National Museum of Damascus. without no. pI. XXV-XXVI [photo)
Identical with
RS 20.244)<JJ RSO VII: no. 9. 32-34. pis. III and XX
RS 34.145 National Museum of Aleppo. M 871
RS 21.064 UgV: no. 64.160-161.400 National Museum of Damascus. without no. [photo); UgVlI: pI. XXVII [photo)
RS 21.183 UgV: no. 41.124-126.392 National Museum of Damascus. DO 5569 RSOVlI: no. 15.42-44. pI. V; UgVlI:
RS 34.146 National Museum of Aleppo. M 872
pI. XXVIII [photo]
RS 21.201 PRUVI: no. 20. 21-22. pI. VIII National Museum of Damascus. DO 5573
RSOVlI: no. 38. 80-81. pis. XII
RS 22.006 PRUVI: no. 16. 18. pI. VII National Museum of Damascus. DO 5778 RS 34.149 National Museum of Aleppo. M 874
and XXIV [photo)
RS 22.216 unpublished. MALORAN- LAOAT (1995b: 36) National Museum of Damascus. DO 5786 RSOVlI: no. 10.35-36. pI. IV; UgVlI:
RS 34.150 National Museum of Aleppo. M 875
RS 22.347 unpublished. MALORAN-LAOAT (1995b: 35) National Museum of Damascus. DO 5814 pI. XXXI [photo)
unpublished. MALORAN- LAoAT RSO VII: no. 13. 40-41. pis. V and XXI
RS 23.023 National Museum of Damascus. DO 6098 RS 34.151 National Museum of Aleppo. M 876
(1995b: 35-36) [photo]; UgVlI: pI. XXXII [photo)
unpublished. MALORAN-LAOAT (1995b: 37). RSOVlI: no. 40. 84-86; UgVlI:
RS 23.031 National Museum of Damascus. DO 6103 RS 34.152 National Museum of Aleppo. M 877
PRUVIl: 297 fig. 38 a [photo) pI. XXXIII [photo)
RS 23.365 unpublished. MALORAN-LAOAT (l995b: 35) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6120 RSOVlI: no. 35. 75-76. pIs. X and XXIII;
RS 34.153 National Museum of Aleppo. M 878
RS 23.368 unpublished. MAWRAN-LAnAT (l995b: 37) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6122 UgVlI: pI. XXXIV [photo)
RS 25.131 LACKENOACIII!R (1989: 318. 320) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6690 RSOVlI: no. 18.48-50. pI. VI; UgVlI:
RS 34.154 National Museum of Aleppo. M 879
RS 25.138 LACKENoACHER(1989:318-320) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6697 pI. XXXV [photo)
RS 25.430 [A) unpublished. ARNAUD (l992b: 193) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6719 RSOVlI: no. 21. 53-54. pIs. VII and XXII
RS34.155 National Museum of Aleppo. M 880
[photo); UgVlI: pI. XXXVI [photo)
RS 25.461 LACKENoACHER (1989:317-318.319) National Museum of Damascus. DO 6753
RSOVlI: no. 16.44-46. pIs. VI and XXI
UgV: no. 171.322-324.446.730 and 732 RS 34.158 [photo); UgVlI: pIs. XXXVlI-XXXVlll
RS 26.158 National Museum of Damascus. DO 6789 National Museum of Aleppo. M 883
figs. 43 and 43A [photo) [photo)
unpublished. MALoRAN-LAoAT RS 34.159 unpublished National Museum of Aleppo. M 884
RS 28.017 National Museum of Damascus. DO 6798
(1995b: 35-36)
RSOVlI: no. 24. 57. pI. VIII; UgVII:
RS 32.204 RSOVlI: no. 19.50-51. pI. VI National Museum of Aleppo. M 8570 RS 34.160 National Museum of Aleppo. M 885
pI. XXXIX [photo)
RSOVlI: no. 29. 63-64. pI. VIII; RSOVlI: no. 22. 54-55. pI. VII; UgVII:
RS 34.070'" National Museum of Aleppo. M 904 RS 34.161 National Museum of Aleppo. M 886
UgVlI: pI. IV [photo) pI. XL [photo)
RSOVII: no. 12.38-39. pI. IV; UgVII: RSOVlI: no. 39. 83-84; UgVII:
RS 34.129 National Museum of Aleppo. M 856 RS 34.163 National Museum of Aleppo. M 887
pI. XI [photo) pI. XLII [photo)
RS 34.130 unpublished. UgV: pI. XII [photo) National Museum of Aleppo. M 857 RSOVlI: no. 34. 73-74. pI. XI; UgVlI:
RS 34.164 National Museum of Aleppo. M 888
RSOVlI: no. 36. 76--78. pI. XI; UgVlI: pI. XLIII [photo)
RS 34.133 National Museum of Aleppo. M 860
pI. XIV [photo) RSOVlI: no. 46. 90-100. pI. XXIV
RS 34.165 National Museum of Aleppo. M 889
RSOVlI: no. 31. 68-70. pI. IX; UgVlI: [photo); l!8'VlI: pIs. XLIV-XLV [photo)
RS 34.134 National Museum of Aleppo. M 867
pis. XV-XVI [photo) RS 34.167 RSOVlI: no. 25. 57-61, pis. VIII and XXII
RSOVlI: no. 17.46--48. pis. VI and XXI National Museum of Aleppo. M 898
RS 34.135 National Museum of Aleppo. M 861 + 34.175 [photo); UgVlI: pis. XLVII-XLVIII [photo)
[photo); UgVlI: pI. XVII [photo) RSOVlI: no. 23. 56-57. pI. VII; UgVlI:
RSOVlI: no. 7. 29-31. pI. III; UgVlI: RS 34.170 National Museum of Aleppo. M 893
RS 34.136 National Museum of Aleppo. M 862 pI. LI [photo)
pI. XVIII [photo) RSOVlI: no. 20. 52-53. pI. VII; UgVlI:
RSOVlI: no. 37. 79-80. pI. XII; UgVII: RS 34.171 National Museum of Aleppo. M 894
RS 34.137 National Museum of Aleppo. M 863 pI. Lli [photo)
pI. XIX [photo) RSOVlI: no. 33. 72-73. pI. X; UgVlI:
RSOVlI: no. 8. 31-32. pI. III; UgVlI: RS 34.173 National Museum of Aleppo. M 896
RS 34.138 National Museum of Aleppo. M 906 pI. LlII [photo)
pI. XX [photo) RSOVlI: no. 41, 86-87; UgVlI:
RS 34.174 National Museum of Aleppo. M 897
RSOVlI: no. 14.41-42. pI. V; UgVlI: pI. LlV [photo)
RS 34.139 National Museum of Aleppo. M 864
pI. XXI [photo) RS 34.180.5 RSOVlI: no. 42. 87; UgVlI: pI. LXI (g)
RSOVlI: no. 11.36--37. pI. IV; UgVlI: National Museum of Aleppo. M 853
RS 34.140 National Museum of Aleppo. M 865 (34.180 g) [photo)
pI. XXII [photo) RS34.180.13 RSO VII: no. 28. 63. pI. VIII; UgVlI:
RSOVlI: no. 32. 70-72. pIs. IX and XXII National Museum of Aleppo. M 853
RS34.141 National Museum of Aleppo. M 866 (34.180 e) pI. LX (e) [photo]
[photo); LTs'VlI: pI. XXIII [photo) RS 34.180.17 RSOVlI: no. 26. 61-62. pI. VIII; UgVlI:
RSOVlI: no. 47. 101-104. pI. XII; UgVlI: National Museum of Aleppo. M 853
RS 34.142 National Museum of Aleppo. M 868 (34.1800 pI. LX (0 [photo)
pI. XXIV [photo) RS 34.180.60 RSOVlI: no. 27. 62-63. pI. VIII National Museum of Aleppo. M 853
RS 80.387 ARNAUD (l982a: 221- 222) not Indicated. cf. PRUV/I: 354
433 KOliN!! (1974). RSOXlV: no. 14.273-275.290
RS 86.2208 National Museum of Damascus. DO 7751
434 By MALDRAN-L\oAT (1991: 63) considered as a juridical text. [photo], fig. 12

84 85
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Text Edition Museum No. reliably prove that this type of epistolary document was originally deposited not only in the Eastern,
but also in the Central Archive and that the placement of individual documents into the respective
RS 86.2211 RSO XIV: no. 17,277-278, fig. 14 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7753 archives had been based upon chronological principles, with earlier texts from the reign of Arnmg-
RS 86.2212 RSOXIV: no. 11,264-265, fig. 9 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7754 tamru II stored in the Central Archive,436 whereas the later documents - from the reign of Ibiranu-
+ 86.2214 A
were placed in the Eastern Archive. 437 A large group of more than 150 tablets, originally considered
RS 86.2216 RSOXIV: no. 5, 257-258, fig. 7 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7758
to be dated to the velY end of the existence of Ugarit, slightly before the final destruction of the city,
RS 86.2221
+ 86.2225 RSOXIV: no. 13,267-272,290 [photo], were actually unearthed in a burnt layer of the 'Cour V' of the Royal Palace. 438 However, a relatively
National Museum of Damascus, DO 7761 large number of tablets originated also from the structures outside the Royal Palace, such as in the
+ 86.2226 figs. 10-11
+ 86.2240 'House ofYabninu: and in the Residential Quarter (cf. the 'House ofthe Scholar.' the 'House of Rash a-
RS 86.2223 RSO XIV: no. 19,279-280, fig. 15 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7763 pabu.· the 'House of Rapanu·). in the South Central District (especially the 'House of Urtenu·). in the
RS 86.2230 RSO XIV: no. 18,278-279, fig. 15 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7767 South Acropolis Trench. as well as on the Acropolis (see especially the 'House of the High Priest').
RS 86.2232 RSO XIV: no. 10,264, fig. 9 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7769 A geographical scope of the letters discovered in Ugarit is quite strictly limited to northern re-
RSO XIV: no. 16, 277, 290,
RS 86.2234 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7770 gions. Only a few sites are represented both in the Ugaritic archives and among the Arnarna letters.
fig. 13 [photo onlyl
RSO XIV: no. 6, 258-259, fig. 7
cf. Ala~iya. Arnurru. Beirut. Egypt. ]jatti. Qadesh. Sidon. 1'yre and Ugarit. in all cases being either
RS 86.2236 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7772
RS 86.2241 RSO XIV: no. 20, 280 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7775 large political entities or important trade and political centres.
RS 86.2249 RSOXIV: no. 21, 280 National Museum of Damascus, without no. Consistent with the place of discovery of the tablets. as well with their nature. it is only logical
RSO XIV: no. 2, 249-250, fig. 4 that the 'incoming' letters predominate in the Ugaritic archives. whereas the number of 'outgoing'
RS 88.2009 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7784
[including photol documents is rather limited. However. this is far from being a surprising discovery. A similar situa-
RS 88.2011 RSOXIV: no. 3, 250-251, fig. 5
National Museum of Damascus, DO 7785 tion is well illustrated within the Amarna corpUS.·139 where the letters of Egyptian origin represent
[including photol only a small percentage of the preserved documents. In the same way as in Arnarna. the 'outgoing'
RSO XIV: no. 4, 251-252, fig. 6 letters discovered in Ugarit are probably drafts. copies or undeliverable and returned letters. Chief-
RS 88.2013 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7787
[including photol lyon the basis of palaeography and typology of the material. J. I-Iuehnergard. in 1989. classified only
RSOXIV: no. 1,239-247, fig. 3
RS 88.2158 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7790 11 letters in the latter corpus.·...o while in 1999 the same author speaks about up to 43 epistolarY""
[including photol
documents written in Ugarit and preserved both in Ugarit and in other places (such as Tell el-Amar-
RS 92.2006 RSOXIV: no. 8, 261-262, fig. 8 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7797
na and Tel Aphek).
RS 92.2007 RSOXIV: no. 7, 260-261, fig. 8 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7798
RS 92.2017 RSOXN: no. 9, 262-264, 290 [photol, fig. 9 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7808 Concerning the structures of the opening passages of these letters. we can say in general, that in
RS 92.2021 RSOXIV: no. 12,265-266, fig. 14 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7811 all these documents the opening passage consists of two elements - a heading and salutations. As
unpublished, see MALIlRAN-UOAT in other places among the documents considered to be of an Ugaritic origin. the heading contains
RS 94.2177 National Museum of Damascus, DO 7849
(2004: 108, no. 80) the identification of a sender. introduced by a particle umma. and an addressee. followed by a ver-
RS 94.2475 unpublished, see MAl.llIIAN-UOAT National Museum of Damascus, DO 7981 bal form. Both types of heading. I.e. a type where the identification of the sender precedes the iden-
(2004: 188, no. 177) tification of the addressee (ul11ma SENDER - ana ADDRESSEE). as well as the type where the addressee
RS [Varia 101 ASTOUR (1971: 23-26, 28-29, Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, is mentioned first (ana ADDRESSEE - ltmma SENDER). are in evidence:142 More varied is the formal
IRS '1957.2') pis. III-IV [photol Claremont (CA) structure of salutations. In these letters the salutations consist of various. loosely combined. ele-
RS [Varia 251 ARNAUD (1982b: 102-103) National Museum of Latakia, no. 7 ments. as seen in other corpora. such as a manifestation of obedience in situations where the sen-
RS [Varia 261 RSOVII: no. 30, 66-67 National Museum of Latakia, no. 88 der Is someone from a lower social rank than the addressee (I.e. a 'prostration')' a wish of well-being
RS [Varia 271 FALl!S (1984: 163-166, pI. XVII [photoll private collection to the addressee (I.e. 'greetings') and a demand for divine protection (I.e. 'divine blessings'). There
RS [Varia 351 unpublished Louvre, AO 29.507 may follow a stereotyped statement of the sender's well-being and a courteous plea for news con-
RII-I77/17 ARNAUD - K~NNEDY (1979: 318, pI. VIII, 1) not Indicated, cr. PRUVI1: 364 cerning the addressee's well-being.
RIH 78/12 BORDlIIlUII. - CAQUOT (1980: 359-360) National Museum of Damascus, DO 8506
ARNAUD (1984: 19, fig. 1 [photoll A common denominator in a large number of the letters found in. as well as originating from.
RIH81/4
CK7 ARNAUD (1991b:219-220) private collection Ugarit is a prostration formula. This is also found in the Amarna corpus. In Ugarit. as well as in other
places. it is the prostration act that is considered to be the main criterion for the classification of the
Table 12 An ove/'lJiew ofAkkadian letters discovered at UgarU.
436 Or more precisely In the eastern wing or the Centl'lll Archive.
437 cr. VAN SOI.DT (1991: 61-73).
Although J.-Cl. Courtois makes the suggestion that a majority of the diplomatic correspondence ·138 Consult especially CAI.VET (1990: 39-40, n. 2), YON (1992: 119), loMBARD (1995: 229, n. 10)' MII.I.ARD (1995: 119, n. 2).
439 cr. EA I, EA 5, EA 14, EA 99, EA 162, EA 163, EA 190, EA 367 and EA 370. According to the petrographic analyses IIlso EA
was originally hOllsed in the area of the Eastern Archives of the Royal Palace. 4J5 this suggestion can- 380 lEA 382 In GOREN - FINKElSfmN - NA'AMAN (2004: 28>1 and EA 339 were both written down In Egypt, cr. GOREN - FIN-
not be accepted unequivocaly. Based on the material published up to 1991. W. van Soldt was able to KP.I.5TP.lN - NA'AMAN (2004: 28-29).
·148 Amlnlmallstlc approach or HUP.lINERGARD (1989: 11-12).
'141 For a revision see HUEIiNERGflRD (1999: 375, 385-386).
4J5 COURTOIS (1988: 389-394). ·H2 For the opening rormulae In general, see SAI.ONEN (l967); ror Ugarlt see KRISTENSEN (I 977}.

86 87
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

particular text among the so-called 'vassal' letters. 443 The most simple form of salutation employed 11 lu-uk-ru-bu-ka 11 bless you (and)
among the letters of the Ugaritic origin consists of two elements only, greetings (a wish of well- 12 li-i~-~u-ru-ka 12 guard you.
being limited to the addressee) and a call for divine blessings. This binominal structure can be furt-
her extended by a prostration act, preceding the greetings (Le. 'prostration' - 'greetings' - 'divine Concerning the format 448 of the opening passage preserved in the Aphek 6 letter, we can say that
blessings'). However, the most complex structure of the salutation involves the following elements it is composed of two standard elements - the heading and the salutations. In the heading, the
- the greetings, followed by the prostration and followed by other greetings to the addressee. However, identification of the addressee (consisting of his personal name, followed by his title and extension
in contrast to the above-mentioned types of structure, the formula of the well-being wish is further made up of his honorific titles) is followed by the verbal form and an elliptical statement of speech
extended in this case - in the same way as in 'royal' correspondence - also to other members of the with the sender's identification, again consisting of his personal name, title and extended by an
addressee's family and his belongings. It is important to note that the third type of opening passage is expression of his subordinate position to the addressee. Salutations consist of three elements. First
evidenced exclusively in some epistolary documents of Ugaritic origin and it is thus possible to comes a simple form of the prostration formula, followed by the greetings and a wish of divine bles-
identify or confirm the Ugaritic origin of some other documents. 444 Such an example, based on the sings to the addressee.
material from Ugaritic archives, proves, without dispute, that an analysis of the opening passages can,
to a certain degree, inspire further discussions on the origin as well as a dating of some epistolary Hazor
documents.
The expansion of the cuneiform scribal tradition to the southern areas of Syropalestine is illust-
rated by a corpus of documents discovered at Hazor. The earliest of these documents, dated to the
Aphek (Tell Rosh ha-'Ain) Middle Bronze Age, were thus written down at the time, when the site became a centre of local
cuneiform scribal tradition:149 Nevertheless, leaving aside the material dated to the Middle Bronze
Closely associated with the material found at Ugarit are documents discovered at Aphek
Age 450 three more texts were discovered, dated to the Late Bronze Age.1Wo of these texts were admi-
(modern day Tell Rosh ha-'Ain) , located close to the sources of the Yarkon river.445 There are, altoget-
nistrative documents, i.e. Hazor 11 and Hazor 14;151 while the third one - Hazor 10 (IAA 1997-3308)
her, eight tablets and fragments of a diverse nature concerned, including two letters. 446 However,
- was a letter addressed by a certain Adduapdi to Puratpurta. m
only Aphek 6 (52055/1) is sufficiently predicative in relation to the composition of the opening pas-
sage. This document is particularly important by virtue of the certainty as to its origin. The well-pre-
Hazor 10 (IAA 1997-3308),lines 01-06:153
served opening passage also includes a heading in which both the sender and the addressee are
explicitly stated (see lines 1-6). 01 a-na M.pu-ra-at-pur-ta 01 To Puratpurta,
02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak;
03 um-ma M.ad-du-ap- r di 1 ' 03 thus (says) Adduap rdn:)
Aphek6 (5205511), lines 1-11.4H 04 DINGIR.MES it. O.UTU su-lum-ka 04 May the gods and the Sun lask afterl
01 a-l1a M.ba- ra' -ia LO.GAL 01 To J;;I ra 'ya, the magnate, your well-being,
02 a-bi-ia EN-ia 02 my father, my master, 05 SU-lllIl1 ~-ka OUMU.MES-ka 05 the well-being of your household,
03 qf-bi-ma 03 speak; your sons
04 um-ma M.ta-ku-ufJ-li-na 04 thus (says) TakulJlina, 06 KUR-ti.,-ka li-is-a-Iu 06 (and) your land.
05 LO.SA.KI KUR URU.lt-ga-ri-it 05 the prefect of the land of Ugarit,
06 rOUMU'-ka rlR'-ka 06 your rson' (and) your rservant' ( :) As usual, the letter's structure consists of lWO parts - an opening passage and the body of the let-
07 a-na GIR.MES rEN'-ia a-bi-ia am-qut 07 At the feet of my master, my father, I fall. ter. The opening passage is composed of lWO standard elements, a heading and salutations. In the
08 a-na mufJ-fJi a-bi-ia EN-ia 08 With my father, my master, heading, a simple form of the identification of the addressee comes first, followed by a verbal form
09 IU-lt sul-mu DINGIR.MES
and an elliptical statement of speech with a simple form of the identification of the sender. The
09 may it be well. May the gods of
salutations are composed only of one element, an extended version of the wish of divine blessings
sa LU GAL GAL EN - ka the great king, your master,
to the addressee.
10 it DINGIR.MES sa KUR URU.lt-ga-ri-it 10 and the gods of the land of Ugarit

443 See the discussion In MYNAnovA (2006a).
444 For a discussion on the formal structure of royallellers of Ugarltlc origin consult this volume p. i08.
445 For the earlier salvage excavations, consult mainly ORY (1936), Idem (1938). For further systematic excavations. see
above all KOCHAVI (1977); KOCIIAVI- BECK (1976); KOCIIAVI el al. (1978); KOCIIAVI- BECK - YADIN (eds.) (2000) with referen-
ces to further studies.
446 Cf. Aphek I [5837; see RAINEY (l976c)) and Aphek 3 [8151; RAINEY (l976c)) being lexical lists; Aphek 2 [5936; RAINEY
(l975c)) and Aphek 8 [5206011; OWEN (l98111 are administrative documents; In the case of Aphek 4 [8552; RAINEY
(l976c)] and Aphek 5 [8436; RAINEY (l976c) due to the fragmentary state of preservation of the tablets It Is Impossible
to determine their original nature for certain. On the other hand, a leuer Aphek 6 [5205511; OWEN (1981); SINGER (1983);
EDZARD (1985)] Is very well-preserved, while another leller - Aphek 7 - Is too fragmentary and unsuitable for an analy-
sis of the opening passage [2738611; HALto (1981); EDZARD (l98511.
447 Based on OWEN (1981: 2-3 ngs. 1-2, pis. 1-2).
440 For a structural analysis of the leller, consult OWEN (1981: 4-6).
4019 For I-Iazor as a centre of scribal education, see DEMSKY (1990: 158). For the dating of the I-Iazor texts. see recently HORO-
WITZ - OSIllMA - SANDERS (2006: 65-87); for a re-evaluatlon of the dating see DURAND (2006).
·150 For Its overview. Including an MBA leller, as well as a leller fragment dated to the same period, consult primarily VAN DER
TOORN (2000: 98) and HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 65-80; 83-86) with references to further literature; consult also,
HOROWITZ - WASSERMAN (2004) with a response by ZIEGLER - CJIARPIN (2006). For a badly presClved leller fragment, refer-
red to as Hazor 15, see HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA (2007). Concerning the date, the authors of the study eliminate neither the
MBA nor the LBA dating of the fragmeent. Rather, they move towards the MBA dating. cf. HOROWITZ - OSIIlMA (2007: 35).
451 For a recent publication of tile two administrative texts from 1-lazor,l.e.I-lazor II (lAA 1997-3308) and Hazor 14 (I-Iazor
2000-61027). see HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 82; 86) with a complete bibliography.
0\52 For the primary publication see HOROIVlTZ (2000); cr. also further studies: GOREN (2000); HESS (2001); HOROWITZ - OSIll-
MA - SANDERS (2006: 80-82).
453 Cf. most recently HOROWITZ - OSIIIMA - SANDERS (2006: 80-81; 212; 230).

88 89
Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian Chapter 4 - Epistolary Peripheral Akkadian

Gezer Beth Shean 2 (IAA 1997-3310), lines 1-4. 459

01 a-na la-ab-a-ria' 01 To Laba rya "
A letter fragment, dated probably to the Late Bronze Age,454 was discovered, unfortunately not in
02 be-li-ia 02 my master,
a stratified context, during the winter of 1908-1909, at the site of Gezer and today, it is housed in the
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak;
Archaeological Museum in Istanbul. 455 The fragment only contains approximately 14 very badly
04 r ltIn-ma' ta-gi 04 thus (says) Tagi(:)
damaged lines from the body of the letter, which means it impossible to reconstruct the opening
passage of the document.
In this case, the opening passage contains only the heading. The communication is addressed to
Labaya and his identification is extended by the honorific title 'my master'. Then comes a verbal
Tel el-Hesi form and an elliptical statement of speech introduced by umma. In contrast to the addressee's
identification, the sender is identified only by means of his personal name.
It is a very well-known fact that even one of the Amarna tablets - EA 333 - traditionally included
among the Amarna letters, was found at the Palestinian site of Tel el-Hesi, and thus, in order to
preclude any inaccuracies, the text will be compared to the remaing 'Amarna' material only for the
conclusions:'56

Tel el-Hesi 1 (EA 333), lines 1_3:'57

01 [a-Ila L)U.GAL qf-bf-ma 01 [To the ma]gnate, speak;
02 [ltIn-ma M.p]a-a-pf 02 [thus (says) P]apu:
03 r a-Ila' [GJlR.MES-ka am_rqli" -ul 03 I fra'll rafyour [f]eet.

The opening passage of EA 333 represents, indeed, a very simple structure in which only two
elements are employed, i.e. the heading and the salutations. The identification of the addressee
(by means of his title) occupies the first place in the heading, followed by the verbal form and the
elliptical statement with an identification of the sender (by his personal name). Neither the
addressee's nor the sender's identifications take the extended form. The salutations are composed
of the prostration formula, consisting of a directional phrase which is followed by a verbal form
amqut'I fall.'

Beth Shean
Contemporary to the Amarna corpus is an additional, and rather rather questionable, cylindri-
cal epistolary document, found in a secondary context at Beth Shean, i.e. Beth Shean 2 (IAA 1997-
3310). Though the real nature, as well as the dating, of the cylinder is still largely debated, it is still
possible to include the overview of the opening passage in this section:'5R

·'5·' Dated to the Late Bronze Age are also the following cuneiform documents discovered at various sites: a fragment of a
lexical text from Ashqelon (Ash 97-50.49.lA85), see HUElINlmGARD - VAN SOI.DT (1999); HOROWITZ - OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006:
42-43); an administrative text from Jericho (IAA 35.2878), see SMITII, S. (1934); 1-loHOWI'/.- 051 liMA - SANDERS (2006: 96);
an admlnlstralive text containing names of witnesses from Shechem (IAA 32.2891)' see BOllI. (1926: 321-325), for furt-
her literature consult HOROWITI. - OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: 123-125). Fragments of two more cuneiform tablets were also
discovered In Pella (pit F80, Area III Plot C), dated slightly earlier than the Amarna archive, probably round 1550-1450
B.C., RN70417 and RN70418, both being, probably, administrative documents (lists)' see BLACK (1992: 299-301, figs.
42-43 and pis. 40:1-40:2).
m Cf. Gezer 2 (FI. 17, E~ 2829); OIIORME - HARPER (1912: I, 29-31); see also OIIOHME (1909); AI.nRlGIIT (l943c); IZRE'E!. (1977);
EDZARD (1985). For a fragment of a Middle Bronze Age envelope labelled as Gezer I, see SIIArrl!R (1970). For Gezer cunelfortn
material, Including texts from the first millennium B.C., see most recently 1-loHOWIT/. - OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: 51-60)
with references to further literature.
·'56 Cf. J-JOROIVlTI. - OSIIiMA - SANDI!RS (2006: 92-94); see this volume, p. 28, n. 127.
457 Cf. most recently 1-loROWITl. - OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: 93; 214).
450 For an overview of various Interpretations of the cylinder, see especially HOROWI'/. (1996); RAINEY (1998); GOREN - FIN-
KElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 259). Consult also HOROIVlTI.- OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: 48-49). 459 Cf. most recently J-JOROIVI'/. - OSHIMA - SANDERS (2006: 48; 208; 225).

90 91
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
AMARNA LETTER FORMAT - AN ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE
As has been already stated in the previous chapter, the opening passages are usually considered
to be the most standardized and invariable parts of the Amarna communications. However, in
order to reach a more balanced and representative set of conclusions, it is necessary to analyze the
individual texts, both in terms of the structure (including the individual elements) and of the lan-
guage. The material available for this analysis - even though it does not represent 100 percent of the
Amarna material- allows us to discuss the particular problems in a systematic manner and, subse-
quently, to arrive at a more general set of conclusions. Leaving aside the documents which do not
include an opening passage or are not written in Peripheral Akkadian (Le. scholarly texts, invento-
ries, letters in other languages, continuations of earlier tablets, tablets with opening passages bro-
ken off or badly damaged and impossible to reconstruct, individual fragments) we can make use of
a total of 290 opening passages, preserved in a total of 289Ietters. 460 Nevertheless, before we start to
discuss the individual structural elements, their combinations and the specific texts in which these
combinations are employed, it is essential to make comment specifically in relation to the nature
of these particular passages and phrases, as well as on those persons responsible for writing them
down, Le. the scribes of Amarna.
The Scribes of Amarna
In general we can say that although the messages contained in these letters were addressed from
one ruler to another, the individual rulers were not the persons who actually wrote the messages in
their own hand. The people responsible for the recording of the messages - as part of their wider
range of duties - were, of course, the scribes who were trained to fulfill these tasks. Furthermore, it
is evident that the individual 'authors' of the messages, i.e. the rulers or other representatives of
power, were not in a position to simply dictate the messages. First, this would have required them
to have at least a basic knowledge of the Akkadian language and although we cannot be absolutely
certain as to the level of their knowledge of Akkadian, we would probably not be too far from the
truth if we assumed their ignorance in this respect. Second, but of no less importance, the dictation
of a letter requires - even today - at least a basic knowledge of and experience in letter writing on
the part of the person who is dictating the message. Thus the rulers would have had to acquire at
least some capability in composing a letter, which is rather an improbable assumption. Thus the
more probable scenario is that the ruler would have delivered his message to the scribe orally, in his
own native tongue, and the scribe would have noted down the main content of the message. Then,
the scribe would have been responsible for the preparation of the fair copy, which was to be sent
and delivered to the recipient. Following on from this discussion point, we can address the issue of
the extent to which the opening passages were contained in the dictated part of the letter. In this
respect we can assume that the scribe must have been aware of the recipient of the message, i.e. he
460 For a more detailed discussion, see chapter 3, pp. 59-66, and especially table 6. The following Amarna documents could
not be used, for various reasons, for the analysis: EA 4, EA 13, EA 14, EA 22, EA 24, EA 25. EA 31, EA 32, EA 36, EA 43, EA
46, EA 47, EA 56+361, EA 57, EA 66, EA 67, EA 69, EA 70, EA 72, EA B2, EA 101, EA III, EA 113, EA liS, EA 120, EA 127,
EA 12B, EA 131, EA 133-135, EA 163, EA 167, EA 169, EA 172, EA 173, EA 179-IBI, EA IB6, EA 190, EA 197, EA20B, EA
210, EA 214, EA 2IB, EA 219, EA 236, EA 237, EA 240, EA 245, EA 247, EA 251, EA291, EA31O, EA 313, EA335, EA 339-360,
EA 36B, EA 371-377, and EA 379-3BI.
92
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
must have been familiar with the identity of the addressee, information that would have been deli-
vered to him by his master. We can take this line of reasoning even further. If it could be proven that
the social rank and relationship between the sender and the addressee played a certain role in
determining the particular opening passage employed in the letter, the announcement of the
addressee's identification would provide the scribe with enough information to compose the ope-
ning passage in the required form.
Unfortunately, we are almost completely 'in the dark' as far as the identity of the scribes is con-
cerned. However, it is clear that these scribes, who received their comprehensive training in 'Meso-
potamian-oriented cuneiform literacy,'461 were evidently familiar not only with letter-writing but
additional skills. The curriculum they followed was richer and included the study of texts for begin-
ners, along with literary compositions for more advanced students. 462
Despite the not always completely convincing evidence provided by Petrie in his reports concer-
ning the discoveries at the Central City at Tell el-Amarna, as well as the subsequent doubts as to the
credibility of his interpretations of the archaeological situation at the site,'163 there are no fundamen-
tal reasons why the local 'school' should not have been located in the Q42.21. This is the location
where both epistolary and educational documents were discovered. The nature of the documents
discovered in this structure, however, confirms that it was not 'only' a place where the messages
were kept (Le. a royal archive) but that the building was at the same time a centre where scribes
received their training:IG•1However, during the 1933-1934 excavation season the mission led by J. D.
S, Pendlebur1 65 uncovered, east of the 'Records Office,' i.e. Q42.21, another 'centre of education and
scribal tradition,' the so-called 'House of Life"166 (prJII[t; Q42.19, Q42.20, Q42.31 and Q42.30),·167
which was unfortunately in a very bad state of preservation:168 The proximity of these two structu-
res was interpreted by Arzi 469 as intentional and subsequently the whole area represented for him
the meeting-place of two cultures, i.e. Egyptian and 'Mesopotamian-oriented.' Unfortunately, with-
out going into detail, he divided the scribes of Akhetaten into two corresponding groups, i.e. the
'Egyptian' (in the 'I-louse of Life') and the 'cuneiform' (in The Place of the Correspondence of Pha-
raoh, I. p. h.') staff. The two groups, according to him, lived in a state of mutual co-existence and the
usage of certain formulae preserved in the Amarna letters implied the co-existence of Egypto-
cuneiform systems. For Artzi, the daily contacts between the two groups of scribes had resulted in
a letter formula which might have ensued either from team-work or bilingualism on the part of the
'cuneiform staff.' However, it is not clear as to why we should automatically postulate this 'double
structure', Le. keeping the 'Egyptian' and the 'cuneiform' staff completely apart from each other. A
more plausible explanation seems to be that some of the scribes might have been competent in
'1611'or more Information and analysis, cf. Aln7.1 (1990: 140). I'or the education of scribes at Amarna, consult especially
ARTZI (l9B6); Idem (1990); Idem (1992); IZIIE'I!I. (1997: 9-13); VAN DIm TooRN (2000: 105-107); and finally, on the education
of Canaanite scribes, see DEMSKY (1990) with references to further literature.
·162 Cf. ARTll (1990: 140).
463 I'or the discussion, see IZRE'EI. (1997: 4-9) with references to relevantllternture.
·IM I'or a description of the place as edllbba, see AIITZI (1990: 140); Mtzl's statement (1990: 152) that the edllbba was trans-
ferred to Amarna from Thebes Is highly probable; during the reign of Ramesse II a similar structure might also have
been located at PI-Ramesse (the modern day Qantlr, In the eastern Nile Delta). where a fragment of a badly damaged
leller (I'ZN 03/0260). belonging to the Egypto-Hlllite correspondence, was discovered In 2003, unfortunately out of a
clear archaeological context, cr. PUSC" - JAKon (2003); VAN DER TooRN (2000: 105) concisely labels the structure as a 'cent-
re of scribal learning'.
4651'or a preliminary report, see PENDLEnURY (1935: esp. 133f.); for the final report Including the excavations In the Central
City, see PENDI.EnUIIY (1951: I, 113f.).
466 I'or the Impression of the stamp, see Pp.NDI.EnURY (1951: II, pI. LXXXIII VI), see also PENDI.EDURY (1951: I, 115-116).
467 For a discussion on the 'I-louse of Life', Its meaning and function In Egypllan society, as well as Its place In the educa-
lion system of Ancient Egypllan scribes and the catalogue of occurrences, see GARDINP.R (I 93B).
468 PENDLEnURY (1935: 134) himself describes the state as being 'In a terribly ruinous condition'. At present, the neighboring
area of 'Clerks I-louses' Is also described as being 'denuded or covered by debris: cr. KP.MP - GARFI (1993: 29).
469 AIITZI (1990: 140).
93
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
both scribal traditions. Artzi's 'team-work theory,' however, requires further discussion. Neverthe-
less, it is quite difficult to imagine that a single text, and in particular one of an epistolary nature,
might have been composed by two or more scribes. Could it have been that one of the scribes
would write the message in Akkadian onto a clay tablet while the other one would give him advice
concerning the Egyptian epistolary formulae? I suggest that this is a highly improbable scenario. If
such were the case, we would also have to find a meaningful answer to the question 'How would
they communicate with each other - in Egyptian or in Akkadian?'. However, here we reach the
second option presented by Artzi in relation to some of the formulae, Le. the bilingualism of the
scribes. Nevertheless, even though we cannot be absolutely sure about it, it is not likely that in
Arnarna Peripheral Akkadian was, indeed, a spoken language. For Arnarna, the usage of Akkadian
was very strictly limited. Akkadian was understood to be the language of international relations and
diplomacy, an instrument of written communication between the king and representatives of other
political centres but not at all an instrument of daily communication between individuals. Al-
though there might have been some 'foreigners' present in the office of the Pharaoh's correspon-
dence, individuals who might have been 'responsible' for the education of other scribes;'70 we might
assume that the majority of the scribes were of local origin. A further sign of the co-operation bet-
ween the 'Egyptian' and 'cuneiform' staff given by Artzi is realized through a series of short hieratic
notations written on the surface of some of the letters. Nevertheless, even in this case the hieratic
dockets might be taken as proof of the existence of scribes who were familiar with both Egyptian
and Akkadian letter-writing.
Unfortunately, none of the responsible local scribes at Amarna, who were not only ordinary
members of the court staff but actually high-ranking officials,m is known to us by name. There is
actually only one instance where the name of a scribe is reliably preserved in the Arnarna letters.
The name of Kidin-Adad Hl can be found in EA 12: 23, cf. ' 2J your servant, Kidin-Adad 2·1 i-sa-ak-ni(?)"7J
25- 261 would give my life for you, my master'. However, the scribes working at the royal court at Akhe-
taten are at least sometimes identified by their title:17oI Since Albright's study in 1946, it has been
widely accepted that the title of a responsible Amarna scribe can be recognized in a postscript of
EA 316, addressed to the king's scribe. The Egyptianism sa-aLl-si-lJa-si-bcf 75 was connected by Al-
bright"76 with an Egyptian title s$ $r,t'177 'letter-writer' or 'epistolary secretary' and created a redundant
title s$ $r.1 $r.WI 'letter-writer of letters'. With reference to Wb III, 480 and Wb IV; 419, Albright further
stated that the title s$ $r.1 was attested from this period onwards and the fact that the title was also
known in the Near East was illustrated by him through the reference to the Kadesh inscription" 70 , as
well as to the later Story ofWenamun:179 Despite the fact that the earliest attestations of this title
0170 For the discussion on the subject of learning Akkadian by the Egyptians, consult especially BECKMAN (1983); WII.lIELM
(1984); for the scribes of 'foreign' origin, see EIlZARD (1985: 254-255) and a response by ARTZI (1985: esp. 270); idem
(1992: 3-4); [ZRI!'EL (I 995b: 109-1IB); idem (1997: 10 n. 7); Idem (2003: 73).
m Thus VAN DER TOORN (2000: 105) describes these scribes as 'secretaries' and their duties contained the following ele-
ments: (I) 'booking the messages;' (2) 'first screenings;' and (3) 'translations:
472 Wri II en M.ki-dill-D.IM; for the name consult HESS (1993: 100).
47J For problems with the Interpretation of the passage, see MO/IAN (1992: 24 n. 4).
·1701 Another mention of a scribe Including his name can be found In EA 42: 27, however, the passage Is (00 damaged to
understand It correctly, cr. [... 1 LO.DUB.SAR M.m-[ ... ).
·175 Cf. 'court archivist,' In: SCIIULMAN (1964: 60 n. 73); 'Brlefschrelber,' In: [-[ELCK (1962: 478 n. 6); 'epistolary secretary,' In:
COCIIAV,-RA,NEY (1997: 104-105); 'Ieller writer, secretary,' In: VAN DER TOORN (2000: 101).1 In Ell 316: 16-17 cf. 16[a_n)a
M.sa-alJ-Sl-lJa-si-lJa [EN-ia) 17[1I)II1-ma M.plI-D.[SKUR a-lla 2 G1R.MES-ka am-[qli-llti.
476 ALnRIGIiT (1946: 20-21, no. 53).
0177 However, the Egyptian term for the 'message' or 'Ieller,' I.e. JC.I, Is also contained In the original name of the building,
• ~OJ For the blocks cr. QUIDI:LL (1912: 143; pis. LXVI; LXV[ A, 2); the New Kingdom blocks are depicted In QUIDELl. (1912:
where the documents were kept, I.e. 'The Place of the Correspondence of Pharaoh, I. p. h: (Il S.I III SC.II'I prJl c. 11'. S.).
preserved on a series of mud-bricks, cr. PETRIE (1894: pI. XLII); PENDLEnURY (1951: [, 113-130). For the usage of the term
SC.I, consult especially BAKIR (1970: 14-15).
0170 Cf. KUENTZ (1928: 376); KRill, 101, II; KITCHEN (1996: 14).
419 Cf. GOLilNICllEPP (1899: 2, 64).
94
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
from the time of the New Kingdom can be found in the tomb of the 'Mayor of the Southern City,'
Sennefer (IT 96), at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna and dating to the time of Arnenhotep 11,480 until now we
do not have any reference to a holder of this title from Arnarna itself. 481 Nevertheless, the usage of
the title by the end of the 18th Dynasty is documented by means of an inscription that might have
originated from a tomb of the 'overseer of the treasury,' Maya4B2 • On one of the loose-blocks disco-
vered by 1. E. QuibeU at Saqqara, in the southernmost part of the Monastery of Apa Jeremias, the
'letter-writer' Ptahmose is mentioned, depicted in the upper register. A group of foreigners, inclu-
ding men, women and children, is also registered. 48J
Nevertheless, the Egyptianism sa-aLl-si-ba-si-Lw in EA 316: 16 is not the only designation of scribes
functioning at the Amarna royal court. In the postscripts of four letters from the ruler of Jerusalem,
i.e. in EA 286: 61, EA 287: 64, EA 288: 62, and EA 289: 47, the scribe is identified as the 'king's/royal
scribe' (fupsar sarn). On the one hand we can understand this identification as purely functional,
describing the role of the official in charge of tlle correspondence, Le. the 'scribe,' as well as his social
position at the court, i.e. the 'king's' or 'royal' servant. However, on the other hand, we cannot rule
out the possibility that the Akkadian expression might represent a translation of a certain Egyptian
administrative title. Nevertheless, in both cases we can be sure that the way in which the 'scribe'
was identified in these postscripts was fully functional. From the given context we can suppose that
an honorific designation would not have been suitable, Regarding the second possibility, i.e, that
there might be an existing Egyptian title hidden behind the Akkadian expression fupsar sarri, cer-
tain possibilities are provided by means of prosopographical material from Amarna. The Amarna
age was no different to preceding periods in that the 'scribal titles' were well-spread among the
individual officials and these might have expressed certain social or official positions of the holder
within society. However, only two titles of the abundant Amarna repertoire appear to be of relevan-
ce to this discussion, i.e. 'royal scribe' (s$ IIswl) and 'true royal scribe' or 'royal secretary' (s$ IIswl
nli r.O·104 According to the prosopography of the Amarna officials produced by Hari,'105 there are alto-
gether fifteen or fourteen ·1U6 holders of the title 'royal scribe,' while for the title 'royal secretary' has
been attested to only eight holders so far, This figl\l'e, however, only illustrates that the title 'royal
secretary' was less widely used, though it might also imply that its holders were ofhigher social rank
than the 'royal scribes,' However, a more detailed study of the prosopographicalmaterial, summa-
rized in table 13, reveals that it is impossible to draw more general conclusions in this respect, since
no clear and explicit distribution of the titles can be recognized within this corpus. In some of the
cases, however, it is obvious that both 'royal scribe' and 'royal secretary' might, in fact, simply be
·100 PM [2: 197-203; the following three 'Ieller-wrlters,' Inferiors of Sennefer, are alleslCd: 'Ieller-wrlter of the mayor of
the Southern City, his especial confidant, scribe .. .' (s.~ JC.I II bll.)'J II IIjll'.1 IISII'/(slc!) III~I-jl} III S.I=! S.~ [ ... J; Urk. IV,
1434, 12; 'Ieller-wrlter of the mayor of the Southern City Sennefer, Bakl' (s.~ .~c.1 II /d/.yJ II IIjll'.1 ".\'.1 slI-l!fr IJlkj; Urk.
IV, 1434, 14; 'Ieller-writer of the mayor of the Southern City Sennefer, Chaem[ ... [' (s.~ JC.I II ~IU.)'J II IIjll'.1 rS.1 sll-I!fr
V-III-[ ... \; Urk. IV, 1434, 15. [n the tomb of Amenhotep Sise (TT 75) at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, from the reign ofThut-
mose [V, a holder of the title, cr. 'Ieller-wrlter, steward of the second prophet of [Amun\, Djeserkareseneb', (sJ .~C.I
jlll.),-rJ pI' II ~1I1I-II{r SIIII' [II jlllll] (/sr-H-r c slIiJ; Urk. IV, 1215, 13, Is allested. However, In the tomb the same official Is
also mentioned as 'scribe, steward of the second prophet of AnulI1, Djeserkareseneb', (sJ jlll.),-d PI' II ~1I11-II{r SIIII' II
jlllll dsr-H-r c slIb; Urk. [V, 1213, 12. For the tomb of Djeserkareseneb (TT 38) at el-Khokha, with further references,
see KAMPP (1996: 228-230).
~Ol For scribal titles allested so far from Tell el-Amarna consult HARI (1976). The majority of references given In Wb are
actually dated (0 the Ramesslde period and later.
~02 For Maya cr. PM lie: 661-663.
LXV-LXXXII).
,184 Cr. table 13. Data In the table has been excerpted from HARI (1976). For the translations of the Egyptian titles, consult
especially [-[ELCK (1954); WARD (1982); FISCIIER, [-I. (1985); GRAIETZKI (2000); JONES (2000). For the administration of the
New Kingdom, see above alii-laCK (1958); for the royal court, see the recent GUNDIACIl (2006) with further literature.
·105 Cf. HARI (1976).
·186 Actually, Ipy (II). cr. [-[ARI (1976: no. 31), and Ipy (VI). cr. HARI (1976: no. 35). might be the same person.
95
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

honorary titles used among 'carrier officials,' while in other cases the usage of the respective title Reference
Name Title Other titles
might refer to a real 'job description' of the particular 'scribe.' Nevertheless, it cannot be precluded In lIAR! (1976)
that some of the holders of these titles might be identical to those scribes indicated in the Amarna HAR! ThIU 'royal secretary' 'chamberlain' (jlll.y [111/);
letters as the 'royal scribes.' (1976: no. 312) (s! IISII'I ml r ./) 'chief servant of Nefekheprure Waenre
in the house of the Aten in Akhetaten
Reference Other titles
(blk Ip.y II 1I/I'-bpl'.II'-r r II'r_II _I'r III pI' jIll III lll.l-jlll);
Name Title
In HAm (1976) 'chief servant of Neferkheperure Waenre
in the barque' (blk Ip.y II II/I'-bpl'.w-rr II'r_lI _r r III II'm;
HAR! Any (II) 'royal secretary' 'scribe of the offering tables of the Lord of the
'overseer of all craftsmen of the Lord
(1976: no. 4) (s! IISWlllll r ./) 1\vo Lands' (s! M.WIII lib /l.II'Y);
of the 1\vo Lands' (jm.y-d bill. 11'1 IIb.1 II lib /l.II'Y);
'scribe of tlle offering tables of the Aten'
'overseer of all works of His Majesty'
(s! M.lI'/lIjm); 'steward oftlle house of Aakheperure
(jm.y-rl H.II'I IIb.1 II blll=j);
(= Amenhotep II)' (jlll.y-rl pI'1I PI' rl-bpI'·II'-I'<)
'overseer of silver and gold of the Lord
HAR! Ay (II) 'royal secretary' 'god's father' (j11l/rJ; of the 1\vo Lands' (jlll.y-rl M IIbll' II lib /l.wy);
(1976: no. 13) (s! IISlI'llIIl r .t) 'fan bearer on the right of the King' 'overseer of the treasury of the Aten in the house
(Jlw-bll' bl' Wlllllj IISII't); of the Aten in Akhetaten'
'overseer of all horses of His Majesty (jlll.y-ri pl'-M II pi jIll III Pl'jlll III Ill.l-jlll);
(jlll.y-rl SSIII.lI'/lIb(.II't) II blll=j); 'principal mouth in the entire land'
'troop commander' (hr.y pqly(.II'» (I'l bl'.y II /l I'-(}r=j);
HAR! Ahmose 'royal secretary' 'fan bearer on the right of the King' 'steward of Kheperkheperure (= Ay)'
(1976: no. 19) (s! IISWllIIl r .t) (Jlw-bw (II' wlllllj IISII't); (jm.y-I'l pI' bpr-bpl'.II'-I'<)
'steward of the house of Akhenaten' HAil! Any (I) 'royal scribe' 'chief vinter' «1I'.y HIII.II');
(jlll.y-rl prill PI' lb-II-jlll); (1976: no. 3) (s! IISII't) 'chiefvinter' «1I·.y brb)
'overseer of the house of justice' (jlll.y-ri rwy./) HAIII Anymen 'royal scribe' 'servitor' (s(/mJ!)
'royal secretary' 'mayor of Nefrusy' (1976: no. 5) (s! IISII'/)
HAR! luny
I-IAIII Ay (I) 'royal scribe' 'second prophet of Amun' «1111-11/1' SIIII' II jlllll);
(1976: no. 25) (s! IISlI'llIIl r ./) «I u .yJ II IIfrswy)
(1916: no. 12) (s! IISII't) 'first prophet of Mut' «1111-11/1' Ip.y II /1II1't);
HAR! Amenhotep (II) 'royal secretary' 'hereditary prince (and) count'
'steward in the house ofTiye in the house
(1976: no. 48) (s! IISWlllll r ./) (jrY-IFI MI.y-<);
of Amun' (jlll.y-rl PI' III pI' Ijj III pI' jlllll)
'overseer of PI' WI' of the King' (jlll.y-rl pI' WI' II IISWt);
I-IAIII luaa 'royal scribe'
'overseer of pI' WI' of the King at Inebuhedj -
(1976: no. 20) (s! IISII't)
(= Memphis)' (jlll.y-rl pI' WI' (II) IISII'IIII jllb.lI'-b{n; Ipy (II)
HAIII 'royal scribe' 'steward' (jlll.y-rl prj;
'overseer of all royal craftsmen' (1976: no. 31) (s! IISII't) 'overseer of the inner apartments of the Great
(jlll.y-rl bill. wI IIb.1 II.IIISII'/); House' (jlll.y-rl pI jpl rill pI' rn;
'overseer of the house of silver (and) the house 'steward of Mennefer (= Memphis)'
of gold' (jlll.y-rl PI'-(I(/ pI'-lIbw); (jlll.y-ri pI' II 1I1II-lIfr)
'leader of the festival of all gods of Inebuhedj l'IAIl! Ipy (VI) 'royal scribe' 'steward' (l1II.y-rl PI')
(= Memphis)' (sIIII (Ib II 11/1'.11' III jll/J.w-b{n; (1976: no. 35) (sIlIslI't)
'great companion of the Lord of the 1\vo Lands' I'IAR! Ameneml- 'royal scribe' 'overseer of the fields' (jlll.y-rl sll.lyll')
(SIIII' rIll lib II.wy) (1976: no. 43) pet (III) (sIIISII'/)
'royal secretary' 'royal son (= viceroy) of Kush' (sl/lS1I'/1I kJ); I-IAIII Inyy (III) 'royal scribe'
I-IAR! Amenho-
(1976: no. 54) (sI IISII't)
-
(1976: no. 50) tep (IV) Huy (sI /lSII'I IIIlr.t) 'overseer of the southern lands' (jlll.y-rl [liS.WI I's.II'/);
'fan bearer on the right of the King' I-IAIl! Paatonemheb 'royal scribe' 'general of the Lord of the 1\vo Lands'
(1976: no. 83) (sJ IISII't) (j1ll.y-rlIllJ r II lib /l.II'Y);
(J lll'-llll' bl' wlllllj /lSwt);
'overseer of works at Akhetaten'
'hereditary prince (and) count' (jl'y_pr.1 MI.y-<);
(jlll.y-rl H.II'I III Ib.l-jm);
'great companion' (SIIII' rJ);
'steward' (jlll.y-rl prj
'royal envoy to all lands' (wp.ly IIswl I' bls.lllb(./»
HAil! Pentchu 'royal scribe' 'chamberlain of the King' ([lI'.y-lp IISII't);
HAil! Ramose (IV) 'royal secretary' 'steward of the temple of the Aten'
(1976: no. 115) (s! IISII'/) 'chief servant of the Aten in the temple of Aten
(1976: no. 218) (s! IISII'I IIIlr./) (jlll.y-d pI' II /l bw.1 pI jm); at Akhetaten' (blk Ip.y II jIll III /l bll'.1 pi jm III Ib.l-jlll);
'hereditary prince (and) count' (jl'y_pr.1 (III.y-<); 'chief physician' (II'I'SII'II.II');
'fan bearer on the right of the King' 'seal bearer of the King' (s(/I.lI'ly bjly);
(J III'-bll' bl' II'II/llj IISII't); 'sole companion' (SIIII' II'r./y );
'overseer of the double granary of the South 'the two feet of the Lord of the 1\vo Lands'
and North' (jlll.y-rl !1I.lI'ly 11.11' I'SII' IIIbll') (I'd.II'Y II lib /l.II'Y);

96 97
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

Reference Unfortunately, the identity of the scribes at Amarna, into whose hands the correspondence was
Name Title Other titles
In HAnI (1976) directed, cannot be further elucidated either by contemporary or later documents. In fact. the very
'chamberlain' (jill.)' {1Il1); opposite is the case. Subsequent events made information from the royal court at Akhetaten even
'one, who approaches the King's body' more inaccessible. After the city was abandoned. which probably happened during the second year
(Ikll III Vw IISWI); of Tutankhamun's reign, the king, accompanied by many of his officials. went north to the tradi-
'greatest of the great' (WI' WI'.W); tional administrative centre at Memphis.~90 with some officials possibly returning to Thebes. Memphis,
'first noble of the sole companions' therefore, probably became both the kings' residence and the new capital of Egypt. 491 Although our
(SI' 11'.)' II SIIII'(.W) 11'°(.1),11'» knowledge of the role played by Memphis during the Amarna period is rather limited. we can be
HARI May (IV) 'royal scribe' 'hereditary prince (and) count' (jl'),-po.1 MI.),-'1; sure that its infrastructure remained intact and that it actually began to be exploited by the 'new
(1976: no. 132) (sS IISWI) 'seal bearer of the King' (sdl.lI'/)' bjly); Akhenaten's regime' - in the area of Memphis the archaeologically still unidentified new temple.
'sole companion' (Sill/, 1I'°.ly);
dedicated to Aten, was erected and some of its priests and high officials were buried in the near-by
'general of the Lord of the 1\vo Lands' Saqqara necropolis.492
(j1ll.y-I'IIllSo II lib O.wy);
'steward of Sehotep-Aten' (jlll.y-rl pI' II sblp-jlll); The necropolis performed the role of main burial site for Memphis approximately until the reign
'steward ofWaenre at lunu (= Heliopolis), of Ramesse II, when the capital was moved to the newly founded Pi-Ramesse in the eastern Nile
(jlll.),-rl 1'1'11 11'°_11 _1'° III jWllw); Delta. This was just at the end of the 18'h Dynasty. during the reigns of Thtankhamun, Ay and
'overseer of all works of the King' Horemheb, when both the necropolae of Memphis and the city itself reached the summit of their
(jm.y-I'l H.wl lib. I II IISIi'l);
importance and prosperity.
'scribe of recruits' (sS IIJr.W);
'overseer of the cattle of the house of Re at lunu However. it is well evidenced. that after the site of Akhetaten had been abandoned by the king.
(= Heliopolis), (jlll.y-rl R,.II' II pI' 1'0 III jll'lIw)'" the 'Amarna intermezzo' and its traditions quickly became unwelcome elements in Egyptian soci-
HARI Meryre (II) 'royal scribe' 'steward' (jlll.y-rl prj; ety. Among many other things. the officials. who were actively working in the realm of the 'Amarna
(1976: no. 154) (ss IIswl) 'overseer of the treasury' (jlll.y-rl pI'-be!); regime' simply 'left out' this episode from their lives when producing their autobiographical insc-
'overseer of the royal inner apartments of the riptions. The Amarna age and all its concerns were to be forgotten forever, Thus, we have at our dis-
Great Royal Wife' (jlll.y-rl jplllswl II bm.llIslI'l 11'1'.1);
posal only the limited number of documents originating directly from Amarna. which allows us to
'director of the lilliS-barque' ((1I'.y IIIIIS)
reconstruct only a partial picture of life and procedures at the royal court.
I-IARI Ramesse 'royal scribe' 'steward of Nebmaatre (- Amenhotep Ill)'
(1976: no. 217) 1I'°-lIIs(.sw)I"· (sS IISIi'l) (jm.y-rl pI'lIlIb-mlo.I-I''1;
'scribe of recruits' (ss IIJr.W);
Structure of the Opening Passages
'general of the Lord of the 1\vo Lands'
(j1ll.y-I'IIllSo II lib II.wy) It is highly probable that the concrete formulae of the opening passages were not delivered to the
I-IAIII Ramesse 'royal scribe'
(1976: no. 222) 1I'°-lIIs.swl'" (sS IIswl)
- scribe at all and it was up to the scribe - making use of his experience and skills - to add the desi-
red and expected formulae. In this respect. several observations can be made since a total of eigh-
HARI Kheruef 'royal scribe' 'steward of the Great Royal Wife Tiye'
(1976: no. 266) (sS IISII'I) (jlll.y-ri 1'1'11 blll.IIISWI 1I'I'.Iljj);
teen main types ·\93 are attested among the 290 opening passages preserved in a total of 289 Amar-
'hereditary prince (and) count' (jl'Y_P°.l !111.),-'1; na docul11ents:\9'\ However. could these variations be in some way conditioned by local traditions or
'great companion' (SIIII' on;
'sole companion' (SIIII' w°.ly);
·\90 Already by the lime of the kings of the early lB'h Dynasty, Memphis was understood to be a traditional political and,
'director of the °b-palace' (/11'1' OM;
above ali, religious centre. Ahmose I, the founder of a new ruling dynasty, was very probably crowned by the King of
'chief herald' (lI'blllw Ip.y); Upper and Lower Egypt after his victory over the Hyksos ruler at Memphis.
'great In front of the I'll)'I' (wI'III-MI 1'/1),1); •\9\ MAI.EK (l9B5); VAN DIJK - EATON-KRAUSS (l9B6); VAN DIJK (l9BB); MYNMovA (2006c).
'unique of the staff of the I'/lyl' (11'0 III IIIdll' II 1'/1),/); 492 POl' the blll'lal site at Dubastelon, located In the limestone cliffs southeast of the pyramid complex ofTeli, consul! espe-
'seal bearer of the King' (seH.II'/)' hjly); claliy ZIVIE (l979a); Idem (l979b); Idem (1990); Idem (2000); Idem (2003). The site was abandoned shortly after the
'overseer of sealings' (jlll.y-r/ sd/.wl); Amal'lla period, when the capacity was exhausted. We can date a tomb of Aper-EI (or Aperlya) and his family, as well as
'judge in the King's house In front of the court' a tomb of Hntlya, scribe of the treasury of Alen's temple at Memphis, and a tomb belonging to a royal nurse Maya to
(s/h II Pl'-IISII'/III-MI .1'11.11'/); the reign of Akhenaten. Another group of tombs, the so-called 'temple-tombs', dating from the Amal'lla period can be
'noblest companion' (sOb SIIII'.W); found close to the causeway of the Unas pyramid complex. The nrst of the 'Amama' tombs In this part of the Saqqara
'greatest of the great' (11'1'11'1'.11') necropolis was discovered here In 2001 by the Dutch mission of the National Museum of Anliquitles In Lelden (RMO)
and the Department of Archaeology of Lelden University. The tomb owner was Idellltned as Merynelth, who was 'high
priest of Aleno' 'steward of the temple of Aten' and 'scribe of the temple of Aten In Akhetaten (and) In Memphis: as well
Table 13 TItles of'royal scribe' and 'royal secreta/y' attested for the Amama officials. as 'high priest of the Temple of Neith: Another 'Amama' tomb was discovered only recently, In 2007, belonging to a high
ornclal Ptahemwla, 'royal buller' and 'clean of hands: Por the excavations, see RAVEN (2002a); RAVEN (2002b) RAVEN el al.
(2003a); RAVEN el al. (2003b); RAVEN - VAN WAlSEM el al. (2003-2004); VAN WAISEM (2003); cr. also Illlp:llwww.saqqara.nl
~87 Plus various honorlnc titles, cf. I-IAR! (1976: 132). for the overview of the Dutch archaeological mission. For a general overview, consult MAIITIN (1992).
~88 Cr. Rllmes (III) In Harl (1976: No. 217). ~93 Cf. type 3 with SUbtypes 3A and 3D, and type 12 with SUbtypes 12A, 120, and 12C.
~89 Cr. Ramesou (III) In Harl (1976: No. 222). ·\9~ See chapter 3, pp. 59-66.

98 99
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

the individuality of the scribe himself? Furthermore, is it possible to recognize any rules governing Types 3A and 3B
the preference given to a certain type of address in relation to the social rank of the two correspon-
dents? Answers to these questions might be found in the following discussion, devoted to the indi- Structure:
vidual types of structure in relation to the opening passages preserved in the Amarna letters. (1) heading
(2) salutations
(2. i + 2. ii) report on the sender's well-being + extended report on sender's well-being [type 3A)
Type 1
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being
Structure: (2. ii) extended report on sender's well-being [type 3B)
(2. iii + 2. iv) greetings + extended greetings (inverted)
(1) heading
Attestations:
Attestations:
EA 2, EA 7 (both type 3A), EA 34 (type 3B)
EA 30, EA 98, EA 162, EA 334(?)
Commentary:
Commentary:
In all three letters the common structure of the opening passage, consisting of the heading and the
The simplest form of the opening passage consists solely of the heading and can be found in four
salutations containing the report on the sender's well-being, an extended report on the sender's
texts. EA 30 represents a letter from the king Mitanni Th~ratta to the kings of Canaan;~95 EA 98 was
well-being and the ensuing inverted form of the greetings joined with the extended greetings, can
sent byYapa'hadda ofBeirutto an official, Yanbamu; EA 162 is a letter of Egyptian origin, addressed
be recognized. The actual differences between subtypes 3A and 3B can thus be identified as rela-
by the king, Amenhotep rv; to Aziru, ruler of Amurru and a relatively damaged opening passage of
ting to the grammatical forms used in these opening passages and an interpretation of elements 2.i
this type might also be identified in a letter from an unknown ruler of Zubra. As far as the geogra-
and 2. ii as one in subtype 3A. As far as the origin of these documents is concerned, this type of ope-
phical distribution of this type of opening passage is concerned,496 there is no common denomina- nin.g passage is used in letters of different origin - cf. EA 2 and EA 7 are letters of Babylonian kings,'198
tor among these texts and the same conclusion can be reached in relation to the social status of the while EA 34 was sent by the king of Ala~iya.~99 However, in all three cases this type of opening pas-
respective correspondents. Among these four letters we can identify documents addressed by the sage is employed in correspondence between two socially equal partners.
representatives of superior powers to their subjects (i.e. EA 30, and EA 162), a letter from a local
ruler to the responsible official (EA 98), as well as from a subordinate ruler to his Egyptian overlord
Type 4
(EA 334[?]).
Structure:
Type 2 (1) heading
(2) salutations
Structure: ii (2. i) report on the sender's well-being
(1) heading (2. iii) greetings (inverted)
(2) salutations
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being Attestations:
(2. ii) extended report on the sender's well-being EA40
(2. iii) greetings (inverted)
(2. iv) extended greetings (inverted) Commentary:
Type 4 is represented within the Amarna corpus only by means of letter EA 40. Since the text is
Attestations: addressed by one official, i.e. a commissioner of Ala~iya500 to his equivalent partner in Egypt, the
EA35 salutations are limited to these two individuals, without reference to other elements. However, as
far as the social status of the correspondents is concerned, both within society as well as in relation
Commentary: to each other, EA 40 represents a unique document among the Amarna letters and thus it is impos-
This relatively elaborate opening passage can be identified solely in letter EA 35, addressed by the sible to draw more general conclusions.
king of Ala~iya497 to his Egyptian counterpart. By means of the employment of reports on the well-
being of the sender, his entourage and belongings, as well as of the extended greetings to his part- 497 A petrographic analysis of this tablet has not been carried out. For the results of recent petrographical examination of
ner, the king of Ala~iya clearly demonstrates his affiliation with the 'Great Powers Club.' four of the Ala~lyan tablets, I.e. EA 33, EA 34, EA 37, and EA 38, and further Implications, cf. GOREN - BUNIMOVITZ - FIN-
KElSfEIN - NA'AMAN (2003); GOREN - FINKEI.STEiN - NA'AMAN (2004: 49-51); for Ala~lya, consult also HOLMES (1971); MUIILY
498 (1972); ARTZY - PERLMAN - ASARO (1976); KNAPP (1985); MERRILLEP_~ (1987).1 .
495 The so-called 'passport: cf. MOIlAN (1992: 100). EA 2 Is sent by Kada~manenlll I, whereas the sender of EA 7 can be Identified as Burnaburlya~ II. Only EA 2 has been
496 The origin of all four tablets has been confirmed by means of recent petrographic analyses, cf. EA 30 (GOREN - FINKEI.- .199 petrographically analyzed, cf. GOREN - FINKEI.STEiN - NA'AMAN (2004: 34).
STEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40; 43-44); EA 98 (GOREN - FINKELSrElN - NA'AMAN 2004: 162); EA 162 (GOREN - FINKEI.STEiN - NA'A- 500 For the Cypriote origin of the tablet consult GOREN - FINKElSfEiN - NA'AMAN (2004: 50-51).
MAN 2004: 25-26); and EA 334 (GOREN - FINKElSfEiN - NA'AMAN 2004: 219-220). The tablet has not been petrologically Investigated.

100 101
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

TypeS Attestations:
EA I, EA5
Structure:
(1) heading Commentary:
(2) salutations EA 1 and EA 5 both represent correspondence of the Egyptian king 505 with his royal partner in Baby-
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being lonia. 506 The corpus ofletters of Egyptian origin is very limited in number and the two letters discus-
(2. iii) greetings (inverted) sed here are actually the only preserved examples of documents addressed by the king of Egypt to his
(2. iv) extended greetings (inverted) equivalent partner within the archive. Despite the fact, that the sub corpus of 'royal' letters of Egypti-
an origin is extremely small, it is possible that this type of structure in the opening passage, (consis-
Attestations: ting of the heading and the salutations, including the report on the sender's well-being, followed by
EA 17, EA 18(?), EA 19, EA 20, EA 21, EA 23, EA 26, EA 27, EA 28, EA 29(?), EA 33, EA 37, EA 38, EA 39, the greetings, the extended greetings, and the reiterated report on the sender's well-being, this time
EA 41, EA 42(?) extended also to his entourage and belongings), might have been typical of these 'royal' letters.

Commentary
Type 7
This type of opening passage can be found among the 'royal' letters 501 from Mitanni, Ala~iya, and
ijatti. 502 While it is true that the correspondence of the king of Ala~iya employs type 5 as one of a Structure:
total of three types of opening passage in his letters, the correspondence of the king of Mitanni and 0) heading
the king of ijatti, when addressed to their Egyptian partner, utilises only one type. 503 For the attes- (2) salutations
tations listed above we can suppose that this particular type of opening passage was widely used (2. i) report on the sender's well-being
among royal correspondents, regardless of their origin, although it definitely belongs to the royal (2. iii + 2. iv) greetings + extended greetings (inverted)
tradition of Mitanni 504 and ijatti.
Attestations:
Type 6 EA 3, EA 6, EA 8, EA 9, EA 10, EA 11

Structure: Commentary:

0) heading
(2) salutations
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being
(2. iii) greetings (inverted)
(2. iv) extended greetings (inverted)
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being
(2. ii) extended report on the sender's well-being
501 I.e. lellers exchanged between the rulers of'lndependent' political entities, whose authority Is completely recognized
by their partners. Among the elements which clearly reveal this recognition, we can mention the systematic and regu-
lar employment of the title 'king' In the Identification of the addressee.
502 With the exception of EA 41 from the Hlllite king Supplluliuma I, and EA 33 and EA 39 sent by the king of Ala§lya, all
other documents have been petrographically analyzed, cf. EA 17 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 39-40; 44); EA \8
(GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40); EA 19 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40); EA 20 (GOREN - FINKI!I.5TEIN-
NA'AMAN 2004: 40); EA 21 (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40; 41); EA 23 (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40;
41); EA 26 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 42); EA 27 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40; 42); EA 28 (GoIlEN-
FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40; 43); EA 29 (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 40; 43); EA 33 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'A-
MAN 2004: 50); EA 37 (GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 49-50); EA 38 (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 51); for
further discussion on the provenance of the Ala§lya tablets, consult GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 57-75); EA 42
(GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 3 \).
503 The employment of type 1 In EA 30 thus represents a different case because the social status of the addresees Is clear-
ly distinct from that of the king of Egypt. The social difference of both correspondents might also have a bearing on the
employment of type 8 In EA 44, I.e. a leller of the Hlllite prince Zlta, addressed to the pharaoh.
504 The very same type of opening passage, however, Is also employed In a leller sent by 1\1§ralla, king of Mltannl to the
queen·mother, Teye. This might provide us with evidence that the gender of the addressee played no Important role In
the choice of type.
This type of structure can be identified exclusively among the letters of Babylonian origin, irrespec-
tive of the identity of the sender.507 However, the structure of the opening passage identified as type
7 is closely related to another 'royal' type, i.e. type 5. The only difference between these two types is
in relation to the absence of the inverted form of the greetings as a separate element in type 7.
Greetings addressed to the royal addressee are thus implied in the extended greetings, enlisted
together with the greetings to the royal entourage and the king's belongings. Since this type of
opening passage does not occur in letters of other origin and it is attested in the wider context, it is
possible to conclude that this particular structure might have belonged to the Babylonian royal
letter-writing tradition.
Type 8
Structure:
0) heading
(2) salutations
(2. iii) greetings (inverted)
505 The sender can be Identified In both cases as Amenhotep III; for the results of the petrographical analysis of EA I con·
suit GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 24-25).
506 I.e. Kada§manenllll, cf. EA I: I; EA 5: 2.
507 While EA 3 was sent by Kada§manenllli (cf. EA 3: 3), the remalng lellers were delivered to the Egyptian king from Bm-
nabmlya§ II (cf. EA 6: 3; EA 8: 3; EA 9: 3; EA 10: 2; EA II: 2). For the results of the petrographical analysiS, cf. EA 6 (GOREN
- FINKEL'ITEiN - NA'AMAN 2004: 34; 35); EA 8 (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN 2004: 34; 35); and EA II (GOREN - FINKELSTEIN
- NA'AMAN 2004: 34; 35-36).

102 103
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chap,ter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

Attestations: Attestations:
EA 44, EA 170A, EA 170B EA59

Commentary: Commentary:
This type of structure can be recognized in two letters: EA 44, addressed by the brother of Suppilu- The problems caused by the limited number ofrelevant documents, also applies to type 10. There
Huma I, Zita to the king of Egypt, and EA 170, a letter containing two messages sent to addressees is only one text, EA 59, from the citizens ofTunip 512 to the king of Egypt preserved in the analyzed
in Egypt. The first part of EA 170, Le. EA 170A, contains a message of Ba'luya and Bet'ilu to Aziru, Amarna material. Thus, it is difficult to draw any conclusions pertaining to the linkage between the
and EA 170B is concerned with a communication between Amurba'la and four other individuals, origin of the text and the preference given to this particular structure of the opening passage.
who were probably accompanying Aziru on a visit to Egypt. As far as the origin of EA 170 is concer-
ned, it has been suggested508 that the tablet was probably written by the same scribe as EA 169 and Type 11
the petrographic analysis carried out at both tablets has not challenged this belief. 509 However, the
same study clearly confirmed the Hittite origin of EA 44.510 Thus, it is obvious that the usage of this Structure:
type of opening passage is not related to any specific geographical location.
(1) heading
(2) salutations
Type 9 (2. iii + 2. iv) greetings + extended greetings (inverted)

Structure: Attestations:
(1) heading EA 12, EA 15, EA 16
(2) salutations
(2. iii) greetings (inverted) Commentary:
(2. iv) extended greetings In the case of type 11 three Amarna documents are at our disposal- EA 12, the widely discussed let-
ter of a Babylonian princess to her 'master,'513 and two letters of Assyrian origin (EA 15, EA 16) from
Attestations: AMuruballi~ 51·1 addressed to the Egyptian king. This type of opening passage, as far as its structure
EA 166 is concerned, features a very simple form of salutation, containing only the greetings joined with
the extended greetings. However, not even in this case does the preference given to the particular
Commentary: type of structure of the opening passage appear to have any connection with the origin of the docu-
The combination of the inverted form of the greetings followed by the extended greetings in the ment. Furthermore, the reason for its usage might relate to some other criterion.
salutations is attested throughout the analyzed Amarna material only in the case of EA 166, i.e. a
letter sent by Aziru of Amurru to the Egyptian official tlaya. The petrographical analysis of the tab- Type12A
let, however, has revealed that the tablet was delivered to tlaya from $umur. 511 However, since for
this type of structure in the opening passage applies to only a single letter that we have at our dis- Structure:
posal, we cannot draw any conclusions concerning a possible link between the type of structure (1) heading
and the geographical distribution of the respective text. (2) salutations
(2. v) prostration
Type 10
Attestations:
Structure: EA 50, EA 51, EA 52, EA 53, EA 54, EA 55, EA 58, EA 60, EA 61(7). EA 62, EA 64, EA 65, EA 82, EA 84,
(1) heading
EA 88, EA 90, EA 91, EA 93, EA 94, EA 103, EA 104, EA 106, EA 126, EA 129, EA 136, EA 137, EA 138,
(2) salutations EA 139, EA 140, EA 141, EA 142, EA 143, EA 144, EA 145, EA 146, EA 147, EA 148, EA 149, EA 150,
(2. iii) greetings (inverted) EA 151, EA 152, EA 153, EA 154, EA 155, EA 156, EA 157, EA 159, EA 160, EA 161, EA 164, EA 165,
(2. v) prostration
512 Since the locallon of1\mlp has remllined uncertain, the petrographic anlllysis of EA 59 has been of Immense Impor·
tance; with respect to the results of the analysis and In the context of textual and archaeological accounts, the most
500 Cf. KlENGEL (1964: 76[.); MODAN (1992: 257, n. I); for the historical context, consult especlllily SINGER (1991: 151-152). likely cllndldate for the site of1\mlp has been IdentIned as Tell 'Asharneh, In the Ghllb valley, ca. 35 km north·west of
509 See GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 114-115). Together with EA 161, EA 164, EA 169, and EA 171, EA 170 WIIS pro· Hama, cf. GOREN - FINKEI.STmN - NA'AMAN (2004: 118-121).
bably wrillen In Tell 'Arqll. 513 For EA 12, cf. especially KNUDTZON (1914: 483-486); WEDER In KNUDTZON (1915: 1031-1033); KOIINE (1973: 50-51, n.
510 Cf. GOREN - FtNKElSTEiN - NA'AMAN (2004: 31-32). 231-232); MODAN (1992: 24, n. I); cf. also LiVEDANI (1999: 360). The Babylonian origin of the tablet, however, has been
511 Cf. GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 110-111); for the earlier Interpretation of the origin of the tablet as being from confirmed by the results of the petrographical analysis. Consult GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 36).
1\mlp, see SINGER (1991: 152). 51~ Cf. EA 15: 3; EA 16: 3.

104 105
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
EA 168, EA 171, EA 174, EA 175, EA 176, EA 177, EA 178, EA 182, EA 183(?), EA 185, EA 187, EA
188(?), EA 189, EA 191, EA 192, EA 193, EA 194, EA 195, EA 196, EA 198, EA 199, EA 200, EA 201,
EA 202, EA 203, EA 204, EA 205, EA 206, EA 207, EA 211, EA 212, EA 213, EA 215, EA 216, EA 217,
EA 220, EA 221, EA 222, EA 223, EA 224, EA 225, EA 226, EA 227, EA 228, EA 229(?), EA 230, EA
231(?), EA 232, EA 233, EA 234, EA 235+327, EA 238, EA 239, EA 241, EA 242, EA 243, EA 244, EA
246, EA 248, EA 249, EA 250, EA 252, EA 253, EA 254, EA 255, EA 256, EA 257, EA 258, EA 259, EA
260, EA 261, EA 262, EA 263(?), EA 264, EA 265, EA 266, EA 267, EA 268, EA 269, EA 270, EA 271,
EA 272, EA 273, EA 274, EA 275, EA 276, EA 277, EA 278, EA 279, EA 280, EA 281, EA 282, EA 284,
EA 285, EA 286, EA 287, EA 288, EA 289, EA 290, EA 292, EA 293, EA 294, EA 295, EA 296, EA 297,
EA 298, EA 299, EA 300, EA 301, EA 302, EA 303, EA 304, EA 305, EA 306, EA 307(?)' EA 308(?), EA
309(?), EA 311(?)' EA 312(?),EA 314, EA 315, EA 316, EA 317, EA 318, EA 319, EA 320, EA 321, EA
322, EA 323, EA 324, EA 325, EA 326, EA 328, EA 329, EA 330, EA 331, EA 332(?), EA 336, EA 337,
EA 338(?) , EA 362, EA 363, EA 364, EA 365, EA 366, EA 378 and EA 333
Commentary:
This particular type the structure is employed in the opening passages in almost 70 percent of the
tablets. This statistical element alone allows us to postulate that the usage of this type of opening
passage has no association with the origin of the respective texts, i.e. its employment is not condi-
tioned by any local tradition. The reasons for its usage must, therefore, be associated with criteria
other than those linked to geographical distribution.
Type 12B
Structure:
(1) heading
(2) salutations
(2. v) prostration
(2. v) prostration
Attestations:
EA 63, EA 184, EA 209, EA 283
Commentary:
The hallmark of this type of opening passage is the double prostration formula. However, this
type of structure is attested within the archive relatively rarely, i.e. in only four texts. The first
of these texts is EA 63, from the ruler of Gath, Abdia~tarti, and the same origin can be recog-
nized in EA 283, the sender in this case being Suwardata, AbdiaMarti's predecessor. 515 As far as
the origin of the letter sent by Zi~amimi is concerned, the petrographical analysis revealed
that the letter EA 209 was probably written in Damascus. 516 Nevertheless, in the case of the last
of the four tablets, the petrographical analysis was unable to provide us with a secure identi-
fication of Mu~ilJuna, the seat of Sutarna, as the sender of EA 184.517 Despite the uncertainties
relating to the origin of these texts, it is possible to suggest that there is no obvious connection
between the employment of this type of structure and the regional distribution of the four
documents.
515 For the origin of EA 63, cr. NA'AMAN (I 979b: 676-684). conl1rmed recently by the petrographical analysis, see GOREN-
FINKm.srElN - NA'AMAN (2004: 283-284).
516 Cf. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 222).
517 Consult GOREN - FINKWITEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 173).
106
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
Type 12C
Structure:
report on tablet's origin
(1) heading
(2) salutations
(2. v) prostration
(1) heading
Attestations:
EA 100
Commentary:
With regard to the structure of the opening passage, EA 100, i.e. a letter addressed by the city ofIrqa-
ta and its representatives (,elders,' LO.MES.si-b<lI>-ti-si in line 4)516 to the Egyptian king, provides
us with an absolutely unique structure within the studied corpus. The heading, which is not omit-
ted in any of the other analyzed Amarna documents, occupies only the second position in this case,
being preceded by a report concerning the origin of the tablet, cf. I DUB- p( al1-I111-l1 DUB-pfURU. ir-
qa-ta 'This tablet is a tablet of Irqata.' What follows is a standard prostration formula, however, lea-
ding to another 'non-standard' element. In this case, the heading is repeated once more, this time
mentioning the city of Irqata only (lines 7-8). However, due to the fact, that this particular structu-
re of the opening passage appears in only this single case, it is impossible to reach any definite
conclusions concerning the relationship between the type and its geographical distribution.
Type 13
Structure:
(1) heading
(2) salutations
(2. v) prostration
(2. iii) greetings (inverted)
Attestations:
EA 48, EA 158
Commentary:
The opening passage, consisting of the heading and salutations and containing first the prostration
formula, followed by the inverted forms of greetings to the addressee, appears within the Amarna cor-
pus velY rarely. In both recorded cases the documents belong among the less common texts, as far as
the addressee is concerned. In the first case, the letter belongs to the category of 'female correspon-
dence,' being sent from the queen of Ugaritto the queen of Egypt,5I!l while in the case of EA 158, we
have a letter from Aziru of Amurru to an official, Tutu. It is obvious that in both cases the senders are
of a socially lower rank than the respective addressees. Nevertheless, the presence of the greetings
might indicate a different relationship than between a humble servant and his all powerful master. It
is, thus, possible to conclude that in the case of type 13 any preference given in relation to the chosen
structure of the opening passage might correspond to other criteria, such as the social position of the
correspondents and the respective relationship between them, rather than to the origin of the texts.
51"The origin of the text has been conl1nned by petrological analysis, cr. GOREN - FINKmsrmN - NA'AMAN (2004: 114; 122).
5191denttned In the text liS 'my mistress,' cr. line I; for the connrmatlon of the Ugarltlc origin of the tablet, consult GOREN
- FINKEI_~TEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 90).
107
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

Type 14 Attestations:
EA 68, EA 74, EA 75, EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81, EA 83, EA 89, EA 105, EA 107, EA 108, EA 109, EA
Structure: 110(1), EA 112, EA 114, EA 116, EA 117, EA 119, EA 121, EA 122, EA 123, EA 124, EA 130, EA 132
(1) heading
(2) salutations Commentary:
(2. v) prostration Since the only difference between type 15 and type 17 is represented in the sequence of elements
(2. iii) greetings (simple) contained in the salutations, it is appropriate to discuss both types in one commentary. Moreover,
(2. iv) extended greetings all texts in which these two types of structure of the opening passage appear, originate in Byblos.
However, this does not mean that all letters of Byblite origin can be classified within these two
Attestations: types! In his introduction to the Amarna letters, W. L. Moran states, that The prostration formula,
EA 45(?), EA 49(?) which in the Byblos letters always precedes the salutation of an official, but always follows the salu-
tation of the king, is omitted .. :.522 Thus, according to Moran, type 15 should be reserved for letters
Commentary: to the officials, whereas type 17 would be used in letters addressed to the Egyptian king. However,
Despite the fact that this particular structure and its implications have been already discussed else- this statement is only partially valid. On the one hand it is clear that all the documents in which the
where,520 it is necessary to highlight some specific aspects. First, as far as the origin of both docu- sequence of the divine blessings preceding the prostration formula occurs, are addressed to the
ments is concerned, and with an awareness of the limited nature of the preserved examples, we king of Egypt (i.e. type 17). Nevertheless, for type 15 - with the prostration formula preceding the
may state that this particular type of opening passage is attested only in some of the letters addres- divine blessings - it holds true that among the attested texts there exist both letters sent to the res-
sed by two kings of Ugarit - AmmiStamru I (EA 45) and Niqmaddu II (EA 49) - to the pharaoh. 521 pective officials and letters addressed to the pharaoh, i.e. EA 85, EA 92, EA 118, and EA 125.523 The
Second, the combination of elements contained in the salutations, i.e. the prostration formula recent petrological analysis revealed that although two different deposits of clay were used for these
followed by the greetings and extended greetings, is also unique in terms of 'vassal' and 'royal' ter- (and other) letters, all of them were sent from Byblos524 and thus we cannot associate this 'irregula-
minology, thus representing a transitional stage between these two types of correspondence. It is rity' with the different geographical origin of the texts. The employment of one or the other types of
possible to state that based on an analysis of the published material, and also with respect to the the structure, however, is not conditioned by the social position of the addressee, as suggested by
Ugaritic long-term epistolary tradition, this particular structure appears exclusively within the letters Moran. On the other hand, we can accept that the usage of either type 15 or type 17 is clear proof
of the Ugaritic kings. Thus, it is clear that the preference given to this opening passage is closely of the Byblite origin of the respective texts.
associated with both the geographical distribution of the texts and with the social status of the
correspondents.
Type 16

Type 15 Structure:
(1) heading
Structure: (2) salutations
(1) heading (2. vi) divine blessings
(2) salutations
(2. v) prostration Attestations:
(2. vi) divine blessings EA 96, EA 97

Attestations: Commentary:
EA 71, EA 73, EA 77, EA 85, EA 86, EA 87, EA 92, EA 95, EA 102, EA 118, EA 125 Type 16 is attested throughout the analyzed Amarna material in only two cases - EA 96, being a letter
sent by an unnamed Egyptian commander to Ribhaddi of Byblos, and in EA 97, in which, probably,
Type 17 Yapachadda, a ruler ofBeirut, writes to an otherwise unknown ruler, Sumuhaddi, who was staying, at
the time of the delivery of the message in Egypt. As is usual in the Amarna corpus, the opening pas-
Structure: sage of these two letters is binominal, consisting of the standard combination of the heading and the
salutations, whereas the salutations contain a single element, i.e. a special type of divine blessing.
(1) heading
(2) salutations
(2. vi) divine blessings 522 MORAN (1992: xxix).
(2. v) prostration 523 Although In GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 145) EA 951s also considered to be another letter dispatched from Rlb-
haddl of Byblos to the king of Egypt, we follow here the original Knudtzon transcription of line I, Identifying the addres-
see as an unnamed official; cr. also MORAN (1992: 169).
520 Cf. MYNAnovA (2006a: 121-125), Idem (ill press b). 524 For EA 65, made of one type of clay. attested throughout Sidon, Beirut and Byblos, cr. GOREN - FINKEI5TElN - NA'AMAN
521 The petrographical analysIs confirmed the fact that EA 45 was dIspatched from Ugarlt, cr. GOREN - FINKEI5TElN - NA'A- (2004: 136; 141); the other deposit was In use for EA 92, see GOREN - FINKEI5TElN - NA'AMAN (2004: 143-144); EA 1 \6, cr.
MAN (2004: 66-69). GOREN - FINKEI5TElN - NA'AMAN (2004: 143; 151-152); and for EA 125, consult GOREN- FINKEI5TElN- NA'AMAN (2004: 143; 154).

108 109
Chapter 5 - Arnarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
However. it is interesting to observe that a parallel expression to the divine blessings in EA 96 and
EA 97. cf. 4DINGIRME[S)-nll 5 s11-111I11-ka sll-l[u) 111 E-ka 61i-sa-al'May the gods ask after your well-
being (and) the well-being of your household' (EA 96: 4-6) and 3[DINGIRM)ES sll-lul11-ka Ii-lis-a) I
'May the gods ask after your well-being' (EA 97: 3). can actually be found in some other letters writ-
ten in Peripheral Akkadian. The first example comes from a fragmentary letter. contemporary with
the Amarna material and published in 1991 by D. Arnaud. 525 The particular passage can be recon-
structed as follows: 3[ ... D.UTU/DINGIRMES-/UC26 su-lul11- ka4 sll-lul11 MES1 E-ka 4 .I[ll sll-lul11 gah-
h) i-ka 4 Ii- is-al'3 [... May the Sunl gods] I ask after I your well-being, the well- being of your household
4[and the well-being of everything (that belongs)) to you.' (Arnaud 1991c: 3-4). However, another
corresponding letter also exists, this time in a very well preserved state. A very similar passage can
be found in a contemporary letter referred to as Hazar 10. addressed by a certain Adduapdi to
Puratpurta (of Hazor?), d. 'IDINGIR.MES 1'1 D.UTU sll-llll11-ka 5 s11-l litn E-ka DUMU.MES-ka 6KUR-
ti4 -ka U-is-a-lll •.IMay the gods and the Sun I ask afterl your well-being, 5the well-being of your hou-
sehold. your sons 6(and) your land.' (Hazor 10: 4-6). The third example is, however. slightly earlier,
dated probably to the middle of the 15'11 century B.C.E. It comes from the site ofTaanach and was
sent by a man called Eblitessub to the ruler ofTaanach TalwiSar, d. 5DINGIR. 'MES' U-is-al-lu 6'SIl'
-llll11-ka sll-ilim 7'E'-ka DUMU .MES-ka '5May the god's' ask after 6your 'w'ell-being, the well-being
70fyour 'household' (and) your sons.' (Taanach 1: 5-7).
Leaving aside the Taanach letter, which can be taken as a proof of the fact that the employment
of this type of salutation was not an invention of the Amarna period - on the contrary, it proves that
it had a long tradition within the region - it is necessary to pay attention to the origin of all four con-
temporary documents. In the case of EA 96 and EA 97 the origin has been clearly revealed by means
of petrographic analysis. While the origin of EA 96, in conformity with the textual evidence, has
been confirmed - the letter was indeed delivered from $lllnur,527 in the case of EA 97 the analysis
revealed that the letter was not sent from Yapa<hadda's home city of Beirut but almost certainly
from Gaza, one of the most important Egyptian centres in the region. With respect to the place of
discovery of Arnaud (1991) and I-Iazor 10, we may assume that the tablets were sent to the respec-
tive individuals located at Kumidi and Hazor. In the case of the tablet referred to here as Arnaud
(1991), the addressee of the message might have been a local ruler - Arnaud's reconstruction of line
1 as [a-na U} KUR.a-m) /l_ri 520 suggests the ruler of AmulTu. The identity of the addressee in I-Iazor
10 represents an even more complicated situation. The person is identified only by means of his
personal name, without any functional title or epithet. Nevertheless, if we accept the identification
ofTalwisar in Taanach I: 1529• who is identified in the same way as the addressee of I-Iazor 10 i.e. by
means of his personal name identifying him as a local ruler, we cannot simply rule out the possibi-
lity that Puratpurta in I-Iazor 10: 1 might also be a local ruler. 530 On the other hand, neither of these
two letters provide us with satisfactory information in relation to the respective senders. While in
the case of Arnaud (1991) the author of the message can be reconstructed as 'magnate. [your fat-
her), e[ ...
M.L)U.GAL 3[AD-ka ... )), in I-Iazor 10 the sender is clearly identified by his personal name
as Adduapdi (cr. line 3). Nevertheless, in the case of Hazor 10 the petrographic analysis of the mate-
rial has been carried out, analogous to that of EA 96 and EA 97. According to the results of the ana-
lysis, the tablet was not made locally at I-Iazor but, in keeping with Na'aman's identification of the
name of the sender as Addumi, known from the Amarna letters as one of the local rulers at the
Beqa<, we cannot rule out the possible Lebanese origin of the tablet,531
525 Cf. ARNAUD (l99Ic); see also pp. 74-77 In lhis volume.
526 For lhe reconslrucllon, see nole 409, p. 761n lhls volume.
527 Cf. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 116),
528 Cf. ARNAUD (l99Ic: II).
529 And accordingly In Taanach 2: I; Tallnach 5: I; and Taanach 6: I, see pp. 72-74 In lhls volume.
530 For Puralpurla as a ruler ofI-lazor, cr. also HORowrrz- OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: BI).
llO
Chapter 5 - Arnarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure
From the short overview dedicated to these four documents, and especially based on the known
origin of EA 96 and EA 97, we can reject the possibility that all these tablets might have been writ-
ten in one place. However. the material presently available for analysis allows us to postulate that
the employment of this type of the salutations was. in fact, conditioned by the respective social
positions of the correspondents. Moreover, in none of the letters can the addressee be identified as
the Egyptian king. This type of opening passage might, therefore, be found to be impropriate and
disrespectful when communicating with the supreme power; however, it was still adequate when in
communication with a local ruler.
Type 18
Structure:
(1) heading
(3) statement concerning the tablet
Attestations:
EA 99, EA 367, EA 369, EA 370
Commentary:
All preserved examples come from the correspondence of the Egyptian king with his subjects. i.e.
local kinglets of the Syropalestinian region. 532 Of the four analyzed tablets included in this type only
two have been petrologically investigated, d. EA 367,533 addressed by the pharaoh to Endaruta, ruler
of Aksap, and EA 370,5J.I sent by the Egyptian king to Yidya of Ashqelon. S35 The results of the analy-
sis. however, confirmed the Egyptian origin of these tablets. Nevertheless, in all these letters we can
easily observe a structure of the opening passage which is unique among the Amarna documents.
The typical binominal structure, consisting of the heading followed by the salutations, is replaced
here by another one containing the heading with a statement concerning the origin of the tablet.
The Egyptian origin of this element has been tentatively suggested by Moran,s36 with his proposal
based on parallels attested in a group of Late Egyptian letters,517 i.e. jll.11I' lI=k .I'S I'll II del bll r del 'This
letter is sent to you, to the following effect,' literally 'this writing of speaking.'538 Since this element is
actually attested exclusively among the letters of Egyptian origin - both in the Amarna corpus and in
Kumidl1 539 and Kumidi 25'10 - and the position within the letter-structure corresponds clearly, as cor-
rectly stated by Moran, to the position within the letter-structure attested among a large group of the
Late Egyptian letters, it is possible to accept that it as an element typical of the type of corresponden-
ce employed in pharaoh's communication towards his subjects. Thus, the employment of this type
of structure of the opening passage is both geographically and socially conditioned.
531 Cf. GOREN (2000); GOIII!N - FINKElSIHN - NA'M,IAN (2004: 230). However, according 10 II new collallon or I-Iazor 10 pub-
lished In \-IoRoWrrl. - OSIIiMA - SANDERS (2006: BI) lhe problemallc sign hllerprelCd by Na'aman as UM Is definllely AD,
lhus making II dlmculllO reliably c1arlry lhe Idenilly or lhe sender.
532 For lhe employmenl or lype I In EA 162, see above.
533 cr. GOREN - FINKEISfI!lN - NA'AMAN (2004: 24-25; 27). For lhe Idenllficallon or lhe addressee, see EA 367: I.
m cr. GOREN - FINKEI.\'EIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 24; 27-28). Yldlya Is clearly Idenllfied as lhe addressee or lhe message In EA 370: I.
535 EA 99 Is a relallvely badly damaged lablel conllllning a message rrom lhe Egypllan king 10 a ruler or Ammlya(11. cr. EA
99: 2. EA 369 belongs 10 lhe correspondence or Amenholep III and lhe message Is addressed 10 Mllkllu, ruler or Gezer,
cr. EA369: I.
536 Cr. MORAN (1992: xxvii-xxvIII, and n. 75).
537 For lhe rererences, cr. n. 413, p. 77, In lhls volume.
530 For lhe Infinilive phrase qabe or aI/a qabe consull CocIiAVI-IlAINEY (1990: 14); ror EA 369, see MORAN (1992: 366, n. I);
IZRE'EL (I 995b: 115).
539 KL 69: 277, lines 3-4.
540 KL 69: 279, lines 3-5.
III
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure

Structure and Geography - A Conclusion Type No. Structure of the OpenIng Passage

From the structural analysis of the Amarna letters, summarized below in table 14, it is clear Type 5 (1) heading
that the employment of a particular structure in the opening passage is spread rather unevenly (2) salutations
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being
throughout the analyzed material, i.e. a total of 290 opening passages. Twenty-one types, inclu-
(2. iii) greetings (inverted)
ding the SUbtypes, can be identified. However, a statistically significant majority of almost (2. iv) extended greetings (inverted)
seventy percent of the documents can be ascribed to a single type, cf. type 12A. As far as the
EA 17, EA 18(?), EA 19, EA20, EA 21, EA 23, EA26, EA 27, EA 28, EA 29(?), EA 33, EA 37,
remaining texts are concerned, there are only three types - type 5, type 15, and type 17 - which EA 38, EA 39, EA 41, EA 42(?)
attain more than ten documents per the respective type, thus providing some level of validity for Type 6 (1) heading
further consideration. (2) salutations
Based on the analysis of the structure of the opening passages presented above, we can reach at (2. i) report on the sender's well-being
least a partial answer to the question as to whether the variability of the employed structures was in (2. iii) greetings (inverted)
some way conditioned by local traditions or the individuality of the scribe responsible for the compo- (2. iv) extended greetings (inverted)
(2. i) report on the sender's well-being
sition of the message. 54 ) Despite the fact that the corpus of documents suitable for analysis is rather (2. ii) extended report on the sender's well-being
limited, which to a certain extent complicates the interpretations and further considerations, we are
EA 1, EA5
still in a position to answer 'yes' to this question, even though we do so with some reservations.
Type 7 (1) heading
In a similar way, we can also reach a conclusion as to the relative influence of the social rank of the (2) salutations
two correspondents in relation to the choice of particular types of address. It is absolutely clear from (2. i) report on the sender's well-being
the overview that certain rules were followed when composing the opening passage of the letter, in (2. iii + 2. Iv) greetings + extended greetings (inverted)
order to comply with the 'diplomatic protocol' of the Amarna age. However, in order to obtain a EA 3, EA 6, EA 8, EA 9, EA 10, EA 11
clearer picture of this 'system,' it is also necessary to study the individual elements in more detail. Type 8 (1) heading
(2) salutations
Structure of the Opening Passage (2. III) greetings (inverted)
Type No.
EA 44, EA 170A, EA 170B
Type 1 (1) heading
Type 9 (1) heading
EA 30, EA 98, EA 162, EA 334(1)
(2) salutations
Type 2 (1) heading (2. iiI) greetings (Inverted)
(2) salutations (2. Iv) extended greetings
(2. I) report on the sender's well-being
EA 166
(2.11) extended report on the sender's well-being
(2. III) greetings (Inverted) Type 10 (1) heading
(2. Iv) extended greetings (inverted) (2) salutations
(2. III) greetings (inverted)
EA35 (2. v) prostration
Type3A (1) heading
EA59
(2) salutations
(2. I + 2. iI) report on the sender's well-being + extended report on the sender's Type 11 (1) heading

well-being (2) salutations

(2. III + 2. Iv) greetings + extended greetings (Inverted) (2. Iii + 2. Iv) greetings + extended greetings (Inverted)

EA2, EA 7 EA 12, EA 15, EA 16

Type 12A (1) heading
Type 3B (1) heading
(2) salutations
(2) salutations:
(2. v) prostration
(2. I) report on sender's well-belngt
(2. iI) extended report on sender's well-being EA50, EA51, EA52, EA53, EA54, EA55, EA58, EA60, EA6l(1), EA62, EA64, EA65,
(2. III + 2. Iv) greetings + extended greetings (inverted) EA 82, EA 84, EA 88, EA 90, EA 91, EA 93, EA 94, EA 103, EA 104, EA 106, EA 126,
EA 129, EA 136, EA 137, EA 138, EA 139, EA 140, EA 141, EA 142, EA 143, EA 144,
EA34
EA 145, EA 146, EA 147, EA 148, EA 149, EA 150, EA 151, EA 152, EA 153, EA 154,
Type 4 (1) heading EA 155, EA 156, EA 157, EA 159, EA 160, EA 161, EA 164, EA 165, EA 168, EA 171,
(2) salutations EA 174, EA 175, EA 176, EA 177, EA 178, EA 182, EA 183(1), EA 185, EA 187, EA 188(1),
(2. I) report on the sender's well-being EA 189, EA 191, EA 192, EA 193, EA 194, EA 195, EA 196, EA 198, EA 199, EA 200,
(2. Iii) greetings (inverted) EA 201, EA 202, EA 203, EA 204, EA 205, EA 206, EA 207, EA 211, EA 212, EA 213,
EA40 EA 215, EA 216, EA 217, EA 220, EA 221, EA 222, EA 223, EA 224, EA 225, EA 226,
EA 227, EA 228, EA 229(1), EA 230, EA 231(1), EA 232, EA 233, EA 234, EA 235+327,
EA 238, EA 239, EA 241, EA 242, EA 243, EA 244, EA 246, EA 248, EA 249, EA 250,
EA 252, EA 253, EA 254, EA 255, EA 256, EA 257, EA 258, EA 259, EA 260, EA 261,
54) For the discussion, consult pp. 78, In this volume.

112 113
Chapter 5 - Amarna Letter Format - An Analysis of the Structure Chapter 6 - The Heading

Type No. Structure of the Opening Passage

EA 262, EA 263(?), EA 264, EA 265, EA 266, EA 267, EA 268, EA 269, EA 270, EA 271,
EA 272, EA 273, EA 274, EA 275, EA 276, EA 277, EA 278, EA 279, EA 280, EA 281.
EA 282, EA 284, EA 285, EA 286, EA 287, EA 288, EA 289, EA 290, EA 292, EA 293,
EA 294, EA 295, EA 296, EA 297, EA 298, EA 299, EA 300, EA 301. EA 302, EA 303,
EA 304, EA 305, EA 306, EA 307(?), EA 308(?), EA 309(?), EA 311(?), EA 312(?),EA 314, THE HEADING
EA 315, EA 316, EA 317, EA 318, EA 319, EA 320, EA 321. EA 322, EA 323, EA 324,
EA325, EA 326, EA 328, EA 329, EA 330, EA 331, EA 332(1), EA 336, EA 337,
EA 338(?), EA 362, EA 363, EA 364, EA 365, EA 366, EA 378 (plus EA 333)
When composing an official letter in the modern times we have quite a few instruments at our
Type12B (1) heading
(2) salutations
disposal to help us with the task. There are numerous 'guidebooks' available on writing business
(2. v) prostration letters, letters of invitation, letters of congratulation and many other types of letters. Whatever the
(2. v) prostration type of letter, it is understood that it should contain a return address within the header. These days
EA 63, EA 184, EA 209, EA 283 the return address is often printed on the stationery, so there is no need to write it out again at the
report on tablet's origin
top of the letter's first page. In any case the heading, containing an identification of both correspon-
Type12C
(1) heading dents, represents an inseparable element of any written modern communication. The very same
(2) salutations could be said about the Amarna correspondence, where the heading which in the absolute majori-
(2. v) prostration ty of the documents represents the first part of the letter,S"2 remains an absolutely essential part of
(1) heading the letter. It also contains a clear and indisputable identification of the sender and the addressee-
EA 100 indisputable at least within the framework of the particular communication. Such identification
Type 13 (1) heading must have been obvious to both correspondents at the time a letter was written, but with the pas-
(2) salutations sing of time it might have become less so to other readers attempting to 'decode' the information
(2. v) prostration contained in the message. Although there was no stationery in the modern sense of the word avai-
(2. iii) greetings (inverted) lable to the scribes of the Amarna letters, there still might have existed some 'guidebooks' for letter-
EA 48, EA 158 writing. In order to compose a professional communication in a written form, we can nowadays
Type 14 (1) heading simply open a printed book or a particular file on our computer and copy the necessary phrases.
(2) saiutations Professional written communication must in any case be clear and coherent and at the same time
(2. v) prostration must be composed in the correct form and order. The very same principles apply to the Amarna
(2. iii) greetings (simple) epistolography and we cannot rule out the possibility that even the scribes of the Amarna age might
(2. iv) extended greetings
have had some kind of ,guidebook' at their disposal which could nowadays be called something like
EA 45(7), EA 49(1) 'How to Write a Diplomatic Leltel:' The role of such 'guidebook' might have been fulfilled by other
Type 15 (1) heading letters sent or received by the same 'scribal office,' meaning that the scribes did not have to rely
(2) salutations solely upon what they have learnt at 'school.' This 'guidebook,' might also have had the form of a
(2. v) prostration
special tablet or tablets containing the fundamental epistolary and diplomatic phrases.
(2. vi) divine blessings
EA 71, EA 73, EA 77, EA 85, EA 86, EA 87, EA 92, EA 95, EA 102, EA 118, EA 125 Contrary to the modern way which sees the heading in most cases placed in the middle of the
page and the first line starting at the left margin, the Amarna heading starts at the very top of the
Type 16 (I) heading
(2) saiutations tablet. Another difference between the modern and Amarna epistolography is the indispensable
(2. vi) divine blessings presence of the date in modern letters while in the Amarna correspondence - similar to other cor-
EA 96, EA97 pora - there is, unfortunatelly, no date stated either in the heading or in other parts of the message.
Type 17 (I) heading So is there any pattern or protocol that might be recognized in the Amarna letters? For the Akka-
(2) saiutations dian letters found at Ugarit the first generalizing conclusions were drawn already by Jean Nougay-
(2. vi) divine blessings rol in 1955~u and his findings were later confirmed by Sally W. Ahl.~"" While certain elements are
(2. v) prostration closely associated with the person of the scribe, others 'On y constante, au contraire, une grande
EA 68, EA 74, EA 75, EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81, EA 83, EA 89, EA 105, EA 107, EA 108, uniformite dans Ie style et, en particulier, dans les fonnules. On notera surtout, a ce point de vue,
EA 109, EA 1l0m, EA 112, EA 114, EA 116, EA 117, EA 119, EA 121, EA 122, EA 123, que la disposition de I' adresse parait y etre soumise a un protocole plus strict que ceux de Tell el
EA 124, EA 130, EA 132 Amarna ou de Boghazkeui'.'~'~ Nougayrol was not only able to classify the adresse according to the
Type 18 (I) heading
(3) statement concerning the tablet
~'12 cr. EA 100.
EA 99, EA 367, EA 369, EA 370
~u cr. NOUGIWIIOI. (1955: 2-3).
SH Consult AliI. (1973: 69-7.1).
Table 14 An overview of tile structures employed in the opening passages of tile Amama letters. 5'1~ NOU(;,WIIOI. (1955: 2),

114 115
Chapter 6 - The Heading
sequence of the sender and the addressee but, with respect to the sequence, he even reached mo~e
general conclusions as far as the social status of the correspondents was concerned. The add~ess --: I~
our terminology 'the heading' - in which the identification of the addressee preceeded the IdentIfi-
cation of the sender (i.e. ana ADDRESSEEIPN/TlT/EXIl - umma SENDERIPN/TITIEXfI) thus should be reserved
for a communication of a person with a lower social status than the addressee, while for a commu-
nication between two socially equal partners or in letters from a superior to his subject the sequence
of the identification of the sender followed by the identification of the addressee is employed (cf.
wnma SENDER(PN/TlT/EXfI - ana ADDRESSEE(PNITITIEXfI).546 As has already been mentioned Nougayrol's
propositions were further elaborated by S. Ahl who paid more attention to the individual compo-
nents of the Akkadian letters found at Ugarit recognizing two main elements within the heading -
the elliptical statement of spee~h of th~ sen~~r (i..e. the identification 0~4~he sendel? ~~d th~ i.nju~c­
tion to speak to the addressee (I.e. the IdentificatIOn of the addressee). The explicit IdentificatIOn
of both, the sender and the addressee, is provided by means of their respective personal names
and/or funcional and/or honorific titles.
The corpus of the Amarna opening passages, defined in the previous part, consists of a total
of 290 examples. However in some texts the state of preservation of the headings is very frag-
mentary and the relevant passages do not allow us to reconstruct the original structure with cer-
tainty. Nineteen documents thus had to be marked as 'not applicable' and could not be brought
into further discussions, cf. EA 5, EA 18, EA 42, EA 45, EA 91, EA 145, EA 146, EA 171, EA 176, EA
188, EA 199, EA 231, EA 263, EA 277, EA 285, EA 307, EA 308, EA 311 and EA 312. For a discussi-
on of the structure of the heading we thus have 271 headings as preserved in the Amarna cor-
pus at our disposal.
It soon became clear that the basic binominal scheme of Nougayrol would not be sufficient for
the Amarna material. And thus - even though with respect to the structure of the opening passage
as a whole the heading is a less variable element within the passage, it was necessary to split it
into eight separate types not only according to the sequence of the individual elements but also
according to the presence or absence of the particular verbal forms used within the heading.
Type 15'10
Structure
5'19
ana ADDRESSEE(PNITITIPXfI - lll11ma SEN DER (PNITIT/I!XT(('JJla)
546 Cf. 'Ces adresses sont n!dlgt!es de deux manleres - peut-I!tre Issues de traditions dlvergentes, ou successlves ... solt, A
rc!presentantle nom ou (/ I ell la qualitc! de l'expMlteur, B celul ou (/ I ell celie du destlnatalre:
I. alia B qibl-lIIa II III III a A
2. IIIl1/lIa A alia B qlbl-lIIa
D'apres certains de ces exemples parllculierement nets,la formule I, qullllel ell mlanlle nom du destlnatalre, dlstln-
gue, 11 Ras Shamm, les lellres d'un Infc!rleur - de droit ou de fait -11 un supC!r1eur, tandls que la formule 2, qui lIlel ell
mlalllie nom de I'expc!dlteur, y est employl!e entre c!gaux ou 1Il'c!gard d'un subalterne. Ce dc!tall nous pelmet, sans
doute,hl'occaslon, d'l!clalrer la position respective des correspondants .... : NOIlGAYROL (1955: 2-3).
517 For a short overview of Ahl's thesis, ef. chapter 3.
540 cr. SALONEN (1967: 62, No.3).
519 Attestations with the enclitic particle -lila: EA 30, EA 49,EA 51, EA 52, EA 53, EA 59, EA 73, EA 103, EA 152(1). EA 156, EA
159, EA 161, EA 164, EA 166, EA 2B2, EA 301, EA 305, EA 319, EA 369; allestatlons without the enclitic parllcle ·lIla: EA
33, EA 4B, EA 60, EA 61 (1).EA 71, EA 93, EA 97(1), EA 100, EA 136, EA 13B, EA 140, EA 142, EA 147, EA 14B, EA 149, EA 151,
EA 153, EA 15B, EA 170A, EA 170B, EA 177, EA 17B, EA IB2(1), EA IB4(1), EA IB9, EA 191, EA 193, EA 212, EA 215, EA 234,
EA 253, EA 254, EA 25B, EA 259, EA 265, EA 2B3, EA 29B, EA 299, EA 302, EA 303, EA 304, EA 314, EA 315, EA 316, EA 320,
EA 322, EA 323, EA 324, EA 325, EA 326, EA 32B, EA 329, EA 331, EA 364, EA 37B; the relevant passage Is too damaged to
reconstruct It with certainty: EA 62, EA 124, EA 125, EA 139, EA 150, EA 154, EA 155, EA 160, EA 165, EA 16B, EA 194, EA
23B, EA 264, EA 272, EA 2B4, EA 306, EA 309, EA 321, EA 332, EA 33B.
116
Chapter 6 - The Heading
Attestations
EA30, EA33, EA48, EA49, EA51, EA52, EA 53, EA 59, EA 60, EA61(?), EA 62(?), EA 71, EA 73, EA 93,
EA 97(?), EA 100, EA 103, EA 124(?), EA 125(?), EA 136, EA 138, EA 139(?), EA 140, EA 142, EA 147, EA
148, EA 149, EA 150(?)' EA 151, EA 152(?), EA 153, EA 154(?), EA 155(?), EA 156, EA 158, EA 159, EA
160(?), EA 161, EA 164, EA 165(?), EA 166, EA 168(?), EA 170A, EA 170B, EA 177, EA 178, EA 182(?), EA
184(?), EA 189, EA 191, EA 193, EA 194, EA 212, EA 215, EA 234, EA 238, EA 253, EA 254, EA 258, EA
259, EA 264, EA 265, EA 272(?), EA 282, EA 283, EA 284(?), EA 298, EA 299, EA 301, EA 302, EA 303, EA
304, EA 305, EA 306, EA 309(?), EA 314, EA 315, EA 316, EA 319, EA 320, EA 321(?)' EA 322(?), EA 323,
EA 324, EA 325, EA 326, EA 328, EA 329, EA 331, EA 332(?), EA 338(?), EA 364, EA 378
Commentary
In this type of heading the identification of the addressee precedes the identification of the sender.
Thus, according to Nougayrol, this type of heading should be reserved for correspondence between
an inferior, as a sender, and his respective superior partner, as an addressee. This proposition can
be undoubtedly accepted for the majority of attestations, i.e. the so-called 'vassal' letters, including
the letters of the Ugaritic provenance. 550
However, this explanation cannot be accepted in the case of EA 30. This is a letter from Th~ratta,
king of Mitanni, to Canaanite rulers. On the one hand, the local kinglets are identified in the letter
as the 'kings' (line 1), but on the other hand, the lower social status of these individuals is clearly
stated by expressing their inferior position towards the king of Egypt, i.e. 'servants of my brother'
(line 2). The usage of this particular type of heading, however, cannot be conditioned in this case by
the 'inferior - superior' relationship between the sender (Th~ratta) and the addressees (kings of
Canaan) and this explanation is thus hardly acceptable.
The very same situation applies in EA 369, which is a letter from the Egyptian king Amenhotep
III addressed to Milkilu, the ruler of Gezer. Neither in this letter can the preference given to this par-
ticular type of heading be identified with a superior social position of the addressee!551
And once more, the very same type of heading appears also in EA 33, a letter from the king of
Ala~iya to his 'brother,' the Egyptian king. By using the term 'brother' when addressing the king
of Egypt, the Ala~iyan king clearly declares the social equality of the two correspondents. However,
if we consider the tradition attested in the Akkadian letters found at Ugarit, we would expect the let-
ter to contain the type of heading in which the identification of the sender precedes the identifica-
tion of the addressee and not vice versa.
Structure
ana ADDRESSEE(PNITITII!XT( - VERBAL I'ORMIiMPHIlATIVI:. MS('JJla - u.mma SENDERII'NITIT/I!XT(('JJla)553
550 For the special status of some of the lellers of Ugarltlc origin between the 'royal' and 'the vassal' correspondence, ef.
MYNAnovA (2006a); Idelll (ill press b).
551 Cf. EA 369: 1-2; 'a-lla M. III lI-ki-1/ <LO> URU.gaz-1111'/II1l-lIla LUGAL-lIla'To Mllkllu. ruler ofGazrl; 'thus (says) the king:'.
552 Cf. SALONEN (1967: 62. No. I).
553 Allestallons with the enclitic parllcle -lila: EA I. EA 6. EA B. EA 9. EA 12, EA 15. EA 16. EA 17, EA 19. EA 20(1). EA 21, EA 23.
EA 27(1). EA 2B. EA 29(1), EA 35, EA 37. EA 3B. EA 39. EA 40(1). EA 55, EA B2, EA B4(1). EA B5, EA B7, EA 96. EA 99, EA 104, EA
liB, EA 130. EA 132, EA 250, EA 257, EA 267, EA 2BI, EA 2B6, EA 2BB, EA 290, EA 297; allestatlons without the enclitic par-
ticle -lila: EA 10(1). EA63, EA64, EA65, EA95, EA9B, EA 102. EA 141, EA 143(1). EA 144, EA 174, EA 175, EA IB5, EA IB7, EA
192, EA 195, EA 19B. EA 201, EA 202, EA 203. EA 204, EA 205, EA 206, EA 209, EA 211, EA 213, EA 216. EA 220. EA 221, EA
223, EA 224(1). EA 225, EA 227, EA 22B, EA 229(1). EA 230 (ef.line I: qf-bf<-IIIa». EA 232. EA 233, EA 235+327, EA 239, EA
241, EA 242, EA 243, EA 244, EA 246, EA 24B, EA 249, EA 252, EA 255, EA 256, EA 261, EA 262, EA 269, EA 270, EA 271, EA
273, EA 274, EA 275, EA 276, EA 27B. EA 279, EA 2BO, EA 293(1). EA 294. EA 295(1). EA 296, EA 300(1). EA 330, EA 334(1). EA
337. EA 363, the enclitic particle -lila Is neither wrillen In EA 333; the relevant passage Is too damaged to reconstruct It
with certainty in the following texts: EA 2, EA 3, EA 7, EA II, EA 26, EA 50, EA 54. EA 5B. EA 77, EA B6, EA 90. EA 110, EA
157, EA 162, EA IB3, EA 196, EA 200, EA 207. EA 217, EA 222. EA 226, EA 266, EA 26B, EA 2B7. EA 2B9, EA 292, and EA 336.
117
Chapter 6 - The Heading
Attestations
EA 1, EA 2(?), EA 3(?), EA 6, EA 7(?), EA 8, EA 9, EA lOt?), EA 11(?), EA 12, EA 15, EA 16, EA 17, EA 19, EA 20,
EA 21, EA 23, EA 26(?), EA 27, EA 28, EA 29(?), EA 35, EA 37, EA 38, EA 39, EA 40, EA 44, EA 50(?), EA 54(?),
EA 55, EA 58(?), EA 63, EA 64, EA 65, EA 77(?), EA 82, EA 84, EA 85, EA 86(?), EA 87, EA 90(?), EA 95, EA 96,
EA 98, EA 99, EA 102, EA 104, EA llO(?), EA 118, EA 130, EA 132, EA 141, EA 143(?), EA 144, EA 157(?), EA
162(?), EA 174, EA 175, EA 183(?), EA 185, EA 187, EA 192, EA 195, EA 196(?), EA 198, EA 200(?), EA 201, EA
202, EA 203, EA 204, EA 205, EA 206, EA 207(?), EA 209, EA 211, EA 213, EA 216, EA 217(?), EA 220, EA 221,
EA 222(?), EA 223, EA 224, EA 225, EA 226, EA 227, EA 228, EA 229, EA 230, EA 232, EA 233, EA 235+327, EA
239, EA 241, EA 242, EA 243, EA 244, EA 246, EA 248, EA 249, EA 250, EA 252, EA 255, EA 256, EA 257, EA
261, EA 262, EA 266(?), EA 267, EA 268(?), EA 269, EA 270, EA 271, EA 273, EA 274, EA 275, EA 276, EA 278,
EA 279, EA 280, EA 281, EA 286, EA 287(?), EA 288, EA 289(?), EA 290, EA 292(?), EA 293(?), EA 294, EA 295,
EA 296, EA 297, EA 300(?), EA 330, EA 334(?), EA 336(?), EA 337, EA 363 and also EA 333
Commentary
Type 2 represents the heading consisting of the injunction to speak, i.e. the identification of the
addressee, and - in comparison with type 1 - inclusive of the verbal form, followed by the eliptical sta-
tement of speech, i.e. the identification of the sender. Based on the parallels known from Ugarit, and
the same way as in type 1, this type of address should be reserved for letters addressed by a socially
less important person to his superior. However, we can easily realize that the Ugaritic parallel would
not be suitable for the material preserved in the Amarna corpus. It is even more evident than in type
1 that this particular type of heading might have been used for all types of communication, regardless
of the social status of the correspondents or the place of origin of the texts. On the one hand we can
find this type of address among the letters addressed by the local Syro-Palestinian kinglets to their
master, i.e. the Egyptian king, however, on the other hand, the very same heading is regularly used in
the 'royal' letters of the Babylonian kings (Kada~manenlil I and Burnaburiya~ II), Ttl~ratta of Mitanni,
king of Ala~iya, and even in the correspondence of the Egyptian pharaoh (Amenhotep II1).""'1 I-Iowe-
ver, the attested examples clearly show that the usage was not limited to correspondence between
these 'equal' partners, and we may also find it in the letters these kings sent to their respective sub-
jects. This can be illustrated by the correspondence of the Egyptian kings with their subjects,""'> cr. EA
99: 1-4 ('[a-na ... Ix ma a[- ... 12 [LO KUIR.[alm-m[ll-ia [... 1'[qlf-bf-l11a lIm-lI1a 'ILUGAL-lI1a 'ITo [... 1
2[ruler of) Ammiya [... J. J[slpeak; thus (says) "the king:'), EA 162: 1-2 (l[a-lla M.a-zi-nl LlOI URU.a-
I1UHII'-ra qf-bf-ma 2[um-l11a-(a)-mlf 5l; LUGAL EN-ka 'I[To Azirul, ruler of Amurru, speak; 2[thuls
(says) the king, your master:'); EA 367: 1-2 ('a-lla M.ill-Iar-Il-Ia LO URU.ak-sa-pa 2qf-bf-ma IIIn-lI1a
LUGAL-ma'To Endaruta, ruler of Ak~ap, 2speak; thus (says) the king:'); and EA 370: 1-2 (' a-lla M. i-ca-
ia LO URU.as-qa-lu-n[a.K)l2 q f-bf-lI1a 1I./Jl-l11a LUGAL-1I1a 'ITo Yidya, ruler of A~qaluna, 2speak; thus
(says) the king:'). These examples from the letters of Egyptian origin eloquently and aptly document
that for the material preserved in the Amarna corpus we may state with certainty that the preference
given to the heading of type 2, i.e. alla ADDIlI~'iSEEII'N/TlTIIXI'I - VEIlIIAI. FOIlM IIM I'I'IIATIVE, MSI.IIU1 - 1lI11ma SEN-
DEIlII'NITIT/IXrJl.mal' had no connection with the social status of the respective correspondents. m It is also
absolutely clear from the preserved attestations that the preference given to this particular type of
heading appears to have no connection with the origin of the document. The preference given in rela-
tion to the chosen structure of the heading thus might correspond to some other criteria beyond the
social status of the correspondents or the provenance of the text.
55·1 Cf. EA I: 1-3 (In-lin M.kn-da-ns-IIIn-D-ell-lf/ LUGAL KUR.kn-m-nll-d/l-1I1/1-se 'SES-;n q(-/J(-lIIn /l1II-lIIn M.II;-;b-III/1-n-
re-;n LUGAL GAL 'LUGAL KUll.III;-;s-r;-;.KI SES-kn-IIIn "To Kada~manenlil, king of Karadunia~. 'my brother, speak;
thus (says) Nibllluareya, the great kil;g, 'king of Egypt, your brother:').
555 See also type I, above.
556 For the reconstruction, cf. MOllt\N (1992: 250, n. I).
557 However, It Is important to emphasize that this proposition, illustrated through the Amarna texts of Egyptian origin,
stands only for the Amarna material since the epistolmy material of Egyptian origin of the llamesside period renects a
completely different tradition as far as the typology of the heading is concerned.
118
Chapter 6 - The Heading
Type 3 558
Structure
ana ADDRESSEEIPNITITIEXTI - umma SENDERtPN/TIT/EXTI - VERBAL FORMtpRETERITE, MSI
Attestations
EA 260, EA 317, EA 318
Commentary
The geographical specification of the group of tablets sharing the same heading structure, indica-
ted here as type 3, represented - already since Knudtzon's edition - a rather debatable subject. The
structure of the heading detectable in these three letters, i.e. ana ADDRESSEEIPN/TlT/EXTI - llmma SEN-
DERJPN/TlT/EXTI - VERBAL FORMJPRETERITE. 3MSI' is characterized by the identification of the addressee pre-
ceding the identification of the sender followed by the verbal form. However, in contrast to the
majority of other headings preserved in the Amarna corpus, the employed verbal form is not the
usual imperative ms, usually with the suffixed particle -ma, i.e. qibima, but a preterite 3 ms iqbi.
The same verbal form appears also in some letters from Byblos,559 however, in contrast with these
letters, in type 3 the verbal form occupies the final position within the heading.
The documents EA 317 and EA 318 from Dagantakala to the pharaoh were classified by
Knudtzon among the texts from the southwestern part of the Palestinian region, detaching them
from EA 260, addressed to the Egyptian king by a certain Ba'lumir. However, in his 1968 study
p. Artzi 560 ascribed the group of three letters to the Syrian region based on palaeographical, or-
thographical, grammatical, as well as stylistic and formal features, even though the exact loca-
tion could not be stated, This idea of geographical singularity of EA 260, EA 317 and EA 318 has
recently been undermined by a petrolographic analysis. The results of the analysis clearly pro-
ved that both EA 317 and EA 318 had actually been written in Gaza. 561 The situation thus can be
interpreted as follows - Dagantakala, the ruler of a territory in Syria which cannot be identified
with certainty, arrived to Gaza accompanied by a scribe, who learnt to write the letters some-
where in the northern areas of the Syro-Palestinian region and according to a tradition distinct
from the tradition attested so far at Gaza, When Dagantakala needed to write letters to his Egyp-
tian master, instead of using the local scribes, he gave priority to his 'own' scribe to whom he
probably could give credence. The example of Dagantakala and his scribe thus leads us to the
conclusion that the place where a particular message was written played only a minor role while
the scribe himself and his education were of crucial importance.
Type 4562
Structure
llInl11a SENDEIlIPNITIT/EXTI - ana ADDIlESSEEIPN/TIT/EXTII.mal
Attestations
EA34
550 Cf. St\I.ONEN (1967: 63, No, 6).
559 See below, type 7.
560 Cf. ARTZI (I96B).
561 For the results of the analysis, cr. GOREN - FINKEl.STI!IN - Nt\'t\Mt\N (2004: 309); unfortunately, EA 260 could not be ana-
lyzed.
562 Cf. St\LDNEN (1967: 62, No.4).
119
Chapter 6 - The Heading
Commentary
Only one tablet contains the heading consisting of the identification of the sender as preceding the
identification of the addressee without using the verbal form of the imperative ms qibzma, i.e. EA
34, addressed by the king of Ala§iya to his Egyptian correspondent. This singularitt 63 makes it
impossible to draw more general conclusions because in all other documents from Ala§iya either
type 1 or type 2 is employed. However, if we compare the heading used in EA 34 with similar but
later documents discovered at Ugarit, and if we suppose that the scribe of EA 34 might have been
familiar with a letter-writing tradition slightly different from the one widely used during the Amar-
na age, we may come to the conclusion that this particular type of heading was used here because
the two correspondents were understood by the scribe to be equal partners.
Type 5564
Structure
lim rna SENDER,PNITIT/I!XT'- ana ADDRESSEEIPNITITlI!XTI - VERBAL FORMIiMPEMTIVE. MSI.ma
Attestations
EA41
Commentary
The structure of the heading, indicated here as type 5, consists of the elliptical statement of speech
of the sender coming first, followed by the injunction to speak to the addressee with the verbal form
of the imperative qibzma at the end. Together with EA 42(?) and EA 44, EA 41 belongs among letters
of Hittite origin. However, only EA 41 and EA 42(?) are letters addressed by the Hittite king to his
Egyptian partner and, unfortunately, the respective heading is preserved only in EA 41. The fact that
we have only one letter with this partIcular type of heading at our disposal complicates the situation,
similar to type 4. For the letters of Hittite origin, howevel~ it stands that especially from the reign of
I.:;lattuMli III and Tudbaliya IV there are numerous epistolary documents known and available for
study.565 Among these letters, the same type of heading is widely used, but it must be noted that
these texts are representatives of a later tradition, similar to the epistolary material discovered at
Ugarit, and thus not quite identical to the Amarna tablets.
Type 6566
Structure
SENDERIPNITIT/PXfI - VERBAL FORMIIMPI!MTlVP.. MSI-ma - ana ADDRESSEE,PN/TIT/PXfH_mal_mO
Attestations
EA 126, EA 129(?), EA 137(1)' EA 362
Commentary
It has been already pointed out by Moran 567 that this group of four letters addressed by Ribhaddi of
Byblos to the king of Egypt shared certain features typical only for this subset of documents. Moran
563 For other reatl\l'es or Ihls unique document, see p. 101 In the present volume.
564 cr. SALONBN (I967: 62, No.2).
565 For the subject, consult especially HAGENDUCHNER (1989).
566 Not recognized by SALONBN (1967: 62-63).
567 cr. MOMN (1992: 206, n. I).
120
1 Chapter 6 - The Heading
reached the conclusion that these letters had been written by the same scribe at about the same
1 point in time. One of the features he mentioned was the fact that the 'greeting formula' of EA 126,
EA 362 and probably of EA 129 was 'identical and unparalleled' within the whole corpus. The pre-
sent analysis arrives at the same conclusion, although it seems probable that the same structure of
heading might be identified in EA 137 as welp68
The provenance of this subset of letters is very interesting. Although the sender of all these
epistolary documents is reliably identified as Ribhaddi ofByblos,569 the letters were admittedly deli-
vered to Egypt from different sites. Only EA 129 and EA 362 were undoubtedly sent from Byblos,570
whereas EA 126 was sent from ~umUl.s71 and EA 137 from Beirut. 572 The documents included in the
present study as type 6 based on the structure of their heading thus represent the same phenome-
non as documents already discussed under type 3. Although the sender, in this case Ribhaddi of
Byblos, sent the messages from sites different from his home-city, some ofthe letters were still writ-
ten by the same scribe, who then had to accompany his master on his journey in order to be at his
disposal. Thus the place where a letter was in fact written was of lesser concern than the tradition
learnt and practised by the scribe.
Type 7573
Structure
SENDERpNITIT/EXT - VERBAL FORM 1'1I1:"TERITE. 3MSI - ana ADDRESSEEpNlTlTIEXT
'
Attestations
EA 68, EA 74, EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81(?), EA 83, EA 88, EA 89, EA 92, EA 105, EA 106, EA 107574
Commentary
This type of heading is dominant among the letters from the earlier group of the Byblos letters. The
typical features of this type are: the omission of the particle 1111lma in the elliptical statement of
speech and the verbal form of preterite 3 ms (iqbz). In all the documents listed in this subset, the
addressee of Ribhaddi's letters can be clearly identified as the Egyptian king. With the exception of
EA 78, which was written in Sumur, all the remaining analyzed letters were actually composed in
Byblos itself. 575 Thus we might preliminarily consider this type of heading as belonging to some
Byblite tradition; however, because all these letters were addressed to the pharaoh, we cannot draw
any conclusions as to the possible connection between the social status of the sender and the
addressee on the one hand and the preference given to this unique type of the heading, on the
other.
Type 8 576
Structure
SENDERpN/TlT/EXT - VERBAL FORM '3 MS IalMrIIGI slcml 577 - ana ADDRESSEEpNITITII!XT
566 See Appendix, pp. 186-259.
:~: Cr. M.ri-ib-id-di (EA 126: I); IM.ri-ibJ -ad-dill (EA 129: I); M.ri-ilb-aJd-lrill (EA 137: I); IM.Jri-ib-D.lM-di (EA 362: I).
Consult GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 143, 153, 158-159).
571 GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 154-155).
572 As rollows rrom Ihe content or the Jeller, see especially EA 137: 14-15, 65-66.
573 cr. SALON EN (I967: 62-63, No.5).
574 There mlghl be the same type or heading employed also in EA 75 and EA 109.
:;: Consult especially GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 134-148); pelrographically not analyzed: EA 75 and EA 107.
For a discussion or lhe verbal rorm and rererences 10 rurther literature, see p_ 176.
121
L
Chapter 6 - The Heading
Attestations
EA 94. EA 108. EA 116. EA 119. EA 121. EA 122. EA 123578
Commentary
The structure identified as type 8 shares certain features with type 7. 579 including the omission of
the introductory formula 11l11l11a and the substitution of the standard verbal form of imperative ms
of qabu 'to speak' with a different verbal form or forms. and in this case also by a different verb. i.e.
sapiiru 'to write.'580 Finally. the documents were also delivered to the Egyptian king from Ribhaddi.
the ruler of Byblos. 581 Thus we may add this type of heading to some Byblite tradition as well. As in
the previous cases we cannot postulate any theory concerning the connection between the type of
the heading and the social status of both correspondents. because all of the letters are addressed to
the pharaoh.
The Heading - Conclusions
The overview of various types of headings attested so far in the Amarna corpus results in several
important observations. First. we have to note that the connection between the type of heading and
the social status of the correspondents. observed and described in the Akkadian letters found at
Ugarit. could not be documented reliably for the Amarna material. The sequence of elements wit-
hin the heading ana - 11l11l11a employed in the Ugaritic material for the correspondence delivered
from a socially less important person to his superior. is lIsed here in all three possible contexts -
i.e. in the letters from an inferior to a superior person. from a 'master' to his subject. as well as
between two socially equal partners (cf. types 1 and 2). In general we may say that these two types
of heading. i.e. type 1: ana ADDRESSEEII'NITITII;)(TI - 11l11ma SENDERIPNITITlEXTII./l/al and type 2: ana ADDRES-
SEEIPN/TIT/I;)(f1 - VERBAL rORM IIM I'ElIAllVE. MSI-/l/a - llInl11a SENDER1I'NIlTI'II;)(rll_/l/al can be. without exaggeration.
considered to be the primary types of heading employed within this corpus. because either type 1
or type 2 heading was employed in altogether 237 letters out of 271 included in this particular ana-
lysis. i.e. slightly over 87 percent of all texts.
It is necessary to emphasize that in the Middle Babylonian letters. type 2 is widely employed in
contrast to the types in which the sequence with the identification of the sender preceding the iden-
tification of the addressee. thus 11l11ma - ana. i.e. types 4 and 5. was attested. According to Salonen582
there are no examples of these two types of heading attested in the Middle Babylonian letters. The
Amarna headings of type 2. identical to the Middle Babylonian letters. which developed from the Old
Babylonian preimage. as well as the heading of type 1. actually do not reflect any respective social
positions or the relationship between the two correspondents. but may certainly be regarded as
learned formulae and the preference given to the particular type thus is not functional at all! For the
scribes of the Amarna period. these two types of heading clearly represented frozen expressions that
were simply copied onto the tablets without paying attention to the particular structure. We may
thus reach the conclusion that the sequence of the two correspondents attested in the headings of
these two types neither contained any underlying information as far as the social status was concer-
ned nor could any geographical context for the employment of both types be recognized.
The later Egypto-Hittite correspondence of the Ramesside period reveals a very interesting
aspect of this phenomenon. It has already been observed that the 'international' diplomatic tenni-
570 It Is possible Ihalthe very same Iype of heading has also been used In EA 112. EA 114 and EA 117.
579 See above.
500 Cf. p. 176.
SRI The Byblile origin of EA lOB, EA 119. EA 121. EA 123. as well as EA 112 and EA 117. has been confirmed recently. cf.
GallEN - FINKEI_~TEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 143-1541_
582 Consult SAI_ONEN (1967: 57-5B).
122
Chapter 6 - The Heading
nology of the 13 th century B.C.E varies significantly from the 'language of Amama' in the 14th centu-
ry B.C.E.583 In the Ramesside correspondence the attested situation differs essentially from the
Amama age also in relation to the type of heading. While in the letters of Egyptian origin within the
Amarna corpus the sequence ana- llInl11a absolutely predominates. in the correspondence from
the Ramesside period there has not been a single employment either of type 1 or type 2 attested so
far! Only further studies devoted to the structure and scribal traditions preserved within the Egyp-
tian provenance material in the Egypto-Hittite correspondence may confirm whether the two cor-
pora. i.e. the Amarna and the Ramesside. verily represent two distinct scribal traditions that deve-
loped over the course of time.
In the typology of the heading we may also find altogether four types. i.e. type 3. type 6. type 7
and type 8 which might be linked with the respective scribe or a specific scribal tradition disregar-
ding the place where the letters were written; however, it was impossible to evidence a connection
between the employment of these types and the social status of the sender and the addressee with
any degree of certainty, because all of the letters were addressed to the Egyptian king.
The evidence provided by the remaining two types of heading, i.e. type 4 and type 5. is of limited
value. The reason consists in the fact that each type includes a single document only and thus it is
impossible to draw any reliable conclusions as regards the provenance of these letters or the social
status of the correspondents.
Type No. Sirucllll'e of Ihe Heading
Type 1 alia ADDIlESSEEII'NITIT/EXTI - WIlIlIn SI!NDEBII'NITIT/EXfI(_/l/al
EA 30. EA 33. EA 48. EA 49. EA 51. EA 52. EA 53. EA 59. EA 60, EA 61(7), EA 62(7). EA 71,
EA 73. EA 93, EA 97(7). EA 100, EA 103. EA 124(7), EA 125(7), EA 136, EA 138, EA 139(7),
EA 140, EA 142, EA 147. EA 148, EA 149. EA 150(7), EA 151. EA 152(7), EA 153.
EA 154(7). EA 155(7), EA 156. EA 158. EA 159, EA 160(7), EA 161. EA 164, EA 165(7).
EA 166, EA 168(7). EA 170A, EA 170B, EA 177. EA 178, EA 182(7), EA 184(7). EA 189.
EA 191. EA 193, EA 194. EA 212, EA 215. EA 234, EA 238, EA 253. EA 254, EA 258,
EA 259. EA 264. EA 265, EA 272(7), EA 282. EA 283. EA 284(7), EA 298, EA 299, EA 301,
EA 302, EA 303, EA 304, EA 305. EA 306, EA 309(7). EA 314. EA 315, EA 316. EA 319,
EA 320, EA 321(7). EA 322(7). EA 323, EA 32'1. EA 325, EA 326. EA 328, EA 329, EA 331,
EA 332(7), EA 3311(7), EA 364, EA 378
Type 2 alia AIlIlBESSEEII'NITITII;)(n - VEBIIAI. FOBMIlMI'EHATlVE. MSI-/I/ll - III/III/a SENIlEBII'NITITII;)(nl_/l/1I1
EA I. EA 2(7). EA 3(7). EA 6. EA 7(7). EA II. EA 9. EA 10(7), EA 11(7). EA 12, EA 15. EA 16.
EA 17, EA 19. EA 20, EA 21, EA 23, EA 26(7). EA 27, EA 28. EA 29(7), EA 35, EA 37, EA 311,
EA 39, EA 40, EA '14, EA 50(7). EA 5'1(7), EA 55, EA 511(7), EA 63, EA 64. EA 65, EA 77(7),
EA 112, EA 114, EA 115. EA 116(7). EA 117, EA 90(7), EA 95, EA 96, EA 911, EA 99, EA 102.
EA 104, EA 110(7). EA 118, EA 130, EA 132. EA 141, EA 143(7). EA 144, EA 157(7),
EA 162(7). EA 174. EA 175, EA 183(7), EA 185, EA 187, EA 192, EA 195, EA 196(7),
EA 198, EA 200(7). EA 201. EA 202, EA 203, EA 20'1. EA 205. EA 206. EA 207(7). EA 209,
EA 211, EA 213, EA 216, EA 217(7), EA 220. EA 221. EA 222(7). EA 223, EA 224, EA 225,
EA 226, EA 227, EA 228, EA 229, EA 230, EA 232, EA 233, EA 235+327, EA 239. EA 241,
EA 242, EA 243, EA 244, EA 246. EA 248, EA 249, EA 250, EA 252, EA 255, EA 256,
EA 257. EA 261. EA 262, EA 266(7). EA 267, EA 268(7), EA 269. EA 270, EA 271, EA 273,
EA 27'1. EA 275, EA 276, EA 278, EA 279, EA 280, EA 281, EA 286, EA 287(7), EA 288,
EA 289(7), EA 290, EA 292(7). EA 293(7). EA 294, EA 295, EA 296, EA 297, EA 300m,
EA 330. EA 334(7). EA 336(7), EA 337. EA 363 and also EA 333
Type 3 alia AIlIlBESSEEII'N/TlT/EXTI - 1/llIlI/a SENIJEIlII'NITIT/EXTI - VE 11IIA I. FOIlMIPIIHEHlTE. 3 MSI
EA 260, EA 317, EA 318
58] MVNAnovA (ill press bl.
123
 Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
Chapter 6 - The Heading

Type No. Structure of the Heading

Type 4 wnma SENDERIPNITIT/EXTI - ana ADDRESSEEIPNITIT/EXTH.ma)

EA34
Type 5 IIl1lma SENDERpNITITlEXT - ana ADDRESSEEpNlTlTIEXT - VERBAL FORMIIMPERATIVE. MSI.ma
EA41
THE SENDER AND THE ADDRESSEE
Type 6 SENDERpNITIT/EXT - VERBAL FORMIIMPERATIVE. MS).ma - ana ADDRESSEEIPNITIT/EXTH.mal.nn)
EA 126, EA 129(1), EA 137(1), EA 362
When the 122 nd emperor of Japan, the Meiji emperor - Mutsuhito by his personal name, ascen-
Type 7 SENDERpNITITlEXT - VERBAL FORMWRETERITE. MS) - alia ADDRESSEEpNITITlEXT
ded the throne on February 3, 1867, he inherited a fragmented and isolated feudal country in the
EA 68, EA 74, EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81(1), EA 83, EA 88, EA 89, EA 92, EA 105,
midst of a power struggle.58~ On January 3, 1868 the imperial palace in Kyoto was seized and a day
EA 106, EA 107
later on January 4 the emperor formally restored his imperial rule. On February 3, 1868585 an edict
Type 8 SENDERpNITITlEXT - VERBAL FORMI3 MS Ial'drll GI Sleml - ana ADDRESSEEpNlTlTIEXT to foreign diplomats was issued in his name to acquaint the diplomats with the new political situ-
EA 94, EA 108, EA 116, EA 119, EA 121, EA 122, EA 123 ation as well as with its consequences for diplomatic protocols, giving clear instructions on how to
correctly address the emperor, cf. 'The Emperor of Japan announces to the sovereigns of all foreign
Table 15 An overview of the structures employed in the headings of the Amama letters. countries and to their subjects that permission has been granted to the Shogun Tokugawa Yoshino-
bu to return the governing power in accordance with his own request. We shall henceforward exer-
cise supreme authority in all the internal and external affairs of the country. Consequently the title
Emperor must be substituted for that of Tycoon, in which the treaties have been made. Officers are
being appointed by us to the conduct of foreign affairs. It is desirable that the representatives of the
treaty powers recognize this announcement'.5BG
Unfortunately, for the Amarna period we do not have at our disposal any such document contai-
ning rules or instructions as far as the identification and titulary of the correspondents is concerned.
We may only suppose that the correct designation of the respective sender or addressee appertai-
ned to a tradition that was intelligible and comprehensible to all interested parties. The addressee,
was introduced - without exception and regardless of the type of structure employed in the heading
- by a prepositional phrase containing the preposition ana, followed by the personal name to which
other functional titles or honorific epithets could be added. The elements by which the addressee
is identified, contrary to the type of the heading, again provide a relatively abundant source of
material. Among these we can recognize three main categories which might be more simply classi-
fied as functional, diplomatic and honorific.

'Brothers' - The Sender and the Addressee in the 'Royal' Correspondence

It has long been recognized that in correspondence of the Amarna age, a terminology based on
a family metaphor was widely employed - the society or the state was understood as 'household.'
Thus the rulers of the Great Powers, as well as of the lesser 'independent' kingdoms (i.e. Arzawa and
Ala~iya),5"7 whose correspondence is usually indicated as 'international' or 'royal', virtually became
'brothers' to one another. In other words, we may say that an epistolary document can be recogni-
zed as belonging among the 'royal' letters once a prostration formula is absent in the salutations.
This definition makes it possible also to include in this category letters exchanged between other
members of the royal court, such as EA 12 from a Babylonian princess (DUMU.Mf LUGAL) and EA
41 from the Hittite prince Zita (DUMU LUGAL) to the Egyptian king, as well as letter EA 40 of Ala-
~iyan origin addressed by a high court official (MASKfM) to his partner in Egypt.

58-1 For a detailed overview of the events, Including references to fmlher literal me, see recently especially JANSEN - ROZMAN
(eds.) (1986); JANSEN (ed.) (1999); KEENE (2002); GORDON (2003); NOTEIIELPER (2006).
585 However, the formal coronalion of the emperor took place only on September 12, 1868.
58G SATOW (1969: 324) qlloled by NOTElIP.I.PER (2006: 7).
587 For the Great Powers and the Independent slates, cr. recently especially MORAN (1992: xxii-xxvi); LIVERANI (1999:
312-314); COllEN - WESTBROOK (2000: 6-8); RAGIONIERI (2000: 46).

124 125
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee

The primary means of successful communication, i.e. of ensuring that the message will be deli- EA(origin) Identification of the Sender Identification of the Addressee
vered to the desired subject, is the clear identification of the addressee of the document. The
EA3
second integral part of successful communication is the unequivocal identification of the sender of PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma PN - LUGAL GN - [probably SES-ia)
(Babylonia)
the message by the addressee. The primary identification of both correspondents must be purely
EAS
functional, providing the respective names and the functions of the two persons. [PN I) - [LUGAL GAe) - [LUGAL GN I) [PN I) - [probably LUGAL GN) - [SES-id)
(Egypt)
Only when it is assured that the message will be delivered to the right person and the addressee EA6
will certainly identify the identity of the sender, the second level of identification, containing the PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma PN-SES-ia
(Babylonia)
social status of both correspondents with a special emphasis given to the interrelated nature of EA7 PN - [LUGAL GAe) - LUGAL GN
their relationship, can follow. However, this type of identification can be understood only as secon- PN - LUGAL GAL - LUGAL GN - [SES-idl
(Babylonia) - [probably a-[JII-ka-ma)
dary. This is where the above mentioned family metaphor enters the picture. The parity between
EA8
two partners as attested in this type of correspondence can be described in terms of the family PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(Babylonia)
metaphor as 'brotherhood;' however, it is necessary to emphasize that such honorific identificati-
EA9
on of the correspondents would be insufficient for the identification of the respective parties. (Babylonia)
PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-lIIa PN-LUGALGN
The general principles of identification can also be readily observed in the Amarna corpus. From EAlO
the following overview, it appears that in the Amarna letters, the explicit and unmistakable identi- PN-LUGALGN I'N-LUGALGN
(Babylonia)
fication of both partners has been provided by means of their personal names followed by the title EAll
'king>°8 of GN.' The absence of the title of the addressee. i.e. 'the king of GN' in EA 6, which is a letter PN - LUGAL GN - [SES-ka-md) PN -LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(Babylonia)
from the Babylonian king Burnaburiya~ II to Amenhotep III of Egypt, can be interpreted with cer- EA 12 DUMU.MI LUGAL-lIIa M.br!-/f-ia
tainty as a mistake on the part of the scribe because it is the only instance where the rules of the
EA 15
general identification are violated in this way. On the other hand, the systematic exclusion of the PN- LUGALGN LUGALGN
(Assyria)
names of either partner from the heading is characteristic of the correspondence of the Ala~iyan
EA 16 I'N - LUGAL GN - LUGAL GAL
ruler. Neither the sender nor the addressee are named by their respective personal names and the I'N - [LUGAL GAel - LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(Assyria) -SES-ka-ma
identification of both correspondents is thus ensured only by the respective titles. 5R9
EA 17
In this type of correspondence the relationship between the sender and the addressee can be I'N - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-lIIa I'N - [LUGAL GNll - SES-ia
(Milanni)
expressed by using a single clear expression - 'equivalence.' The two correspondents are equivalent [l'NII - [LUGAL GNll
EA i8
to each other, they are considered equivalent partners and neither of them holds a superior position. [I'NI) - [LUGALGNll
(Milanni) - [probably SES-ka-lIIal
Proof for this statement can be found in the structure of their identification, presented in table 16."90
l'N - LUGAL GAL
In the majority of cases the means of identifying the sender are reflected in the identification of the EA 19 - e-mi-i-ka sa I-m-' -a-II/II-Il-ka
l'N - LUGAL GAL - LUGAL GN
addressee, although the sequence of the individual elements might be different."!11 In this type (Milanni) - LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma - SES-Ia -lJa-ta-lIi-ia sa i-m- ' -all/-all-Ili
of correspondence, the system of 'equivalence' or 'balance' can be observed both in the letters II sa a-m-alll-II111-IIS
exchanged between the kings 592 and in the letters of other members of the royal court, as well as in EA20 I'N - LUGAL GN- I'N - LUGAL GN - SES-ia -[w-ta-lIi-ia
the letter from the Ala~iyan official. Diversions from this scenario are present but not to a conside- (Mltanni) e-IIlIl-ll-ka sa i-m-'-a-lIl/1-ll-ka - SES-ka !a a-m- '-a-lI111 !a i-m- '-a-II/a-all-lli
rable extent. l'N - LUGAL GAL - LUGAL (iN - SES-ka I'N - LUGAL GAL- LUGAL(iN - SES-ia-
EA 21
- e-II111-ka II!a i-m-"-a-II111-ka-lIla lJa-ta-lIi-ia!a a-m-am-IIIII-II! II !a
(Mltanni)
EA (origin) Identification of the Sender Identification of the Addressee i-m- ' -a-llta-all-lli

EA I I'N - LUGAL GAL - LUGAL EA 23 I'N - LUGAL GN - !a i-m- '-a-lIl1l-ka N- LUGAL GN - SES-Ia -lJa-ta-lIi-la
I'N - LUGAL (iN - SES-ia
(Egypt) GN - SES-ka-lIIa (Milanni) e-lIl11-ka-llta p!a a-m-"-a-mll II!a i-m-'-a-II/a-all-lli

EA2 EA26
PN-LUGALGN PN - LUGAL GN - SES-Ia I'N-LUGALGN [PNII - NIN GN
(Babylonia) (Mltanni)
I'N - LUGAL GAL - LUGAL GN IPNII - [LUGAL GAel - [LUGAL GNI
EA 27
- [e-lIlll-ka!a i-m-'-a-II111-kdl - SES-Ia -Iprobably lJa-ta-lIi-ia!a
(Mitanni)
588 Replaced by the title 'queen' in EA 26: I, cr. Ila-lIa Ete-i-e NUN KUH.llli-li~-"i-i qf-bf-IIIal. dna Teye, the misltress of - [SES-ka-mall a-m-am-III11-II!!a i-m-'-a-lIIa-all-/lIl
Eglypt, speak;).' EA 28 PN - LUGAL GN - e-III1I-II-ka PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ia -lJa-ta-lIi-ia
589 The very same scenario can be observed in EA 40, a letter addressed by an unnamed Ala~iyan governor to his partner (Mllanni) !a i-m- '-a-II111-II-ka - SES-ka-lIIa !a i-m- '-a-lIIa-all-lIi II !a a-m-IIlIl-II!
in Egypt. Both officials are identified exciusively by their respective titles.
590 The differences in the identifications present in the completely reconstructed passages are not highlighted.
[PNll_ [LUGALGAel- [LUGALGN71 [PNll_ [LUGAL GN I) - [probably SES-ia)
EA 29
591 Cf. especially the Mitannian correspondence,
- SES-ka-lIIa - e-mi-ka!a i-m- '-a-lIl1l-ka -lJa-ta-lIi-ia !a a-m-alll-IIIII-ll-II! tI !a
(Mltanni)
592 Although EA 30 is addressed by the Mitannian king to the 'kings of Canaan' (LUGAL.MES sa KURki-lIa-n-alJ-11J/1, line i-m- '-a-llta-all-lli
II. the inferior status of the addressees in comparison with that of the sender is clearly demonstrated by their secon- EA30
dary identification as 'the servants of my brother' (iRMES SES-ia, line 2). Thus the balance of the identification can- LUGAL-Illa LUGAL.MES GN -lR,MES SES-ia
(Mitanni)
not be observed here.

126 127
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee

EA (origin) Identification of the Sender Identification of the Addressee (A5) 'THE GOVERNOR OF GN'

EA33 'the governor of Egypt' IM]ASKfM sa KUR mi-14-rtl (EA 40: 1)

LUGAL GN - SES-ka LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(A1a~iya)
(A6) 'SERVANTS OF MY BROTHER'
EA34
LUGALGN LUGAL GN - SES-ia-lIIa
(A1a~iya) IRMES SES-ia (EA 30: 2)
EA35
LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma LUGAL GN - SES-ia (A7) 'THE GREAT KING'
(A1a~iya)

EA37 LUGAL GAL (EA 7: 1; EA 19: 1; EA 21:1)

LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma LUGAL GN -Iprobably SES-ia)
(A1a~iya)

EA38 (A8) 'MY BROTHER'

LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(A1a~iya) cSES'-ia (EA 1: 2; EA 16: 2; EA 27: 1); SES[ -ia] (EA 2: 1; EA 19: 1); [SES-tla (EA 3: 1); SES-ia (EA 6: 2;
EA39 EA 8: 2; EA 17: 2; EA 20: 1; EA 21: 2; EA 23: 2; EA 28: 1; EA 33: 1; EA 35: 1; EA 38: 1; EA 41: 3); SE[S-ia]
LUGAL GN - SES-ka-ma LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(A1a~iya) (EA 11: 1); [SE]S-ia (EA 29: 1; EA 39: 1); SES-ia-ma (EA 34: 2); [SES]- cia' (EA 37: 1)
EA40
Iprobably MASKfM GNI - ISES-ka-mal) MASKfM GN - ISES-ial) (A9) 'MY FATHER'
(A1a~iya)

EA41 ID.UTU -si ) - PN - LUGAL GAL

l a-bi-ia (EA 44: 2)
PN - LUGAL GN - SES-ia
(i:Jatti) -LUGALGN
EA44 (AlO) 'MY MASTER'
PN - DUMU LUGAL - DUMU -ka be-If - LUGAL GN - a-bi-ia
(I:Jatti) M.M-If-ia (EA 12: 1); be-If (EA 44: 1)

Table 16 The relationship between the sender and the addressee as reflected in the 'royal' correspondence. (All) 'MY SON-IN-LAW, WHO LOVES ME/WHOM I LOVE AND WHOM I LOVE/WHO LOVES ME'

The 'Royal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Addressee
(AI) PERSONAL NAME (PN)
Amenhotep III M.ni-mu-wa-ri-ia (EA 2: 1); IM.ni-ib-m] u-' -wa-ri-ia (EA 3: 1); cM: cnr- Cmu'-
cwa '_ ri'- cia' (EA 6: 1); M.ni-ib-mu-a-ri-ia (EA 17: 1); M.nJ-im-mu-ri-ia (EA 19: 1); IM.ni-im]-mu-
C
ll-a-ri-ia (EA 20: 1); M.ni-im-mu-ri-ia (EA 21: 1; EA 23: 1); Amenhotep IV-Akhenaten IM.na-ap-lUl]
-nt-ri-ia (EA 7: 1); na-ap-lut-'-ru- Crr-Ua] (EA 8: 1); ni-ip-llll-ur-ri-ri-ia (EA 9: 1); Ina-ap-bu] -ra-rl i-i]a
(EA 10: 1); M.na-ap-bu-ru-cri'-cia'(EA 11: 1); M.nla-a]p-bu-Ir]i-il-ia] (EA 16: 1); M.nap-bur-i-ri-ia
(EA 28: 1); ijurlyaM.bu-u-ri-i-ila] (EA 41: 2); Kada~manenlil I cM.'ka-cda'-as-cma'-an-cEN.LfL'
(EA 1: 1); IM.]ka-lda-as-ma-an-EN.LfL] (EA 5: 2);
(A2) 'HIE KING OF GN'
'the king of Egypt' LUGAL KURmi-i~-ri-i (EA 2: 1; EA 11: 1; EA 19: 1; EA 21: 2); LUGAL KUR.mi-i~­
ri-Itl (EA 3: 1; EA 23: 1; EA 28: 1); LUGAL KUR./11i-i~-lri-tl (EA 7: 1); cLUGAL' KURmi-i~-ri-i (EA 8:
2); LUGAL KURmli-i~-ri-tl (EA 9: 1; EA 10: 1); LUGAL KUR./11li-i~-~a-nl (EA 15: 1); LUGAL KURmi-
i~-~a-ri (EA 16: 2); LUGIAL KURmi-i~-ri-tl (EA 17: 1); LUGAL KURlmi-i~-ri-tl (EA 20: 1); ILUGAL
KURmi-i~]-ri-i (EA 27: 1); LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri (EA 33: 1; EA 34: 2; EA 39: 1); IL]UGAL-ri KUR.mi-
i~-ri (EA 35: 1); LIUGA]L KIU]R"ni-i~-/'ll (EA 37: 1); LUGAL-ri KUR.mi-ci~'-ri (EA 38: 1); ILUGAL
KUR.URU.D.mtl-4-ri-i.Kl (EA 41: 3); LUGAL KUR cURU'. CD'. cmf_ Ci~'- crf-Itl; 'the king ofKaradu-
niya~' LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.du-nltl-se (EA 1: 1); ILUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.du]-ni-ia-laSl (EA 5: 3)
(A3) 'HIE KINGS OF GN'
'the kings ofeanaan' LUGAL,MES sa KURki-na-a-ab-lbll (EA 30: 1)
(A4) 'THE MISTRESS OF GN'
'the mistress of Egypt' INUN KUR.mi-li~-ri-tl (EA 26: 1)
'my son-in-law, who loves me and whom I love' ba-ta-ni-ia sa i-ra- '-am-an-ni il sa a-ra-a[m-mu-
uS] (EA 19: 2); ba-ta-ni-ia sa i-ra- '-[a-ma-an-ni] it sa a-ra-mu-us (EA 28: 2-3); 'my son-in-law,
whom I love and who loves me' ba-la-ni-ia [sa a-raj -'-a-/1lll sa i-ra- 'I-a-ma-an-ni] (EA 20: 2); ba-
ta-ni-ia sa a- cra '-am-/1Ul-US II sa i-ra- '-a-ma-an-ni (EA 21: 3-4); ba-ta-ni-ia sa a-ra- '-a-/1UlII sa i-
ra- '-a-ma-an-ni (EA 23: 2-3); ba-ta-ni-ia sa [a-ra-am-/1w-us sa i-ra- '-a-ma-an-ni] (EA 27: 1-2); lw-
la-ni-ia sa a-[ra-a] m-mu-ll-uS it sa i-rla- '-a-ma-an-ni] (EA 29: 1)
The 'Royal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Sender
(S 1) PEHSONAL NAME (PN)
Amenhotep III M.ni-ib-mu-a-ri-ia (EA 1: 2); [M.ni-ib-mll-a-r] i-i[a] (EA 5: 1); M~uruballit I
M.D.a-sllr- Tl.L[A] (EA 15: 3); M.D.a-sur-TI.LA (EA 16: 3); Burnaburiya~ II bur-ra-bu-ri-ia-as (EA 6:
3; EA 8: 3; EA 9: 3; EA 10: 2); bur-ra-bu-ri-ial-aSl (EA 7: 2); IM.bur-]na-bu-cri'-cia'-as (EA 11: 2);
Kada~manenlil I M.ka-da-as- cma '-lan-EN.LlfL (EA 2: 2); IM.ka-(na-as-ma-an-EN.LfL (EA 3: 3);
Suppllulluma I M.su-up-p(-Inll-li-u-ma (EA 41: 1); Th~ratta M.W-is-e-rat-ta (EA 17: 3); M.w-us-
rat-fa (EA 19: 3); 1M.] tll-us-rat-la (EA 20: 3); M.tll-us-rat-ta (EA 21: 5; EA 23: 4; EA 28: 4); IM.III-US]-
ral-Ia (EA 26: 2); IM.I]il-us-ral-la (EA 27: 2); Zita M.zi-lla]-a (EA 44: 3)
(S2) 'Hm KING OF GN'
'the king of Ala~iya' LUGAL KUR.a-/a-si-ia (EA 33: 2; EA 34: 1; EA 35: 2; EA 39: 3); ILUGAL KjUR
Ca '-Ia-si-ila] (EA 37: 2); LUGAL-ri KURa-/a-si- cia' (EA 38: 2); 'the king of Assyria' ILUGAL KURD.a-
]sur-ma (EA 15: 3); LUGAL KUIR].D.la-sll]r(EA 16: 3); 'the king of Egypt' LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-i.Kl
(EA 1: 3); 'the king ofijatti' ILUGAL KUR.URIU.D.lb]a-la]t-ti.KI (EA 41: 2); 'the king of Karaduniy-
a~' LUGAL KUR.ka-ra[-D.dll-ni-ia-aSl (EA 2: 2); LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.dll-n[tl-ia-as (EA 3: 3); LUGAL
KU[R.ka-ra-D.du-ni-ia-aSl (EA 6: 3); ILUG]AL KUR.ka-ra-D.du-ni-ia-as (EA 7: 3); LUGAL KUR.ka-
Cra'[-D.du-ni-ia-aSl (EA 8: 3); LUGAL KURka-ra-dlll-n]i-ia-aS(EA 9: 3); LUGAL KURkaoora-D.dllll-
nJi-ia-aSl (EA 10: 2); 'the king ofMitanni' LUGAL KUR.ll11tl-it-ta-aln-lUl (EA 17: 3); LUGALKUR.mi-

128 129
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
i-it-ta-an-ni (EA 19: 4); LUGAL KURmi-i-tla-an-11l1 (EA 20: 3); LUGAL KURmi-ta-an-ni (EA 21: 6);
LUGAL mi-i-ta-an-ni (EA 23: 4); LUGAL mi-[ta-an-11l1 (EA 26: 2); LUGAL KUR.mi- T-[ta-an-11l1 (EA
27: 2); LUGAL KURmi-it-ta-a-an-ni (EA 28: 4); [LUGAL KUR.mi-it-ta-an-n) i (EA 29: 2)
(S3) 'THE KING'
LUGAL-ma (EA 30: 2)
(S4) 'THE KING'S SON'
DUMU LUGAL (EA 44: 3)
(S5) 'THE DAUGHTER OF THE KING'
DUMU.Ml LUGAL-ma (EA 12: 3)
(S6) 'THE GOVERNOR OF GN'
'the governor of Ala~iya' [MASKlM Sla KURa-la[ -si-ia) (EA 40: 3)
(S7) 'THE GREAT KING'
LUGAL GAL (EA 1: 2; EA 16: 4; EA 19: 3; EA 21: 5; EA 27: 2); LU[GA)L G[AL) (EA 41: 1)
(S8) 'YOUR BROTHER'
SES-ka-l11a (EA 1: 3; EA 3: 3; EA 6: 4; EA 8: 4; EA 9: 4; EA 16: 4; EA 17: 4; EA 19: 4; EA 28: 5; EA 35:
2; EA 38: 2; EA 39: 3); a-lJ[u-ka-ma) (EA 7: 3); [SES)-ka-ma (EA 18: 2); SES-ka (EA 20: 4; EA 21: 6;
EA 33: 2); [SES-ka-I11) a (EA 27: 3); [S)ES-ka-ma (EA 29: 2); [SE)S-ka-l11a (EA 37: 3); [SES-ka)-ma
(EA 40: 3)
(S9) 'YOUR SON'
DUMU -ka (EA 44: 4)
(SlO) 'YOUR FATl-mR-IN-LAW, WHO LOVES YOU'
e-l11i-i-[ka) sa i-ra- '-a-l11u-lt-ka (EA 19: 3-4); e-l11u-ll-ka [sa i-r) a- '-a-I1111-lt-ka (EA 20: 3-4); e-I1111-
ka it sa i-ra- '-a-l1lll-ka-l11a (EA 21: 6-7); sa i-ra- '-a-I1l11-ka e-l11u-ka-l11a (EA 23: 5); e-l1lll-lt-ka sa i-
ra- '-a-l1lu-u-ka (EA 28: 5); e-l1li-ka sa i-ra- '-a-l1lu-ka (EA 29: 2)
From the overview given above, it is apparent that the family metaphor, resulting from the inter-
personal relations of the two partners, is a crucial part of the Amarna correspondence. The 'family'
relationship, in the form of either 'brotherhood' between two equals, or the 'father - son' relation
between socially superior and inferior individuals, is further emphasized when the 'ideal family
situation' becomes real. This phenomenon is very well illustrated by the Mitannian corresponden-
ce which eloquently attests the real blood-relationship between two royal houses. In his letters to
the king of Egypt, Ttl?iratta, the king of Mitanni, identifies himself as 'your father-in-law, who loves
you' and the other way round, the king of Egypt is titled either as 'my son-in-law, who loves me and
whom I love' or 'my son-in-law, whom I love and who loves me'.
The importance of the usage of this family metaphor as a key element of the Amarna diplomacy
is attested especially by the Assyrian-Egyptian correspondence. Unfortunately, among the pre-
served Amarna letters we find only two documents of Assyrian provenance. On the other hand, the
limited number of the texts is compensated for, to a great extent, by the contents. Comparing the
opening passages, and especially the identifications of both correspondents, in these two texts, we
can acquire two completely different pictures. In the first of the two letters, EA 15, the king of Assy-
130
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
ria identifies himself solely by his personal name followed by his title (cf. EA 15: 3; M.D.a-sur- TI.L[A
LUGAL KUR.D.a-]Sllr-l1la 'M?iurub[aIlit, the king of A)ssyria'), and the addressee - the king of Egypt
- only by his respective title (cf. EA 15: 1; LUGAL KURm[i-i~-~a-rtl'the king of E[gypt)). However, in
his second message, M?iuruballit becomes 'the great king'593 and his personal relationship towards
the Egyptian king - this time clearly identified also by his personal name (cf. EA 16: 1, M.n[a-a)p-
[lll-[r) i-if -ia) 'N[a)pbu[r)iy[aJ') - is elevated to 'brotherhood' (cf. EA 16: 2 and EA 16: 04). An interes-
ting perspective on this phenomenon is presented in the content of EA 15. In the body of the letter,
the Assyrian king clearly indicates that his message must be understood on the part of the addres-
see as an initial 'embassy mission' with the objective of establishing diplomatic relations between
the two rulers. AMuruballit first emphasizes the fact that he, as the king of Assyria, sends his mes-
senger (EA 15: 7, DUMU si-ip-ri-ia) to the pharaoh - none of his predecessors have ever made such
contact, but he is the one who initiates their relationship (EA 15: 11, a-na-kLl al-tap-ra-ak-ku). In
order to be accepted as a partner and to confirm his intentions, he also sends to the Egyptian king,
as his 'greeting-gift,' (EA 15: 14, [a-n) a sul-l1la-ni-ka) a chariot with two horses and the much valued
lapis lazuli. His second message, EA 16, confirms that the initial diplomatic mission has been - at
least to a certain degree - successful. The Egyptian king obviously reacted positively to A?i?iurubal-
lit's message as proven by the content of the new letter. In the letter the arrival of the pharaoh's mes-
sengers is mentioned. However, it is apparent from the text that the Egyptian king has not been
completely satisfied with the gifts sent to him by his Assyrian partner. This time, however, the tone
of AMuruballit 's message is very different from that of the initial note and the Assyrian king deals
with his Egyptian partner on a parity basis. Although it is composed in a polite tone, the letter men-
tions, among other things, the impropriety of the pharaoh's gifts that have been delivered to him,
questioning the suitability of such a present for 'the great king: In order to get what he wants, A?i?iur-
uballi( - contrary to EA 15 - emphasizes that far more valuable gifts have been sent to one of his
predecessors. 59·' I-Ie even pressures the pharaoh by mentioning the value of the gifts delivered by
Amenhotep III to the king of Mitanni and, since of late, the king of Assyria is equal to the king of
Mitanni, he should obtain gifts of the same value. The two messages are thus absolutely different.
On the one hand, in EA 15 we can see a subservient AMuruballit aspiring to become 'a great king'
recognized by his partners, while in EA 16 he already acts as a member of the club of the Great
Powers, an equal and not duly appreciated ruler. Leaving aside the content of his messages, his
promotion to this status can be easily observed in the opening passages of his two leiters. The Assy-
rian example thus clearly shows that by means of using correct and appropriate identification, as
well as other parts of the opening passage, the legal status of the individual correspondents was
confirmed.
Master and His Subject - the 'Vassal' Correspondence
In the vassal correspondence, the general principles of epistolography illustrated by and obser-
ved in the corpus of the royallellers, are also valid. The principles of identification of both parties
as attested in the royal Amarna letters can be easily followed through the vassal documents as well.
Both the sender and the addressee are identified by means of a series of functional as well as hono-
593 The title or the great king appears In the Amarna royal correspondence both within the Identification or the sender (in
the letters or Egyptian, Mltannlan and Hittite provenance, d. EA I: 2; EA 19: 3; EA 21: 5; EA 27: 2; EA 41: I) and within
the Identification or the addressee (in the letters orBabylonian and Mltannian origin, d. EA 7: I; EA 19: I; EA 21: I). The
origin or this title might be round in the Mesopotamian area, and subsequently, also the region or tIatti; ror the usage
of this title in the 'vassal' correspondence, cf. below. For the genesis and distribution of the title, consult a detailed
study or AnTLI- MAI.AMAT (1993).
59·' The predecessor - 'falher' - in the Amarna correspondence mentioned by M~uruballi! Is clearly Identified by him as
M~urnadinabbe, however, this ancestral contact between Egypt and Assyria remains otherwise unattested. For a rurt-
her discussion on this subject, see ZACCAGNINI (2000: 150).
131
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
rific titles and epithets, although the individual elements are, to a large extent, different from those
attested in the first subset of documents discussed earlier in this chapter. The same conclusion
applies to the employment of the family metaphor, although in the vassal correspondence, the
usage of this phenomenon is rather limited (see below). While in the correspondence of two equal
kings the concept of 'brotherhood' is employed, in the vassal letters it is replaced by the relations-
hip between a 'father' and his 'son'. The overview given below suggests that the most variable ele-
ment in the identification of addressees and senders is represented - in this type of corresponden-
ce - by the extensive usage of honorific epithets, as well as of the related eloquent expressions of
subordination.
The 'Vassal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Addressee
(AI) PERSONAL NAME (PN)
Abdi-URAS M.lR-D.URAS (EA 170(B): 36); Amanappa M.a-l11a-an-ap-pa (EA 73: 1); M.[a-m]a-
[an-ap-pa] (EA 77: 1); M.a-[ma]-an-ap-pa (EA 82: 1); [M.]a-l11a-a[n-ap-pa] (EA 86: 1); [M.]a-l11a-
an-ap-pl (EA 87: 1); [M.a-m]a-an-ap-pa (EA 93: 1); Binana M.DUMU -a-na (EA 170(B): 37);
Bi[oo.] MLb[l-oo.] (EA 50: 1); ijaya [M.]Va-ia (EA 71: 1); M.Va-a-i (EA 166: 1); Endaruta M.in-tar-
It-ta (EA 367: 1); Milkilu M.l11il-ki-1i (EA 369: 1); Namburiya M.n[am]-V[ur-i)a (EA 53: 1);
M.nam-Vur-ia (EA 55: 1); [P)aban[a]te [M.p)a-Va-n[a)-te (EA 62: 1); Rab'ilu M.GAL-AN (EA
170(B): 36); Rabi~idqu M.GAL-~(-id-q( (EA 170(B): 37); Ribhaddi M.ri-ib-D.lM (EA 96: 1); Sum-
hadda M.su-l11u-Va-d[ll (EA 97: 1); Tutu M.tlt-It-tlt (EA 158: 1); M.tll-u-tll (EA 164: 1); Yidya M.i-
dl-ia (EA 370: 1); Yanbamu M.ia-an-Vami (EA 98: 1); [M.ia-an-Va)-m[i) (EA 102: 1); M.ia-an-Va-
me (EA 256: 1); [ )t[il) [ )-t[i l ] (EA 145: 1)
(A2) 'UIE KING'
LUGAL (EA 49: 1; EA 51: 1; EA 54: 1; EA 84: 1; EA 90: 1; EA 126: 2; EA 132: 1; EA 136: 1; EA 137: 2; EA
138: 1; EA 139: 1; EA 140: 1; EA 141: 1; EA 143: 1; EA 147: 1; EA 148: 1; EA 149: 1; EA 150: 1; EA 151: 1;
EA 153: 1; EA 154: 1; EA 155: 1; EA 156: 1; EA 159: 1; EA 168: 1; EA 170(A): 1; EA 174: 1; EA 175: 1; EA
177: 1; EA 183: 1; EA 189: 1; EA 192: 1; EA 207: 1; EA 212: 1; EA 227: 1; EA 258: 1; EA 262: 1; EA 279: 1;
EA 298: 1; EA 362: 2; EA 363: 1; EA 364: 1); M.LUGAL (EA 60: 1; EA 201: 1; EA 202: 1; EA 203: 1; EA 204:
1; EA 205: 1; EA 206: 1; EA 213: 1; EA 229: 1; EA 230: 1; EA 250: 1; EA 261: 1; EA 266: 1; EA 267: 1; EA
269: 1; EA 270: 1; EA 271: 1; EA 273: 1; EA 274: 1; EA 278: 1; EA 286: 1; EA 292: 1; EA 294: 1; EA 297: 1;
EA 299: 1; EA 302: 1; EA 314: 1; EA 320: 1; EA 321: 1; EA 323: 1; EA 325: 1; EA 326: 1; EA 328: 1; EA 329:
1); [M.LU)GAL (EA 61: 1); M.LUGAL-ri (EA 63: 1; EA 64: 1; EA 118:1; EA 194: 1; EA 195: 1; EA 220: 1;
EA 225: 1; EA 228: 1; EA 234: 1; EA 235(+)327: 1; EA 241: 1; EA 242: 1; EA 243: 1; EA 248: 1; EA 249: 1;
EA 264: 1; EA 265: 1; EA 283: 1; EA 288: 1; EA 290: 1; EA 303: 1; EA 304: 1; EA 305: 1; EA 324: 1; EA 330:
1; EA 337: 1); [M.LUGAL-r]i (EA 65: 1); L[U)GAL (EA 92: 2; EA 217: 1); LUGAL-ri (EA 100: 2; EA 103:
1; EA 104: 1; EA 125: 1; EA 130: 1; EA 144: 1; EA 185: 1; EA 211: 1; EA 215: 1; EA 221: 1; EA 232: 1; EA
244: 1; EA 254: 1; EA 255: 1; EA 282: 1; EA 289: 1; EA 366: 1); [LUG)AL-ri (EA 124: 1); [LUG)AL (EA 129:
2); L[UG)A[L] (EA 152: 1); LUGAL-r[ll (EA 157: 1); L[UGAL] (EA 165: 1; EA259: 1); [LUGAL)-ri(EA 187:
1); M.LUGAL-ma (EA 191: 1; EA 193: 1; EA 252: 1); [LUGA)L (EA 198: 1); 'LUGAL'-ri (EA 209: 1);
L[UG)AL-ri (EA 216: 1); LU[G)AL-[rtl (EA 222: 1); M.L[UGAL-r)i (EA 223: 1); M.LU[GA]L (EA 224: 1;
EA 309: 1); [M.)LU[GA)L-ri (EA 226: 1); M.LUGAL-r[ll (EA 233: 1); [M.ILUGAL-[nl (EA 239: 1);
[M.LUG]AL-ri (EA 246: 1); [M.LUG)AL-rI11 (EA 253: 1); [M.) 'LUGAL' (EA 268: 1); M.LUG[AL) (EA 272:
1); [M.] LUGAL (EA 280: 1); M.LUGAL- 'ri'(EA 281: 1); M.LUG[AL)-ri (EA 284: 1); [M.LUGAL-)r[i) (EA
285: 1); [M.LUGAL)-ri (EA 287: 1); M.LUGAL-r[ll (EA 296: 1); M.[LU]GAL (EA 301: 1); [M.LUGA]L (EA
315: 1; EA 316: 1); M.L[UGAL) (EA 322: 1); M.L[UG)A[L)-ri (EA 331: 1); [M.LU]GA[L) (EA 332: 1);
L[U)GA[L]-ri (EA 334: 1); [LUG)A[L]-ri (EA 336: 1); LU[GAL] (EA 338: 1); ILUGA)L-ri (EA 365: 1);
'LUGAL' (EA 378: 1)
132
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
(A3) 'THE KING OF GN'
'the king of Egypt' LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri (EA 51: 1); LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri.KI (EA 52: 1); LUGAL KUR-
tf.mi-i~-ri (EA 59: 1); [LUGAL KU]R.mi~-ri (EA 88: 2)
(A4) 'THE RULER OF GN'
'the ruler of Ammiya' [LD KU)R.[a)m-m[ll-ia (EA 99: 2*); L[D) URU.a-mu-ur-ra (EA 162: 1); 'the
ruler of Ak~apa' LD URU.ak-sa-pa (EA367: 1); 'the ruler of Gazri' 'LD' URU.gaz-r[ll (EA 369: 1); 'the
ruler of Mqaluna' LD URU.as-qa-Iu-n[a.K) I (EA 370: 1)
(A5) 'THE MAGNATE'
[LD).GAL (EA 95: 1); [L)D.GAL (EA 178: 1); [M.)LD.GAL (EA 238: 1); L[D).GAL (EA 333: 1)
(A6) 'THE VIZIER'
pa-s(-t[e) (EA 71: 1)
(A7) 'THE MASTER'
EN-Ii (EA 107: 2); EN (EA 140: 1)
(A8) 'MY MASTER'
EN-ia (EA 49: 1; EA 58: 1; EA 60: 1; EA 61: 1; EA 63: 1; EA 64: 1; EA 85: 1; EA 90: 1; EA 103: 1; EA 104:
1; EA 118: 1; EA 130: 1; EA 132: 1; EA 136: 1; EA 141: 1; EA 143: 1; EA 144: 1; EA 158: 1; EA 159: 1; EA
161: 1; EA 168: 1; EA 175: 1; EA 177: 1; EA 178: 1; EA 185: 1; EA 189: 1; EA 191: 1; EA 192: 1; EA 193: 1;
EA 194: 1; EA 201: 1; EA 202: 1; EA 203: 1; EA 205: 1; EA 207: 1; EA 211: 1; EA 213: 1; EA 215: 1; EA 216:
1; EA 220: 1; EA 223: 1; EA 225: 1; EA 227: 1; EA 228: 1; EA 229: 1; EA 232: 1; EA 235(+)327: 1; EA 241:
1; EA 242: 1; EA 244: 1; EA 248: 1; EA 250: 1; EA 254: 1; EA 256: 1; EA 258: 1; EA 261: 1; EA 262: 1; EA
265: 1; EA 267: 1; EA 269: 1; EA 270: 1; EA 271: 1; EA 273: 1; EA 274: 1; EA 278: 1; EA 279: 1; EA 280: 1;
EA 282: 1; EA 283: 1; EA 286: 1; EA 287: 1; EA 289: 1; EA 290: 1; EA 292: 1; EA 294: 1; EA 297: 1; EA 298:
1; EA 299: 1; EA 301: 1; EA 302: 1; EA 303: 1; EA 305: 1; EA 314: 1; EA 315: 1; EA 320: 1; EA 323: 1; EA
324: 1; EA 325: 1; EA 326: 1; EA 328: 1; EA 329: 1; EA 330: 1; EA 334: 1; EA 337: 1; EA 363: 1; EA 365: 1;
EA 366: 1); be-lf-ia (EA 51: 1; EA 53: 1; EA 54: 1; EA 55: 1; EA 152: 1; EA 156: 1; EA 319: 1; EA 321: 1);
be-lf-' ia' (EA 62: 1); E[N -ia) (EA 65: 1; EA 125: 1; EA 139: 1; EA 160: 1; EA 174: 1; EA 226: 1; EA 243: 1;
EA 246: 1; EA 266: 1; EA 336: 1); BE-ia (EA 84: 1; EA 187: 1; EA 230: 1); B[E-ia) (EA 87: 1); [EN-lla (EA
110: 1; EA 196: 1; EA 233: 1); EN-i[a] (EA 124: 1; EA 182: 1; EA 183: 1; EA 217: 1; EA 234: 1; EA 281: 1;
EA 284: 1; EA 316: 1); be-li-ia (EA 126: 2; EA 195: 2; EA 204: 2; EA 206: 2; EA 212: 1; EA 260: 1; EA 317:
1; EA 362: 2); be-In i-[ia] (EA 129: 2; EA 138: 1); be-II i-ia) (EA 137: 2); [b]e-[Ii-ia) (EA 146: 1); EN -If-ia
(EA 147: 1; EA 148: 1; EA 149: 1; EA 153: 1; EA 154: 1); be-[Ii-ial (EA 150: 1); [ENI-ia (EA 184: 1; EA 259:
1; EA 293: 1); [E]N-[ial (EA 198: 1; EA 224: 1); be-li-i[a) (EA 209: 1); EN-[Ila (EA 221: 1); EN-[ia) (EA
238: 1; EA 255: 1; EA 264: 1; EA 331: 1); [EIN-ia (EA 239: 2; EA 257: 1; EA 268: 1; EA 295: 1; EA 322: 1);
be-/[l-ia] (EA 249: 1); be-lf-ia (EA 252: 1); E[N]-ia (EA 296: 1); [EIN-' ia' (EA 300: 1); be-li-lia] (EA 318:
1); EN-<ia> (EA 332: 1); EN-' ia' (EA 364: 1); [EN]-' ia' (EA 378: 1)
(A9) 'HIS MASTER'
EN-su (EA 68: 2; 109: 1; EA 119: 2; EA 121: 2; EA 122: 2; EA 123: 2); EN-/li-su) (EA 74: 1); EN-[Slu (EA
75: 2); [E]N-su (EA 78: 2; EA 79: 2); EN-[su] (EA 81: 1; EA 105: 2; EA 114: 1); [EN-Slu (EA 83: 2); EN-
s[ul (EA 91: 1); be-li-su (EA 92: 2); M.EN-su (EA 108: 2); EN-li-[Slu (EA 112: 2)
(AlO) 'OUR MASTER'
be-lf-ni (EA 59: 1); EN-Illt (EA 100: 3, 7); EN-Ili (EA 170(A): 1)
133
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
(All) 'MY MISTRESS'
[b)e-li-ti- ria' (EA 48: 1); MI.NIN-ia (EA 50: 2);
(A12) 'MY FATHER'
a-bi-ia (EA 73: 1; EA 82: 1; EA 164: 1); a-bi-i[a) (EA 158: 1)
(A13) 'MY SON'
[DU)MU-ia (EA 96: 2)
(A14) 'MY BROTHER'
SES-ia (EA 166: 1)
(A15) 'THE SUN'
[D).UTU-si (EA 45: 1); D.UTU -si (EA 49: 1; EA 51:1; EA 148: 1); D.UTU x (EA 60: 1); D.UTU (EA 61: 1;
EA 85: 1; EA 100: 7; EA 118: 2; EA 241: 2; EA 248: 2); D.[UTU) (EA 155: 1); [D.)UTU (EA 192: 2)
(A16) 'MY SUN'
D.UTU-ia (EA 103: 2; EA 104: 1; EA 140: 1; EA 144: 2; EA 147: 1; EA 149: 1; EA 151: 1; EA 159: 1; EA
177: 1; EA 213: 1; EA 215: 1; EA 235(+)327: 2; EA 242: 2; EA 243: 2; EA 244: 2; EA 246: 2; EA 254: 1;
EA 255: 2; EA 261: 2; EA 267: 2; EA 269: 2; EA 270: 2; EA 271: 2; EA 273: 2; EA 274: 2; EA 278: 2; EA
279: 2; EA 280: 2; EA 282: 2; EA 283: 2; EA 292: 2; EA 294: 2; EA 297: 2; EA 298: 2; EA 299: 2; EA 302:
2; EA 303: 2; EA 304: 2; EA 305: 3; EA 314: 2; EA 320: 1; EA 321: 1; EA 323: 1; EA 324: 2; EA 325: 2;
EA 328: 2; EA 329: 2; EA 337: 2; EA 366: 1); D.UTU-i[a) (EA 132: 1; EA 141: 1); D.[U)TUx-ia (EA 156:
1); D.[UTUx-ia] (EA 161: 1); D.[UTU-ia) (EA 168: 1; EA 229: 1; EA 266: 2; EA 319: 2); [D.UTU-iJa
(EA 174: 1; EA 184: 2; EA 293: 2); [D.UTU)-ia (EA 175: 1; EA 224: 1; EA 253: 2); [D.)UTU-ia (EA 182:
1; EA 183: 1; EA 268: 2; EA 295: 1); D.UTU-[i]a (EA 185: 1; EA 322: 2); [DrUTU'- ria' (EA 272: 2);
D.UTU.MES-da> (EA 281: 2); D.U[T)U-[ia) (EA 288: 1); D.[UTU.MES]-ia (EA 296: 2); [D.UT]U-
[iJa (EA 306: 2); D.UTU-[ia) (EA 311: 2; EA 326: 1; EA 331: 2); D.UT[U-ia) (EA 332: 1); [D.UTJI-ia
(EA 365: 2)
(A17) 'TI-IE SON OF nIE SUN'
DUM[U] D.UTU (EA 53: 1); DUMU D.UTU (EA 55: 1);
(A18) 'nIE GREAT KING'
[LUGAL.GA)L (EA 58: 1); LUGAL GAL (EA 68: 3; EA 74: 2; EA 83: 2; EA 105: 2; EA 107: 3; EA 108: 3; EA
121: 2; EA 260: 1; EA 317: 1; EA 318: 1); LUGAL-ri GAL (EA 76: 2); [LUGAL GA)L (EA 78: 3); LUGAL
G[ALJ (EA 89: 2); LUGAL [GAL) (EA 109: 2); [L)UGAL GAL (EA 112: 3); [LUG)AL GAL (EA 116: 2);
[LUGAL)-ri GAL (EA 117: 2); LUGAL-ri GA[L) (EA 119: 2); LUG[AL G)A[L) (EA 122: 2); LUGAL-ri GAL
(EA 123: 2); LUGAL-ri GAL-bi (EA 160: 1); LUGAL GAL-bi (EA 161: 1)
(A19) 'THE KING OF (ALL) LANDS'
[LUGAL) KURKI.ijI.A (EA 68: 3); LUGAL KUR.KUR (EA 74: 2); L[UGAL KUR.KUR) (EA 75: 2);
[L)UGAL KUR.KUR.KI.MES (EA 76: 2); LUGAL KUR.KURijI.A.KII] (EA 78: 2; EA 79: 2); LUGAL
KUR.KUR.KI.MES (EA 83: 2; EA 105: 2; EA 107: 2); LUGAL KUR.[KI.ijI.A) (EA 88: 2); [LUjGAL
KURMES (EA 89: 2); LUGAL-ri KURKI.ijI.A (EA 106: 2); LUGAL KURKURMES.KI (EA 108: 2);
LUGAL KUR.MES (EA 109: 2; EA 116: 2; EA 121: 2); L[UGAL KUR.MES) (EA 112: 2); LUGAL KUR.KI
L
(EA 122: 2); LUGAL-riKUR.KUR.KI (EA 123: 3)
134
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
(A20) 'THE KING OF THE BATILE'
LUGAL ta-am-ba-ar (EA 74: 2; EA 122: 3); LUGAL ta-am-ba-ra (EA 76: 3; EA 107: 3; EA 108: 3);
[LUGAL ta)-am-ba-ra (EA 79: 3); [LU]GAL ta-am-ba-[ra) (EA 81: 2); LUGAL ta-am-b[a-ra) (EA 105:
2); [LUGAL t)a-am-ba-a[r) (EA 114: 2); LUGAL [ta)-am-ba-ar (EA 116: 2-3); LUGAL [ta-am-ba-ra)
(EA 117: 2); LUGAL ta-am-ba-<ra> (EA 119: 3); LUGAL-ri ta-am-ba-[a]r (EA 123: 3-4)
(A2l) 'THE SUN OF (ALL) LANDS'
D.UTU KURKI.DIDLl.ijI.A (EA 84: 1); D.UTU KU[RKI.ijI.A) (EA 92: 2); [L)UGAL [KU]R[KURKI)
(EA 94: 1); [D.)U[T)U KURM[ES] (EA 138: 1)
(A22) 'THE GOD(>S<l'
DINGIR.MES-ia (EA 141: 2; EA 144: 2; EA 147: 1; EA 151: 1; EA 192: 2; EA 213: 2; EA 215: 2; EA
235(+)327: 2; EA 248: 2; EA 269: 2; EA 270: 2; EA 271: 2; EA 273: 2; EA 274: 2; EA 278: 2; EA 294:
1; EA 296: 2; EA 297: 1; EA 298: 1; EA 299: 1; EA 302: 2; EA 303: 1; EA 305: 3; EA 309: 2; EA 314:
1; EA 315: 1; EA 320: 1; EA 321: 1; EA 323: 1; EA 324: 2; EA 325: 1; EA 326: 1; EA 329: 2; EA 337:
2; EA 366: 2); DINGIRMES-[ia8 ) (EA 148: 1); DINGIR.MES-ia8 (EA 149: 1); DINGIR-ia (EA 151:
1; EA 156: 1; EA 159: 1; EA 177: 1; EA 185: 1; EA 363: 1); DIN[GIR.MES-ia) (EA 152: 1); DIN[GI)R-
ia (EA 168: 1); DINGIR-[ia) (EA 175: 1); DINGIR.MES-nu-ia (EA 241: 2; EA 283: 2);
D[lNGIR.MES-ia] (EA 243: 2); [DINGIR.]MES-ia (EA 266: 2; EA 267: 2); DING[lR.MES-lla (EA
268: 1); [DINGIR).MES-[ia] (EA 275: 2); [DINGIR.MES-) ria' (EA 279: 2); DINGI[R.MES-lla (EA
280: 2); DINGIR.MES- r llU '-ia (EA 281: 2); DINGIR.MES-Illl- ria' (EA 282: 2); DINGIR.[MES-ia)
(EA 292: 1; EA 300: 1); [DIN)GIR.[MES-ia] (EA 293: 2); DI[NGIR.MES-iao) (EA 295: 1);
DINGIR.M[ES-ia) (EA 316: 1); DINGIR.ME[S]-ia (EA 319: 1); DINGIR.ME[S-tla (EA 322: 1);
DINGIR.MES-[ia] (EA 328: 1); DINGIR.MES-Ili-ia (EA 331: 2); [DINGIR.MES)-ia (EA 332: 1);
DINGIR.MES-i[a) (EA 378: 1)
(A23) 'MY PERSONAL GOD>S<'
DINGIR.MES sa SA[G-ia] (EA 198: 2)
(A24) 'THE BREATH OF MY LIFE'
sa-riTIL.LA-ia (EA 141: 2; EA 144: 2); [sa-I'll TIL. [L)A-ia (EA 142: 1); s[a-l'Il TIL.LA-ia (EA 143: 1-2).
(A25) 'MY flREATII'
sa- rri'-ia (EA 281: 3)
(A26) 'nIE SUN FROM I-lEAVEN'
D.UTU is-til sa-me-m[a] (EA 221: 2); D.UTU is-t[u] s[a)-m[e]-ma (EA 223: 1-2); D.UTU is-tu sa-
me-e (EA 232: 1); D.UTU is-tu A[N.sa-m]e (EA 233: 2); D.UTU is-tt.l AN.sa-me-e (EA 234: 2; EA
235(+)327: 3); D. UTU sa is-ttl AN.sa-ml-i (EA 298: 2-3; EA 303: 2-3; EA 304: 2-3; EA 305: 1-2; EA
328: 2-3; EA 329: 3-4); D.UTU sa i[S]-tu AN.sa-me (EA 299: 2-3); D.[UT)U [S]a riS'-[tu) [AN.sa-
me] (EA 300: 2-3); D.[UTU] sa is-[t) It AN.sa-mHll (EA 301: 1-2); D.UTU is-tu [s)a-ml-i (EA 302:
3); D.[UTU sa is-tu AN.sa-ml-i] (EA 306: 2); D.UTU [S]a [is-tu AN.sa-me) (EA 309: 3); D.UTU sa
is-tuAN.sa-me (EA 314: 2-3; EA 315: 2; EA 321: 3-4; EA 323: 2-3); [D.]UTU-ia sa is-[t]u AN.s[a-
me) (EA 316: 2); D.UTU a-llasa-l1u?(EA 318: 2); D.UTU sa is-tu AN. [sa-l1llJ-i (EA 319: 2-3); D.UTU
sa IllS-ttl AN.sa-l11e-e (EA 320: 3-4); D.UTU sa is-tlu AN].sa-me (EA 322: 2-3); D.UTU sa is-tu
AN.sa-mi (EA 324: 2-3); D.UTU sa is-t[uAN.sa]-mi (EA 325: 2); D.UTU sa is-tuAN-II (EA 326: 2);
D.UTU sa is-tu A[N.sa-mJi (EA 331: 3); [D.UTU sa is-t]u A[N.sa-mll (EA 332: 2); D.UTU sa is-Itu]
[AN]. rsa'-ml-i (EA 378: 2-3)
135
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
(

The 'Vassal' Correspondence - Identifications of the Sender

(SI) PERSONAL NAME (PN)
I [su-ta) r-na (EA 184: 4); Suwardata M.su-wa-ar-da-ta (EA 278: 4; EA 279: 4; EA 282: 3; EA 283: 3; EA
Abdia~irta M.lR-D.as-ra-tu4(EA 60: 2); M.lR-a-si-ir-te (EA 61: 2); M.l[R)-a-si-ir-te (EA 62: 2); Abdi-
a~tarti M.ab-di-as-ta-<m>-ti (EA 63: 3); M.lR-D.INNIN (EA 64: 3); M.ab-[d) i-D.lNNIN (EA 65: 3);
Abdibeba [M.l)R-b[e-ba) (EA 285: 2); M.lR-be-ba (EA 286: 2); [M.l)R-be-ba (EA 287: 2); M.lR-be-ba
(EA 288: 2; EA 289: 2); [M.lR)-be-ba (EA 290: 3); Abdimilki M.lR-LUGAL (EA 203: 3); Abdina[ ... ) M.lR-
na[ ... ) (EA 229: 3); Abdire~a IR-re-sa (EA 363: 3); Abditir~i M.l[R)-tir-si (EA 228: 3); Abimilki [a)-bi-
m[i/-kll (EA 146: 2); a-bi-LUGAL (EA 147: 2; EA 148: 2); M.a-bi-LUGAL (EA 149: 2; EA 151: 2); M.a-
bi-miL-k[ll (EA 150: 2); a-[b) i-[m) i[l-k) i (EA 152: 2); M.ia-bi-LUGAL (EA 153: 2); M.a-bi-miL-ki (EA
154: 2); a-bi-m[i/-kll (EA 155: 2); Addunirari D.lM -ni-ra-ri (EA 51: 2); A[b ... ) M.a[b ... ) (EA 217: 3);
Akizzi M.a-ki-iz-zi (EA 52: 2; EA 54: 2; EA 55: 2); M.a-k[i-llz-z[ll (EA 53: 2); Amaya~e M.a-ma-ia8 -se
(EA 202: 3); Ammi~tamru [M.am-m)i-is-tam-[nl (EA 45: 2); Ammunira am-nlll-ni-ra (EA 141: 3);
[am-mu-ni)-ra (EA 142: 2); am-mll-ni-r[a) (EA 143: 3); Amurbaclu M.a-mur-D.lM (EA 170(B): 38);
Arawana M.a-ra-[wa)-na (EA 198: 4); Artamanya M.ar-ta-ma-an-ia8 (EA 201: 3); Arzawiya M.ar-
za-aw-ia8 (EA 191: 2); [M.a)r-za-wll-ia8 (EA 192: 4); Ayyab a-ia-ab (EA 364: 2); Aziru M.a-zi-ri (EA
156: 2; EA 158: 2; EA 159: 1; EA 160: 2; EA 161: 2; EA 164: 2; EA 166: 2; EA 168: 2); M.a-z[i-nl (EA 157:
3); Baclumebir M.D.lM-me-be-er (EA 257: 3); M.D.lM-me-ber (EA 258: 2); M.[D.lM-me-lM-e[r) (EA
259: 2); Baclumir M.ba-lll-me-er (EA 260: 2); Baclu-UR.SAG M.D.I[M-UR.SAG) (EA 249: 2); M.D.lM-
UR.SAG (EA 250: 2); Baclu~ipti M. rD'. riM'. rm'. rKUD' (EA 272: 3); M.D.lM.DI.KUD (EA 292: 3);
M.D.UM.D)I.KUD (EA 293: 3); [M.D.lM.)m.KUD (EA 295: 3); BaCluya M.D.lM-lu-ia (EA 170(A): 2);
Baduzana M.ba-du-za-n[a) (EA 239: 3); Bayadi M.ba-ia8 -di (EA 238: 2); Bayawa M.ba-ia-wa (EA
215: 3); M.b[a)-ia-wa (EA 216: 3); Belet-UR.MAJj.MES MI.NIN-UR.MAJj.MES (EA 273: 4); MLNIN-
U[R).MAJj.MES (EA 274: 4); Bet'i1u M.be-ti-AN (EA 170(A): 3); Bieri bi-e-ri (EA 174: 3); Biridiya
M.bi-ri-di-ia8 (EA 242: 3; EA 244: 3; EA 246: 3; EA 365: 3); M.bi-ri-di[-ia8 ) (EA 243: 3); Biryawaza
M.bils-ia-wa-za (EA 194: 2; EA 195: 4); [M.birs-lla-w[a-z)a (EA 196: 2); DagantaI<ala M.D.da-ga-an-
ta-ka-la (EA 317: 2); M.D.da-ga-an-ta-k[a-la) (EA 318: 3); Da~ru M.da-as-/'ll (EA 261: 3; EA 262: 3);
Etakkama M. i,s-tag-gaJ./-ma (EA 189: 2); ijlbiya M. bi-bi-ia8 (EA 178: 2); ijiziru [M.b) i-z[ i-r) i (EA 336:
'n
3); M.bi-zi-ri (EA 337: 4); Ildaya U-da-a-ia 8 (EA 175: 3); Ilirapi' AN -ra-[p(- (EA 139: 2); M.AN -ra-pf-
'((EA 140: 3); Intaruta M.rin/-rtar'-lt-[t)a (EA 223: 4); Ipte[ ... ) M.ip-te[ ... ) (EA 207: 2); Kurtuya
M.KUR-ur-tu-ia8 (EA 220: 3); Lab 'ayu M.la-ab-a-ia8 (EA 252: 3; EA 254: 2); [M.la-)ab-a-ia 8 (EA 253:
2); Mayarzana r 111 a '-ia 8 -ar-za-na (EA 185: 3); Milldlu M.mil-ki-U (EA 267: 4; EA 268: 3; EA 269: 4; EA
270: 4; EA 271: 4); MutbaClu M.mu-llt-ba-ab-I[/l4) (EA 255: 3); M.mu-llt-D.lM (EA 256: 2); Niqmad-
du M.n(q-l11a-D.lM (EA 49: 2); Papu [M.p)a-a-p((EA 333: 2); PU-bacla M.pu-D.IM (EA 314: 3; EA315:
3; EA 316: 3); Rlbhaddi [M.ri)-ib-lJa-ad-d[ll (EA 68: 1); M.ri-ib-D.lM (EA 71: 2; EA 82: 3; EA 90: 3; EA
95: 2; EA 102: 3; EA 103: 2; EA 104: 3; EA 106: 1; EA 108: 1; EA 118: 3; EA 123: 1; EA 124: 2; EA 130: 3;
EA 132: 2; EA 136: 2); M.ri-ib-ad-da (EA 73: 2; EA 74: 1); [M.r) i-i[b-)a[d-d)a (EA 75: 1); [M.)ri-ib-D.lM
(EA 76: 1; EA 89: 1; EA 107: 1; EA 117: 1; EA 119: 1; EA 121: 1; EA 122: 1); M.ri-i[b-D.lMJ (EA 77: 2; EA
110: 2); [M.ri-ib)-D.IM (EA 78: 1); [M.ri-llb-D.lM (EA 79: 1); [M.r)i-ib-[D.lM) (EA 83: 1); ri-ib-ad-di
(EA 84: 3); [M.ri-llb-D.IM (EA 85: 2); M.ri-ib-D.[lM) (EA 86: 2); ri-ib-D.lM (EA 87: 3); [M.ri-llb-
[D.)I[M) (EA 88: 1); [M.) r[i-ll b-ad-di (EA 92: 1); [M.r) i-ib-D.IM (EA 93: 2; EA 105: 1; EA 109: 1); [M.r) i-
i[b)-a[d-d)i (EA 94: 1); [M).ri-ib-[D.lM) (EA 112: 1); [M.ri-ib-D.I)M (EA 116: 1); M.ri-ib-D.I[MJ (EA
125: 2); M.ri-ib-id-cli (EA 126: 1); [M.ri-ib)-ad-d[ll (EA 129: I); M.ri-ib-ad-[dll (EA 137: 1); ri-i[b)-ad-
[d) i (EA 138: 2); [M.) ri-ib-D.lM -di (EA 362: 1); Ru~manya M.m-II.J-ma-an-ia (EA 241: 3); ~i[ ... ) M.~i­
[... ) (EA 294: 3); Satatna M.sa-ta-at-na (EA 233: 4; EA 234: 3); M.s(-ta-at-na (EA 235(+)327: 5); Zur-
a~ar M.~lt-ra-sar (EA 319: 4); Surata M.slt-ra-ta (EA 232: 3); Satlya sa-ti-ia8 (EA 187: 3); Samuhadda
M.sa-mu-D.IM (EA 225: 3); Slptlbacla M.si-ip-tl-D.IM (EA 330: 3); M.si-ip-ti.,-[D].IM (EA 331: 4);
[M).si-ip-(i.,-D.[lM] (EA 332: 3); Sipturl~a M.si-ip-(ll-ri-~[a] (EA 226: 3); Subandu M.su-ba-an-kni
(EA 301: 3; EA 302: 4); M.su-ba-an-di (EA 303: 4; EA 304: 4); M.su-ba-an-dll (EA 305: 4); M.su-[b]a-
an-[dll (EA 306: 3); Sumhadda M.sum-ad-d[a] (EA 224: 3); Sutarna sll-tar-na (EA 182: 2; EA 183: 3);
366: 3); [M.]su-wa-ar-da-ta (EA 280: 4); M. rsu '-w[a-a) rr'-[da-tla (EA 281: 5); M.su-wa-ar- rda '-ta
(EA 284: 2); Tagi M.ta-gi (EA 264: 2; EA 265: 2); M.ta-a-g[ll (EA 266: 4); Tebute~~ub [tl i-bll-ti-su-pa
(EA 58: 2) Tiwate M.tirwa-te (EA 193: 2); Yabni'lu M.ia-ab-ni-AN (EA 328: 4); Yabtiru M.ia-a[b]-ti-
ri (EA 296: 4); Yaczibada M. ia- [a] b-zi-ba-da (EA 275: 4); M. [ll a-a[b-zi-ba-da) (EA 276: 4); Yarna M. ia-
ma (EA 230: 2); Yamiyuta M.ya-mi-lt-ta (EA 177: 2); Yapachadda M.ia-ap-pa-a[b-D.IM) (EA 97: 2);
M.ia-pa-[a)b-D.lM (EA 98: 2); Yapabu M.ia-pa-bi (EA 297: 3); M.ia-pa[ -b) i (EA 298: 4); M.ia-pa-[bll
(EA 299: 3); M.ia-[pa-lul (EA 378: 3); Ya~data M.ia8 -a[s-d)a-ta (EA 248: 3); Yidya M.yi-id-ia (EA 320:
5; EA 321: 5; EA 323: 3; EA 324: 4; EA 325: 3; EA 326: 3); M.y[i-i)d-ia (EA 322: 4); Yiktasu M.yi-ik-ta-
Slt (EA 221: 4); M.yi-ik-[ta-Slt) (EA 222: 3); Z[i ) M.z[i ... ) (EA 338: 2); Zimreddi M.zi-im-ri-id-di
(EA 144: 4); [M.zll-im-ri-d[a] (EA 145: 3); M.zi-im-ri-di (EA 329: 5); Zitriyara M.zi-[ll t-ri-ia8 -r[a] (EA
211: 3); M.zi-it-ri-ia8 -ra (EA 212: 2; EA 213: 3); [... )dib [M .... )-d[I1-i[b) (EA 334: 3); [-b) epa [-lM-bd
(EA 48: 2)
(S2) 'Tl-IE RULER or GN'
'the ruler of Abtla~na' LV sa URU.a[b)-ti-as-na (EA 319: 5); 'the ruler of Aki<a' LV URU.ak-ka (EA
232: 4); LV URU.ak-ka.KI (EA 233: 5; EA 234: 3); 'the ruler ofA~qaluna' LV sa URU.aS-qa-lu-na.KI
(EA 320: 5-6); LV sa URU.as-qa-lu-na (EA 321: 5-6); LV sa U[R)U.a[s-q)a-lu-na.KI (EA 322: 4-5); 'the
ruler of Beirut' LV URU.PV.J,jI.A (EA 141: 4); 'the ruler of Engasi' LV U[RU.e-ni-sa-si20 -i) (EA 187:
3); rLV' URU.e-<ni>-sa-sf (EA 363: 4); , the ruler of Gazri' LV sa URU.ga-az-ri.KI (EA 298: 4-5; EA
299: 4); r a,-rmr-[l)i [sa URU.ga)z-[r)i. rKI' (EA 300: 4-5); rLV' sa URU.gaz-ri. rKI' (EA 378: 4); 'the
ruler of ija~abu' LV URU.lw-sa-bll (EA 174: 4); 'the ruler of ijasi' L[V) URU.lw-s( (EA 175: 4); LV
URU.lJa-s(.KI (EA 185: 3); 'the ruler of Hazor' LV URU.lw-~ll-ra (EA 228: 4); 'the ruler of Gudda~u­
na' LV KUR.gud-da-su-na (EA 177: 2); 'the ruler of Kumidl' LV URU.ku-mi-di.KI (EA 198: 5); 'the
ruler of Laki~a' LV sa URU.la-ki-sa (EA 328: 5; EA 329: 6); [LV URU.I)a-ki-sa.KU) (EA 332: 3); 'the
ruler of Megiddo' LV URU.l11a-gfd-da.KI (EA 242: 4); 'the ruler of Mu~ibuna' L[V) URU.mu-si-lw-
na (EA 182: 2); L[V) \ URU .mu-si-lJu-nla) (EA 183: 3-4); LV URU .mu-si-lw-ni (EA 184: 4); 'the ruler
of Nazlba' M.LV URU.na-zi-ba (EA 206: 4); 'the ruler of Qanu' M.LV URU.qa-l1u-Ll (EA 204: 4); 'the
ruler of Rubiza' LV URU .. r[u)-bi-za (EA 191: 2);'the ruler ofZiriba~anl' M.LV s(-ri-ba-sa-ni (EA 201:
4);'the ruler of Sambuna' LV -lim URU .sa-am-lJu-na (EA 225: 3-4);'the ruler ~f Saruna' LV URU.sa-
/'ll-na.KI (EA 241: 4); 'the ruler ofSasblml' LV URU.sa-as-bi-mi (EA 203: 4);'the ruler ofThbu' M.LV
URU.(.ll-bu (EA 205: 3); 'the ruler ofYur~a' LV sa URU.yu-ur-~a.KI (EA 314: 4; EA 315: 3); 'the ruler
ofZubra' [LV U)RU.zu-llb-ra.KUJ (EA 334: 3); 'the ruler ofZunu' L[V UJR[U.z] /I-lUI (EA 220: 3)
(S3) 'TIIP. GOVERNOR or GN'
'the governor of Sidon' LV.lw-za-nu sa URU.#-du-lla.KI (EA 144: 5)
(S4) 'TIlE KING'
LUGAL-l/1a (EA 99: 04*; EA 367: 2; EA 369: 2; EA 370: 2); LUGAL (EA 162: 2)
(S5) 'TIlE KING or GN'
'the king of I-lazor' LUGAL URU.lJa-~II-ri.KI (EA 227: 3)
(S6) GEOGRAPIIICJ\L NAME (GN)
Irqata URU.ir-qa-ta (EA 100: 8); Gllbla gu-[na.K[lJ (EA 139: 3); URU.gllb-la (EA 140: 2)
(S7) 'GN AND ITS ELDERS'
Irqata and its elders URU.ir-qa-ta /1 LV.MES.si-<bll>-ti-si (EA 100: 3-4)

136

l 137
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee

(S8) 'THE SONS OF GN' (SI9) 'THE SERVANT OF THE KING, MY MASTER'
'the sons of1imip' DUMU.MES URU.tll-lli-ip.KI (EA 59: 2) [L]U.l[R] LU[GAL] be-[M-[ia] (EA 94: 2); IR LUGAL EN-ia (EA 177: 3; EA 183: 5); I[R Sja LUGAL EN-
ia (EA 224: 3);
(S9) 'THE COMMANDER OF THE TROOPS'
M.UJ.GAL ERfN.ME[SI (EA 96: 3) (S20) 'THE LOYAL SERVANT'
IR ki-[tll (EA 295: 3)
(SlO) 'THE DAUGHTER OF YOUR MAIDSERVANT'
DUMU.Mf MLGEME.am-ti-[kll (EA 50: 3-4) (S21) 'nlE LOYAL SERVANT OF THE KING'

(SI1) 'YOUR SON' IR [ki-ti LUGAL] EN -ia (EA 229: 4-5); IR ki-ti LUGAL-ri (EA 242: 5); IR ki-it-ti s[a LUGAL-nl (EA 243:
4); IR sa ki-it-ti sa LUGAL-ri (EA 244: 5); IR ki-it-ti LUGAL-ri (EA 248: 4); IR ki-it-te LUGAL (EA 258:
DUMU-ka-ma (EA 73: 2; EA 82: 3); DUMU-ka (EA 158: 2)
3-4); [I]R ki-it-le L[UGAL]-ri (EA 259: 3); IR ki-it-te LUGAL (EA 261: 4; EA 262: 4); IR ki-it-ti sa
LUGAL-ri (EA 365: 4)
(S12) 'YOUR FATHER'
[A1D-ka-ma (EA 96: 3); a-bi-ka (EA 96: 4)
(S22) 'THE LOYAL SERVANT OF THE KING, MY MASTER'

(S13) 'YOUR BROTHER'
SES-ka-ma (EA 166: 2)
(S14) 'YOUR MASTER'
EN-ka (EA 162: 2)
(S15) 'YOUR SERVANT'
IR-ka-ma (EA 49: 2; EA 51: 2; 52: 2; EA 55: 2; EA 85: 2; EA 87: 3; EA 103: 3; EA 104: 3; EA 118: 3; EA 130: 3;
EA 156: 2; EA 164: 2; EA 250: 2; EA 267: 4; EA 281: 5; EA 286: 2; EA 288: 2; EA 301: 4; EA 302: 4; EA 305: 5; EA
319: 6); M.lR-ka-ma (EA 53: 2); IR-k[a-mal (EA 54: 2; EA 152: 2; EA 168: 2; EA 287: 2; EA 297: 3); I[R-ka-ma]
(EA 58: 2; EA 62: 2; EA 90: 3; EA 124: 2; EA 125: 2); IR-ka4 (EA 60: 3; EA 300: 5; EA 320: 7); IR-[ka"l (EA 61: 2);
I[R-kal (EA 65: 3; EA 154: 2; EA 175: 3; EA 196: 2; EA 284: 2; EA 293: 3); IR-ka-m[a] (EA 84: 3); [l]R-ka-ma
(EA 132: 3; EA 257: 4); IR-ka (EA 136: 2; EA 140: 3; EA 141: 4; EA 142: 2; EA 147: 2; EA 148: 2; EA 151: 2; EA
178: 2; EA 185: 4; EA 189: 2; EA 195: 5; EA 201: 5; EA 202: 4; EA 203: 4; EA 204: 5; EA 205: 4; EA 206: 5; EA
211: 4; EA 213: 4; EA 215: 4; EA 216: 3; EA 220: 4; EA 221: 4; EA 223: 4; EA 228: 4; EA 229: 4; EA 230: 2; EA
233: 5; EA 234: 4; EA 235(+)327: 5; EA 241: 4; EA 249: 3; EA 252: 3; EA 254: 2; EA 255: 4; EA 256: 3; EA 265: 2;
EA 269: 5; EA 270: 4; EA 271: 4; EA 275: 5; EA 276: 5; EA 278: 5; EA 283: 3; EA 294: 3; EA 295: 3; EA 296: 4; EA
298: 6; EA 299: 5; EA 303: 4; EA 304: 5; EA 314: 4; EA 315: 4; EA 316: 3; EA 317: 3; EA 318: 3; EA 323: 4; EA
325: 3; EA 326: 3; EA 328: 6; EA 329: 7; EA 330: 3; EA 337: 4; EA 364: 3); [lJR-ka (EA 138: 2; EA 187: 4; EA 239:
3); IR-[k]a (EA 149: 2; EA 280: 5; EA 324: 4); 'IR'-ka (EA 153: 2); IR-ka-[ma] (EA 158: 2; EA 268: 3); LO.lR-
ka-ma (EA 159: 2; EA 161: 2); LO.lR-[ka-ma] (EA 160: 2); I[R-k]a (EA 174: 3; EA 182: 2); IR-k[a] (EA 194: 2;
EA 217: 4; EA 264: 2; EA 292: 3; EA 322: 6); [lR]-ka (EA 207: 2; EA 253: 3); IR-di-ka (EA 212: 3); IR-[ka] (EA
238: 2; EA 336: 3); [I]R-k[a] (EA 277: 4); [I]' R'-ka (EA 279: 5); IR-<ka>-ma (EA 282: 3); M.lR-k[a-ma] (EA
289: 2); M.lR-ka-ma (EA 290: 3); IR-k[a4] (EA 321: 7); I[R]-ka (EA 331: 5); 'IR'-ka (EA 366: 4)
(S16) 'YOUR SERVANTS'
LO.MES.lR.MES-ka-ma (EA 59: 2); M.lR.MES-[ka] (EA 200: 4)
(SI7) 'YOUR MAIDSERVANT'
GEME-ki (EA 48: 2); GEME-ka (EA 140: 2; EA 273: 5; EA 274: 5)
(SI8) 'nlE SERVANT OF THE KING'
IR M.LUGAL-ri (EA 63: 4; EA 64: 3); [l]R s[a LUGAL-nl (EA 231: 6); IR sa LUGAL-ri (EA 232: 4; EA 233:
6; EA 366: 4); IR M.LUGAL-ri (EA 234: 4)
lR ki-it-ti [Sja LUGAL EN-ia (EA 192: 4-5)
(S23) 'YOUR LOYAL SERVANT'
IR sa ki-it-ti-ka (EA 246: 4)
(S24) 'nlE DUST AT YOUR (2) FEET'
ep-ri sa GIR.IjI.A-' ka,,' (EA 60: 3); SAIjAR \ e-pf-ri sa 2 GIRMES-ka (EA 136: 3); SAIjAR-ra \ a-
pa-ru sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 141: 4-5); [e-pf-r]i sa 2 GIR.MES-ka (EA 142: 3); SAIjAR-ra sa
GI[R.MES-ka] (EA 143: 4); SAljAR.MES \ ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 195: 5-6); ep-ri sa GIR. 'MES'
-[ka.,] (EA 198: 6); ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 213: 4; EA 267: 5; EA 269: 5; EA 270: 5; EA 271: 5; EA
274: 5-6; EA 275: 5-6; EA 278: 5-6; EA 280: 5; EA 296: 5; EA 299: 5; EA 302: 5-6; EA 329: 7-8); ep-
ri s[a GIR.MES-]ka (EA 226: 4); SAIjARMES GIR.MES-ka (EA 235(+)327: 6); SAIjAR.MES sa
GIR.MES-ka (EA 241: 5); SAIjAR sa 2 GIR.MES-[ka] (EA 255: 4); ep-ri sa GI[R.MES-ka] (EA 266:
5); [e]p- 'ri' sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 268: 4); [ep-]r[i] sIal 'GIR."MES'-[ka] (EA 272: 4); ep-ri [sa]
GIR.MES-ka (EA 276: 5-6); [ep-ri sa GIR.M]ES-ka (EA 277: 4); 'ep-rr sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 279: 5);
ep-ri sa 2 GIR.MES-ka (EA 292: 4; EA 298: 6-7; EA 315: 4; EA 324: 5); [e]p-ri sa GIR.MES-ka (EA
293: 4); ep-ri sa 2 GIR.MES-[k]a (EA 297: 4); [ep-ri sa] 2 GIR.MES-ka" (EA 300: 6); e[p]-r[i] sa 2
GIR.MES-ka (EA 301: 4-5); ep-ri sa 2 UZU.GIR.MES-ka (EA 303: 5); ep-ri sa UZU.GIR.MES-[ka]
(EA 304: 5-6); ep-ri sa UZU.GIR.MES-ka (EA 305: 5-6; EA 319: 6-7); [e]p-rUa 2 G[IR.MES-ka] (EA
306: 4); [ep-ri sa] GIR.[MES]-ka., (EA 308: 1*); [ep-r; sa 2 GIR.MES-]ka (EA 311: 6-7); [ep-]ri [sa
GIR.MES-ka] (EA 312: 3-4); SAljAR] \ ep-[r]i sa 2 GIR.MES-ka (EA 316: 4); ep-ri sa
UZU.GIR.MES-ka,,(EA 320: 7-8); ep-rUa 2 GIR.MES-ka" (EA 321: 7-8); [ep-r] i sa UZU.GI[RMES-
k]a (EA 322: 6-7); ep-ri sa 2 GIR. MES-ka (EA 323: 4; EA 325: 4; EA 326: 3-4); ep-ri sa UZ[U].2
GIR.MES-ka (EA 328: 6-7); ep-r[i] sa2 GIR.MES-ka (EA 331: 5); ep-[r]; [sa2 GIR.MES-k]a (EA 332:
4); 'ep'-r; sa UZU.GIR.MES-[ka] (EA 378: 4)
(S25) 'THE DlIST AT lIIS (2) FEET'
[ep-ru] sa 2 GIR.M[ES-su] (EA 231: 6-7); ep-ru sa GIR.MES-s/l (EA 232: 5); SAIjAR.MES sa 2
GIRMES-sll (EA 233: 7); SAIjAR.MES sa 2 GIR.MES-su (EA 234: 5); SAIjAR-/"ll sa 2 GIR.MES-su (EA
366: 5)
(S26) 'HIE DUST AT THE FEET OF nlE KING'
ep-r; GIR.MES LUGAL-ri (EA 248: 5)

138 139
Chapter 7 - The 5ender and the Addressee Chapter 7 - The 5ender and the Addressee

(S27) 'THE DUST AT THE FEET/FOOT OF THE KING, MY MASTER' (S42) 'THE GROOM OF YOUR HORSES'
[e]p-ri GIR.MES LUGAL EN-ia (EA 192: 6); ep-ri sa GIR LUGAL-ri EN-ia (EA 330: 4-5) LlJ.kitr-tap-p{ sa ANSE.KU.RA-ka (EA 298: 7-8); LlJ.ku8 -sf ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka (EA 299: 6); LU.
'kitr '-tap-pf S(a ANSE.] 'KUR'.RA.MES-ka4 (EA 300: 7); LU.ku-sf sa ANSE.KURRA-ka (EA 303: 6);
(S28) 'THE DUST BENEATH THE FEET OF THE KING, MY MASTER' LU.ku8 -sf sa [ANSE.KURRA].MES-ka (EA 304: 7); LU.ku8 -sf ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka (EA 305: 7);
[LU].k[u 8 -s]fSa [ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka] (EA306: 5); [LU.kitr-tap-p]fS(a] ANSE. 'KUR"RA.'MES-ka4
ep-ri su-pa-a[ij [GI]R.MES-pfM.LUGAL-ri BE-ia (EA 187: 4-5)
(EA 308: 2*); [LU.ku8 -sO ANSE.KURR[A.MES-ka] (EA 311: 8); LU-l[um saANSE.KUR].RA.MES-k[a]
(EA 312: 4-5); [LU.ku 8 ]-sf [sa] ANS[E].MES.KUR.RI-ka (EA 316: 5); LU.kar-tap-pf sa
(S29) 'HIE DUST AT THE FEET OF THE KING, MY MASTER, MY SUN'
ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka4 (EA 319: 7-8); LU.kitr-tap-pf sa ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka4 (EA 320: 8-9);
SAJjAR.MES sa GfR.MES LUGAL-ri EN-ia D.UTU-ia (EA 220: 4-5); SAJjAR.[MES sa GIR.MES] L[U.kit]r-[t]ap-[p]f sa ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka4 (EA 321: 8-9); L[U].ka[r-tap-p]f sa ANSE.KUR
[LUG]AL-ri EN-[ia D.UTU -ia] (EA 229: 5-6) RA.MES-ka (EA 322: 8); LU.kitr-tap-pf sa ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-lca (EA 323: 5; EA 328: 8-9); LU.kitr-
tap-pf sa 2 ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka (EA 324: 6); LU.kitr-tap-pf sa 2 ANSE.KURRA.MES-[k] a (EA 325:
(S30) 'THE DUST BENEATH THE FEET OF THE KING, MY MASTER, MY GOD, MY SUN' 5); [L]U.kar-tl't-pf sa 2 ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka (EA 326: 4-5); LU.kitr-tap<-pf> sa ANSE,KURRA.
ep-ri su-pa-al GIR.MES-pf[M.]L[UGAL]-ri EN-ia DINGIR-ia D.UTU-i[a] (EA 185: 4-5) MES-ka (EA 331: 6); [LU,kt'tr-tap]-pf S(aANSE.KUR,RA,MES]-ka (EA 332: 5)

(S31) 'THE DUST BENEATH THE TWO SANDALS OF THE KING, MY MASTER'
[ep-nl sap-Ii 2 KUS.E.S[fR] [M.LUG]A[L-r] i EN-ia (EA 295: 4-5)
(S32) 'THE DUST FROM BENEATH THE SANDALS (AND) FEET OF MY MASTER'
[ep-ru] [is-tu] s[u-p]a-l[i] KUS.se-ni GIR.M[ES be-I] f-ia (EA 152: 2-3)
(S33) 'THE DUST ON WHICH YOU TREAD'
e[p-ru] [sa] ka-bd-S(e-ka] (EA 253: 3-4); ep-ru sa ka-bd-si-ka (EA 254: 3)
(S34) 'THE EARTH AT YOUR FEET'
fi-if G[lR.J,jI.]A-ka" (EA 61: 3); {iri! sa ka-bd-si-ka (EA 213: 5)
(S35) 'TIlE EARTH ON W1-IICH YOU TREAD'
{idi sa ka-bd-si-[k]a 4 (EA 220: 6); {edi sa ka-bd-si-ka (EA 241: 6); fl-{it sa ka-bd-si-ka (EA 255: 5)
(S36) 'HIE GROUND ON WI-IIC1-1 YOU TREAD'
KI.MES sa ka-bd-sf-ka (EA 195: 7); qa-qa-ri ka,,-bd-' six '-ka" (EA 198: 7); qa-aq-qa-ru sa 'ka '-ba-si-
, ka' (EA 366: 6)
(S37) 'HIE GROUND ON W1-IICH I-IE TREADS'
qa-q[a]-r[ll sa k[a]-b[d] -si-[S( u (EA 185: 6); [qa-qa-ru sa] ka-ba-si-s[u] (EA 231: 7-8); qa-qa-ru sa ka-
ba-si-su (EA 232: 5); KI.MES sa ka-bd-si-su (EA 233: 8); KI.MES sa ka-ba-si-slt (EA 234: 5-6)
The above overview velY clearly demonstrates two distinct levels of identification of both corres-
pondents, On the one hand it is evident that both the sender and the addressee are identified by
their respective functional titles sometimes preceded by their personal names (Sl and A1),595 and
on the other hand the social context - either inferior (in the majority of the documents within this
group of texts) or superior - is reflected by the relationship between a servant and his master and
only rarelyis the family metaphor used (Le. the relationship between a son and his father, or betwe-
en brothers).596
The employment of the personal name for the identification of the addressee within the heading
is attested only very rarely in these documents. Here we can distinguish two separate groups - the
first one includes documents addressed by local rulers to the respective officials or other local
rulers, while the other group comprises letters addressed to the king of Egypt himself, However, the
identification of the pharaoh by means of his prenomen is otherwise reserved for the corresponden-
ce of other 'great kings'. Within the corpus of ,vassal' letters, this phenomenon appears only in some
documents of Akizzi, ruler of Qap1a597
Although it appears to be quite difficult to explain the unique situation in Akizzi's letters, it has
been already suggested that the employment of the pharaoh's name in the heading, rather than
being an obscure violation of the epistolary rules, might in fact reflect an epistolary tradition follo-
wed by the scribe of these documents who might have employed the rules he had previously been
familiar with, Le. those of the royal letters, and which he had acquired at some royal court, such as
the Mitannian. 598
A characteristic element attested in the corpus of the vassal letters is the considerable variabili-
ty in the apellation of both the sender and the addressee, In the absolute majority of these docu-

(S38) 'HIE FOOTSTOOL FOR YOUR FIlIIT' 595 Cf. on the side of the sender 'the ruler/governor/king of GN' (52, 53, 55) 'the king' (54), 'the commander of the troops' (59).
however, also the respective geographical name and/or Its representatives might be found as the sender, cf. 56, 57 ('GN and
[GI]s.GIRGUB GIR.MES-ka (EA 84: 4); GIs.GIRGUB \ gi-is-tap-pf sa GIR.MES-ka (EA 195: 9-10) Its elders') and 58 ('the sons of GN'), With respect to the person of the addressee the following functional titles have been
Identlned within the corpus - 'the king' (A2), 'the klnglruler of GN' (A3 and M). 'the magnate' (A5) and 'the vizier' (AG).
(S39) 'HIE FOOTSTOOL FOR THE FEET OF MY MASTER'
596 The sender can Identify himself or herself as 'the daughter of your maidservant' (510). 'your son' (51 I), 'your father'
(512). 'your brother' (513). 'your master' (514). 'your servant(s)' (515,516), 'your maidservant' (517), and In several cases
GIs.GIR<GUB> sa GIR.MES EN - ia (EA 241: 7) the servitude of the sender Is clearly related to the person of the addressee - 'the servant of the king (my master)' (518,
519); the loyalty of the servant can be also emphasized. cr, 'the loyal servant' (520) or 'your loyal servant' (523). 'the loyal
servant of the king (my master)' (521, 522), [n this type of correspondence, the Identincatlon of the addressee as 'my
(S40) 'HIE CHAIR ON W1-IICH YOU SIT' master' (A8) predominates - cf. also 'the master' (A7). 'his master' (A9). 'our master' (AlO). and 'my mistress' (All),
GIS.GU.ZA sa a-sa-bi-ka (EA 195: 8) Similar to the Identlncatlon of the sender the family metaphor can be observed here - cr, 'my father' (AI2), 'my son'
(AI3) and 'my brother' (AI4), The overview of the vassal documents clearly suggests that the Identlncatlon of the
addressee as 'my mastel" and 'the king' within the analyzed corpus has In fact been obligatory.
(S41) 'THE DOG OF HIE HOUSE OF THE KING, MY MASTER' 597 Cf. EA 53: I; EA 55: I.
UR[.GI 7] [S(a E LUGAL EN-ia (EA 61: 3-4) 590 For a discussion on this subject, see MYNAnovA (2006d: esp. 448--456).

140 141
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
ments, the sender is a person with a lower social status than the addressee. This fact is largely
demonstrated by the usage of various honorific epithets on the part of the addressee, while for his
own identification the sender employs most humble words expressing his subordinate position.
Among the titles and epithets of the addressee we may also find elements encountered already
in the royal correspondence, such as 'the great king;' however, their employment within the vassal
corpus is strictly limited geographically.599
The epithet 'the king of the battle', employed solely in some of the letters of the Byblite ruler Rib-
haddi, bears clear traces of a specific local tradition. 6OO Its origin is evidently associated with the lite-
rary tradition, i.e. the epic composition sal' tam[1iiri, whose fragments have also been discovered at
Tell el-Amarna. Why the usage of the epithet has been limited to Byblos, remains unknown.
A Byblite context can also be identified in the case of other royal epithet or epithets employed
widely in the vassal subset of documents, i.e. 'the king of (all) lands' and 'the Sun of (all) lands.' It is
very tempting to identify this epithet with the similar epithet 'the master', and possibly also with
'the hero of alllands,,';(JI attested in various texts and dated to the 13'h century B.C.E.,G02 including
documents of Egyptian, Hittite or Ugaritic provenance, which are very likely of Egyptian origin and
belong to the later Egypto-Hittite diplomatic tradition. The Amarna tradition reflected in Ribhaddi's
letters, however, differs from that of the Ramesside period. Since the epithet has been used exclu-
sively within the heading containing the primary identification of the addressee, i.e. the Egyptian
king, we may suppose that the epithet could have formed part of the official titulary of the phara-
oh. The origin of this epithet outside the 'cuneiform tradition' might be further supported by a great
varibility in its orthography,G03 suggesting that the epithet has been 'imported' to the 'cuneiform
world' from outside.GO'1 Contemporary Egyptian sources might make it possible to identify the ori-
gin of this epithet. The royal epithet 'the lord of all foreign lands' lib bJs. IV/llb./ 60S was included in the
royal titulary as early as in the reign ofThutmose III. It is also associated with the names of Amen-
hotep 11,606 Thutmose IV;607 Amenhotep IV-Akhenaten GOo and Tutankhamun. 60'J
In a slightly unusual group of documents in which the addressee is identified as 'my god', a con-
siderable number ofletters are written with the plural marker, i.e. 'my god<s>' but the opening pas-
sages clearly suggest the leiters are addressed to a single person. It is impossible to determine any
geographical informatin from the comparison of both attested orthographic forms of the epithet.
According to Na'aman,610 the situation associated with this epithet and its interpretation is rather
complex and always influenced by the individual context. The same phenomenon can also be
observed in the opening passages of EA 96: 4-7 and EA 97: 3 where the orthographically plural
forms DINGIR.ME[S]-nu (EA 96: 4) and [DINGIR.M]ES (EA 97: 3) have been identified by Na'aman
as singulars with respect to the following verbal forms /i-is-al (EA 96: 6) and /i-lis-a] I (EA 97: 3).
599 Cf. EA 160 and EA 161 (Amurru); EA 260, EA 317 and EA 318 (llIl·Tenni); EA 68, EA 74, EA 76, EA 78, EA 83, EA 89, EA
105, EA 107-109, EA 112, EA 116, EA 117, EA 119, EA 121-123 (all fromllyblos); and probably EA 58 (fromlhe Syrian
region); for Ihe nOrlhern origin oflhe lablel, consul! GOIlEN - PINKEI,STEIN - NA'MIAN (200 /1: 122-123).
GOO Cf. A20 above; EA 74, EA 76, EA 79, EA 81, EA 107, EA 105, EA 108, EA 114, EA 116, EA 117, EA 119, EA 122, and EA 123,
GOI See, especially, MilANO (1983: 143-144).
602 Por Ihe references 10 Ihese lexls wilh Ihe previous lilemlure, cr. MVNAnovA (ill press b).
603 Cf. A19; LUGAL KUR.KUR (EA 74: 2; probably EA 75: 2); LUGAL KUR.KUR,MES.KI (EA 108: 2); LUGAL KURKUR.KI.MES
(EA 76: 2; EA 83: 2; EA 105: 2; EA 107: 2); LUGAL KUR.KUR,ijI.A.KI (EA 78: 2; EA 79: 2); LUGAI.-ri KUR.KUR.KI (EA 123:
3); LUGAL KURMES (EA 89: 2; EA 109: 2; probably 112: 2; EA 116: 2; EA 121: 2); LUGAL KUR.Kl.ijI.A (EA 68: 3; probab-
ly EA 88: 2); LUGAL-r/ KUR,Kl.ijI.A (EA 106: 2); LUGAL KUR.KI (EA 122: 2).
604 Por Ihe IIHllary of Ihe Achaemenld rulers, cf. especially SEliX (1967: 315-316); for Ihe Hellenislic rulers, consul! espe-
cially OELSNER (1964: 262-274) and 1l00v (2002: 241-257).
605 Cf. Urk, IV 1228,11.
606 Urk, IV 1310, 8; Urk, IV 1289,9,10.
607 Urk. IV 1566, 5; Urk. IV 1612, II.
GOO SANDMAN (1938: 145 I. 7).
G09 Urk. IV 2032, 14; Urk.IV 2034, 9; Urk.IV 2054,8, 13, Urk, IV 2056,8, Urk. IV 2135, 16.
610 Cf. NA'AMAN (1991: 255).
142
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
In the case of the king's designation as 'the Sun,' or 'my Sun,' there is no clear geographical distri-
bution recognizable within the Amarna corpus. Nevertheless, from the very onset of the Amarna
studies, the title has been traditionally identified with the person of the Egyptian king. As is the case
with the majority of examples mentioned above, it is rather difficult to identify its original source
with any degree of certainty, In the Mesopotamian tradition 'the Sun' (D.UTU) appears as a part of
personal names,611 while among the Hittites the title has been traditionally translated as 'My Majes-
ty'.m In the Amarna corpus, two distinct and clearly defined orthographic traditions can be recog-
nized. The orthographic tradition using D.UTU-si for the identification of the king as 'the Sun'
appears only in a limited number of documents originating in the northern region.613 The usage of
this orthographic form in these texts thus might be connected with this area's intense exposure to
the Hittite tradition.
The identification of the king as 'the Sun' appears very frequently both in the Akkadian and in the
Hittite texts of Hittite provenance and some scholars have hypothesized 61 '1 that this title might have
been adopted to the Hittite titulary from the Egyptian milieu. Gonnet suggested615 that the title
appeared for the first time in the royal titulary of Jjattussili I, who - in the course of his military acti-
ons - brought 'a strong Egyptian influence' to the region, This traditional view has been refused by
Beckman,61G who identifies the relevant text CTI-I 4 as a later copy with the earliest attestation in
CTH 25 (!CUB 36.108) dated to the middle of the 15'h century B.C.E. He has also refused the conne-
ction ofthe origin of this title to the Egyptian tradition, referring to the non-existence of any impor-
tant contacts between the Egyptians and the Hittites during this particular period.
In the later documents discovered at Ugarit, both the Egyptian and the Hittite kings are identifi-
ed as 'the Sun.' The Hittite king is identified as 'the Sun of Arinna' (sps al'll)617 or 'the Sun, the great
king' (sps mlk rb),610 but the same identification is attested also for the king of Egypt - 'the Sun, the
great king, the king of Egypt' (Sps mlk rb mlk m~rm)619 or 'the Sun, the great king, my master' ([sp]s
mlk rb b<ly620 However, in the Akkadian letters from Carchemish621 this title is employed as part of
the Hittite royal titulary, cf. 'the king of Jjatti, my Sun,' which might be extended to 'the great king,'
while the kings of Carchemish identify themselves only as 'the king' (LUGAL).
The royal epithet 'the Sun from heaven' very often appears in connection with the identification
of the king as 'the Sun,' and this phenomenon is also attested outside the opening passages, In con-
nection with the usage of these two identifications in proximity each other, it could be presumed
that in the context of', ,. my god<s>, my Sun, the Sun from heaven' the particular passage could be
read also' , .. my gods - my Sun (and) the Sun from heaven' identifying two separate deities, such as
Aten and Akhenaten,622 However, this hypothesis is negated by some of the following parts, cf. EA
325: 20-22, clearly identifying the two elements with the person of the king. All attested examples
of the epithet 'the Sun from heaven' originate in the southern parts of the Syro-Palestinian region,
which might have been more exposed to the Egyptian traditions than the northern areas, The usage
of this epithet for a ruler is not allested either in the Mesopotamian-Hittite tradition or in Egypt
611 Cf. SEUX (1967: 283-284).
612 See, for example, IlECKMAN (2002: 37).
613 Consull A15; EA 45, EA 49 (bolh from Ugarll), EA 51 (from NubaMe), and EA 148 (from l'yre).
61·1 See, for example, MHVEIt (1928: 512). GOETlE (1957: 89), or GONNET (1979: 19).
615 GONNET (1979: 19).
61GIlECKMAN (2002: 37, n. 0).
617CAT3.1: 19.
610 CAT 3.1 pass/III.
619 CAT 2.81: 19 and passilll.
620 CAT 2,23: 7; CAT 2,76: 8; for olher references cr. DEI. OLMO LETE - SANMARTIN (2003: II, 837),
621 Cf. YAMADA (1992).
622 For Ihe king as a dellY In Ihe soulhern region, cr, I-lESS (1986: 163); for Ihe 'new' Aren's Illulary allesled for Ihe nrsl lime
In Akhenalen's II'" regnal year, see MURNANE - VAN SIC LEN (1993: 213, n, 66). 'Re-Ihe-Horizon-Ruler-who-Rejoices-
on-Ihe-Horlzon I In-hls-Name-of-Re-Ihe-Falher-who-has-Relurned-as-Alen,'
143
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
itself. In Egypt, however, we may find a similar epithet in connection with some of the Sun-gods,
such as Aten and Re-Harakhty.623
One ofthe most important duties ofthe Egyptian king in the area foreign policy was certainly the
responsibility to protect his vassals and ensure their prosperity. The employment of the Egyptian
expression {Jw (11 rnb) 'the breath (of life)' conforms to the context of the Akkadian se/:llt in the Amar-
na letters. [ef. A24 and A25; EA 141, EA 142, EA 143 (all three from Beirut), EA 144 (from Sidon; 'the
breath of my life'), and EA 281 (from Gath, 'my breath'); see also Albright (1937)]. In the Egyptian
sources of the 18'h Dynasty, the particular phrase has been widely used in the context of royal fore-
ign affairs, especially after the reign of Hatshepsut. 62"By using the expression 'my breath' or 'the bre-
ath of my life' the authors of these letters combined the designation of the king's function with his
address.
Totally in compliance with the logic of this type of correspondence, the identification of the sen-
der contains a rich repertoire of expressions reflecting his humble and subservient position towards
his master. A comparison with other texts dated to the Late Bronze Age has revealed that the majo-
rity of functional titles and other epithets preserved in the Amarna letters had their parallels in
other corpora. Similar to the identification of the addressee, with respect to the identification of the
sender, we are able to distinguish a group of epithets attested solely in the Amarna corpus. This sub-
set of documents contains, in particular, the epithets explicitly declaring a markedly lower social
position, including 'the dust at the feet,' of the addressee and there are preserved in several variants
(cf. S24, S25-S30). 'The dust' might be found also beneath 'the sandals' of the king (as in S31 and
S32) and the addressee might tread on it (S33). The most humble position of the sender is also
expressed by his identification as 'the earth at your (= addressee's) feet' (S34) or 'the earth! ground
on which you!he tread(s), (S35-S37). The sender introduces himself also as 'the footstool' for the
addressee's feet (S38 and S39), while in EA 195 he is 'the chair' on which the addressee can rest. It is
Abdia§irta, the ruler of Amurru, who is 'the dog of the house of the king, my (= Abdia§irta's) master',
while the epithet 'the groom of your (= king's) horses' is relatively largely attested too.
It is extremely difficult to trace the origin of these expressions. Fortunately, some of them bear a
clear geographic distribution 625 suggesting the scribes of these letters might have belonged to the
same scribal tradition. On the other hand, the identification of the sender as 'the dust' at the feet of
the addressee is geographically unconditioned, which is otherwise unattested either in similar texts
from the same period or from later epistolary documents from the same region and written down
in other languages. 626 It is, however, clear that these epithets do not bear any trace of a possible
Egyptian origin for in the Egyptian epistolary tradition the sender is usually identified only as the
623 1I1'-II-pl 'the Sun of heaven' In a description of Amun-Re-Horakhty (TT 378; STG 255, 1-2); more often a similar epithet
appears with the god Re, cf. rr-III-lb.1 'Re on the horizon' (KRI I 190, I; from the reign of Sethi I); rr_lII_pl 'Re In heaven'
(pChester Beatty IX, vso. B 14,4; oCG25744: KRiIII, 848); rr_(Jr-I/llj-lII-pl 'Re-I-Iorakhty In heaven' (DAVII~~ 1935: 9, pI. 8;
or McDowm.1. (1993: pI. XXIX vso., nos. 3 and 5); oGlasgow D 1925.86 =Colin Campbell 20 =KRlVlI, 705,1-2); rr_III_(/I'1
'Re In the sky' (MARIETIIl1880 I: pI. 51. no. 31; KRiI. 187. 10). In the Egyptian sources the Idea of the king as a 'son of the
Sun,' 01' the Sun-god Is also attested (cr. especially Urk. IV 2003.5-10.) - fOl' the king as the son of Re. begotten by
I-Iorakhty see KR1Vl 449. 12; for the son of Amun-Re. which Is an epithet attested also by means of Egyptian objects
from the Syro-Palestlnlan region. fOl' the Individual objects see especially. PIITHIE 1932: pI. 7. 21; Rowll 1936: no. S.40; /AE-
GIlIl 1982: § 1221 no. 615; KIlIll. 1997: 178-179. no. 224;.
62.. Cf. Urk.IV 342.3; Urk.IV 613,13; Urk.IV 662.10; Urk.IV 759.15; Urk.IV 767.12; Urk. IV 809. II; Urk.IV 896.17; Urk.
IV 907. 9; Urk.1V924. 3; Urk.IV929. 14; Urk.1V 1007.12; Urk.IV 1099. I; Urk.IV 1100. 5; Urk.IV 1102. I; Urk.IV 1230.
20; Urk. IV 1235. 15; Urk.IV 1254. II; Urk. IV 1309. 18; Urk. IV 1326. 4; Urk. IV 1597. 15; Urk. IV 1656. 12; Urk. IV 1657.
5; Urk.1V 1663. 2; Urk. IV 1685. 12; Urk. IV 1970. 17; Urk. IV 2003. 10; Urk. IV 2006.20; Urk. IV 2070.7. 16; Urk. IV 2071.
5; Urk. IV 2128,7; EDEI. (1966: pI. 3, frg. I); DAVIES (1903-1908: VI. pl. 19); fOl' the attestation from the earlier periods, see
LoIlTON (1974: 136-144).
625 Cf. especially the distribution of the epithet 'the groom of your horses.'
626 In Hebrew letters the Identification of the sender usually consists of the personal name. eventually extended by the
expression 'your servant,' cr. Arad 40:04 (PARDEE 1978a: 323); see also PARDEE (l978b).
144
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
addressee's 'servant' (b3k). Though the origin of the sender's identification as 'the dust' remains
uncertain in the epistolary tradition, its combination with 'the sandals' of the king represents a
clear Egyptian paraIlel627 for in the Egyptian sources the meaning of the expression 'under the san-
dals' (br !bw.ty) is clearly connected with the king's activities and especially with the representation
of the king's dominion over the foreign rulers. 628
An Egyptian parallel has also been suggested for the meaning of the epithet 'the dog ofthe house
of the king'.629 Its usage in the opening passages of the letters is extremely limited - it is used much
more in the respective bodies of several letters. In general, we may say that the mentions of ' the dog'
can be grouped into several categories. The first is the correspondence of Ribhaddi of Byblos, who
identifies as 'the dog' the individual representatives of Amurru - Abdia§irta and his sons, including
Aziru. In Ribhaddi's letters, Abdia§irta and his successors are identified as 'the servant and the dog'
and from the context of these letters we may suppose the negative meaning of this designation. 630
The concerned person is commonly identified only as 'the dog.' However, Ribhaddi employs the
identification 'the dog' also for himself when he is having difficulties (EA 138: 95-96). The same
designation can be found in the words of Abdia§irta himself (EA 60: 6-7; EA 61: 2-4). However, Rib-
haddi and Abdia§irta are not the only ones who are 'the dogs' in the Amarna correspondence. The
same expression can be found with Yapabu, the ruler of Gazru (EA 378: 18), who also identifies
himself as 'the dog.' Yidya of A§qaluna asks a question concerning a disobedient servant of the king
in two of his letters (EA 320: 22-25; EA 322: 17-19) and the same concern is expressed in the words
of Zura§ar of Gintia~na (EA 319: 19-23). The identification of someone as 'the dog' cannot be inter-
preted as invective in any of these examples, though - it would be difficult to imagine Abdia§irta
referring to himself in an abusive manner. More likely, the term could have served as a kind of defi-
nition or identification of his subservient position towards the addressee. By the identification of
Abdia§irta as 'the dog,' Ribhaddi does not state his disdain towards him. However, by placing 'the
dog' and his acts of war launched against the interests of the Egyptian king into the same context,
he indicates that although Abdia§irta is 'the dog and the servant,' i.e. the loyal subject of the phara-
oh, he acts against him.
There is yet another expression containing 'the dog' employed in the Amarna corpus. In three
cases the phrase 'one dog' (kalbu iSten) is preserved, explained by F. Pintore as a 'wolf' or 'jackal', or
a dog living alone OJI The expression can be encountered in the letters from Biridiya of Megiddo (EA
247: 14-18), Artamanya of Ziriba§ani (EA 201: 9-16) and Amaya§e (EA 202: 12-14). In these three
examples, however, it is evident that the context is entirely different from the above mentioned pas-
sages of Ribhaddi and Abdia§irta. All three senders object to the fact that they might be identified
as 'lonely dogs' or in other words 'lone wolves' and that they might be regarded as such by the pha-
raoh. While 'to be a dog' in the terminology of the Amarna letters means 'to be a loyal servant' who
is expected to act up to his status, to be 'one dog,' i.e. a lone wolf is a sign of being uprooted from
the society of the loyal servants of the Egyptian king. Thus the expression 'the dog' reflects two com-
pletely different aspects of behaviour of an individual towards an authority, which must be strictly
distinguished by the reader. A similar spread of the term 'the dog' in various idioms can be found
in many languages including English. We may describe a very important person with the highest
authority as 'a top dog;' however, even if you 'work like a dog,' you may never reach this position,
627 FOI' an overvlew of this phenomenon and the earliest references to the Egyptian fOl'elgn policy during the II 'h Dynasty.
cr. references In loRTON (1974: 129).
620 Cf. Urk. IV 86. 10; Urk.IV 138. 4; Urk.1V 332. I; Urk.1V 612. 17; Urk.1V 776.3; Urk.1V 809. 17; Urk.1V908. 2; Urk.IV 1102.
17; Urk.1V 1288. 19; Urk.1V 1551. 7; Urk.1V 1685. 8; Urk.1V 1696, 13; Urk.1V 2042. 19; Urk.1V 2128.8; GAYET (1894: pI.
51); SANDMAN (1938: 21, 13).
629 Cf. GAlAN (1993).
OJO Cf. especially EA 71: 16-19; EA 75: 41-42; EA 85: 63-66; EA 104: 17-19; EA 109: 9-15; EA 117: 35-37; EA 129: 76-77; fOl'
other examples. see GAlAN (1993: 173-176).
OJI PINTORE (1972: 125. n. 136).
145
Chapter 7 - The Sender and the Addressee
especially if you work during the 'dog days' and your work is completed by you as 'a dog's breakfast,'
despite the fact that you get 'dog-tired,' now you feel 'asick as a dog' and you know that your life is
going to be 'a dog's life,' because you cann ever understand that you should 'let sleeping dogs lie'
and since the very beginning you only had 'a dog's chance' of finishing your task. The variability of
the idioms might be illustrated by the example of 'a wolf.' If we describe a certain man as 'a wolf,'
there are two different meanings for this idiom - on the one hand, the person in question can be a
grasping fellow, while on the other hand, he can be a man who makes amorous proposals to nume-
reus women. 632
The nature of the relationship between an inferior vassal ruler and his overlord, i.e. the Egyptian
king, is also reflected by his (meaning the vassal's) identification as a 'loyal servant' (S20, S23) of ' the
king' (S21), the vassal's 'master' (S22) - as attested in some of Biridya's and Yasdata's letters (from
Megiddo), in two letters of Ba'lumebir of [... )igmate, in two letters of Dasru (provenance unknown),
and in one letter of Arzawiya of Rubbiza, Abdina[ I from Gath,633 and Ba'lusip~i from Tyre. The dec-
laration of 'loyalty' is not limited only to the opening passages. The substantive expressing 'loyalty'
or 'fidelity' (kittu) in the vassal correspondence, however, takes on a slightly different meaning in
the royal letters. While in the letters to his 'royal' partners, the Egyptian king employs the expressi-
on as 'truth' or 'truly', by the employment of the expression in the letters to his vassals he clearly
refers to one of the duties he expects his inferiors to deliver on, i.e. loyalty. Thus the identification
of a particular sender as 'a loyal servant' might simply be a quotation from a pharaoh's letter - a
challenge to behave properly and faithfully - to be 'a loyal servant of the king.'63.1
The overview provided above clearly demonstrates that the Amarna diplomatic terminology
relating to the identification of the individual correspondents employed within the opening passa-
ges represents a rather complex problem on many levels. On the one hand, both the sender and the
addressee are reliably identified by means of a series of functional titles, often supplemented by
their personal names; however, on the other hand, a considerable variability can be observed in a
number of honorific titles and epithets, as well as in the expressions for the humble status of the
vassal rulers. The sources of the individual titles and epithets employed in the 'language of Amar-
na' can be found in the Mesopotamian-Hittite tradition, in the Egyptian tradition, as well as in the
less well known local traditions.
632 For the English idioms consults especially LoNG (1979); Cowm (l9B5); GCNZEL (1991) and ApPLEBEE (1992).
633 cr. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 2B6).
634 Cf. especially EA 162: 19-20,25-27.
146
Chapter 8 - Salutations
SALUTATIONS
The salutations, after the heading the second almost inevitable part of any opening passage wit-
hin the Amarna corpus,635 present a relatively variable picture. In the Amarna corpus, we are able to
recognize up to six elements contained in the salutations. The elements are the following - a report
on the sender's well-being (2. i), an extended report on the sender's well-being (2. H), greetings (2.
Hi), extended greetings (2. iv)' a prostration (2. v) and an expression of divine blessings (2. vi).636 Not
all of these elements must necessarily be employed, while it is also possible to observe differences
in the distribution of the individual elements. As follows from the overview given earlier in this
volume, some of these elements appear exclusively within the 'royal' correspondence, while others
are generally understood to belong to the repertoire of the 'imperial' letters. In order to discuss the
particularities of the individual elements, we can discuss the three groups separately. The first
group contains the greetings and reports on the sender's well-being (2. i - 2. H - 2. iii - 2. iv), the
second group consists of the expression of self-abasement of the sender, i.e. the prostration formu-
la (2. v) and finally, the opening passages with the divine blessing (2. vi) can be placed in the third
group.
Greetings and Reports on the Sender's Well-being (2. i, 2. ii, 2. iii, 2. iv)
The greetings and reports on the sender's well-being, both in simple or extended forms, represent
the essential part of the salutations, but none of these elements is absolutely necessary for the
employment of the structure. From the overview summarized below, it follows that the elements
referred to as 2. i ('a report on the sender's well-being'), 2. H ('an extended report on sender's well-
being'), 2. iii ('greetings') and 2. iv ('extended greetings') can be recognized in altogether thirteen
types and subtypes of the structure of the opening passages. 637 However, only in three types are these
elements combined with the prostration formula (2. V).638 In all the other cases, the elements are
combined with one another, although in type 6 we may observe a doubling of the report on the sen-
der's well-being, accompanied by the extended report in all other examples in its primary position. 639
It is noteworthy to observe that within the 'royal' correspondence the report on the sender's well-
being represents, without doubt, the key-element of the communication and with the exception of
a very specific type 11, into which we may classify the letters from Assyria (EA 15 and EA 16) and the
message of the Babylonian princess (EA 12), in all other examples this element is never omitted.
The presence of the report on the sender's well-being within the opening passage earmarks a
specific group of documents, usually considered as 'royal' letters. The only 'non-royal' letter contai-
ning this report within the structure of its opening passage is a letter EA 40, addressed by an Alasi-
yan official to his partner in Egypt. We suggest that the employment of the report on the sender's
well-being in the structure of the document might bear relation either to the identical social status
615 For the two types of the structure without the salutations, I.e. type I and type lB, consult pp. 100, 111-112, and table 14.
636 The individual elements were briefly discussed in the section devoted to the structure of the particular opening
637 passages.
Cr. type 2, type 3A and 3B, type 4, type 5, type 6, type 7, type B, type 9, type 10, type II, type 13, and type 14.
638 Consult type 10, type 13, and type 14.
639 For a discussion on the subjectinciuding its possible geographical connotations, see pp. 102-103.
147
Chapter 8 - Salutations
of both correspondents - which is, actually, exactly the same motive as in the 'royal' letters - or it
might be related to a scribal tradition existing and being practiced at the Alasiyan royal court. With
the second option in mind, the reason why this element was employed as well in this 'non-royal'
letter might be the commonly used manner of writing on the part of the Alasiyan scribe.
In all letters containing the report on the sender's well-being within the structure - including the
letter of the Alasiyan official-, we also recognize, either as an individual element (2. iii) or as a part
of the extended greetings (2. iv), its logical parallel, i.e. the greetings. On the one hand, the sender
reports to his partner that he is well, and on the other, he wishes the same to him. Accordingly, the
desired and declared equality of the two partners is preserved, which is a valid assumption irres-
pective of the social position of the two correspondents.
In the case of type 2, type 4, type 5 and type 6, the greetings to the addressee represent an indi-
vidual and clearly articulated element within the structure, while in all 'royal' letters of Babylonian
provenance,&!O as well as in EA 34 (type 3B), addressed by the king of Alasiya to the king of Egypt, the
greetings (2. iii) to the addressee of the message are incorporated, as a first element, in the 'follo-
wing' extended greetings (2. iv). It was also possible for the greetings to be employed without the
report on the sender's well-being.&!1 In general, we may state that in the 'royal' correspondence the
presence of the report on the sender's well-being within the structure necessarily required a presen-
ce of the greetings. The proposition, however, is not valid vice versa. An employment of the gree-
tings in the opening passage, in any way, did not necessitate the incorporation of the report on the
sender's well-being, and it was possible for the greeting might be used in combination with other
elements as well.
A similar parallelism can also be observed, although not in such an obvious way as in the previ-
ous example, between the two remaining elements, i.e. the extended report on the sender's well-
being (2. ii) and the extended greetings (2. iv). An extended report on the sender's well-being, i.e. a
report mentioning members of the royal household and/or the king's belongings, can be - as an
individual element - clearly recognized only in the two letters of the king of Alasiya (EA 35 and EA
34), representing types 2 and 3B respectively. In the case of EA 2 and EA 7 (type 3A) of Babylonian
provenance, the extended report has been combined with the report on the sender's well-being.
The same phenomenon of combining the two elements of the opening passage, namely the gree-
tings and the extended greetings, has been described above. The same cannot be observed within
the remainder of the Babylonian 'royal' letters (type 7). The extended report on the sender's well-
being is never employed in the royal letters from Mitanni and tIatti, and the same element is also
left aside in the four letters of Alasiyan origin.&!2 In the case of type 6, i.e. in EA 1 and EA 5 of Egyp-
tian origin, the report is used only in the 'extension' to the standard sequence of the elements wit-
hin the opening passage.&!J Based on the social context of EA 40, it is to be expected that neither the
extended report on the sender's well-being nor the extended greetings would be employed. The
equality of the two partners is thus clearly recognizable.
On the other hand, neither the report on the sender's well-being nor its extension, is attested in
types 8, 9, 10, 13, and 14. This 'omission' is not surprising since none of the letters listed in these
individual groups might be identified as royal communication par excellence.&!4
&!O cr. type 3A (EA 2, EA 7) and type 7 (EA 3, EA 6, EA 8, EA 9, EA 10, EA II).
MI For rurther discussion on the greetings, see below; cr. types 8, 9, 10, 13 and 14.
&12 EA 33, EA 37, EA 38 and EA 39.
&!3 The sequence altested In these two leiters: a report on the sender's well-being (2.1.) - greetings (2.111.) - extended gree·
tlngs (2.lv.) - a report on the sender's well-being (2.1.) - an extended report on the sender's well·belng (2.11.).
M4 Cr. type 8 (EA 44 rrom Zlta of ijattl; EA 170A rrom Ba'luya and Bet'llu or Amurru; EA 170B, rrom Amurba'la of Amur·
ru); type 9 (EA 166 rrom Azlru or Amurru); type lO (EA 59 rrom the citizens of1\lI1lp); type 13 (EA 48 rrom the queen or
Ugarlt; EA 158 rrom Azlru of Amurru); type 14 (EA 45(?) and EA 49(?) both from the king or Ugarlt).
148
Chapter 8 - Salutations
In the case of type 8, the structure of the opening passage consists entirely of the greetings, while
in type 9 the extended greetings have been employed as well. For both types it holds true that all the
letters originated in the northern areas, tIatti or Amurru, and all were to a certain degree different
from the majority of the 'imperial' documents known from other regions.
Among the documents classified, according to the structure of the respective opening passage,
into type 8, we recognize - with respect to the social status of the sender and the addressee - a very
specific document, EA 44. In this letter, a member of the Hittite royal family, Zita, addresses his 'fat-
her,' the king of Egypt. Accordingly, it cannot be classified as 'imperial' correspondence at all. Zita
was far from being the pharaoh's vassal, forced to prostrate himself in the presence of the king! On
the contrary, he was a member of a recognized and equivalent royal household, although he was
not the king of tIatti. The employment of the greetings within the opening structure of the letter
might relate to the 'family' relationship between the Hittite prince and his Egyptian 'father:
The other examples of type 8 originate in letter EA 170, which was sent from the area of Irqata&15
and which contains two messages, here referred to as EA 170A and EA 170B respectively. The con-
tent of the letter differs remarkably from the rest of the 'imperial' correspondence. The addressee
of the first message, i.e. EA 170A, can be clearly identified as Aziru, the ruler of Amurru, while the
senders were Ba'luya and Beti'ilu, members of his family.646 EA 170B is a letter of Amurba'la to some
members of Aziru's entourage to Egypt. In a similar way as EA 44, discussed above, tlle social situation
of all correspondents in EA 170, as well as their existing personal ties, required only a basic mani-
festation of politeness, realized by means of the employment of the greetings.
However, in the case of type 9, the situation is slightly different. It is attested only in EA 166,
which is a letter of Aziru to an Egyptian official tIaya, sent from $lIlnur.&!7 As with EA 170, the
addressee of the message in letter EA 166 is the king of Egypt. The letter belongs among a subset of
documents addressed to respective officials, in which the prostration formula is widely employed.
This also includes another letter of Aziru, delivered to an Egyptian official named Tutu (EA 158).&10
It is thus very difficult to find an answer to the question as to why the prostration formula is omit-
ted in EA 166. It is always possible that the omission of the prostration formula from the salutations
was merely a pure and simple mistake on the part of the scribe, a possibility that cannot be com-
pletely excluded. It is, however, very tempting to see a message hidden behind this breach or faux
pas of the Amarna diplomatic language, especially in the context of historical circumstances. It has
been mentioned already that the letter was delivered to the Egyptian official from $lIlnur, for a long
time an important power-base and centre of Egyptian dominance over Amurru. If letter EA 166 was
indeed written in and sent from this Egyptian centre, it could only have happened after the seizure
of the city by Aziru and his allies. Could the position of Aziru, after the conquest of $umur, be strong
enough to show his self-confidence by means of an omission of a symbol of subordination, i.e. the
prostration formula? If we consider the omission of the expression of Aziru's self-abasement in the
opening passage of his letter to be an intentional and purposeful act, then the letter could have
been composed only at the time when his position became absolutely undisputed. Is it possible
that the seizure of Sumur could have been that particular occasion which made him a recognized
ruler, someone wh~ was able to demonstrate his position and attitude toward the representative of
Egyptian power in this manner? It is evident that Aziru became a fully recognized ruler after he was
M5 cr. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 114-115).
&16 MORAN (1992: 381) suggests that Ba' luya and Bet 'ilu were Azlru's brothers; ror the discussion or the sons or Abdla~lrta,
see SINGER (1991: 148rr., esp. 151); Singer considers Bet'llulto be a possible son or Azlru, see also SINGER (1990: 137);
rollowed also In GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 124). For Bet 'Ilul as being distinct rrom Azlru's sons, cr. EA 161:
20-21.
647 cr. GOREN - FINKF.LSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: lO8-111); the same provenance has also been determined In the case orEA 165
and EA 167.
640 See the discussion on type 13, below.
149
Chapter 8 - Salutations
officially appointed to his office by his overlord, i.e. the king of Egypt, and he could well have rece-
ived this appointment during his visit to Egypt, mentioned in several of the Amarna letters, inclu-
ding of EA 170, discussed earlier.&l9
According to the traditional chronological scheme of Aziru's reign - and here we are on thin ice
- he tried to postpone his visit to the royal court at Akhetaten as long as possible and tolerable to
the king of Egypt. In this perspective, he set off for Egypt only after he, had gained control over the
city ofTunip. From the perspective of the revised chronology, however, he might have paid the visit
to the Egyptian king even before he attacked Tunip. The three letters, EA 165, EA 166 and EA 167,
could thus have been composed after his return from Egypt to Amurru but before the seizure of
Tunip. This might help to explain the self-confidence in his communication with the Egyptian offi-
cial. The weakest point of this interpretation lies in relation to the place of origin of these letters. If
the texts were indeed written down in ~umur, as the recent petrographic analysis of the material
suggests, it would be most probable that this happened shortly after the city was conquered by
Aziru and thus before his visit to Egypt. The city of ~umur is mentioned quite often in Aziru's com-
munication, mainly regarding its opposition towards him, i.e. prior to its seizure by Aziru and his
troops (cf. EA 157), and with respect to its reconstruction after the city was attacked (consult EA 159,
EA 160, EA 161). Accordingly, there is no hint of his presence in ~umur other than the one following
his conquest of the city. With respect to the other letters of Aziru delivered from ~umur, neither the
structure of the opening passages nor the salutations in any way shed more light on these events.
In EA 165, which is a letter addressed to the king of Egypt, the opening passage consists solely of the
heading followed by a prostration formula, while in EA 167, a letter addressed to one of the phara-
oh's officials, the opening passage is completely destroyed and it is impossible to decide if any gre-
etings or a prostration formula were employed in the text. G50 The fact that EA 166 was indeed com-
posed before his departure for Egypt might be further supported by the origin of another of Aziru's
letters, EA 168, which was most probably sent from the Egyptian centre at Gaza G51 , where he made
a stop on his way to Egypt.
From the evidence presented so far, it seems that a pre-Egyptian origin of the tablet is most like-
ly. It remains almost impossible to interpret the omission of the prostration formula and the
employment of only the greetings within the opening passage of EA 166, even with the support of
the historical facts known from other letters, either as intentional or unintentional.
For types 10, 13, and 14, the combination of the greetings (2. iii) and lor extended greetings (2. iv)
with the prostration formula (2. v) is characteristic. In fact, the only difference between type 10,
attested only in EA 59 (from the citizens ofTunip to the king of Egypt), and type 13, attested in EA
48 (from the queen ofUgarit to her 'mistress') and EA 158 (from Aziru to an Egyptian official Tutu),
is the sequence of the elements comprising the opening passage. While in the first one, i.e. type 10,
the greetings precede the prostration formula; in type 13 the prostration formula occupies the ante-
rior position within the structure. To these two binominal structures we may also add type 14 (EA
45(?) and EA 49(1)), in which the sequence of the prostration formula and the greetings is further
expanded by the element of the extended greetings.
It seems very probable that in the letters ofUgaritic provenance, i.e. EA 48, EA 45(?), and EA 49(?),
the usage of types 13 and 14 might very well be connected with a 'local tradition' documented also
in the later Egyptian-Ugaritic correspondence of the 13'h century RC.E. G52 This is especially valid for
&19 For the formulation of the revised chronology of Azlru's reign, consult especially SINGER (1990: 128-144); idem (1991:
148-158); for the earlier studies containing the traditional Interpretation of the chronology, see above all KLENGEI.
(l964); idem (1969: 264-299); idem (1992: 161-166).
650 For a suggested reconstruction, probably under the Influence of EA 166, of the salutations consisting of the greetings
followed by the extended greetings, see KNUDTZON (1915: 668-669); for the opening passage containing the heading and
651 salutations, Including the prostration formula and the greetings, see IZRE'EL (1991: II, 46-47).
cr. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 112-113).
652 Cf. MVNAflovA (in press b).
150
Chapter 8 - Salutations
the two letters of the Ugaritic kings, addressed to their royal partner in Egypt. These letters might
be - with respect to the combination of 'royal' elements (2. iii and 2. iv) with the 'imperial' one (2.
v) - identified as transitional between the 'royal' and the 'imperial' correspondence. In these docu-
ments, the kings of Ugarit express their loyalty towards the pharaoh by means of their self-abase-
ment, but immediately afterwards increase their social status by pronouncing a wish of well-being
not only to the king himself but also to other members of the royal family and the court. In this
manner they join, at least partially, the 'Amarna royal family.'
Is it possible that the same structure could be identified in the remaining two letters? For type 10
there is actually only a single document attested within the Amarna corpus, i.e. a communication
sent by the citizens, i.e. the representatives, ofTunip, threatened by the military operations of Aziru,
to the Egyptian king. There is no doubt that in this case the senders are, in respect of their social sta-
tus, lower ranked than the addressee, and accordingly the prostration formula is employed within
the opening passage of the document. The expression of their self-abasement is, remarkably, pre-
ceded by an inverted form of the greetings containing a wish of well-being to the pharaoh. Whether
this would be somehow connected with a local scribal tradition or rather the individuality of the
scribe cannot be decided due to the solitary nature of the text.
Letter EA 158 belongs to the subset of Aziru's documents and it was addressed to one of the pha-
raoh's officials, named Tutu. As we have seen earlier in this chapter, the diplomatic code, recogni-
zable and identifiable within the Amarna correspondence, was also evidently not consistently fol-
lowed in this letter. In the binominal structure of the salutations employed in the text the prostra-
tion formula precedes the inverted form of the greetings. Aziru first falls at the feet of Tutu, his 'fat-
her: and with that he wishes him all the best. Since it is already the second message of Aziru that
falls unconditionally into the 'Amarna system: we may raise the question as to whether the 'Amar-
na diplomatic protocol' was recognized by Aziru's scribal office at all. In the case of a positive ans-
: ~ wer to this question we would have to consider these partial departures from the settled rules as
i purposeful. There is no doubt that, at least formally, the Egyptian officials were superior to Aziru.
I
I'
Perusing the other letters addressed by local rulers to respective Egyptian officials, Aziru is in fact
the only one who includes the greetings in the opening passages of his letters (EA 158 and EA 166).
Interestingly, he never does so in letters addressed to the Egyptian king, regardless of the date when
'I the particular message was composed! Irrespective of the various opinions on the exact chronolo-
gy of Aziru's advances, a majority of scholars has arrived at the conclusion that EA 158 should for
Ii
,I certain be dated to the early years of his career, when his position on the international scene was
not yet powerful and strong enough to show his superiority by means of ignorance or intentional
I violation of the diplomatic procedures. His actual and formal subordination is expressed by the
employment of the prostration formula. Could there be any other reason for the usage of the gree-
I tings within the salutations of EA 158?
The overview of documents presented above clearly illustrates that the greetings andlor the
extended greetings were, in particular, widely used within the so-called 'royal' letters, including the
letters from other members of the respective royal courts, i.e. in the correspondence from Ala§iya,G53
Babylonia,65" Mitanni,655 l:;Iatti,G5G Egypt,657 and Assyria. G50 In these letters, among the individual
members of the 'Amarna Club' or the 'Amarna royal family: the greetings - either the simple ones
or the extended greetings - represent the key element of any communication. Within the 'royal' cor-
653 Attested types: type 2, type 3D, and type 5.
G54 Attested types: type 3A, type 7, and type 11.
655 Attested In type 5.
656 Attested types: type 5 and type 8.
657 Attested in type 6.
650 Attested In type II.
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Chapter 8 - Salutations Chapter 8 - Salutations

respondence, the absence of a report on the sender's well-being (2. i) in the opening passage still not appear in the Amarna letters. The element of the manner - i.e. the way in which the pro-
separates the correspondence of other members of respective royal courts (cf. EA 12 and EA 44) and skynesis will be carried out - might be extended by a phrase 'on the belly and on the back' or
the letters of the king of Assyria, a 'newcomer' to the Club. The greetings can also be found in let- vice versa, and/or 'here and now.' In this perspective, there is no peremptory obstacle to also
ters that cannot be unconditionally identified as 'royal' ones. The greetings appear in letters addres- applying Ahl's terminology for the individual elements to the Amarna material. The prostrati-
sed to Egyptian officials, but also in letters to the king of Egypt himself. Is it possible to distinguish on formula might contain the following elements - (1) a directional phrase, by means of which
a common denominator for these texts? Document EA 40, for instance, was written in a scribal offi- the beneficiary of the act is identified, or in other words - an identification of the person for
ce at the royal court at Alasiya and it represents a communication between two socially equivalent whom it is performed; (2) an element of manner, i.e. the way in which the prostration is per-
correspondents. The employment of the greetings in this letter is not surprising: the Alasiyan offi- formed; and (3) a verbal form, indicating the performance of the action. In order to recognize
cial figures in the correspondence as an equivalent partner to his Egyptian companion. In EA 170A the internal structure of the prostration formula and the variability of the individual elements,
and EA 170B the employment of the greetings might very well be understood from the point of view it is necessary to divide the documents into relevant groups based on the sequence of these
of the family relationship between the respective senders and addressees and, accordingly, there elements. 66o
was no need for a prostration formula. The same does not hold true for the letters of Aziru to two
Egyptian officials (EA 158 and EA 166). Aziru's correspondence with the pharaoh's representatives
differs significantly from letters of other Syro- Palestinian rulers. In one of these letters (EA 166) even Type 1
the prostration formula is omitted, while in the second text it is attested together with the greetings. Structure
The same structure also appears in a letter sent by the Ugaritic queen to her partner in Egypt (EA
48), which is again not a typical example of the 'imperial' correspondence! Unfortunately, we are at (1) directional phrase
present unable to decide whether the exceptional structure of Aziru's letters was only a case of an (1) directional phrase
unintentional mistake caused by a lack of knowledge on the side of the scribe, or whether it was a (2) element of manner
fully intentional step resulting from, in modern terms, 'a special relationship' between Aziru and (2. i) number
pharaoh's officials. As far as the structure of the opening passage is concerned, the royal letters from (3) verbal form
Ugarit, cf. EA 45(?) and EA 49(?) and to a certain degree EA 48 as well. clearly represent a transitio- Attestations
nal element between the 'royal' and 'imperial' correspondence. This short overview clearly indica-
tes that among the 'non-royal' letters the social position of both correspondents probably played EA 144
no role in the employment of the greetings in the opening passage. The geographical distribution
Commentary
of the texts is however rather limited. It is interesting to observe that the greetings are never used in
letters from southern regions and their distribution is limited to Ugarit, Thnip and Amurru. More A typical feature of type 1 represents a double directional phrase at the beginning of the prostration
general conclusions can, unfortunately, not be drawn, in particular due to the principal deficiency formula. This phenomenon, attested in EA 144 from Zimreddi of Sidon, is unique within the studied
of other texts suitable for analysis and relevant comparison. However we must keep in mind that in corpus of documents. The possibility that a verbal form belonging to the first directional phrase is
the remainder of Aziru's correspondence, as well as in the correspondence of his predecessor, the missing cannot be ruled out. In that case a double prostration formula, found in other types, is
greetings are never used. recognizable in EA 144. Due to the limited number of occurrences of this type, a more general
conclusion cannot be drawn.
The Prostration Formula (2. v)
Type 2
In the Amarna corpus, the expression of self-abasement, in other words a prostration formula or
proskynesis, represents a key element for the classification of a particular letter as an imperial docu- Structure
ment. With respect to the structure of the opening passages this element (2. v) occurs in altogether (1) directional phrase
eight types and subtypes. 659 As far as the structure of the opening passage is concerned, the simplest (2) element of manner
form can be identified in subtype 12A, in which the binominal structure of the opening passage (2. i) number
consists of the heading and the salutations, containing only the prostration formula (2. v). Similar (1) directional phrase
structures can also be recognized in the other two subtypes of type 12, i.e. 12B [(1) heading - (2) (3) verbal form
salutations: (2. v) prostration - (2. v) prostration) and 12C [(1) heading - (2) salutations: (2. v) - (1)
heading). In all other types the prostration formula is combined with other salutation elements, Attestations
such as the greetings (2. iii, in type 10 and type 13), the greetings and extended greetings (2. iii - 2. EA228
iv, in type 14), and with the divine blessings (2. vi, in types 15 and 17).
The internal structure of the Amarna prostration formula consists of elements similar to Commentary
those attested in the Akkadian and Ugaritic epistolary documents discovered at Ugarit, alt- The letter EA 228 sent by Abditirs!, the ruler of Hazor, to the king of Egypt contains an elaborate pro-
hough the locative phrase 'from a distance' or 'from afar' (Akk. istu rOqis, Ug. mrs~lq(t)m) does

660 Due 10 serious lacunae in lhe relevanl passages of lhe lablels. lhe following lexls are nol applicable for a discussion on
659 Cf. types 10. 12A. 12B. 12C. 13. 14, 15 and 17. lhe slruclure of lhe proslralion formula. cr. EA 61. EA 183. EA 229. EA 307. EA 309. EA 312. EA 332. EA 334. EA 338.

152 153

l
Chapter 8 - Salutations Chapter 8 - Salutations

stration formula with two directional phrases and an element of manner, consisting of a number. Type 5
The final position is occupied by a verbal form. Its structure differs significantly from the structure
of EA 227,661 which is another letter delivered from the ruler of Hazor. It is not possible to observe Structure
any local or individual characteristics within these texts, but it is important to stress that the sub- (1) directional phrase
set of documents is extremely limited. (2) element of manner
(2. i) number
(2. iii) here & now
Type 3
(3) verbal form
Structure (2) element of manner
(2. ii) back & belly
(1) directional phrase
(2) element of manner Attestations
(2. i) number
EA65
(2. iii) here & now
(3) verbal form Commentary
In EA 65, which is a letter addressed to the Egyptian king by Abdia~tarti, the sequence of elements
Attestations
in the element of manner is interrupted by an inclusion of the verbal form expressing the act of pro-
EA225 stration. Since this combination and sequence of elements occurs only in EA 65, it is impossible to
reach more general conclusions.
Commentary
Only one occurrence of this type is attested in the Amarna corpus, i.e. in letter EA 225 from Samu-
Type 6
hadda of SamIJuna to the king of Egypt. An element of manner, i.e. the second element within the
prostration formula (following the directional phrase and preceding the verbal form), also contains, Structure
next to the number, an expression 'here and now: which is not employed very frequently within the
(1) directional phrase
corpus. 662 (2) element of manner
(2. i) number
Type 4 (3) verbal form

Structure Attestations
(1) directional phrase
EA 45(?), EA 50, EA 60, EA 68, EA 74, EA 75, EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81, EA 83, EA 84, EA 85, EA
89, EA 90(?), EA 91(?), EA 92, EA 94, EA 100, EA 103, EA 104, EA 105, EA 106, EA 107, EA 108, EA
(2) element of manner
(2. i) number 109, EA 110, EA 112, EA 114, EA 116, EA 117, EA 118, EA 119, EA 121, EA 122, EA 123, EA 124, EA
(2. iii) here & now 125, EA 126, EA 129, EA 130, EA 132, EA 136, EA 137(?), EA 138, EA 139(?), EA 140, EA 141, EA
142(1), EA 143(?), EA 152(?), EA 174, EA 175, EA 176, EA 177, EA 182, EA 185, EA 184, EA 188(?),
(3) verbal form
EA 189, EA 192, EA 193, EA 194, EA 195, EA 196, EA 201, EA 202, EA 203, EA 204, EA 205, EA 206,
(1) directional phrase
EA 216, EA 217, EA 220, EA 221, EA 222, EA 223, EA 226, EA 231(?), EA 239, EA 242, EA 243, EA 244,
Attestations EA 246, EA 248, EA 250, EA 253, EA 254, EA 255, EA 257, EA 258, EA 259, EA 261, EA 262, EA 264,
EA 266, EA 267, EA 268, EA 269, EA 270, EA 271, EA 272, EA 273, EA 274, EA 275, EA 276, EA 277,
EA330 EA 278, EA 279, EA 280, EA 285(?), EA 286, EA 287(?), EA 288, EA 290, EA 292, EA 292, EA 293, EA
294, EA 295, EA 296, EA 297, EA 300, EA 302, EA 311, EA 321, EA 329, EA 336, EA 337, EA 362, EA
Commentary
363, EA 364, EA 365
Only a single occurrence of this type, i.e. EA 330, is attested among the Amarna letters and thus
more general conclusions cannot be reached. Similar to type 1 and type 2 discussed above and Commentary
types 7, II, 13, 15, and 22 discussed later in this chapter, the scribe of the letter used a double direc- Type 6, containing a sequence of the directional phrase followed by the element of manner
tional phrase. The element of manner contains two elements - number and an expression 'here and (2. i, number) and the verbal form, represents by far the largest group of Amarna prostration
now.' formulae. It is important to stress that there is no obvious geographical distribution among
these texts. As far as the social status of both correspondents is concerned, we may note that
661 cr. type 9, conlalnlng only a directional phrase followed by a verbal form. see below. not a single document addressed to any of the pharaoh's officials can be placed within this
662 Cr. below, types 4,5. 11, 13, 14.20. category.

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Chapter 8 - Salutations Chapter 8 - Salutations

Type 7 Type 9

Structure Structure
(1) directional phrase (1) directional phrase
(2) element of manner (3) verbal form
(2. i) number
(3) verbal form Attestations
(1) directional phrase EA 48(?), EA 49, EA 51, EA 54, EA 58, EA 59, EA 62(?), EA 71, EA 73, EA 77, EA 82, EA 86(?), EA 87, EA
(3) verbal form 93, EA 95, EA 102, EA 145(?), EA 158, EA 164, EA 171, EA 178, EA 191, EA 199(?), EA 207, EA 227, EA
230, EA 238, EA 249, EA 252, EA 256, EA 260, EA 265, EA 333
Attestations
EA 63, EA 235+327(?) Commentary
Type 9 is characterized by a simple binominal structure containing the directional phrase pre-
Commentary ceding the verbal form. The most important observation to be made for the documents of type
The very same structure of the prostration formula can be recognized in EA 63 from Abdias- 9 concerns the social status of both correspondents. This structure is encountered both in let-
tarti and very probably also in EA 235+327(?) from Satatna, the ruler of Akka. As far as the ters addressed to the Egyptian king and to his respective officials. It is important to stress that
addressee is concerned, both messages were delivered to the Egyptian king. While EA 63 was in all letters addressed to the officials and preserved in the Amarna corpus, type 9 of the pro-
very probably sent from Tel ~afit,663 the provenance of EA 235+327(?) is uncertain. Most pro- stration formula is employed, regardless of the provenance of the respective texts. In other
bably the letter was sent from Beth Shean, known to have been one of the most important words, in the Amarna letters sent to the officials the prostration formula contains only two key
Egyptian centers in the region 66" The preference given to this type of the prostration formula elements: the directional phrase and the verbal form. It would, however, be very premature to
seems to have no evident connection with the place of origin of the text andlor the persona- identify this phenomenon as exclusive to this type of the correspondence! We must keep in
lity of the scribe. mind that this type of prostration formula is also employed in documents addressed to the
king of Egypt. 666 A geographical context for the employment of this type cannot be clearly
identified.
TypeS
Structure Type 10
(1) directional phrase
Structure
(2) element of manner
(2. i) number (1) directional phrase
(3) verbal form (3) verbal form
(2) element of manner (2) element of manner
(2. ii) back & belly (2. i) number

Attestations Attestations
EA 213, EA 232, EA 233, EA 234, EA 281, EA 298, EA 299, EA 301, EA 303, EA 304, EA 305, EA 306, EA EA 212, EA 224, EA 263(?), EA 289
308(?), EA 316, EA 319, EA 320, EA 322, EA 324, EA 326, EA 328, EA 331, EA 366, EA 378
Commentary
Commentary Type 10 of the prostration formula can be recognized in altogether four Amarna documents
The subset of documents identified here, according to the inner structure of the prostration for- originating in three distinct areas - the area of Jerusalem (EA 289),667 the Beth Shean valley
mula employed in the opening passage of the texts as type 8, were all addressed to the king of (EA 224 and EA 263 [?)),660 and probably Gaza (EA 212).669 All the letters were addressed to the
Egypt. This implies that the social relationship between the individual senders and the respec- king of Egypt. In a similar way as other types discussed below, the sequence of elements in
tive addressee is identical in all these texts. It is important to stress that all these documents type 10 consists of the directional phrase as the first element of the formula, followed by the
were written down in the southern parts of the region (Gaza, Beth Shean, Ashqelon, Tel ~afit, Tell verbal form. The final position is occupied by the element of manner in the form of a number
Yemmeh)665 and we cannot rule out the possibility of a common tradition employed by the indi- (2. i).
vidual scribes.
666 Or the queen of Egypt In EA 48(1).
663 GOREN - FINKElSfEiN - NA'AMAN (2004: 283-284). 667 GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 267).
6&1 For the provenance of the document. consul! GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 238-239). 668 GOREN - FINKElSfEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 234-237, 250).
665 For the provenance study of Individual texts, see GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004). 669 GOREN - FINKElSfEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 306-307).

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Chapter 8 - Salutations Chapter 8 - Salutations

Type 11 (3) verbal form

(2) element of manner
Structure (2. i) number
(1) directional phrase (2. iii) here & now
(3) verbal form (3) verbal form
(2) element of manner (1) directional phrase
(2. i) number
(1) directional phrase
Attestations
(2) element of manner EA283
(2. i) number
(2. iii) here & now Commentary
(2. ii) back & belly The prostration formula employed in EA 283 (by Suwardata of Gath) might be understood as a
double structure. The first prostration formula contains the simple binominal structure of the
Attestations directional phrase followed by the respective verbal form. The other prostration formula starts only
EA64 with the element of manner (2. i) - which is a phenomenon known from other types - with another
verbal form and the directional phrase at the end of the construction (see also type 14).
Commentary
Since this relatively complicated prostration formula is attested exclusively in EA 64, we suggest Type 14
that it came into existence due to a scribal error. In agreement with Moran 610 the second directional
phrase placed in between two parts of the element of manner (2. i) is considered only as a superf- Structure
luous element. The structure of the original form of this prostration formula would thus be (1) - (3) (1) directional phrase
- (2: 2. i) - (2: 2. iii) - (2: 2. ii), but, in addition it has no parallel within the Amarna corpus. (3) verbal form
(2) element of manner
Type 12 (2. i) number
(2. iii) here & now
Structure (3) verbal form
(1) directional phrase (2) element of manner
(3) verbal form (2. ii) back & belly
(2) element of manner Attestations
(2. i) number
(2. ii) back & belly EA284

Attestations Commentary

EA314, EA315, EA323
Commentary
Type 12 shares certain features with the supposedly original form of type 11 (see above). The direc-
tional phrase also precedes the verbal form and only then follows the element of manner, consisting
of the number and the expression of'on the back and on the belly'. This type can be recognized only
in three Amarna letters, EA 314 and EA 315 from PU-ba'lu of Yur~a,611 and EA 323 from Yidya of
Ashqelon. 612
The structure of the prostration formula type 14 is very close to type 13, discussed above. As with
EA 283 (type 13), EA 284 was also sent by Suwardata of Gath to the Egyptian king, In type 14 we
recognize a double prostration formula with the simple form containing the directional phrase and
the verbal form as the first element, whereas the second prostration formula starts with the element
of manner (2. i + 2. iii), followed by the respective verbal form and ends with another element
belonging to the element of manner (2. ii). The close resemblance in the structures of EA 283 and
EA 284, as well as the common origin of these two texts, could suggest that the letters were actual-
ly written by the same scribe.

Type 15
Type 13
Structure
Structure
(1) directional phrase
(1) directional phrase (3) verbal form
(2) element of manner
610 MOllAN (1992: 135). (2. i) number
611 For the provenance study orEA 315, consult GOREN - FINKEl5TElN - NA'AMAN (2004: 300). (3) verbal form
612 Cr. GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 295). (1) directional phrase

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Attestations Type 18
EA209 Structure
(2) element of manner
Commentary
(2. i) number
The author of EA 209 is identified as ZiSamimi, while the document probably originated in the (1) directional phrase
Damascus area. 673 The structure ofthe prostration formula reflects many features similar to type 13, (3) verbal form
14 and 16 (see below), especially its double structure. A common geographical origin of these texts
cannot be suggested. Attestations
EA 52, EA 53, EA 55, EA 88, EA 146(?), EA 147, EA 148, EA 149, EA 150(?), EA 151, EA 153, EA 154, EA
155(?), EA 156, EA 157, EA 159, EA 160, EA 161, EA 165(?), EA 168, EA 184, EA 317, EA 318
Type 16
Structure Commentary
The geographical distribution of the texts included in this subset of documents is relatively large, but
(1) directional phrase
the majority of the tablets have a northern origin (cf. Qatna, Byblos, Tyre, Amurru, ~umur). In the case
(3) verbal form
of EA 168, EA 317 and EA 318 a southern provenance in Gaza has been proposed/75 but in these three
(2) element of manner documents the senders can be identified as rulers from northern regions (Aziru and Dagantakala) and
(2. i) number
it is possible that the respective letters were written down by scribes of northern origin. On the other
(3) verbal form hand, the provenance of the letter EA 184 from Sutarna of Mu~ib.una cannot be clearly identified.
(2) element of manner
(2. ii) back & belly
Type 19
Attestations Structure
EA325 (2) element of manner
(2. i) number
Commentary (2. ii) back & belly
Together with types 13, 14 and 15, type 16 contains a double prostration formula with the ele- (1) directional phrase
ment of manner (2. i) representing the first element of the second structure. EA 325 is a letter of (3) verbal form
southern provenance, delivered to the Egyptian royal court from Yidya of Ashqelon. It is the only
Attestations
document from the Ashqelon group in which this type of the prostration formula has been
attested so far. EA211

Commentary
Type 17 Type 19 differs from type 18 only in the presence of (2. ii) in the element of manner, which repre-
Structure sents the first element of the prostration formula. The document EA 211 from Zitriyara was alm-
most certainly is the case in written down in Gaza,676 as the aforementioned letters EA 168, EA 317
(2) element of manner and EA 318. It is important to stress that, according to the petrological analysis, every single letter
(2. i) number of Zitriyara was written down in Gaza, but that the respective prostration formulae employed in
these documents differ, cf. EA 211 (type 19), EA 212 (type 10) and EA 213 (type 8). We can ask our-
Attestations selves the question as to whether these three documents were written by three different scribes or
EA 241 whether there was a single scribe who randomly combined the individual elements in order to
compose an appropriate prostration formula? We will return to this question later.
Commentary
This type of the prostration formula is attested within the Amarna corpus only onse, i.e. in EA 241 Type 20
from Ru~manya of Saruna. Since both the directional phrase and the verbal form are missing, it is
highly probable that the structure of this type is the result of a mistake on the side of the scribe. The
Structure
reconstruction suggested by Knudtzon 674 seems very plausible. (2) element of manner

673 GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 222). 675 GOREN - FINKELSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 112-113,309).
674 KNUDTZON (1964: 787): '(Zu den) FUBen meines Herrn (fiei ieh) 7mai, 7 mal (nieder). 676 GOREN - FINKElSTEIN - NA'AMAN (2004: 306-307).

160 161
 Chapter 8 - Salutations
Chapter 8 - Salutations

(2. i) number Commentary

(2. iii) here & now There are only two letters of Bayawa preserved in the Amarna corpus. While in EA 216 the type of
(3) verbal form the structure of the prostration formula can be identified as type 6 [(1) - (2: 2. i) - (3)], in EA 215,
(1) directional phrase which was probably written down in Gaza,678 a different type was used. Can we relate this differen-
(2) element of manner ce to a changing of the scribe employed by Bayawa, as suggested by Moran?679
(2. ii) back & belly

Attestations A reflection of the contents of the prostration formulae of the Amarna letters in a contem-
porary Egyptian context is found GOO in a relief from the Saqqara tomb of commander-in-chief,
EA282 Horemheb,681 representing a group of foreigners of Near Eastern (seven individuals) and li-
byan (two individuals) origin. One individual is lying on his belly and stretching his hands
Commentary
towards the Egyptian official, while another one is lying on his back with his head thrown
EA 282 represents another example of Suwardata's correspondence. It is the only document within
backwards and his shoulders lifted in front of his face with the palms turned upwards, i.e. the
this group in which the prostration formula starts with the element of manner (2. i + 2. iii). The
representation of the Amarna letters' expression 'on the back and on the belly.' Four other
other letters of Suwardata can be classified as type 6 (EA 278, EA 279, EA 280), type 8 (EA 281) and
foreign rulers or chieftains are kneeling, while three others are standing behind them with
two closely associated types 13 (EA 283) and 14 (EA 284). With the exception of EA 278, all other
their hands lifted up, greeting the royal couple and expressing their obeisance. It is important
texts, including EA 282, were probably written down in Tel ~afit.677 It is evident that in this case the
preference given to a certain type of the prostration formula does not point towards a local traditi- to stress that an interpreter is also depicted in the relief. The accompanying text is only badly
preserved, but it is possible to complete it, based on parallels with other texts. The inscription
on shared by the scribes.
contains the speech Horemheb delivered on the occasion of the royal audience: G02 ' ... [Words
spoken to His Majesty when) the chiefs of every foreign territory came to beg life from him, by
Type 21 the hereditary prince, sole companion, royal scribe Horemheb, true of voice. He said, making
answer [to the King ... foreigners], those who do not know Egypt, are beneath your feet fore-
Structure
ver and eternally... .'
(2) element of manner
In the Egyptian texts we usually find, especially in the context of an audience of foreign chief-
(2. i) number
tains, a verbal form of w1'to bow down,'GOl in its transitive meaning 'to humiliate, to overpower.'GM
(3) verbal form
During the l8 'h Dynasty, the representatives of individual 'foreign countries' usually express their
(1) directional phrase
inferior social status by means of a gesture of ,kissing the earth' (Eg. ,\'1/ (J).G05
Attestations The overview of the prostration formula preserved in the Amarna letters and presented above
EA200 clearly illustrates that the expression of proskynesis, is structurally, extremely variable. This va-
riability might - to a certain degree - relate to the abilities of individual scribes, but the possibi-
Commentary lity of the existence of certain tendencies in composing a particular formula of prostration in
In EA 200 we recognize a relatively simple form of the prostration formula consisting of three ele- letters from the same region cannot be completely ruled out. We may suppose that the main fac-
ments - the element of manner (2. i) followed by the verbal form and the directional phrase. The tor was the individuality of the scribe and the scribal tradition he belonged to. In order to get a
provenance of this document is uncertain, but it is probable that the text originated in the Bashan more concrete picture of the form of the prostration formulae and their possible geographical
region. No other parallels of this type are known in the Amarna corpus. distribution it is necessary to combine the data obtained through this classification with the
results of the analyses of the language of the opening passages, especially with respect to the
orthography.
Type 22
Structure
G7R GOREN - foINKEI$TElN - NA'AMAN (2004: 308).
(2) element of manner G79 MORAN (1992: 284, n. 2).
(2. ii) back & belly 680 Cf. for cxamplc PRiTCIiAIiD (1954: 2, fig. 5).
(2. i) number GRI The rcspcctlvc parts of thc rcllef consist of threc clcments, E. Ilerlin 22663, Vlcnna 214 and Leidcn I-l.lII.QQQQ (for thc
royal couple and I-lorcmheb, consull I-l.lII.SSSS and F 191414.1). Originally the relief was placed to the right of thc ent-
(1) directional phrase
rance Into Chapel C. For thc archaeological contcxt and publication of thc rclief, consult especially MAIITIN (1989:
(3) verbal form 94-98; pI. 114-115).
682 Consull MARTIN (1989: 97).
Attestations 683 Consult LoIiTON (1974: 83-87); cf. Urk.IV 20, 17; 42, 17; 196,4; 346, 6; 587, I; 740, I; 1013, 13; 1229,3; 1236, 13; 1298,5;
1325,15; 1343,16; 1512,3; 1566,8; 1641, 13; 1693,7,16; 1694,13,17; 1756,14;2058,14;2059, 7; SANDMAN (1938: 145,4);
EA215
DAVIES (1908: pI. 2, I. 4).
68·1 See loRTON (1974: 84-87).
G77 FOI' the Individual texts, consult GOREN - FINKElSIlllN - NA'AMAN (2004: 279-283). 685 Cf. Wb. IV, 15'1; DmllNIClJS (1994: 33-36); MYNAnovA - COPPENS (ill press) wilh references to further Iitcrature.

162 163
Chapter 8 - Salutations Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna

Divine Blessings (2. vi)

An element of salutations, referred to here as divine blessings (2. vi) is used only sparsely in the
Amarna corpus. We encounter this phenomenon only in three types of structure of the opening
passages, i.e. in type 15, type 16 and type 17. In types 15 and 17, which differ from each other only
in the sequence of the individual elements employed in the opening passages, only the letters of
NOTES ON THE LANGUAGE OF AMARNA
Byblite origin are attested. In these two types two deities are mentioned acting on behalf of the
addressee, either the king of Egypt or his officials, i.e. Lady of Gubla andl or Amun ('the god of the
king'). The distribution of these two deities within the opening passages indicates that the name of
the Egyptian god is never attested in the letters addressed to the Egyptian kinlt86 and we encounter The main aim of this chapter is to give a general overview of the 'language' employed in the ope-
a reference to the god Amen only in some of the letters addressed to the kings' officials. 687 In these ning passages of the Amarna letters. In a similar way to the discussions presented in the previous
documents, the Egyptian god acts either alone (EA 71 and EA 86) or together with the Lady ofGubla chapters of the volume, it is important to find out if there are any recognizable differences in the
(EA 77(1), EA 87 and EA 95). In only one of the letters sent to an official (EA 73), is the Lady of Gubla letters from various sites andlor belonging to the various scribal traditions, or if we can associate
the only acting deity. The wish for divine intervention differs in accordance with the identity of the these particular elements with individual scribes. 68'
addressee, irrespective the type of structure employed in the opening passage. Thus the Lady of
Gubla grants 'power' to the king, while, in the letters to the officials, the divine intervention is meant Orthography and Phonology
to ensure the official's 'honor' in the presence of his superior, i.e. the Egyptian king. In type 16 the
divine intervention remains, on the contrary, anonymous. Unlike the two types mentioned earlier, Determinatives
divine blessings represent the only element of salutations in this type. 680 With respect to the nature of the analysed corpus it is evident that the use of determinatives
employed in the opening passages is very common. As far as the orthography is concerned, we
may observe no significant differences between the Amarna corpus and other corpora in Periphe-
ral Akkadian. 6' o

General determinatives
M regularly used before men's names; otherwise it is attested before status and kinship
terms, d. M.LO.GAL ERfN.ME[S] 'commander of the troops' (EA 96: 3); M.LO 'ruler (00'
(EA201: 4; EA204: 4; EA205: 3; EA206: 4); see also M.be-U-ia'mymaster' (EA 12: 1); M.EN-
su 'his master' (EA 108: 2); and especially M.LUGAL(-rl) 'king';6'1
MI regularly attested before women's names; see also Mf.NIN-ia 'my mistress' (EA 50: 2, 5);
Mf.GEME.am-ti-[ktl '[your] maidservant' (EA 50: 4);
LO llsed before social terms or professions, cf. 'magnate' [passim]; 'your servants' LO.MES.
lRMES-ka-ma (EA 59: 2); 'your servant' LO.lR-ka-ma (EA 159: 2; EA 160: 2(?); EA 161: 2);
'elders' LO.MES.si-<bu>-ti-si (EA 100: 4); 'governor' LO.ba-za-llu (EA 144: 5); 'groom'
LO.kar-tap-pf(passim), d. also LO.ku8 -sfand LO.ku-S(;6'2
D llsed before names of deities; d. also an identification of the king of Egypt as 'the Sun'
[passim]; in EA 41: 2 ([KUR.UR]U.D.[b]a-[a]t-ti.KIl and EA 44: 1 (KURURU.D.mi-is-ri-[tl)
in the Identification of geographical names; d. also as AN before 'heaven'; .
URU used before names of towns (passim), d. also KUR.URU.D.mi-i~-ri-[tl (EA 44: 1);

689
Only completely preselved forms or with minor lacunae are taken Into conslderallon In the following overview. Badly
damaged passages are not discussed.
690 See. especially. the corpora of Akkadian letters found at Ugarlt and Alalab.
691 Cf. EA 60: I: EA 63: 1.4.5.6: EA 64: I: EA 118: I: EA 187: 5: EA 191: I: EA 193: I: EA 194: 1.3: EA 195: I. II: EA 201: 1.6:
EA 202: 1.5: EA 203: 1.6: EA 204: 1.6: EA 205: 1.5: EA 206: 1.6: EA 213: 1.6: EA 220: I: EA 223: I: EA 224: I: EA 225: 1.5:
EA 228: 1.6,8: EA 229: I: EA 230: I: EA 233: I: EA 234: 1,4: EA 235(+)327: 1.7: EA 239: 5: EA 241: I: EA 242: I: EA 243: I:
EA 248: I: EA 249: I: EA 250: I: EA 252: I: EA 261: I: EA 264: 1.3: EA 265: 1.3: EA 266: I: EA 267: I: EA 269: I: EA 270: I:
EA 271: I: EA 272: I: EA 273: I: EA 274: I: EA 278: I: EA 281: I: EA 282: 5: EA 283: 1.4: EA 284: 1.3: EA 286: I: EA 288: I:
686 Cf. EA 68. EA 74, EA 75. EA 76, EA 78. EA 79. EA 81 (1). EA 83. EA 85. EA 89. EA 92, EA 105. EA 107. EA 108. EA 109. EA 110. EA 290: I: EA 292: I: EA 294: I: EA 295: 5: EA 296: I: EA 297: I: EA 299: I: EA 302: I: EA 303: I: EA 304: I: EA 305: I: EA
EA 112. EA 114. EA 116. EA 117, EA 118. EA 119. EA 121. EA 122. EA 123. EA 124. EA 125. EA 130. EA 132. 309: I: EA 312: 6: EA 314: I: EA 320: I: EA 321: I: EA 322: I: EA 323: I: EA 324: I: EA 325: I: EA 326: I: EA 328: I: EA 329:
607 Cf. EA 71. EA 77, EA 86. EA 87. EA 95.
I: EA 330: I: EA 331: 1.7: EA 337: 1.5.
688 See also pp. 99-101 In this volume.
692 For the references. consult p. 141.

164 165
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
KI used after names of towns, cf. URU.tl't-ni-ip.KI (EA 59: 2); URU.#-du-na.KI (EA 144: 5);
URU.ba-sf.KI (EA 185: 3); URU.ku-mi-di.KI (EA 198: 5); URU.lla-~ll-ri.KI (EA 227: 3);
URU.ak-ka.KI (EA 233: 5; EA 234: 3); URU.sa-ru-na.KI (EA 241: 4); URU.l11a-gfd-da.KI (EA
242: 4); URU.ga-az-ri.KI (EA 298: 5; EA 299: 4); URU.yu-ur-wKI (EA 314: 4); URU.as-qa-
lu-na.KI (EA 320: 6); URU .as-qa-lu-n[a.K)I (EA 370: 1); URU .gaz-ri. rKI' (EA 378: 4); after
names of countries, cf. KUR.mi-i~-ri-i.KI (EA 1: 3); KUR.mi-i~-ri.KI (EA 52: 1); cf. also
KURKI -ka" 'your country' (EA 34: 7), and also in the titles 'king of (all) lands' and 'the Sun
of (all) lands';693
KUR used before names of countries;""'
UZU before parts of the body, cf. UZU.GIRMES 'feet' (EA 53: 3; EA 55: 3; EA 303: 7; EA 304: 8;
EA 328: 10; EA 378: 5); UZU.GIR.MES-ka 'your feet' (EA 303: 5; EA 304: 6(?); EA 305: 6; EA
319: 7); UZU.GIRMES-ka4 (EA 320: 8, 1O(?»;UZ[U].2 GIRMES-ka (EA 328: 7); UZU.sa-sa-
lu-ma 'back' (EA 211: 5); UZU.IjAR 'belly' (EA 211: 6); UZU.ka-bat-tu-ma 'belly' (EA 303:
11; EA 305: 13; EA 322: 13; EA 366: 10); UZU.[ka-b]at-tu11l-ma (EA 304: 13); UZU.ka-bat-
tllm-[m]a (EA 306: 10); UZU.ka-bat-tllm-111a (EA 378: 9); UZU.~i-ru-l11a 'back' (EA 303: 12;
EA 305: 14; EA 322: 14); UZU.*]-ru-l11a (EA 314: 14); UZU.~[lll-u[b]-r[lt-111a] (EA 306: 11);
UZU.~e-rll-111a (EA 378: 10);
KUS before objects made of leather, cf. KUS.se-ni'sandals' (EA 152: 3); 2 KUS.E.S[fR] (EA 295: 4);
Plural delerminatives
MES with respect to plural markers we may observe that the predominance is given to
MES (passim);"95 it can be considered a main plural determinative throughout
the analysed corpus;
ijJ.A used after logograms, cf. E.l:;II.A-ia 'your household>s<' (EA 5: 9); GIS.GIGIR.
l:;Il.A-ka 'your chariots' (EA 10: 6); GIRl:;II.A- rka,,' 'your feet' (EA 60: 3); GIR.l:;II.A
'feet' (EA 60: 4; EA 227: 4); 1 GIRl:;Il.A 'feet' (EA 63: 5); KURKl.l:;Il.A 'lands' (EA 68:
3; EA 106: 2); 1 GIRl:;II.A-pf (EA 228: 5); GIR.l:;II.A-pf (EA 228: 8);
DIDLI + ijI.A attested only once, cf. KURKI.DIDLI.l:;II.A 'lands' (EA 84: 1);
DIDLI + MES attested only once, cf. KUR.DIDLI.MES.KI 'lands' (EA 102: 8);
The plurality, however, can also be expressed by means of a reduplication of the respective logo-
gram, cr. KUR.KUR-ka 'your countries' (EA 1: 6; EA 38: 6); KUR.K[UR]-ka your countries' (EA 26: 5);
'KUR.KUR-ia 'my countries' (EA 1: 9); LO.GAL.GAL-ka 'your magnates' (EA 35: 6); KUR.KUR 'lands'
(EA 74: 2); KUR.KURKI 'lands' (EA 123: 3); and there are attestations of a reduplicated logogram
with a plural marker, cf. LO.MES.GAL.GAL.MES-ka 'your magnates' (EA 1: 5); LO.MES.GAL.GAL.
MES-ia (EA 1: 8); LO.GAL.GAL.MES-ia 'my magnates' (EA 35: 4); KUR.KUR.MES-ka 'your countries'
(EA 35: 7); LO.MES.GAL.GAL-ka 'your magnates' (EA 38: 6); KUR.KUR.KI.MES 'lands' (EA 76: 2; EA
83: 2; EA 105: 2; EA 107: 2); KUR.KURMES.KI 'lands' (EA 108: 2); KUR.KUR.l:;II.A.KU] 'lands' (EA 78:
2; EA 79: 2). Depending on the context, there are several cases of unmarked logograms being used
for the plural, cr. GIS.GIGIR-ia 'my chariot<s>' (EA 1: 8); ANSE.KUR.RA-ia 'my horse<s>' (EA 7: 4);
DAM -ia 'my wive<s>' (EA 35: 3); ANSE.KUR.RA-sll 'his horse<s>' (EA 7: 6); ERfN.GAL-ka 'your war-
rior<s>' (EA 19: 7); DAM -ka/your wive<s>' (EA 33: 5); DUMU -ka 'your son<s>' (EA 33 : 5; EA 39: 6);
ANSE.KUR.RA-ka'your horse<s>, (EA 33: 6); GIS.GIGIR-ka'your chariot<s>' (EA 33: 6); GIS.G[lGIR]-
Slt 'his chariot<s>' (EA 37: 6); GIR 'feet' (EA 52: 3); KUR.KI 'lancks>' (EA 122: 2); ANSE.KUR.RA<-su>
'his horse<s>' (EA 37: 6).
693 For the rererences, consult pp. 134-135.
694 See above.
L
695 It Is never represented by MES, as attested. ror example, in the corpus or Emar documents. see IKEDA (1995: 44).
166
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
As far as the position of plural markers is concerned, with the exception of EA 34: 5 ('your chari-
ots' - GIS.GIGIR-ka4.MES), in all other cases the respective plural markers are written before suffi-
xed pronouns. Only the plural marker MES can be written before or after logograms.
Glossenkeil
The usage of the Glossenkeil within the opening passages of the letters is rather limited and only
optional.
The attested glosses:
SAIjAR \ e-pf-ri 'the dust' (EA 136: 3);
SAIjAR-ra \ a-pa-m 'the dust' (EA 141: 4);
SAIjAR.MES \ ep-ri 'the dust' (EA 195: 5);
[SAIjAR] \ ep-[r] i 'the dust' (EA316: 4);
GIS.GIR.GUB \ gi-is-tap-pf'the footstool' (EA 195: 9);
i-na pa-an-te-e \ ba-at-nll-ma it ~i-ru-ma \ ~ll-ull-ru-ma 'on the chest and on the back' (EA 232:
10-11);
\ ka-ba-tum-ma it sa-sa-lll-ma 'on the belly and on the back' (EA 215: 4-5) - in this case the Glos-
senkeil might be understood as a division sign for line 4; it might indicate that the expression 'on
the belly and on the back' belongs to the prostration formula written in the following lines:
~i-ru-ma \ II ka-£b-tu-111a 'on the back and on the belly' (EA 316: 9) - the use of the Glossenkeil in
EA 316: 9 is unclear, it might represent a kind of 'connector' to preceding lines containing the
prostration formula;
\ URU.mll-si-llll-n[a] (EA 183: 4) - in this case the Glossenkeil can be easily understood as the
line connector, cf. 3 um-ma sll-tar-na L[O] 4\ URU.mu-si-llll-n[a] '3thus (says) Sutarna, the ruler
4 0 f Mu~ibun[a(:)1'
However, in EA 65: 5, the Glossenkeil is used with a Canaanite lexeme, cf. \ ma-aq-ta-ti (,I fall').
We may suppose that in this case the use of the Glossenkeil simply reveals the scribe's lack of know-
ledge of the correct Akkadian verbal form. In order to identify the word as 'foreign,' the scribe mar-
ked the Canaanite word with the Glossenkeil.
Syllabic and logographic writings
In the case of used in several words employed in the opening passages of the Amarna letters we
may observe a considerable variation in the system their writing. The most obvious examples of syl-
labic - logographic writing are listed below."911
NOllns
'master' based on the analysis of the three orthographic forms used in the Amarna corpus we
cannot identify any evident relationship between the geographical distribution of
either syllabic or logographical writings of the particular substantive. The use of a
logogram BE is strictly limited to Byblos and its immediate vicinity.""' However, the
number of preserved examples does not allow us to postulate any more definite
conclusions. As far as unprovenanced Amarna texts are concerned, the use of the
logogram BE may only serve as an auxiliaty criterion to identify the origin of the text.
696 In EA 300: 4 a rragmentary syllabic writing rn '- 111;'-(1)1 ruler appears, whereas In all other opening passages the logo-
graphic writing Is attested, cr. LO.
697 cr. EA 84: 1,5; EA 87: 1,7; EA 92: 3; EA 126: 3; EA 187: 1,5,6; EA 230: 1.
167
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Arnarna Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Arnarna

However, on the other hand, we may state that the use of a logogram EN 69• occurs in Multiplicative Numbers
all discussed area, whereas the syllabic writing of belu(m) prevails stightly more fre- 'seven times and seven times' as it clearly flows from the following overview, a considerable
quently in northern regions and in the Bashan area."" variability can also be observed in the writing of mUltiplicative
'dust' the substantive appears within the opening passages predominantly in order to numbers 'seven times and seven times,' attested widely in the
identify of the sender, but in some cases it is also employed within the prostration Amarna prostration formulae. 70S
formula. Nevertheless, it is impossible to recognize any clear geographical differen-
ce between the use of the syllabic7°Oand the logographic701 writings, al though the syl- (1) 7 - EA55
labic writing is attested in higher numbers than the logographic. In a total of four (2) i-na 7 - EA 52
cases, the logographic and the syllabic writings are connected by means of the Glos- (3) 77- EA 140
senkeil. A common geographical distribution, however, can be recognized only in EA (4) 7 u7 - EA 126, EA 147, EA 148, EA 149, EA 150, EA 151, EA 153, EA 154, EA 155, EA 257
136 and EA 141, both being sent from Beirut. 702 (5) 7 U 7 - EA 63, EA 64,706 EA 65, EA 94, EA 129, EA 174, EA 175, EA 176, EA 177, EA 182, EA 209, EA
I 225, EA 226, EA 263, EA 281, EA 282, EA 283, EA 284, EA 330, EA 363
'ground' a similar conclusion can also be reached with another substantive used in the ope-
(6) 7 II 7 -ta-an- EA 194, EA 216, EA 220, EA 239
ning passages to identify the subordinate sender of the message, Le. 'the ground.'
(7) 7 II 7-ta-na- EA 212
Here, again, it is impossible to connect the use of the syllabic70J or the 10gographic7()1
(8) 7 u7-ta-a-an- EA 136, EA 141, EA 142
writing with any exact geographical region.
(9) 7 U 7 - ta-a-an - EA 228
(10) 7 II si-ib-i-ta-an- EA 211
690 Cf. EA 49: 1,3,4,7; EA 58: 1,3; EA 60: 1,4; EA 61: 1,4; EA 63: 1,5; EA 64: 1,4; EA 65: 1,4; EA 68: 2, 7; EA 73: 6; EA 74: (11) 7-ta 117 - EA 362
1,4; EA 75: 2, 5; EA 76: 6; EA 77: 4, 6; EA 78: 2, 5; EA 79: 2, 5, 6; EA 81: 1,4; EA 83: 4, 5; EA 85: 1,5; EA 86: 4, 5; EA 87: (12) 7-ta-an it 7-ta-an - EA 137(?)
4; EA 89: 5; EA 90: L 4; EA 91: 1; EA 92: 6; EA 95: 6; EA 100: 3, 5; EA 102: 6; EA 103: 1,3; EA 104: 1,4; EA 105: 1, 4(a, (13) 7 -ta-a-an II 7 -ta-a-an- EA 285(?), EA 286, EA 288, EA 289, EA 290
bl; EA 107: 2, 6(a, bl; EA 108: 2, 5, 6; EA 109: 1,3,4; EA 112: 2, 5(a, bl; EA 114: 1,4,5; EA 117: 4; EA 118: 1,4,8; EA
(14) 7 -it II 7 -it-ta-na - EA 235(+)327
119: 2, 5, 6; EA 121: 2, 5(a, bl; EA 123: 2, 7, 8; EA 124: 1,4,5; EA 125: 1,7; EA 130:1, 6, 7; EA 132: 1,5,6; EA 136: 1,4;
EA 138: 3; EA 139: 1,4; EA 140: 1,4; EA 141: 1,6; EA 142: 4; EA 143: 1,5; EA 144: 1,6,7; EA 147: 1,3; EA 148: 1; EA (15) 7 -it-Sll II 7 - ta-na - EA 323
149: 1; EA 150: 3; EA 153: 1; EA 154: 1,3; EA 156: 1,3; EA 158: 1; EA 159: 1,3; EA 160: 1; EA 161: 1,3; EA 162: 2; EA (16) 7 -it-Sll U 7 -ta-na - EA 315
164: 1,3; EA 166: 5; EA 168: 1; EA 170(A): 1,3,4,6; EA 174: 1,6; EA 175: 1,5; EA 177: 1,4; EA 178: 1,3; EA 182: 1,4; (17) 8(!)-it-su II 7-ta-a-an- EA 84
EA 183: 1,5,8; EA 184: 5, 8; EA 185: 1,5,7; EA 189: 1,3; EA 191: 1,3; EA 192: 1,5,6,7; EA 193: 1,3; EA 194: 1; EA 195: (18) 7-tam II 7 - EA 138
11; EA 198: 1,8; EA 201: 1; EA 202: 1; EA 203: 1; EA 205: 1; 207: 1,3; EA 211: 1,7; EA 213: 1,6; EA 215: 1; EA 216: 1,4; (19) 7-Sll it 7 -Sll- EA 60, EA 200, EA 202
EA 217: 1,5; EA 220: 1,5,7; EA 221: 1,6; EA 223: 1; EA 224: 1,3,4; EA 225: 1; 226: 1; EA 227: 1,4; EA 228: 1,6,8; EA
229: 1,5; EA 231: 9; EA 232: 1,6; EA 233:10; EA 234: 1,7; EA 235+327: 1,7; EA 238: 1,3; EA 239: 2, 5; EA 241: I. 7; EA
(20) 7-s117-a-an- EA 74, EA 75(?), EA 76, EA 78, EA 79, EA 81, EA 337
242: 1,6; EA 243: 1,5; EA 244: 1,6; EA 246: 1,5; EA 248: 1,7; EA 249: 3; EA 250: 1,3; EA 253: 5; EA 254: 1,4; EA 255: (21) 7-su7-ta-an- EA 83, EA 85, EA 100, EA 103, EA 104, EA 105, EA 106, EA 107, EA 108, EA 109,
1,6; EA 256: 1,3; EA 257: 1,5; EA 258: 1,4; EA 259: 4; EA 261: 1,5; EA 262: 1,5; EA 264: 1,3; 265: 1,3; EA 266: 1,6; EA 110, EA 112, EA 114, EA 117, EA 118, EA 119, EA 121, EA 122, EA 123, EA 222, EA 223, EA 364
EA 267: 1,6; EA 268: 1,5; EA 269: 1,6; EA 270: 1,6; EA 272: 5; EA 273: 1,6; EA 274: 1,7; EA 275: 7; EA 278: 1,7; EA (22) 7-s117-ta-a-an- EA 50(?), EA 68, EA 92, EA 125, EA 130, EA 132, EA 198, EA 232, EA 233, EA 234,
279: 1,6; EA 280: 1,6; EA 281: 1,6; EA 282: 1,5; EA 283: 1,4,6; EA 284: 1,3; EA 286:1,3; EA 287: 1,3; EA 288: 1,3; EA EA 241, EA 253, EA 254, EA 255, EA 272, EA 292, EA 293, EA 294, EA 297, EA 298, EA 366
289: 1,3; EA 290: 1,4; EA 292: 1,5; EA 294: 1,4; EA 295: 1,5,6; EA 296: 1,6; EA 297: 1,5; EA 298: 1,5; EA 299: 1,7;
(23) 7-s117-ta-a-an- EA 266, EA 267, EA 268, EA 269, EA 270, EA 271, EA 273, EA 274, EA 275, EA
EA 300: 1,8; EA 301: 1,6; EA 302: 1,7; EA 303: 1,8; EA 304: 9; EA 305: 1; EA 306: 6; EA 308: 3; EA 314: 1,5; EA 315: I,
5; EA 316: 1,6; EA 319: 9; EA 320: 1; EA 321: I, 10; EA 322: 1,9; EA 323: 1,6; EA 324: 1,7; EA 325: 1,6; EA 326: I. 6; EA 276, EA 278, EA 279, EA 280
328: 1, 10; EA 329: I. 9; EA 330: 1,5,8; EA 331: 1,7; EA 332: 1; EA 334: 1; EA 336: L 4; EA 337: 1,5; EA 339: 1; EA 363: (24) 7 -Sll si-bi-la-an- EA 221
1,5; EA 364: 1,4,7; EA 365: 1,5; EA 366: 1,3,7; EA 378: 5. (25) 7-su1l7-ta- EA 316
699 Cf. EA 44: 1,5; EA 51: 1,3; EA 52: 3; EA 53: 1,3; EA 54: 1,3; EA 55: 1,3; EA 59: 1,4; EA 62: 1,3; EA 68: 6; EA 71: 6; EA 78: (26) 7-S11117-S11-EA 156, EA 157, EA 168
5; EA 92: 2; EA 94: 2, 3; EA 102: 7; EA 126: 2; EA 129: 2; EA 134: 2; EA 138: 1; EA 148: 3; EA 149: 3, 5; EA 150: 1; EA 152: 1,
(27) 7-S11l1 7-S11( -mal - EA 159, EA 160, EA 161, EA 185(?), EA 187(7), EA 188(7), EA 317, EA 318
3; EA 154: 4; EA 194: 4; EA 195: 2; EA 200: 6; EA 201: 4; EA 202: 5; EA 203: 6; EA 204: 2, 6; EA 205: 5; EA 206: 2, 6; EA 209:
1,6; EA 212: 1; EA 215: 7; EA 223: 5; EA 249: I; EA 252: 1,4; EA 260: I; EA 305: 9; EA 317: 1,5; EA 318: 1,7; EA 319: I; EA
(28) 7-su lI7-s11-ma - EA 260
320: 11; EA 362: 3. (29) 7-su 117-ta-na - EA 326
700 Cf. EA 60: 3; EA 142: 3(1); EA 174: 5; EA 175: 5; EA 176: 5; EA 177: 4; EA 182: 3; EA 183: 7; EA 185: 4; EA 187: 4; EA (30) 7-S11 it 7-ta-na - EA 314, EA 324, EA 325
192: 6; EA 198: 6; EA 213: 4; EA 226: 4; EA 232: 5; EA 248: 5; EA 253: 3(1); EA 254: 3; EA 266: 5; EA 267: 5; EA 268: 4; (31) 7-S11 iI7-ta-an- EA 213, EA 264
EA 269: 5; EA 270: 5; EA 271: 5; EA 272: 4(1); EA 274: 5; EA 275: 5; EA 276: 5; EA 278: 5; EA 279: 5; EA 280: 5; EA 292: (32) 7-su It 7-ta-a-an- EA 242, EA 248, EA 261, EA 299, EA 300, EA 319, EA 320, EA 321, EA 322, EA
4; EA 293: 4; EA 296: 5; EA 297: 4; EA 298: 6; EA 299: 5; EA 301: 4; EA 302: 5; EA 303: 5; EA 304: 5; EA 305: 5; EA 306:
328, EA 329(7). EA 365, EA 378
4; EA 312: 3(1); EA 315: 4; EA 319: 6; EA 320: 7; EA 321: 7; EA 322: 6(1); EA 323: 4; EA 324: 5; EA 325: 4; EA 326: 3; EA
328: 6; EA 329: 7-8; EA 330: 4; EA 331: 5; EA 332: 4; EA 363: 5; EA 378: 4. In the following examples, however, the (33) 7-SUli 7-ta-a-an- EA 144, EA 192, EA 224, EA 243, EA 244, EA 246, EA 250, EA 258, EA 259, EA
correct form epe1"ll(m) Is replaced by IIpe1"ll(m): EA 174: 5; EA 175: 5; EA 176: 5; EA 177: 4; EA 182: 3; EA 183: 7; EA 262, EA 301, EA 302, EA 303, EA 305, EA 306, EA 311(?), EA 331
363: 5. (34) 7 -Sll II 7 - U-ta-a-an- EA 295, EA 296
701 Cf. EA 143: 4; EA 220: 4; EA 229: 5; EA 233: 7; EA 234: 5; EA 235+327: 6; EA 241: 5; EA 255: 4; EA 366: 5.
702 Cf. SAUAR \ e-pf-ri (EA 136: 3); SAt/ARora \ G-pG-1"II (EA 141: 4); SAt/AR.MES \ ep-ri (EA 195: 5); (SAt/ARI \ ep-(rli (EA
316: 4)(1). 705 The following texts are not appllcable- EA 45, EA 53, EA 88, EA 89, EA 90, EA 91, EA 116, EA 124, EA 139, EA 143, EA 146,
703 Cf. EA 185: 6; EA 198: 7; EA 232: 5; EA 366: 6. EA 152, EA 165, EA 184, EA 217, EA 231, EA 277, EA 287, EA 304, EA 307, EA 308, EA 336.
71M Cf. EA 195: 7; EA 233: 8; EA 234: 5. 706 For type 11 of the prostration formula, consult p. 158.

168 169

l
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna

(35) 7 a-n[a pa-/lll si-bi-t[a-aJ-an- EA 196 Independent personal pronouns

(36) 7-su a-na pa-ni 7-an - EA 193
The following independent personal pronouns are used within the corpus of the Amarna ope-
(37) 7-su a-na pa-ni 7-ta-an- EA 189
ning passages. In all attested examples, the scribes used forms identical with standard contempo-
(38) 7-su a-na pa-ni7 - ta-ni - EA 203, EA 204, EA 205, EA 206
(39) 7-su a-na pa-ni 7-ta-an-ni - EA 195, EA 201 raIY core Akkadian forms.
(40) si-ib-e-ta-an- EA 221 lcs, dat.
In most cases, the mUltiple number 'seven times' is written logographically OMIN), often with y/lSi 'with me' - a-na ia-si (EA 2: 3; EA 6: 4; EA 7: 4; EA 17: 4; EA 19: 5; EA 20: 4; EA 21: 8; EA
various phonetic complements. In several examples, however, the second element of the construc- 27: 3; EA 28: 6; EA 29: 2; EA 33: 3; EA 37: 3; EA 38: 3; EA 39: 4; EA 40: 4); a-na ia-a-si (EA
tion is written syllabically, d. si-bi-t[a-aJ-an (EA 196: 4), si-i[bJ-i-[tJa-an (EA 211: 4); si-ib-e-ta-an 1: 7; EA 8: 4; EA 9: 4; EA 10: 3);
(EA 215: 6) and si-bi-ta-an (EA 221: 6).707 Due to the enormous variability in the orthography we may 2ms, dat.
consider it as a consequence of individual scribal habits rather than proof of any local tradition.
kiisa 'with you (m.)' - a-na ka-sa (EA 6: 5; EA 8: 5; EA 12: 4; EA 15: 4; EA 38: 3; ka-a-sa: EA 2:
4; EA 3: 4; EA 9: 5; EA 10: 4; EA 11: 3; EA 16: 5; EA 17: 5; EA 19: 5; EA 20: 4; EA 23: 6; EA
Mimation
27: 3; EA 28: 6; EA 99: 6*; EA367: 4; EA 369: 4; EA 370: 4);711
In a majority of the Amarna opening passages, in common with to other core and periphral
texts/08 the mimation is only infrequently indicated in the final position.'09 Nevertheless, it is retained 2fs, dat.
when it is followed either by a consonant-initial suffIx or an enclitic.I 1O In these cases, it is assimila- kfiSt 'with you (f.)' - a-na ka-a-si (EA 26: 3);
tes to a following consonant. In the opening passages the following verbal forms with ventive suffix
-arm) and dative pronominal suffix 1 cs -ni, are preserved: *-am-ni > -an-ni: i-ra-'-am-an-ni Suffixed personal pronouns
(EA 19: 2); i-ra-'-a-ma-an-ni (EA 21: 4 and EA 23: 3; all three from Mitanni) and ul-te-bi-la-ak-ku The following forms are attested in the present corpus:
(EA 369: 3, Egypt).
lcs, gen.
The s > I shift -ia 'my' (passim): normative lcs genitive pronominal suffix within the corpus;'"
-f 'my': 'my master' - be-If (EA 44: 1,5);713
The Middle Akkadian phonological shift of s> lin a position before a dental is attested in the cor-
pus of the Amarna opening passages only once - d. ul-te-bi-la-ak-ku (EA 369: 3, Egypt). Neverthe- lcs, acc.
less, in the same corpus of documents of Egyptian provenance, the traditional writing of us-te-bi- -ni 'who loves me' - sa i-ra-'-am-an-ni (EA 19: 2); sa i-ra-r-a-ma-an-ni (EA 21: 4; EA 23: 3);
la-ku (EA 99: 5*; EA 367: 3; EA 370: 3) predominates.
2ms, gen.
Primae wand w> m shift -ka 'your' (passim): normative 2ms genitive pronominal suffix within the corpus. 71< In EA
Similar to other Middle Akkadian texts, both from the centre and the periphery, the elision of pri- 26: 5, i.e. a letter addressed to Teye, the queen of Egypt, the suffixed 2ms genitive form
mae w is attested, although the intervocalic change w> m cannot be recognized in the present cor- is incorrectly used for the feminine. In the present corpus, the dependent pronoun of
pus of the opening passages. 2ms is often suffixed to infinitive verbal forms;'"

2ms, acc.
Consonant doubling and plene writing
-ka 'who loves you' - sa i-ra-'-a-mu-ll-ka (EA 19: 4; EA 20: 4; EA 28: 5); sa i-ra-'-a-mu-ka-
Since the opening passages can be considered to be learned formulae, we may observe that, ma (EA 21: 7); sa i-ra-'-a-mu-ka (EA 23: 5; EA 29: 2);
regardless of word class, consonant doubling is regularly recorded by the Amarna scribes. The same
conclusion can be reached with conventional plene writing. 2ms, dat.
-kll 'I have sent to you'- IIs-te-bi-la-kll (EA 99: 5*; EA 367: 3; EA 370: 3); lll-te-bi-ia-ak-ku
Morphology (EA369: 3);

Pronouns
With respect to pronouns, the independent personal, suffixed personal, demonstrative, indefini-
te and relative pronouns are attested in the opening passages.
707 For the original West Semilic rorm, cr. RAINEY (I 996a: J, 1B6) 'f/brllllll; ror an adverbial suffix, see GAG I 1B, §71 b.
700 For the Isolated examples rrom the nnal phases orOld Babylonian, cr. JUCQUOIS (1963: 260).
709 Only rarely mlmatlon might get retained In word-nnal position, cr. a-IIi· 'am' (EA 369: 2, Egypt).
710 The majorily or preserved examples can be considered as nxed Akkadian phrases. Their occurrence, however, Is IIml·
ted to respective bodies or the letters and thus stands outside the discussed corpus.
711 In the lellers rrom Canaan and outside the corpus orthe opening passages, the rorm killa is prererred, cr. RAINEY (1996a:
1,59-60).
712 cr. GAG 104, 1D6, §65 a, I. In EA 149: I and EA 151: 3 the pronoun is wrillen as WA (la.). This phenomenon, however, is
more orten allested with the personal names.
713 Translated as 'the lord' by MOIlAN (1992: 117). but 'mio signore' by LIVEIlANI (1999: 412). Can It be considered here as a
vocative7
7 ... 1\vo orthographic rorms are allested in the opening passages, I.e. ·ka and ·ka, (QA =SILA). For the laller variant, see
EA 33: 5; EA 34: 5-7; EA 60: 3; EA 198: 7; EA 320: 7-9; EA 321: 7(7)-9.
715 EA 195: 7 (ka·btI·s(·ka), 8 (a·sa·bl·ka); EA 198: 7 (karbtl· 'SI. '·ka,); EA 213: 5 (ka·btI·sl·ka); EA 220: 6 (ka·btI·si·[k]a,);
EA 241: 6 (ka·btI·si·ka); EA 254: 3 (ka·btI·si·ka); EA 255: 5 (ka·btI·sl·ka); EA 366: 6 ('ka '·ba·sl· 'ka \

170 171
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna

3ms Nouns
-Sll 'his' (passim): normative 3ms pronominal suffix within the corpus; much like in the Gender and number
case of 2ms genitive, it might be suffixed to an infinitive;716
In the corpus of Amarna opening passages, the distinction between masculine and feminine
3fs, gen. nouns is regular and any sporadic departures from the rule can be considered as scribal mista-
-si lit. 'her': 'its ekde>rs' - LU.MES.si-<bll>-ti-si (EA 100: 4); kes, d. for example EA 34: 4 sa-lim KUR-ia, where - according to the stative form 3ms - the sub-
stantive miitll(m) [KURI 'country' was considered by the scribe to be a masculine noun. It has
lcp, gen.
been observed already byW. F. Albright 72J that a completely different picture can be identified in
-ni 'our master' - be-lf-ni (EA 59: 1); EN-ni (EA 170(A): 1,3);
case of the substantive iilll(m) 'city,' which has been considered as a masculine in Akkadian but
-nll 'our master' - EN-11ll (EA 100: 3, 5, 7);
a feminine in Canaanite. The same conclusion has also been reached by W. L. Moran 72.' stating
Demonstrative pronouns that 'In Canaanite Amarna iilll is regularly constructed as a feminine ... This reflects the gender
of Can. ell: In Acc. iilu is masc.''''
The following demostrative pronouns are attested: annfl; annfm 'this'
ms, nom.: 'this tablet' - tup-pf an-nu-ll (EA 100: 1); In general, we may say that the expressions of plurality are constructed in accordance with con-
ms, acc.: 'this tablet' - tup-pa an-na-a (EA 99: 5*; EA 367: 3; EA 370: 3); tup-pa a-ni-am (EA 369: 2); temporary Akkadian standards and the individual morphemes can be easily identified in the wri-
ting. Standard plural logograms are employed, while reduplication of particular substantives is rela-
Indefinite pronouns tively rare and their use is very probably limited to fixed royal epithets. In the case of the m p morp-
Indefinite pronouns are employed very rarely. heme, the length can be expressed though a reduplication of the respective vowel. A dual is used
exclusively for paired body parts, or for objects closely associated with them.720 Dual forms are usu-
mimmfl 'all, everything': mim-mll-ka (EA 19: 8; 20: 7; EA 21: 12; EA 23: 12; EA 26: 6; EA 28: 11; EA
ally expressed by means of the logogram MIN ('two'). There is also a relatively limited number of
29: 5);
documents in which the correct Akkadian form sepe appears. 721
gabbll 'all, every': ma-ti-ka ga-ab-bi-sa - 'entire country' (EA 2: 5); 'every' - gab-ba (EA 44: 6);
Case system
Relative pronouns
Case endings are employed in the same way as in contemporary Middle Babylonian texts. The
sa the relative pronoun sa is widely attested in the corpus and its use is not different from
the standard grammar.7l1 closeness of the Akkadian and Canaanite case systems might contribute to the correct use of case
endings. Bohl's conclusion728 that in the Amarna corpus the accusative"" is often used instead of the
Numbers genitive, is not evident in the opening passages.
Cardinal numbers A clear departure from the rules of the Akkadian case system is seen in relation to the genitive,
In the opening passages of the Amarna letters, only two cardinal numbers are attested - '1' (DIS)
and '2' (MIN) - both written logographically. The cardinal number 'two' usually refers to paired
body parts, similar to standard core Akkadian,7IO represented in the opening passages by means of
, which in the texts from the Syro-Palestinian region 730 follows the particle umma.1t might be possib-
le to explain this phenomenon as a genitive construction of two substantives, with umma in the
primary position considered as a substantive with the meaning of 'message.' Thus the ensuing sub-
a substantive 'feet,' d. '(your/his) >two< feet': 2 GIR.MES(-kal-ka/-su).719 In the same textual con- II stantive must be in the genitive. The genitive is also used in multiple conjunctions. Here, the geni-
text, however, only rarely does the cardinal number 'one' appear, d. '>one< feet': 1 GIR(.JjI.A-pe/. tive form is not exclusively limited to the substantive that follows immediately after a preposition,
MES).720 In the Amarna corpus the cardinal numbers always stand before the noun. but it is also valid for the following nominal elements. Genitive constructions are employed by scri-

Multiplicative numbers
l bes without any serious problems and in accordance with standard rules, i.e. either by means of
substantives standing in apposition or by means of indirect association through particle the sa.
As compared with the Akkadian letters discovered at Ugarit,721 the repertoire of Amarna multipli- Only one example of the Canaanite adverbial accusative -a(m) can be recognized in the opening
cative numbers is rather meagre. The only attested multiplicative number within the Amarna pro- passages.731
stration formulae is 'seven times'. In the majority of cases, it is written logographically (lMIN). The
use of phonetic complements is not regular. 722
723 ALDRIGHT (l943a: 17. n. 60). demonstrated In EA 274: 10-15.
7201MORAN (1958/2003: 58.n. 149).
716 cr. ka-ba-Sl-sl/ (EA 232: 5; EA 234: 6); ka-ba-Sl-S[/Il (EA 231: 8); ka-bd-Si-slI (EA 233: 8); k(al·b(t1I-SI-(Sl./I (EA 185: 6). 725 RAINEY (I 996a: I. 126) suggests that the determinative URU In the Identlncalion or towns should be read syllablcaly.
717 In altogether nve cases. the relative pronoun Is wrillen as sa-a. cr. EA 110: 3; EA 124: 3; EA 125: 5; EA 130: 4; EA 132: 3. 726 Cr. 2 KUS.E.S(IRI (EA 295: 4); collectives are not allested In the corpus of the opening passages, cr. RAINEY (l996a: I.
710 In EA 324: 6; EA 325: 5; EA 326: 5 there Is an expression 'your >2< horses'. I.e. 2 ANSE.KUItRA.MES-ka allested. 1\ may 126-135).
719 be recognized as a scribal error. 727 Cr. EA 174: 6; EA 175: 5; EA 176: 5; EA 177: 4; EA 178: 3; EA 182: 3; EA 184: 7. 8; EA 185: 4; EA 187: 5. 6; EA \88: I'; EA 252:
EA 50: 5; EA 136: 3; EA 142: 3; EA 231: 7; EA 233: 7; EA 234: 5. 6; EA 244: 5; EA 255: 4; EA 256: 3; EA 260: 4; EA 285: 3; EA 4; EA 363: 5. See also I GlIt JjJ.A-pe In EA 228: 8.
286: 3; EA 288: 3; EA 289: 3; EA 290: 3; EA 292: 4; EA 297: 4; EA 298: 7, 9; EA 299: 7; EA 300: 6. 8; EA 301: 5a. 5b; EA 306: 4. 720 Cr. BaHL (1909: 33).
6; EA314: 5; EA315: 4. 5; EA316: 4, 6; EA317: 5; EA3\8: 6; EA319: 9; EA321: 8.10; EA323: 4. 6; EA324: 5. 7; EA325: 4.
729 See LUGAL ta-al1l-/Ja-m In (EA 76: 3; EA 107: 3; EA 108: 3); (LUGAL tal-al1l-/Ja-m (EA 79: 3); (LUIGAL ta-al1l-/Ja-(ral (EA
6; EA 326: 4. 5; EA 328: 7; EA 331: 5. 7; EA 366: 5.
81: 2).
720 cr. EA 63: 5; EA 64: 4; EA 65: 4; EA 212: 3; EA 228: 5. 8.
730 As well as In EA 38: 2 from Ala~lya.
721 For 'three times. nine limes,' consult WATSON (1993).
731 cr. EA 195: 13.
722 For the variability of spellings. see above.

172 173
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
Stative
1cs
Within the analyzed corpus, the usage of the stative 1cs is rather limited. The only 'purely Akkadi-
an' form is attested in a letter from Alasiya (EA 34) and the person suffix reflects the Akkadian
morpheme -iiku. In nine cases, however, the Canaanite person morpheme -ti can be identified, cf.
-iikll sal-ma-ku 'I am well' (EA 34: 3);
-ti ma-aq-ta-ti '!fall' (EA 63: 5; EA 65: 5; EA 283: 6); ma-aq- r ta'- ti (EA 282: 4); [mJ a-aq-t[a-
tll (EA 336: 5[?]); m[aJ -aq-ta-ti7 (EA 138: 4); ma-aq-ti-ti (EA 64: 5; EA 284: 4); [maJ r aq'-
ti-ti (EA 284: 5)732
3ms
-0 sa-lim 'is well' (EA 34: 4);
The stative is, the used in the opening passages. In the letter from Alasiya very rarely correct
Akkadian forms are used. In a limited number of documents, predominantly of southern origin, the
Canaanite morpheme - ti is employed.
Verbs
Forms of the verbal root
Finite forms - markers of person
Imperative
All forms are constructed in agreement with Middle Babylonian morphology and standard voca-
lic patterns are attested:
ms: qabQ 'to say, to speak, to order' - cf. 'speak': attested spellings are q{-b{-ma;733 q{-bi-l11a;7J1
and q{-bi-l1lf"
ms: lamiidu'to know, to understand, to become aware' - cf. 'know': /i-l1la-ad (EA 34: 3)
Preterite, Perfect, Durative, Jussive
1cs
The attested forms are derived from four verbal roots - cf. ral1l'iil1lu 'to love', maqiilu 'to fall
down', v*sbbn 'to prostrate'736 and (w)abiilu'to send.' A variation of personal morphemes a- and
i-, otherwise unattested in core dialects, can be observed. With the verbal root v*sbbn, a perso-
nal morpheme u- is attested in the G stem.
7J2 For the connective vowel -ii-, see RAINEY (1996a: II, 285).
7J3 Attested In the following texts: EA I: 2; EA 3: 2; EA 6: 2; EA 8: 2; EA 9: 2; EA 12: 2; EA 17: 2; EA 18: I; EA 19: 2; EA 21: 4; EA
23: 3; EA 28: 3; EA 37: 2; EA 38: I; EA 40: 2; EA 41: 3; EA 44: 2; EA 55: I; EA 58: I; EA 63: 2; EA 64: 2; EA 65: 2; EA 82: 2; EA
84: 2; EA 87: 2; EA 90: 2; EA 95: I; EA 96: 2; EA 98: 2; EA 102: 2; EA 104: 2; EA 118: 2; EA 126: I; EA 130: 2; EA 132: 2; EA
141: 3; EA 144: 3; EA 162: I; EA 174: 2; EA 175: 2; EA 183: 2; EA 185: 2; EA 192: 3; EA 193: 4; EA 195: 3; EA 198: 3; EA 201:
2; EA 202: 2; EA 203: 2; EA 204: 3; EA 205: 2; EA 206: 3; EA 209: 2; EA 210: 2; EA 211: 2; EA 213: 2; EA 216: 2; EA 217: 2; EA
220: 2; EA 221: 3; EA 222: 2; EA 223: 3; EA 224: 2; EA 225: 2; EA 226: 2; EA 227: 2; EA 229: 2; EA 230: I; EA 232: 2; EA 233:
3; EA 235(+)327: 4; EA 239: 2; EA 242: 2; EA 243: 2; EA 244: 2; EA 246: 2; EA 248: 3; EA 249: 2; EA 250: I; EA 252: 2; EA 255:
2; EA 256: 2; EA 257: 2; EA 261: 2; EA 262: 2; EA 266: 3; EA 267: 3; EA 268: 2; EA 269: 3; EA 270: 3; EA 271: 3; EA 273: 3; EA
274: 3; EA 275: 3; EA 278: 3; EA 279: 3; EA 280: 3; EA 281: 4; EA 292: 2; EA 294: 2; EA 295: 2; EA 296: 3; EA 297: 2; EA 330:
2; EA 337: 3; EA 339: 3; EA 363: 2; EA 365: 2; EA 367: 2; EA 366: 2; EA 370: 2.
734 Attested In EA 15: 6; EA 16: 2; EA 200: 3; EA 207: 2; EA 286: I; EA 290: 2.
735 Cf. EA 362: I.
73G According to RAINIlY (I996a: II, 43, 109-110), this quadrlradlcal verb originates In I-1urrlan Influenced areas from
an Akkadian verb slIkellll'to prostate oneself. to fall down: cr. GAG 198. §109m; for attestations, see AHw 1263;
CADS 111214.
174
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
G stem:
ram'iimu 'to love' - cf. a-ra-a[m-mu-uS] (EA 19: 2); a-[rJa-am-mu-us (EA 21: 3); a-ra-mu-lIs
(EA 28: 3); a-[ra-a] m-mu-ll-uS (EA 29: 1); [a-raj -' -a-111U (EA 20: 2); a-ra-' -a-mu (EA
23: 2);
maqiitu 'to fall down' - cf. am-qul;737 am-qut-mi (EA 239: 7; EA 286: 4; EA 288: 4); am-qll-ul;738
am-qll-ut-mi (EA 228: 9); a111-qll-ut-111e (EA 224: 5; EA 244: 8); am-qll-qut (EA 330: 8);
am-qut-llt (EA 126: 3; EA 362: 4); am-qa-ut (EA 212: 4); am-qut-ma (EA 299: 10) and
im-qll-ut (EA 260: 5; EA 317: 6; EA 318: 7);
v*sbbn 'to prostrate' - cf. lIs-be-[li-in (EA 221: 7; EA 232: 9); [uJs-be-bi-in (EA 234: 9); us-[uf-
bi-in (EA 233: 13); us-[uf-bi-i[n] (EA 366: 9); us-[1e-[li-en (EA 222: 7; EA 223: 6; EA 242:
8); <ltS->be-bi-e[nJ (EA 235(+)327: 9);
Gt stem:
v* S[1[1I1 'to prostrate' - cf. is- ta-[w-bi-in;739 is-ti-[1a-bi-in;7-I6 is-ti-bi-bi-in (EA 302: 10); is-tu-
bu-bi-in (EA 325: 8); i[s-tJ ll-ba-[bJ i-in (EA 331: 10-11);
S stem:
(w)abii.lu 'to send' - cf. In-t 'e-bi-Ia-kll (EA 99: 5*); us-te-bi-la-ku (EA 367: 3); r lIS'-le-bi-la-ku
(EA 370: 3); ul-te-bi-Ia-ak-ku (EA 369: 3);
2ms
There is only one attestation of the personal morpheme of the 2ms. ta- in the analyzed corpus:
ram'iimu 'to love' - cf. la-ra-'-a-mu (EA 23: 8)
3ms
None of the attested forms of the 3 ms represent any violation of contemporary Akkadian gram-
mar, i.e. prefix i-:
G stem:
qabQ 'to speak' - cf. iq-bt"
ram'iil1lu 'to love' - cf. i-ra-'-am-an-ni (EA 19: 2); i-ra-'-a-l11a-an-ni (EA 20: 2 (i-ra-'-a-111[a-an-
IUl); 21: 4; EA 23: 3); '(who) loves you': i-ra-'-a-111u-ka (EA 23: 5; EA 29: 2); i-ra-'-a-mu-
ka-l11a (EA 21: 7); i-ra-'-a-111ll-ll-ka (EA 19: 4; EA 20: 4 ([i-rJa-'-a-l1lll-ll-ka); EA 28: 5);
737 Cf. EA 48: 3; EA 49: 3; EA 50: 7 (/allll-qlll); EA 51: 3; EA 52: 4; EA 53: 3; EA 55: 3; EA 60: 5; EA 68: 8; EA 94: 3 (alllll-qlll); EA
140: 4; EA 147: 3; EA 148: 3; EA 149: 3; EA 151: 3; EA 153: 3; EA 154: 3; EA 156: 3; EA 158: 3; EA 161: 3; EA 164: 3; EA 168:
3; EA 171: 2; EA 189: 4; EA 191: 3; EA 192: 9; EA 195: 15; EA 196: 4 (alll-qlllt]); EA 198: 9; EA 199: 4 (allll-Iqlll); EA 201: 8;
EA 202: 6; EA 203: 8; EA 204: 8; EA 205: 8; EA 206: 8; EA 211: 7; EA 216: 6 (alllll-qlll); EA 217: 7; EA 220: 9; EA 225: 7; EA
226: 5; EA 230: 3; EA 246: 7; EA 248: 8; EA 250: 3; EA 253:6; EA 255: 7; EA 256: 4; EA 258: 5; EA 259: 5 (alll-qlllt]); EA 261:
6 (alll-Iqlllt); EA 262: 6; EA 264: 4; EA 265: 4; EA 269: 8; EA 270: 8; EA 271: 8; EA 274: 9; EA 275: 8; EA 276: 8; EA 278: 8;
EA 283: 4; EA 290: 4; EA 337: 6; EA 364: 6; EA 365: 7.
730 Cf. EA 63: 6 (Jallll-qli-lIl); EA 71: 3 (alll-qli-IIII]); EA 73: 3; EA 74: 5; EA 75: 6 (alll-qli-IIItJ); EA 76: 6; EA 77: 3; EA 79: 7; EA
81: 5 (allll-qi Ii-III); EA 82: 4; EA 83: 6; EA 84: 6; EA 86: 3; EA 87: 4; EA 88: 4; EA 89: 6 (alll-qilil-III); EA 90: 5; EA 91: 2 (Jallll-
Iqlli-[IIII); EA 92: 4; EA 93: 3; EA 95: 3 (Jallll-lqlli-lIl); EA 102: 4; EA 103: 5; EA 104: 5; EA 105: 5; EA 107: 8; EA 108: 7; EA
109: 5; EA 112: 7 (/allll-qli-III); EA 114: 6; EA 116: 6; EA 117: 5; EA 118: 5; EA 119: 7; EA 121: 7; EA 122: 8; EA 124: 6; EA 125:
4; EA 130: 8; EA 132: 7; EA 136: 5; EA 141: 8; EA 144: 9; EA 159: 4; EA 174: 7; EA 175: 6; EA 177~ 5; ~ 182: 5; EA 184: 7; EA
185: 8 (alll-Iqlli-III); EA 187: 8 (/allll-qli-III); EA 227: 4; EA 252: 4; EA 267: 8; EA 268: 7 (/allll- qli -III); EA 279: 8; EA 280:
8; EA 281: 6; EA 292: 7; EA 293: 7; EA 294: 6; EA 295: 7 (alll-qli-lI[tJ); EA 296: 8; EA 297: 7; EA 316: 8; EA 325: 6; EA 363: 6.
139 Cf. EA 298: 12; EA 304: 12 (/1lS-[tla-/JiaI-IJI-III); EA 305: 12; EA 306: 9; EA 308: 7" (/s-t[a-[Jal-1J111-III); EA 314: 8; EA 315: 6;
EA 319: 13 (/s-t[al-lJa-IJI-III); EA 320: 13; EA 321: 14; EA 322: 12; EA 323: 7; EA 324: 8; EA 326: 7; EA 328: 14 Us-ta-lJa-lJi-
[III]); EA 378: 8 (is-ta- r[Ja '-IJI-ill),1
740 Cf. EA 301: 10; EA 303: 10; EA 307: 2" ([ifJ-ti-lJa-lJl-ill); EA 329: 12.
741 Cf. EA 68: 2 ([Iql-bi); EA 74: I; EA 76: I; EA 78: I (/q-bill); EA 79: I; EA 83: I (Jllq-bJ); EA 88: I (/q-blm; EA 89: I (/q-b[ll);
EA 92: I; EA 105: I; EA 106: I; EA 107: I (Jllq-bllll; EA 260: 2; EA 317: 3; EA 318: 4; consult Iznll'IlL (2007: 24-25) with refe-
rences to further literature.
175
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Arnarna Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Arnarna

Gt stemm Vendue
sapiiru 'to write' - cf. [tl§-[t)a-[palr (EA 94: 1); is-ta-par (EA 108: 1; EA 116: 1; EA 123: 1); is- The allomorph of the ventive -arm) is only rarely attested, cf.
tap-p[ar) (EA 122: 1); ram'iimll 'to love' - cf. i-ra-'-am-an-ni (EA 19: 2); i-ra-'-a-ma-an-ni (EA 21: 4; EA 23: 3);
3fs (w)abiilll 'to send' - cf. ll's-t'e-bi-la-ku (EA 99: 5*); uJ-te-bi-la-kli (EA 367: 3); lll-te-bi-la-ak-
kll (EA 369: 3); 'llJ'-te-bi-la-kli (EA 370: 3);
In the following jussive cases, the attested 3fs personal morpheme is ti- and suffix -0, cf. m
nadiinll 'to give' - cf. ti-id-di-in 4 (EA 68: 5); ti-din (EA 73: 4; EA 75: 4); ti-di-in (EA 74: 3) and Stem patterning
ti-di-in 4 ;7."
In the analyzed corpus G, Gt and S stems are attested.7~6 A rather dubious situation is associated
lcp with the Gt stem of "'* sbbn 'to prostrate'. In Akkadian, the Gt stem usually has a reciprocal, separa-
All forms attested in the corpus of the opening passages reflect typical Middle Babylonian tive or reflexive meaning. According to Rainey 'there may have been some feeling of reflexiveness
morphology, cf. on the part of the scribes'''' and he sees the origin of this verbal root in Hurrian speaking regions,
where it developed from sllkenll. However, a different explanation has been offered by J. Tropper748
maqiitll 'to fall down' - cf. ni-am-qllt (EA 59: 4; EA 170(A): 3); ni-am-qll-llt (EA 100: 6); n[i-
ll) m-qll-ut (EA 200: 5);
who refuses Rainey's theory of reconstruction of the verbal root "'*s[lbn under the influence of
Hun·ian. He identifies the form is-ta-ba-[li-in as a sparsely attested SD or SDt stem of "'ken 'to bow
3mp down'.N9
All attested forms are West Semitic jussives, formed with prefIx t- and suffix -li. A possible Gt stem can be found with sapiiru 'to send', cf. [i)s-[t)a-[pd)r (EA 94: 1); is-ta-par (EA
nadiinll 'to give' - cf. ti-di-11lt (EA 71: 5; EA 86: 4;'" EA 87: 6; EA 95: 5); ti-di-<11lt>-mi (EA 77: 5); 108: 1; EA 116: 1; EA 123: 1); is-tap-p[ar) (EA 122: 1);750 sometimes identified as Gtn preterite/SI erro-
neously written D or Dt stems/S2 or West Semitic qatVl.753
Precative An Akkadian S stem with standard causative meaning is attested only in letters of Egyptian ori-
In the opening passages, the forms of precative are only rarely preserved. The attested examples gin - consult (w)abiilu 'to send', ll' s-t 'e-bi-la-kll (EA 99: 5*); lIs-te-bi-la-kli (EA 367: 3); 'lIS'-te-bi-
are formed by a combination of the precative particle la with verbal forms of the preterite. The la-kll (EA 370: 3); ul-te-bi-la-ak-kll (EA 369: 3).
use of the 3ms instead of the 3mp in EA 96 and EA 97 might be interpreted as a plural form of
majesty, cf. Particles, Conjunctions, Adverbs
sa'iilu 'to ask, to question, to ask after': cf. ii-is-al (EA 96: 6); ii-lis-all (EA 97: 3); Particles
SuffIXed particles
In EA 102: 6 the correct Akkadian precative 3ms for 3fs subject is attested, cf.
-mal-mil-me a direct speech marker; attested throughout the Amarna opening passages; it
nadiinll 'to give' - cf. ii-din (EA 102: 6);
might be employed as a conjunctive particle as well;
-llm(ma) An adverbial particle -llm(ma) is usually employed in the prostration formula;
Non-finite forms Akkadian locative-adverbial suffIX;754
Infinitive -arm) West Semitic suffixed particle of the accusative; le-la-111a (EA 195: 13);755
From the repertoire of non-finite forms, i.e. infinitive, participle and verbal adjective, only infi- -is Akkadian terminative -is is attested only as a part of dannis. with anelative function;
nitives of the G stem are attested in the corpus. The infinitives usually follow either a preposition
(ana) or the relative particle sa and in the majority of cases, there are suffixed personal pronouns, Presentation particles
employed. 11111ma 'thus', employed in the address for the identification of the respective sender; the
qaba 'to speak' - cf. qa-be-e (EA 99: 6*; EA 367: 3; EA 370: 4); a-na qa-be-e (EA 369: 3); analysis of the corpus confirms Albright's conclusions 7SG that in any Canaanite
kabiisll 'to tread on' - cf. sa 'ka '-ba-si- 'ka' (EA 366: 6); sa ka-bd-si-ka (EA 213: 5; EA 241: 6;
EA 254: 3; EA 255: 5); sa ka-bd-si-[k)a4 (EA 220: 6); [sa) ka-bd-S[e-ka) (EA 253: 4); kar 7~6 For the overview, consult above.
bd- 'six '-ka 4 (EA 198: 7); sa ka-bd-sf-ka (EA 195: 7); sa ka-ba-si-su (EA 231: 7-8 ([sa) m RAINP.Y (I 996a: 109).
ka-ba-si-S[ll]); EA 232: 5; EA 234: 6); sa ka-bd-si-su (EA 185: 6 (sa k[a)-b[d) -si-[S[ ll); EA 71OTROPPER (1999: 91-94).
233: 8); 749 Attested forms of "oflJlJlI: '[ (verily) prostrate' - Inf-l/la-lJlal-IJI-11I (EA 304: 12); If-Ii-lJa-IJI-11I (EA 301: 10; EA 303: 10; EA
329: 12); I/fJ-tl-lJa-lJl-ill (EA 307: 2°); If-tl-IJI-IJI-ill (EA 302: 10); III-Ii 1f-/lal-lJa-lJl-11I (EA 319: 13); III-Ii
(w)asiibll 'to sit down' - cf. sa a-sa-bi-ka (EA 195: 8) If-la-lJa-lJl-11I (EA 298: 12; EA 305: 12; EA 314: 7-8; EA 315: 5-6; EA320: 12-13; EA321: 14; EA 323: 6-7; EA 324: 8; EA 326:
7); In II-Ii If-la-lJa-lJl-11I (EA 306: 9; EA 322: 12); III-Ii If-/la-lJal-lJln-11I (EA 308: 7°); III-Ii If-la-lJa-lJl-liIlJ (EA 328: 14); 111-
Ii If-ta- 'lJa '-lJl-11I (EA 378: 8); III-Ii If-lII-lJlI-lJl-11I (EA 325: 8); lilli-Ii Ilf-/III-lJa-llJl i-III (EA 331: 10-11).
m cr. especially, discussions In RAINEY (l996a: II, 101 - 109) and [ZRE'EL (2007: 27-28). 750 With reduplicated second radical.
m For the discussion on this subject, see especially RAINEY (l996a: II, 245-247). 751 Cf. A/-/w 1171.
7H Cr. EA 76: 4; EA 78: 4 ([11-d11-1114); EA 79: 4; EA 81: 3 (t1~-dl-11I4); EA 83: 3; EA 85: 4; EA 105: 3; EA 107: 5; EA 108: 4; EA 109: 752 See AWRIGIIT- MORAN (1950: 165ff.); RAtNIlY (1971: 163, n. 61) or idem (l996a: 11,133-135).
3; EA 112: 4 U/I/-dl-11I4); EA 114: 3; EA 116: 4 !Itn-dl-11I4); EA 118: 7; EA 119: 4; EA 121: 4; EA 122: 5; EA 123: 5; EA 125: 6; 753 Consult SMITII, Sc. p. (1998: 134-135).
EA 130: 5; EA 132: 4. 754 Cr. GAG 107-109, §66. According to SALONIlN (1967: 69 n. I), It represents a Canaanite element In Akkadian.
7015 Used with sg. subject. Can be Interpreted either as a scribal error or a plural of majesty, consult RAINEY (l996a: II, 755 Cr. RAINEY (l996a: IV, 1-2).
246-247); see below. 756 Cf. ALBRIGHT (l942b).

176 177
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
region the particle is followed by a noun in the genitive.'" According to Rainey/""
Canaanite scribes probably understood the particle in the sense of a noun with
the meaning 'message' which resulted in the employment of the following geni-
tive. The same phenomenon, however, can also be observed in a letter from Ala-
siya (EA 38: 2).
Modal particles
dannWmagal usually in the letters from northern areas a preference is given to the quantitati-
ve particle dannis, cf., especially in the letters from Alasiya/ 59 tiatti,'60 and Mitan-
nL 76I However, in other letters from Alasiya'·2 as well as in EA 166: 5 from Aziru of
Amuru to tiaya, and in two letters of Egyptian origin,'GJ the particle magal is
employed.'" In order to emphasize the meaning, both particles can be redupli-
cated;
mila (milanna, mila anna?) 'here (and now);' this particle is only rarely used in the Amarna cor-
pus, cf. mi-Ia an-na (EA 64: 6; EA 283: 5); mi-la (EA 65: 4; EA 282: 4); mi- 'la' (EA 284: 4);'65
Asseverative particles
Iii 'verily', the asseverative particle is attested in the analyzed corpus exclusively in a prostra-
tion formula; its geographical distribution can be identified as southern Canaan, cf. 'I
verily fall' IU-Ll am-qut-ma (EA 299: 10); 'I verily prostrate' IU-lt is-t[aJ-Lw-lJi-in (EA 319:
13); IU-ltis-ta-lJa-lJi-in (EA 305: 12; EA 314: 7-8; EA 315: 5-6; EA 320: 12-13; EA 321: 14; EA
323: 6-7; EA 324: 8; EA 326: 7; EA 298: 12); [II lHI is-ta-lJa-lJi-in (EA 306: 9; EA 322: 12); lu-
II is-t[a-LwJ -lJ[iJ -in (EA 308: 7*); IU-llis-ta-ba-Lli- [inJ (EA 328: 14); llt-ltis-ta- 'lJa '-bi-in (EA
378: 8); IU-ll is-tu-lJu-lJi-in (EA 325: 8); I[uj-lt i[s-tJu-Lw-[bJi-in (EA 331: 10-11); for an
injunctive expression'60 Iii sulmu consult the 'royal' correspondence;
Prepositions
A standard repertoire of prepositions is attested in the opening passages of the Amarna letters.
ana employed extensively in the opening passages to identify a direction of an acti-
on or an indirect object, Le. 'to, towards, with, for'; it also has a locative mea-
ning, ego a-na 12b-bi 'in, within' (EA 1: 6; EA 17: 9; EA 33: 7); a-na pa-ni 'in the
presence' (EA 87: 7; EA 95: 5; EA 102: 7; EA 209: 5-6); ana piiniis also attested as
a conjunction in some of the prostration formula, 'plus' (EA 190: 4; EA 193: 4; EA
195: 14; EA 201: 7; EA 203: 7; EA 205: 7; EA 206: 7); it can be used in collocation
or with the infinitive;
ina In the analyzed corpus, it clearly has a locative meaning, ego i-na llb-bi 'within'
(EA 5: 11; EA 35: 4-5, 7; EA 37: 7);
iStll a usual meaning of 'from' is attested; in EA 34: 4 and EA 166: 4 with caslis pen-
dens, cr. it. is-tu'with, with respect to, as to';
757 Consult also MARCUS (1948); ror Interchangeability or IIlIlllla and awiilllin I-1llllte sources, cr. GorrlE (1948).
756 RAINEY (l996a: 111,176-180).
759 EA 35: 5, 8; EA 37: 7; EA 38: 6.
766 EA 41: 6.
761 EA 17: 10; EA 19: 8; EA 21: 12; EA 23: 12; EA 26: 6; EA 27: 6; EA 28: II; EA 29: 5.
762 EA 33: 8; EA 34: 7; EA 39: 9.
763 EA I: 9; EA 5: 12.
7&I)n the opening passages, always In slalllS abso/lllllS.
765 Consult MORAN (1992: 135, n. I).
766 Cr. GAG 131-133, §81; and TESTEN (1993), see also )-)UElINERGARD (1983).
178
Chapter 9 - Notes on the Language of Amarna
mabarlmabri 'with', ego a-na malJ-ri-ia 'with me' (EA 1: 3); a-lla malJ-ri-ka 'with you' (EA 1: 4;
EA 33: 4; EA 41: 4);
mubbu 'top', usually employed in prepositional phrases, cf. a-na UGU SES-ia 'with my
brother' (EA 35: 5); a-Ila UGU -ka 'with you' (EA 39: 5; EA 59: 3; EA 166: 3);
supai 'under, beneath', cf. EA 185:4; usually employed in prepositional phrases, cf. is-
tu sa su-p[a-lllliterally 'from beneath' (EA 183: 6); a-na KI.TA (EA 126: 2; EA 137:
3; EA 138: 4; EA 362: 3); a-na su-pa-li (EA 174: 5; EA 175: 4; EA 363: 4);
Conjullctions
A coordinating conjunction t't is realized either as it, or u in the opening passages, especially as a
joining element in a series. However, it can be placed at the head of a clause. The subordinating
conjunction iniima'that' is attested in the Amarna corpus only once (in object clause, EA 34: 3).
Notes on the morpho-syntax and syntax
The use of verbal forms
It is important to stress that both in the learned and to a great extent fixed opening passages, the
Akkadian verbal form iprlls ('preterite'), primarily expressing the past tense, has developed into a
present-future tense. This phenomenon can be easily identified especially in the Amarna prostra-
tion formulae cf. 'I fall', 'I (verily) prostrate'). Nevertheless, the same temporal meaning can also be
identified in the attested examples of the Akkadian perfect tense.'·' In other 'dialects' of Peripheral
Akkadian'68 it is attested that the function of Akkadian perfect and preterite forms is identical, alt-
hough the perfect forms are preferred when using weak verbs.
In the corpus of Byblite correspondence, W. L. Moran'·' identified with a high degree of certain-
ty, the existence of other verb categories outside the standard Akkadian repertoire. With respect to
the analysed corpus, it is necessary to stress the identification of the existence of the West Semitic
jussive, which is exclusively used in those parts of containing a certain request or plea addressed to
a deity (the Lady of Gubla; Amun) or deities."o
Syntax
In general we may state that as far as the syntax is concerned the Amarna opening passages do
not reveal any significant departures from Akkadian grammar. The very same conclusion can be
reached in relation to verbless clauses, where the standard Subject - Predicate word order can be
identified.771 Very often, the predicate is the formula Iii sulmu'may it be well'. However, in the indi-
cative verbal clauses the position of the predicate is not fixed and it does not need to occupy the
usual final position. 772 Contrary to morphology, where we are able to identify certain Canaanite ele-
ments, there is no obvious influence of Canaanite on the syntax.
767 cr. 'I am sending to you' - cr. II' f-I 'e-bl-Ia-kll (EA 99: 5'); IIf-le-bi-la-kll (EA 367: 3); 'lIf'-le-bl-la-kll (EA 370: 3); 1I1-le-
768 bl-Ia-ak-kll (EA 369: 3); according to the given context, ills obvious that It cannot be taken as a past action.
769 cr. GORDON (1938: 215-219); WIUIELM (1970: 31-32); RAINEY (l971a) and I-IUElINERGARD (1979: 345).
cr. MORAN (2003: 47 rr.).
776 Rererred to here as 'divine blessings'.
771 cr. especially GAG 225, §126 b, C.
772 Cr. GAG 227-229, §130; see, especially the prostration rormulae; consult also ADLER (1976: 94), COCHAVI-RAINEY (2003:
108). The object clause Introduced by III/illla comes after a main clause, cr. EA 34: 3-4.
179
Chapter 10 - Language of Arnarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions
LANGUAGE OF AMARNA - LANGUAGE OF DIPLOMACY. THE CONCLUSIONS
The discovery of the so-called 'Arnarna archive' at Tell el-Amarna by local inhabitants of a near-
by village can be reliably dated to 1887. The first objects originating from the area arrived at the pre-
sent-day Egyptian museum in Cairo in the late spring of 1887 and by late December of that year E.
A. W. Budge had obtained the first collection of these tablets for the British museum. The Amarna
tablets undoubtedly represent one of the most important and most frequently studied resources for
Ancient Near Eastern history of the middle of the fourteenth century B.C.E. Slightly over 380 docu-
ments, in the majority of cases written in so-called Peripheral Akkadian, were discovered. Periphe-
ral Akkadian was the 'language' of written diplomatic communication, and the documents repre-
sent a considerable and notable source of information on diplomatic procedures and practices bet-
ween two socially equal partners. In addition, they provide us with information on the relationship
between a superior power and its subjects. For the Syro-Palestinian region, however, the Amarna
letters reveal key elements of its political and administrative systems. All the Amarna letters studi-
ed in this volume, display a very similar structure, consisting of, in the majority of cases, the bino-
minal scheme of the opening passages followed by the respective bodies of the letters. Especially in
the case of the opening passages, despite the fact that they represent 'standardized' formulae lear-
ned by scribes in respective schools, there is considerable variability in the composition of their
inner structures, the sequences of elements and the orthography. This may provide us with insights
as to both individual scribal traditions and also in relation to the individual scribes. The Amarna
scribes were, in the majority of cases, very well appraised of the correct and appropriate Akkadian
formulae. In the opening passages, traces of the scribes' own languages can only rarely be recogni-
zed, which is in keeping with the nature of these passages. Unfortunately, the identity of the indivi-
dual scribes of the Amarna letters still remains for us, in the vast majority of cases, a crucial riddle
to which we cannot give a satisfactory answer. However, we can be absolutely confident that 'the
scribes' of Amarna were not just mere functionaries at the court but important, trustworthy and
high-ranking officials and servants of their masters. It is very likely, even indisputable, that these
officials were actually responsible for the employment of concrete and prescribed formulae in the
opening passages.
A detailed analysis of the opening passages of the Amarna letters, presented in the previous
chapters, clearly reveals that the respective passages can be seen and interpreted as an assembly of
individual structural elements. As previously mentioned, it is obvious that these individual ele-
ments share, to a certain degree, a similar structural pattern, and although the sequence of the ele-
ments is relatively solidly fixed, the individual realizations largely relate to particular scribes and
through them to particular school/scribal traditions. Occasional departures from standard Akkadi-
an forms are largely unsystematic and can be taken into consideration only as a secondary issue.
However, certain geographical connotations can be recognized in the sphere of orthography.
For the majority of the Amarna letters, a clear preference is given to the employment of indivi-
dual structural elements, as well as their sequence in the opening passages. This is not purely inci-
dental and the way in which the opening passages were 'constructed,' undoubtedly represented a
sophisticated system of binding codes applied by all interested parties. In this respect, the Amarna
system, also employed in the opening passages, certainly shares many elements with juridical texts.
Among these we may count the existence of a strictly determined system of concepts, reflecting the
180
Chapter 10 - Language of Arnarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions
social and power status of both correspondents. Some diplomatic insights gained from the Amar-
na letters also suggest the instruments of Egyptian political propaganda. The credibility of the data
is supported by logical arguments and certain emotional overtones contribute to the desired
success of this type of written communication.713 Writing a diplomatic letter, in ancient as well as in
modern times, can thus be seen - in a somewhat simplified or simplistic way - as a kind of a puzz-
le, where every element, or even just a very tiny piece, has its appropriate place and any departure
from the established and expected rule can be easily recognized. Just the omission of one single ele-
ment can be seen and interpreted as a particular signal sent from the sender to the addressee. In
order to gain the correct interpretation of such a signal, the two parties, must be able to decipher
the 'message within the message' in the same way. Leaving aside the composition and structure of
a diplomatic letter, we may also include here a reference to the importance of following appropri-
ate patterns of behavior and the employment of various metaphors or appropriate honorific titles
and epithets. 774 In the Amarna age, no less than in modern times, diplomatic correspondence was
carried out in very specific 'diplomatic' language, containing a considerable number of formal and
ceremonial phrases, placed in the opening passages of the respective documents. By the employ-
ment of appropriate formulae, the two interested parties declared their recognition of prestige and
power positions, or, on the contrary, an acknowledgment of the total dependence of one of the par-
ties on the other. Even today, the correct, appropriate and convenient form of address is absolute-
ly necessary in order to ensure a flawless and pure communication exchange between two indivi-
duals, as is equally the case between two political or social entities. The validity of this statement
has been repeatedly cross-checked over the centuries and I simply cannot help myself from illust-
rating the phenomenon by using a passage from the well-known science fiction saga by Frank Her-
bert, 'Dune:' 'Piter unfolded from his chair, crossed to the door, cracked it wide enough to accept a
message cylinder. He closed the door, unrolled the cylinder and scanned it. A chuckle sounded
from him. Another. "WeIl?" the Baron demanded. "The fool answered us, Baron!" "Whenever did an
Areides refuse the opportunity for a gesture?" the Baron asked. "Well, what does he say?" He's most
uncouth, Baron. Addresses you as 'Harkonen' - no 'Sire et Cher Cousin,' no title, nothing." "It's a
good name," the Baron growled, and his voice betrayed his impatience/'s
Due to the poor state of preservation of several tablets, we have been able to discuss only a total
of 290 opening passages, making reference to their inner structure and dividing the letters into
twenty-one types and SUbtypes. The analysis, however, has revealed that the employment of indivi-
dual structures is spread rather unevenly, with almost seventy percent of the documents employ-
ing type 12A. This type is characterized by the following structure: a heading, followed by salutati-
ons in the form of a prostration formula. Despite the fact that some of the types are, with respect to
the number of attested documents, rather limited, we may conclude, that in some cases the varia-
bility of the employed structures, was, at least partially, conditioned by local tradition and/or the
individuality of the scribe. It is quite certain that there were actually certain rules followed when
composing the respective opening passages and in some ways we may call these 'rules' an 'Amarna
diplomatic protocol.'
In an absolute majority of the Amarna epistolary documents, the first element employed in the
opening passages represents the heading, containing an identification of the sender and the
addressee, which is an utterly essential part of the letter, one that cannot be omitted. The identifi-
cation of both correspondents must be, on the one hand, clear and indisputable. However, on the
other hand the information must also be appropriate in relation to the given situation and social
77J BLmDERG (1985-1986).
m JONSON (2000: 193) Identifies Ihese elements as 'dlplomatlc signaling:
775 HERBERT (1990: 14-15).
181
Chapter 10 - Language of Amarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions
status of both parties. 776 The desired explicitness of the identification is provided by means of the
respective personal names. In some cases, actually in the majority of the Amarna letters, this is spe-
cifically achieved by the accompaniment of a series of functional and/or honorific titles and epit-
hets. A binominal classification of the headings on the basis of the sequence of the identification of
the sender and the addressee in the letters discovered at Ugarit has been presented by Nougayrol
(1955: 2-3).777 In his study, he was able to reach more general conclusions as far as the social status
of the respective individuals was concerned. However, for the Amarna material the scheme of Nou-
gayrol is not sufficient and the connection between the social status of both correspondents and
the type of the heading, demonstrated on the Akkadian material from Ugarit, is not as definite. For
example, the heading in which the identification ofthe addressee precedes the identification ofthe
sender, reserved in Ugarit for letters addressed by inferiors, i.e. socially less important persons, to
their 'masters: can also be identified in the Amarna corpus, in messages from a socially superior
person to his subject. This also occurs in letters exchanged between two socially equal partners
and, identical with the 'Ugaritic' practice, in letters from an inferior to a superior person. In the
Amarna corpus, we find a total of eight separate types of the heading; however, only two of them,
i.e. type 1 (ana ADDRESSEEIPN/TITIEXTI - umma SENDERWNITIT/EXTII-muJ) and type 2 (ana ADDRESSEEIPNITITIEXTI
- VERBAL FORMUMPERATIVE. MSI-mu - umma SENDERIPNITIT/EXTII_muJ) can be considered to be 'primary Amar-
na types: being employed in slightly over 87 percent of all analyzed epistolary documents. Neither
of these two types actually reflects the respective social status and relationship between the two
correspondents. The functionality of these two types of heading is thus very debatable and contro-
versial. The fact that, in this respect, the material from Ugarit is different from the Amarna materi-
al, also confirms other corpora dated to the thirteenth century RC.E., such as the Egyptian-Hittite
correspondence of the Ramesside period. As far as the structure of the opening passages is concer-
ned, including the types of heading employed in the letters, it is undoubtedly necessary to treat the
material separately. However, only further studies devoted to the respective 'protocols' may reveal
if there were two or even more traditions that developed in the region over the centuries. Neverthe-
less, in the Amarna corpus, four types of heading can be clearly linked to specific scribal traditions
(cf. type 3, type 6, type 7, and type 8) and with the help of palaeography it may be possible to iden-
tify the individual scribe or scribes.
We have already mentioned that the primary goal of the heading is to clearly identify the identi-
ty of both correspondents. Leaving aside the personal names, we have at our disposal a relatively
rich body of material for further study. Various functional titles and/or epithets are in evidence in
both the heading and in the salutations, representing the second elements of the opening passage.
With respect to the identification of the sender and the addressee, it is possible to state that the
Amarna corpus can be divided into two, relatively well-defined, subsets. These subsets, without a
doubt, reflect the social status of the correspondents; however, in some cases, they also reveal tra-
ces of local scribal traditions. On the one hand, there are letters between 'brothers: 'great kings' and
the rulers of Great Powers and in order to define their correspondence we may mainly make refe-
rence to the 'family metaphor.' On the other hand, we do have letters addressed by inferior and
petty rulers of the Syro-Palestinian region to their Egyptian 'overlord.' These kinglets, however,
stand outside the core royal 'family'; they are, indeed, still members of the royal 'household,' but not
of the family itself. They were humble and loyal servants, always ready to offer their ear to the words
of their master and to fulfill the duties and wishes of their superior. The king of Egypt acted as their
'master,' but not as their father. The only 'fathers' in relation to these local rulers were their imme-
diate superiors, representatives of the king's power in the region, i.e. his respective officials. In the
776 "You may call the Duke 'my Lord' or 'Sire.' 'Noble Bol'l1' also is correct, but usually reserved for more formal occasions.
The son may be addressed as 'your Master' or 'my Lord.' The Duke is a man of much leniency, but brooks lillie famili-
arity." (HEROERT 1990: 107).
777 NOUGAYROL (1955: 2-3).
182
Chapter 10 - Language of Amarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions
majority of cases, these individuals are identified by means of their personal names, something
that is a phenomenon unique to, and, even then rarely employed in, the letters addressed directly
to the king of Egypt. By the employment of the personal name when identifying the addressee, the
sender, to a certain degree, is already indicating his personal relationship - a relationship that
would contravene the conventional and agreed rules and regulations. Compared with the reperto-
ire of the thirteenth century RC.E., the Amarna corpus of letters represents a relatively limited
resource. Although some of the means of identification, especially the functional titles, can be
recognized both in the earlier and in the later sources, some can be seen as representing a unique
'Amarna repertoire.' In some cases, however, we may go even further and connect the origin of cer-
tain epithets with absolutely concrete scribal traditions. The original sources for the 'Amarna reper-
toire: however, can be identified in various traditions, including Mesopotamian-Hittite, Egyptian
and some local Syro-Palestinian ones, although in many cases it is very difficult to trace the origin
of the particular expressions.
The second element of the opening passage, the salutations, is, in relation to the subject of the
inner structure, even more variable than the heading. In the salutations of the Amarna letters, up
to six individual elements can be recognized These include the following: a report on the sender's
well-being, with a possible extension to other members of his household and his belongings, the
greetings and the extended greetings, the prostration formula and the expression of divine bles-
sings. In addition, a clear distinction can be made between the so-called 'royal' and 'vassal' or, in
other words, 'imperial' correspondence. Typical elements of the 'royal' correspondence are the gre-
etings and the reports on the well being of the sender. The greetings and the reports on the sende-
r's well-being are used in altogether thirteen types and subtypes ofthe structure of the opening pas-
sages, including three types in which we may identify a rather unusual and rarely attested combi-
nation with the prostration formula, otherwise generally recognized as an element typical for the
'vassal' correspondence. With respect to the 'royal' correspondence, or rather to correspondence
between two socially equal and recognized partners, we should note that a key element, typical in
this type of communication, is in relation to the report on the well being of the sender. There are
altogether three 'royal' letters, classified as type 3 (EA 12, EA 15, and EA 16), in which the report on
the sender's well-being is missing. In all three cases, however, an explanation for this departure
from the rule may relate to the social status of the respective senders, Le. the Babylonian princess
and the king of Assyria, a 'latecomer' to the 'family.' As far as the extended report on the well being
f of the sender is concerned, Le. the report also involving other members of sender's household, it is
never used in the correspondence from Jjatti and MitannL The most complicated and 'multi-leve-
J led' structure, however, is in evidence in the correspondence of Egyptian origin (type 6), Unfortu-
nately, only two 'royal' letters of Egyptian origin are known to us at this stage, Nevertheless, in both
cases, there is a unique salutation structure, consisting of the report on the sender's well-being, fol-
lowed by the greetings, and the extended greetings, with a duplication of the report on the sender's
well-being and its extension occupying the final positions within the structure,
The presence of the salutations in the opening passages logically necessitates a parallel applica-
tion of the greetings, Thus, on the one hand, the sender expresses his best wishes towards the
i addressee, while on the other hand he simultaneously enunciates the his own well being, By the
employment of both elements, the sender openly declares their equal status; both partners are thus
II! identified as socially equal. However, it is necessary to stress that for the Amarna correspondence
1 it holds true that the employment of the greetings in the opening passage does not necessarily
require the employment of the salutations, In altogether five types (type 8, type 9, type 10, type 13,
and type 14), neither the report on the well being of the sender, nor its extended version, is used,
Nevertheless, none of the messages, classified into these types, can be understood as a communi-
cation between two socially equal partners, More likely, on the contraty, the senders of all these let-
ters were almost certainly in an inferior position in relation to the respective addressees - the Hit-
183
Chapter 10 - Language of Amarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions Chapter 10 - Language of Amarna - Language of Diplomacy. The Conclusions

tite prince (EA 44), the kings of Ugarit (EA 45, EA 49), or the citizens ofTunip (EA 59) writing to the
king of Egypt; the queen of Ugarit sending her message to her royal partner in Egypt (EA 48); Ba'lu-
ya and BeCilu giving a report to their father, i.e. Aziru of Amurru (EA 170A) as well as in the messa-
ge of Amurba'la; or Aziru of Amurru in his letters addressed to respective officials (EA 158, EA 166).
The Amarna corpus also contains a kind of a 'transitional' type (type 14) between the 'royal' and the
'vassal' correspondence. In the two letters addressed to the king of Egypt by the respective kings of
Ugarit, a combination of'royal' and 'vassal' elements can be identified, i.e. the greetings and the
extended greetings are preceded by the prostration formula.
Considering the number of preserved 'vassal,' or in other words, 'imperial' documents, we have
to pay special attention to the prostration formula, which expresses the self-abasement ofthe infe-
rior sender of the message. This element, however, represents the most variable part of the Amar-
na opening passages. We may encounter it in eight separate structures of the opening passage but
within the context of its inner structure, especially the presence of individual elements and their
sequence, it may be classified into twenty-two types, with the majority of documents classified as
type 6 (i.e. the directional phrase followed by the element of manner ['number'] and the respective
verbal form), a type which does not bear any geographical connotations. The great variability of the
prostration formulae may suggest that the scribes were well aware of the importance of this ele-
ment in the opening passage. However, in many cases they used their own 'language' to catch the
meaning, without paying too much attention to its form. Nevertheless, we cannot completely rule
out the possibility that there might exist certain patterns in the composition of the prostration for-
mulae.
To a much lesser extent than in the prostration formula, we may observe the presence of a wish
for divine intervention on behalf of the addressee, i.e. the divine blessings (type IS, type 16, type
17). This element is especially typical in letters of Byblite origin (type IS, type 17). As well as the
Lady of Gubla, the name of the Egyptian god, Amun, is also attested. Nevertheless, it is necessary to
stress that Amun's name never appears in letters addressed to the king of Egypt and it is observed
solely in the correspondence addressed to officials. In addition, the 'quality' of this divine interven-
tion is different; for the officials, 'honor' in the presence of the king is invoked, whereas the king is
wished 'power.'
on the Amarna letters. On the first level, the epistolary documents can be classified on the basis of
the structure of elements employed in the opening passages. Nevertheless, if we put together the
texts with identical inner structures, i.e. the overall structure of the opening passage together with
the structure of the heading and the structure of the prostration formula (if present), we can see
that in several cases the inner structure corresponds with the origin of the texts and, in some cases,
it also relates to the social status of both correspondents. The sequence of individual elements and
their variability within the opening passages enable us to approach the Amarna letters from yet
another perspective, which can not only contribute to discussions devoted to a supposed origin of
particular documents, but can also help us to get a better understanding of the political and social
situation, as well as diplomatic procedures used in the respective regions during the course of the
fourteenth century B.C.E. As far as the provenance of the texts is concerned, a considerable achie-
vement is represented, without question, by the provenance study presented byYuval Goren, Isra-
el Finkelstein and Nadav Na'aman in 2004,776 which provided those scholars working with the Amar-
na letters, with a new and remarkable aspect and opened a new area for further debate. With all due
respect to the aforementioned volume, however, we cannot simply abandon all the earlier materi-
al written on the subject. Only by combining the data received through various methods, including
the typology of the structure of the 'standardized' opening passages, can we reach a more accurate
and clearer picture of the 'Amarna world.'

The variability of the structure of the opening passages, as well as of the individual elements,
naturally and automatically raises a question, i.e. as to whether we can also recognize a similar vari-
ability in the 'language' of the Amarna opening passages. A certain variability can be seen in ortho-
graphy, especially with some substantives, written syllabically or by means of some logograms. The
individual determinatives are, in general, used correctly and in compliance with standard Akkadi-
an practices. In a similar way as in contemporary Babylonian texts, the Amarna opening passages
only rarely use mimation. With respect to the morphology of pronouns, we may conclude that, in
the majority of cases, the scribes were well-aware of the correct Akkadian forms and the sporadic
departures from the rule can be taken as isolated mistakes, ascribed to individual scribes and the
influence of their native language. In most cases the numbers are written logographically, although
in the category of multiplicative numbers, contained in the prostration formula, syllabic writing is
also attested. The gender and number of substantives, supposedly, did not represent any serious
problems for the scribes. Based on the character of the analyzed corpus it is apparent that the
repertoire of verbal forms is limited. With some verbal forms, some variations of personal morphe-
mes unattested in core dialects can be recognized, as well as the employment of West Semitic jus-
sive forms. An important phenomenon, however, represents the employment of forms of the Akka-
dian preterite for the present-future tense in the Syro-Palestinian region.

A study of the structure of the Amarna opening passages, as well as an analysis of individual ele-
ments and their sequence within the structure provides us, undoubtedly, with another perspective 778 GOREN - FINKl!lsrmN - NA'AMAN (2004).

184 185
Appendix Appendix

EA3
CG 4743 [SR 4/12210/01
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL 0889-1890: no. 1); KNUDTZON (1915: 68-71); MORAN (1992: 7-8); HESS (1993: 95 [I. 31;
117-118 [I. Ill; LIVERANI (1999: 347-348 [LA 2771l
Transliteration:
APPENDIX
01 [a-lla M.lli-ib-mlll-'-/lIa-ri-ia LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-[i SES-Ila
02 [q~ -bf-ma
03 [1II1I-l1la M.ka-dia-af-ma-all-EN.LfL LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.dll-Il[ll-ia-as SES-ka-ma
The transliterations presented in Appendix are primarily based on collations and photographs, as well as on the 04 [a-na ia-fi fill-ill-mil a-lla ka-a-fa a-lla E-ka DAM.MES-ka
published cuneiform copies. For the recent photographs of the Berlin and London Amarna tablets, consult 'Las 05 [it a-na gab-bid KUR-ti-ka GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka
tablillas de EI-Amarna en el Vorderasiatisches Mllseum de Berlin' at http://amarna.ieiop.csic.es/index.php and the 06 [LO.MES.GAL.IGAL-ka da-all-lIi-if 111-11 fll-III-mll
'Inscriptifact. An Image Database of Illscriptions and Artifacts' http://www.inscriptifact.com/index.shtml. The
Cairo tablets were photographed in March 2007. Translation:
01 [To Nibmluwariya, the king of Egyp[t, mly [brother,1
EA 1 02 [spleak;
BME29784 03 [thus (says) Kadla~manenlil, the king of Karadun[llya~, your brother:
04 [It is wlell [with me.J With you, with your household, your wives,
Literature: BEWLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 1); KNuDrwN (1915: 60-67); MOIlAN (1992: 1-5); HESS (1993: 95 [I. 11; 117-118 05 [and withJ your [entirJe country, your chariots, your horses,
[I. 21l; ZEWI (1995: 667 [II. 3-91l; LIVERANI (1999: 344-347 [LA 2751l 06 your [magi nates, may it be very well.
Transliteration:
01 [a-ilia M. rka' - rdd' -af- rma, -all- rEN". rLfL' LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.dll-n[i]-fe
02 rSES' -ia q(-bf-ma IIm-l1la M.lli-ib-mll-a-ri-ia LUGAL GAL EA5
03 LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-i.KI SES-ka-ma a-lla mab-ri-ia fill-mil BME 29787 + CG 4744 [SH 4/12195/0J
04 a-lla mab-ri-ka 111-11 fill-mil a-na E-ka a-na DAM.MES-ka
05 a-lla DUMU.MES-ka a-lla LO.MES.GAL.GAL.MES-ka ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 17); BEwLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 4); KNUDTWN (1915: 74-77); MOIIAN
06 GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka a-na Ilb-bi KUR.KUR-ka da-an-lIl-if Ill-II flll-1Il1l (1992: 10-11); HESS (1993: 95 [I. 21; 117-118 [I. 21l; LIVEIIANI (1999: 350-351 [LA 2791l
07 a-lla ia-a-U fill-mil a-lla E-ia a-na DAM.MES-ia a-na DUMU.MES-ia Transliteration:
08 a-lla LO.MES.GAL.GAL.MES-ia ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ia GIS.GIGIR-ia 01 [lIm-ma M.lli-ib-lI1l1-a-rli-i[a LUGAL GALJ
09 ERfN.MES ma-ad flll-11l11 /1 IIb-bi KUR.KUR-Ia ma-gal fll/-1Il1I 02 [LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-i a-lla M.Jka-[da-af-lI1a-an.-EN.LfLI
03 [LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.dIlJ-II/-ia-[asSES-iaJ
Translation: 04 [qf-bf-Illa a-lla mab-rl-/la fll [-< 111 II> a-Ina lIIa[l-ri-kal
01 [Tol 'l<aHda'~rma'nrenlll', theklngofKaraduniya~, 05 [Ill-Ii flll-IIIII a-lla E.MES-kla DAM.MES-[kal
02 my rbrother', speak; thus (says) Nlbmuariya, the great king, 06 [DUMU.MES-ka LO.MES.GAL.GAL.MES-kla ERfN.MES-k[al
03 the king of Egypt, your brother: It Is well with me. 07 [ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-kJa GIS.[GIGIR.MESI-ka II i-[lIa Ilb-bll
04 May It be well with you. With your household, with your wives, 08 [KUR.KUR.UI.A-ka Ill-II fllll-lI111
05 with your sons, with your magnates, with your horses, 09 [a-lla ia-af-fi §] 111-11/11 a-na n.UI.A-ia DAM.MES-[ial
06 with your chariots, within your countries, may it be very well. 10 [DUMU.MES-ia LO.MES.GIAL.GAL-ia ERfN.MES-ia 1l1a-[a-adl
07 It Is well with me. With my household, with my wives, with my sons, II [ANSE.KUR.RA.MESI-Ia GIGIR.MES-Ia II i-lla Ilb- rbi"
08 with my magnates, with my horses, with my chariots, 12 [KUR.KUR.UI.A-Ila ilia-gal lila-gal Ill-II flll-ll/ll
09 numerous troops It is well and within my countries it Is very well.
Translation:
EA2
01 [Thus (says) Nlbmuarley[a, the great klng,l
VAT 148 + VAT 2706 02 [the king of Egypt; tol Ka[da~manenlll,1
Literature: WINCKI.ER- ADEI. (1889-1890: nos. 2 and 5); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. I); KNUDTZON (1915: 66-69); MORAN 03 [the king of Karadulniya[~, my brother,J
(1992: 2); I-Ir.ss (1993: 95 [I. 21; 117-118 [I. Ill; LIVERANI (1999: 347 [LA 2761l 04 [speak:1 It Is wed!> [with mle. W[lth youJ
05 [may it be well. With yolur [household>s<I, [yourl wives,
Transliteration: 06 [your sons, yolur [magnatesl, yo[url troops,
01 a-lla M.lli-mll-/lIa-ri-ia LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-i SES[ -ia qf-bf-mal 07 [yolur [horses]. your c[hariotsl and [withll[nl
02 r/ll n ' - rma, M.ka-da-af- rma, -[all-EN.L1fL LUGAL KUR.ka-ra[-D.dll-nl-la-a§] 08 [your country may It be wi ell.
03 a-lla rla'-fi II ma-I[i-ial da-an-lI/-iH[II-II/-1Il1l1 09 [It Is wlell [with me.1 With my household>s<, [myJ wives,
04 a-lla ka-a-fa a-lla DA[M.MES-kla a-na DUMU.MES-ka a-lI[a LO.MES.GAL-ka[ 10 [my sons,l my (mal gnats, my numerous troops,
05 rANSE'. rKUR'.RA.MES-ka rGIS'.[GIGIR.MES-kal IllIIa-ti-ka ga-a[bl-bl-fa da-all-lIi-if III fll[-III-1II111 II my [horsesl, my chariots and within
12 [mly [countrlesJ, may it be velY, very well.
Translation:
01 To Nlmuwariya, the king of Egypt, [my I brother, speak;
02 r thus' (says) [KJa(dlaMmla[nenlli!lI, the king ofKara[dunlya~(:)1 EA6
03 It is very [weill with r me' and (my[ country.
VAT 149
04 With you, with [yolur wllves]. with your sons, wirth your magnatesl,
05 with your rhor'ses, [yourl ch[ariotsl and your ent[llre country, may it be very w[elli. Literature: WINCKLER- AmlL (1889-1890: no. 4); SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 3); KNUDTZON (1915: 78-79); MORAN (1992: 12);
I-lESS (1993: 63-6411. 3]); LIVERANI (1999: 351-352 [LA 2801l

186 187
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation: BA9

01 [a-ilia rM' .rIlC_rmll,_rwa,_rrC _ria' 01 [T]o 'Nimuwareya', BME29785
02 SES-ia qf-b[f-mal 02 my brother, spe[ak;]
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 2; pI. 24 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 88-91); MORAN (1992: 18-19); HESS (1993:
[R.ka-ra-D.dll-lIi-ia-aS[
63-64 [I. 31; 115-116 [I. 1]); LlVERANI (1999: 355-356 [LA 283])
03 1I111-ma bllr-ra-bll-ri-ia-asLUGAL KU 03 thus (says) BUITaburiya~, the king of IKaraduniya~,1
04 SES-ka-ma a-lla ia-si Sll-lll-[mlli 04 your brother: It is weill] with me. Transliteration:
05 a-lla ka-sa F.-ka DAM.MES-ka DUMU.MES[ -kal 05 With you, your household, your wives, [yourl sons, 01 a-lla Ili-ip-bu-ur-ri-ri-ia LUGAL KUR./1l[i-i~-ri-ll
06 KUR-ka rLO' .GAL.MES-ka 06 your country, your magnates, [yo]ur horses, 02 qf-bf-m[al
ANSE.KUR.RA. rMES' -[kla 03 1lI1l-ma bur-ra-bu-ri-ia-asLUGAL KUR.ka-ra-d[ll-ll]i-ia-as
07 GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka III sll-lIl-[muj 07 your chariots, may it be weIll]. 04 SES-ka-ma a-lla ia-a-si sll-lli-/1lu
05 a-lla ka-a-sa F.-ka DAM.MES-ka DUMU.MES-ka KUR-ka
06 LO.GAL.MES-kaANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka da-all-[lIi-/lS IU-II sll-lIl-l/lll
BA7
VAT 150 Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - ADEL (1889-1890: no. 7); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 4); KNUDTZON (1915: 78-85); MORAN (1992: 01 To Nipburririya, the king of E[gypt,1
12-16); HESS (1993: 63-64 [I. 2]; 115-116 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1999: 352-354 [LA 281]) 02 speak[;]
Transliteration: 03 thus (says) Burraburiyall, the king of Karad[unliyall,
04 your brother: It is well with me.
01 [a-lla M.lla-ap-lJlI]-m-ri-ia LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-[rl-ll
05 With you, your household, your sons, your country,
02 [SES-ia qf-bO-1I1a 1I/1l-ma bllr-ra-bll-ri-ia[-aS[
03 [LUGAL GAL LUG]AL KUR.ka-ra-D.dll-IIi-ia-as a-b[lI-ka-1I1a] 06 your magnates, your horses, your chariots, may it be ve[rly well.

04 [a-lla Ila-si il F.-ia a-IIaANSE.KUR.RA-ia tI GI[S.GIGIR.MES-ia]

05 [a-lla r]a-ab-bll-ti-ia II ma-ti-ia da-all-IIi-[is sll-lIl-mu]
BAlO
BME29786
06 a-lla a-bi-ia II F.-su a-lla ANSE.KUR.RA-Sllll Gl[S.GIGIR.MES-sul
07 a-lla ra-ab-bu-ti-sUII ma-ti-slI da-all-IIi-is l[1I-11 slI-lIl-mul Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 3; pI. 10 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 90-95); MORAN (1992: 19-20); HESS (1993:
63-64 [I. 2]; 115-116 [I. I]); LIVERANI (1999: 356-358 [LA 284])
Translation: 1)'ansliteration:
01 [To Napbu]rurlya, the great king, the king of Egy[pt,] 01 [a-ilia [lIa-ap-bll]-ra-r[i-ila LUGAL KUR.I/l[i-i~-ri-i qf-bf-mal
02 [my brother, speak]; thus (says) Burraburly[a~,1 02 [lllm-lIla bllr-ra-bll-ri-ia-asLUGAL KUR.ka-ra-D.d[l1l-lI[i-ia-aSi
03 [the great king, the kllng of Karadulllya~, [yourl bro[ther:1 03 a-lla ia-a-sl sl/-III-I11[ 111
04 a-lla ka-a-sa a-lla bl-ti-ka a-lla as-sa-ti-ka a-lla [
04 [With mle and my household, with my horse<s> and [my I c[harlots,1 05 a-lla ra-ab-bll-li-ka a-lla ~a-bi-ka
05 [wlthl my [m]agnates and my country, it is verry weill. 06 a-lla GIS.GIGIR.tII.A-ka a-lla si-sl-ka II a-lla ma-ti-ka
07 da-all-IIi-is Ill-II sll-lIl-mll
06 With my brother and his household, with his horse<s> and [his] c[hariots,1
07 with his magnates and his country, m[ay it bel very [weiLl
Translation:
01 [Tlo [Napbulrare[yla, the king of E[gypt, speak;1
BA8 02 ltUlUS (says) 8urraburiyall, the king of Karad[uln[iyall(:lI
03 It is wellli with me.
VAT 152
04 With you, with your household, with you wives, with [
Literature: WINCKI.ER - ADEL (1889-1890: no. 8); SCIIROIlDIlR (l915a: no. 5); KNUDTZON (1915: 84-89); MORAN (1992: 05 with your magnates, with your troops,
16-17); HESS (1993: 63-64 [I. 31; 115-116 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1999: 354-355 [LA 282]) 06 with your chariots, with your horses and with your country,
1)'ansliteratlon: 07 may it be very well.
01 [a-III a lIa-ap-bll- '-/'ll- r ri'- [Ial
02 ~UGAL' KUR.11li-i~-rl-i SES-ia qf-[bf-ma]
03 rllm'-1I1a bllr-ra-bll-ri-ia-as LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-[D.dll-III-la-aS[
BAll
04 SES-ka-ma a-lla ia-a-si SII-III-11111 VAT 151 + VAT 1878
05 a-lla ka-sa KUR-ka E-ka DAM.MES-ka DUMU.MES-k[al
Literature: WINCKLP.R - ADEI. (1889-1890: nos. 6, 218 and 225); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 6); KNUDTZON (1915: 94-99);
06 LO.GAL.MES-ka ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka
MORAN (1992: 21-23); HESS (1993: 63-64 [I. 21; 115-116 [I. 1]); LIVP.RANI (1999: 358-359 [LA 285])
07 da-all-III-ls III slI-lIl-mll
Transliteration:
Translation: 01 a-lla M.lla-ap-!Jll-l'lI- rrj'_ ra' LUGAL KUR.mi-j~-ri-j SE[S- la qf-bf-mal
01 [Tlo Napbru rri'[ya] 02 lIm-[ma M.bllr-]na-bll- rri'_ ria' -as LUGAL KUR.ka-ra-dll-IIi-i[a-as SES-ka-ma]
02 rthe king' of Egypt, my brother, sp[eak;1 03 a-[lIa ia-sl SllI-u/-mll a-lla ka-a-sa DAM.MES-ka E-k[a DUMU.MES-kal
03 rUUIS' (says) Burraburiyall, the king of Kara[duniyall,1 04 [a-lla ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-kla a-lla GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka da-all-IIi-ls Ill-II SIll-III-mill
04 your brother: It is well with me.
05 With you, your country, your household, your wivesm YOlurl sons, Translation:
06 your magnates, your horses, your chariots, 01 To Napburu rriya', the king of Egypt, [my I broth [er, speak;1
07 may It be very well. 02 th[us (says) Burlnabu rriya'll, the king of Karaduniy[all, your brother:1

188 189
Appendix Appendix

03 It is Iwlell wlith me.] With you, your wives, yolur] household, Iyour sons,] 08 a-lla ERlN.MES bll-ra-ti-ka a-na ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka 08 with your warriors, with your horses,
04 lwith yo]ur Ihorses], your chariots, may it be very wlell.] 09 a-lla GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka it a-na nb-bi KUR-ka 09 with your chariots and within your country,
10 dd-an-ni-is Ill-II Sill-mil 10 may it be very well.

EAI2
EAI8
VAT 1605
Literature: WINCKLER -ABEL (1889-1890: no. 188); SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 7); KNUDTWN (1915: 98-101); MORAN (1992: VAT 1880 + VAT 1879
1-5); LlVERANI (1999: 360 ILA 2861) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 217, 230 =226); SCHROI!DI!R (l9ISa: no. 8); KNUDTWN (19IS: 134-137);
Transliteration: Translation: ADLER (1976: 126-127)
01 a-lla M.M-if-ia 01 To my master, Transliteration:
02 qf-bf-ma 1II1l-ma 02 speak; thus (says) 01 la-na M.lli-im-mll-ri-ia LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-ll qf-bf-ma
03 DUMU.MI LUGAL-ma 03 the daughter of the king: 02 [um-ma M.tit-lls-rat-ta LUGAL KUR.mi-ta-all-lIi SES] - rka '-l11a
04 a-lla ka-sa GIS.GIGIR/ti-kaj 04 With you, [your] chariotls,J 03 [a-na ia-si sill-ill II a-lla ka-a-sa IU]-It slll-mu
05 r[af- rm[tf-/[II-tJ i [il E-k]a 05 IpJe[olp[lJe [and yo]ur Ihousehold,] 04 [a-lla LU.G]AL.MES-ka
06 Ill-II rSll,_rlll'_r,lllt' 06 may it be IwJe[l]1. OS [ ]
06 [ it a-lla mim-l1lll-ka dall-nfs dan-nfs III-II SIlJ 1-/1111
EAI5
Translation:
MMA24.2.11
01 [To Nimmuriya, the king of Egypt,] speak;
Literature: SCHElL (1902: 114); KNUDTZON (1915: 124-127); BULL (1926: 170, fig. 1 10bv.l); I-IAYES (1959: 296, fig. 182 02 [thus (says) 1iJ~ratta, the king of Mltanni,J ryour' [brother]:
[obv.l); MORAN (1988: 149-150, pIs. 112-113); MORAN (1992: 37-38); HESS (1993: 43-44 II. 31); LIVERANI (1999: 362-363 03 [It well with me. MaJy It be well [with you.J
ILA 2871) 04 [WithJ your [magnateJs,
1)'ansliteration: 1)'anslation: OS [ J
01 a-lla LUGAL KUR.lllli-i~-~a-"'l 01 To the king of Elgypt.1 06 [ and to whatever that belongs to you, may it be very, very w]ell.
02 qf-bi-[maJ 02 speakl;]
03 IIIIl-ma M.D.a-sllr-TI.LIA LUGAL KURD.a-]slIr-ma 03 thus (says) A~~urub[alli\, the king of A]ssyria:
04 a-lla ka-sa J?-ka a-lla KUR-ka 04 Wilh you, YOlll' household, wilh your country, EA 19
05 a-lla GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka " ERIN.MES-ka 05 with your chariots and your troops, BME 29791
06 Ill-II slll-lI111 06 may it be well.
Literature: BUlOW - BUDGE (1892: no. 8; pis. 18-19 [photol); KNUDTZON (l9IS: 136-14S); ADLER (1976: 128-13S);
MORAN (1992: 43-46); HESS (1993: 117-118 [I. I]; 161-162 [I. 31); LlVEIlANI (1999: 367-370 [LA 290])
EA 16
1)'ansliteratlon:
CG 4746 ISR 4/12209/0J 01 [a-lIa] M./11-im-l1lll-ri-la LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.l1Ii-i~-ri-i SES-lia]
Literature: WINCKLI!II- AUEL (1889-1890: no. 9); KNUDTZON (1915: 126-131); MOIIAN (1992: 38-41); HESS (1993: 43-44 02 lJa-ta-ni-ia sa i-ra-'-alll-all-ni ii sa a-ra-a[m-mll-lIS1
[1.31; 115-11611. 11); LIVEIIANI (1999: 363-364 ILA 2881) 03 qf-bf-Illa 1II11-l1Ia M.I1I-lls-rat-ta LUGAL GAL e-l1li-i-[ka]
1)'ansliteratlon: Translation: 04 sa i-ra- '-a-mll-II-ka LUGAL KUR.mi-i-it-ta-all-ni SES-ka-lIIa
OS a-lla ia-si slll-l1lu a-lla ka-a-sa III-II sill-ill II a-lla I?-ka
01 a-na M.nla-a]p-LIII-Irli-il-ia LUGAL GALl 01 To N[a]pou[r]iy[a, the great king,] 06 a-na a-lJa-ti-ia il a-na re-e-lJll-ti DAM.MES-ka a-lla DUMU.MES-ka
02 LUGAL KUR.llli-i~-~a-ri rSES' -ia qlf-bi-l1Ial 02 the kIng of Egypt, my 'brother', s[peak;J 07 a-lla GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka a-lla ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka a-lla ERIN.GAL-ka
03 lilli-ilia M.D.a-slI/'-TI.LA LUGAL KUIRJ.D.[a-slI]r 03 thus (says) AMlII'uballi\, the kIng of [Assylria, 08 a-na KUR-ka il a-lla mim-/1/11-ka dan-llfs dan-llfs Ill-II Sill-mil
04 LUGAL GAL SES-ka-lIla 04 the great king, YOlll' brother:
Translation:
05 a-lla k[aJ -a-[Sla a-lla I?-ka il KUR-ti-ka III-II SIll] 1-lmJ 11 OS Wilh y[oJu, wilh your household and YOlll'
country, may il be w[eJI[IJ. 01 [To] Nlmmuriya, the great king, the king of Egypt, [myJ brother,
02 my son-In-law, who loves me and whom I 10[ve,J
03 speak; message of1\l~ratta, the great king, [yolll'J father-in-law,
EA 17 04 who loves you, the king of Milannl, your brother:
OS It Is well wilh me. May il be well with you. Wilh Yolll' household,
BME29792 06 wilh my sister, wilh the rest of your wives, wilh yOll\' sons,
Literatlll'e: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 9); KNUDTWN (l9IS: 130-135); ADLER (1976: 122-12S); MORAN (1992: 41-42); 07 wilh your chariots, wilh your horses, with your warrior<s>,
HESS (1993: 99 JI. SJ; 117-118 [I. II; 161-16211. 31); LIVERANI (1999: 366-367 [LA 2891) 08 with your country and wilh whatever that belongs to you, may it be very, very well.
1)'ansllteratlon: Translation:
01 a-lla M.lli-ib-mll-a-ri-ia LUG[AL KURmi-is-ri-ll oI To Nlbmuarlya, the kinlg of Egypt,J
02 SES-ia qf-bf-Illa . 02 my brother, speak; EA20
03 IIII1-ma M.tII-iS-e-rat-ta LUGAL KUR[lIlll-!t-ta-alll-1/I1 03 thus (says) 1iJ1~eratta, the king of [MI]ta[nnl,J VAT 191
04 SES-ka-lIla a-na ia-sl slll-1Il11 04 Yolll' brother: It Is well wilh me. Literatlll'e: WINCKLER - AUEL (1889-1890: no. 22); SCHROEDER (l9ISa: no. 9); KNUDTZON (19IS: 144-IS3); ADLER (1976:
OS a-lla ka-a-sa III-II sill-ill 11 a-lla MI.kll-III-IJIl-bd OS May il be well wilh you. IMay il be weill with 136-143); MORAN (1992: 47-50); I-lESS (1993: 117-118 [I. IJ; 161-162 [I. 3]); LlVERANI (1999: 370-372 [LA 291])
Keluoepa,
06 a-lJa-ti-ia Ill-II slll-IIlU a-lla I?-ka 06 my sister. With your household, Transliteration:
07 a-na DAM.MES-ka a-na DUMU.MES-ka a-lla 07 with your wives, with your sons, with your 01 [a-lla M.lli-illl]-IIlIl-II-a-rl-ia LUGAL KUR[llli-i~-ri-ll SES-ia lra-ta-lIi-la
LU.GAL.MES-ka magnates, 02 [sa a-raj -'-a-mil sa i-ra- '[a-lIw-an-nn qf-bf-ma

190 191
Appendix Appendix

03 [lIm-11la M.I tit-lls-rat-ta LUGAL KUR.mi-i-tja-all-ml e-mll-u-ka 05 sa i-ra-'-a-mll-ka e-mll-ka-ma 05 who loves you. your father-in-law:
04 [sa i-rJa- '-a-11l1l-lt-ka SES-ka [a-Ila lla-si sill-mil a-Ila ka-a-sa 06 a-Ila ia-si sll/-11l1l a-na ka-a-sa Ill-It slIl-mll 06 It is well with me. May it be well with you.
05 [/ll-Itl slll-nut a-na E-ka a-Ila DAM.MES-[kal a-Ila D[UMUI.MES-ka a-Ila LO.MES.GAL-ka 07 a-Ila E-ka a-Ila 'MLta-a' -d1l4 -'blf -pd DUMU.Mf-ia 07 With my household. with Tadubepa. my daughter.
06 [a-Ila GISI.GIGIR.MES-ka a-Ila ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka a-Ila ERfN.GAL.MES-ka 08 a-Ila DAM-ka sa ta-ra-'-a-mllill-It slll-mll 08 >with< your wife. whom you love. may it be well.
07 [a-ilIa KUR-ka it 11li11l-11l1l-ka da-all-ni-is da-all-Ili-is Ill-It slll-l11l1 09 a-Ila DAM.MES-ka a-na DUMU.MES-ka a-na 09 With your wives. with your sons. with your
LO.MES.GAL-ka magnates.
Translation: 10 a-Ila GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka a-llaANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 10 with your chariots. with your horses.
01 [To Nimlmuariya. the king of [Egypt. I my brother. my son-is-Iow 11 a-Ila ERfN.MES-ka a-Ila KUR-ka It a-na 11 with your troops. with your country and with
02 [whom I Hove. who love[s me.1 speak; 12 mi11l-mll-ka dall-Ilfs dall-Ilfs Ill-It slll-mll 12 whatever that belongs to you. may it be very.
03 [thus (says)1 Th~ratta. the king of Mit[annil. your father-in-law. very well.
04 [who lolves you. your brother(:) It is well [with mle. I [May itl be weill with you.
05 With your household. with [yourl wives. with your s[onls. with your magnates.
06 [withl your [clhariots. with your horses. with your warriors. EA26
07 [witlh your country and (with) whatever that belongs to you. may it be very well.
BMB 29794 + A 9356 [Oriental Institute)
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 11; pI. 9 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 222-227); MOMN (1992: 84-86); ADLER
EA21 (1976: 206-211); HESS (1993: 152-153 [I. 4]; 161-162 [I. 21); LIVERANI (1999: 392-393 [LA 2951)
Transliteration:
VAT 190
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 21); SCHROEDER (1915a: 10); KNUDTZON (1915: 152-155); ADLER (1976: 01 [a-Ila Mf.te-i-e NUN KUR.11li-[i~-ri-i ql-bl-mal
144-147); MOMN (1992: 50); HESS (1993: 117-118 [I. 11; 161-162 [I. 51); LIVEMNI (1999: 373 [LA 2921) 02 lI[lIl-ma M.lIt-lISj-rat-ta LUGAL [KUR].mi-[ta-all-IIi a-na ia-sll
03 [slll-mll) a-/1a ka-a-si Ill-It Sll[l-lIlll a-Ila J?-ka a-na)
Transliteration: 04 [DUMU.MES]-ka Ill-It slll-11l11 a-Ila Mf.ta-a-d1l 4 -be-bd [DUMU.Mf-ia]
01 a-Ila M.ni-i11l-mll-ri-ia LUGAL GAL 05 J?.GI4.A-ka Ill-It slll-nut a-na KUR.K[UR]-ka a-Ina ]
02 LUGAL KUR.l11i-is-ri-i SES-ia 06 it 11lim-11l1l-ka dan-Ilfs dall-Ilfs Ill-It [slll-11l1l1
03 ba-ta-Ili-ia sa a-';·a'-am-lilli-lis
04 it sa i-ra-'-a-lIla-an-ni qf-bl-ma Translation:
05 1I11l-ma M.tlt-lls-rat-ta LUGAL GAL
01 [To Teye. the misltress of Eg[ypt. speak;1
06 LUGAL KUR.mi-ta-an-lli SES-ka e-mll-ka
02 [thus (says) Th~]ratla. the kinlg of Mltanni(:) lit Is welil wIth me.1
07 il sa i-ra-'-a-lIllI-ka-ma
03 May it be weill] wIth you. IWith your household. with]
08 a-na la-si slll-nm a-na SES-ia II a-lla ba-ta-III-ia
04 your Isonsl. may It be well. With Tadubepa. [my daughter.]
09 Ill-It sill-mil a-na e.MES-ka a-na DAM.MES-ka
05 your daughter-In-law. may it be well. With your countr[lesl. wl[th
10 a-lla DUMU.MES-ka a-na LO.MES-ka a-Ila GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka
06 and (with) whatever that belongs to you. may it be very. very Iwell.l
11 a-na ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka a-lla KUR-ka
12 it mim-mll-ka dall-nfs dall-nfs III-Ii sll/-III11

Translation: EA27
01 To Nlmmurlya. the great king. VAT 233 + VAT 2197 no. 1. VAT 2193
02 the king of Egypt. my brother. Literature: WINCKWR - AIIEL 0889-1890: no. 23); SCI-IROED"R (1915a: no. 11); KNUDTZON (1915: 228-241); ADLER
03 my son-In-law. whom I I[olve. (1976: 212-225); MOMN (1992: 86-90); I-lESS (1993: 152-153 II. 41; 161-162 II. 21); LIVERANI (1999: 393-396
04 and who loves me. speak; [LA 2961)
05 thus (says) Th~ralla. the great king.
06 the king of Mil ann I. your brother. your father-In-law. Transliteration:
07 and the one who loves you: 01 la-na M.lla-ap-bllr-ri-la LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.11li-/~I-ri-i 'SES'-Ia ba-ta-nl-ia sa
08 It Is well with me. IMay it be weill with my brother and my son-in-law. la-ra-am-I/lII-IISj
09 With your household. with your wives. 02 Isa i-ra- '-a-ma-all-ni qf-bf-ma 1II1l-ma M.tllt-lls-rat-ta LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.mi- T-[ta-an-II~
10 with your sons. with your men. with your chariots. 03 le-lIlll-ka sa i-ra-'-a-/llll-ka SES-ka-mla a-na la-si Sill-mil a-na ka-a-sa 1111-11 sill-mill
11 with your horses. with your country. 04 la-na Mf.te-i-e AMA-ka a-llal 'e '-ka III-II slll-imll a-ilIa Mf.ta-a-cIll-be-bd DUIMU.Mf-ial
12 and (with) whatever that belongs to you. may It be very. very well. 05 I I a-na DUMU.MES-Ika I MES-ka a-na GIS.IGIGIR.MES]-'ka'
06 la-lla ANSE.KUR.IRA.MES-ka la-na ERfN.MES-ka a-na KUR-kal 'Ii' a-na 111lIm-mu-ka cIanl-nfs cIall-nfs III-II
Sill-mil
EA23
n·anslatlon:
BME29793
01 ITo Napburrlya. the great king. the king of Eglypt. my 'brother'. my son-In-law. whom II love (andll
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 10; pI. 23 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 178-181); ADLER (1976: 170-173); MOMN
02 Iwho loves me. speak; thus (says) Tlu~ratta. the great king. the king of Miltannl.1
(1992: 61-62); HESS (1993: 117-1111 [I. 11; 152-153 [I. 7]; 161-162 [I. 41); LIVIlRANI (1999: 373-374 [LA 2931)
03 Iyour father-In-law. who loves you. your brotherl: It Is well with me. Mlay it be weill with you.
n·ansliteratlon: Translation: 04 May it be weill with Teye. your mother (and) withl your household. IWitlh Tadubepa. Imyl daulghterl.
01 a-lla M.IlI-illl-mll-ri-ia LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri-"l 01 To Nlmmurlya. the king of Egyp[t.1 05 I I with Iyourl sons. Iwith your ...• with your charlots.1
02 SES-ia ba-ta-ni-Ia sa a-ra-'-a-mll 02 my brother. my son-In-law. whom I love 06 Iwithl your Ihorlses. lwith your troops. with your countryl and with Ievery thing that belongs to you.1 may It
03 il sa i-ra-'-a-lIla-all-ni qf-bf-Illa 03 and who loves me. speak; be Ivelry. very well.
04 1I1ll-l1Ia M.ttt-lls-rat-ta LUGAL mi-i-ta-all-lli 04 thus (says) Th~ratta. the king of Mit ann I.

192 193
Appendix Appendix

EA28 EA30

BME37645 BME29841
Literature: SCHElL (1892: 302); KNUDTZON (1915: 240-245); MORAN (1992: 90-92); ADLER (1976: 226-229); HESS (1993: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 58; pI. 15 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 268-271); ADLER (1976: 252-253); MORAN
115-116[1. 1); 152-153[1. 8); 157-158 [I. 7); 161-162[1. 4)); LIVERANI (1999: 397-398 [LA 297)) (1992: 100); LIVERANI (1999: 405 [LA 299))
Transliteration: TI"anslation:
Transliteration:
01 a-Ila LUGAL.MES sa KUR.ki-na-a-all-[llll 01 To the kings ofCanaa[n,)
01 a-na M.nap-bllr-i-ri-;a LUGAL KUR.mi-;,H·i-[ll
02 IR.MES SES-;a lim-ilia LUGAL-Illa 02 servants of my brother; thus (says) the king:
02 SES-;a ba-ta-/li-;a sa i-ra-'[a-ma-a/l-/Il1
03 II sa a-ra-lIlll-liS qf-bf-Illa
04 l/I/l-Illa M.til-liS-ral-ta LUGAL KUR.mi-;t-la-a/l-/l;
EA33
05 e-mu-I/-ka sa i-ra-'-a-lIlu-II-ka SES-ka-ma VAT 1654
06 a-na ;a-si slll-IIlU a-na ka-a-sa Ill-II sll/-lIlli Literature: WINCKLER - AIIEL (1889-1890: no. 15); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 13); KNUDTZON (1915: 278-281); MORAN
07 a-na E.MES-ka a-na MLte-;-eAMA-ka II NIN KUR.m;-;s-[nl-; (1992: 104-105); LIVERANI (1999: 415-416 [LA 306)); COCIIAVI-RAINEY (2003: 5-9)
08 a-na MLta-a-d1l4-be-e-bd DUMU.Mf -fa DAM -ka .
09 a-/la re-bu-Ilti DAM.MES-ka a-/la DUMU.MES-ka a-/la LO.GAL.MES-ka
TI"ansliteration: TI"anslation:
10 a-na GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka a-Ina) ANSE.RA.MES-ka a-I/a ERfN.MES-ka 01 a-Ila LUGAL KUR.111;-;s-r; SES-;a 01 To the king of Egypt, my brother;
11 a-na KUR-ka II a-na mim-lIIl1-ka dall-Ilfs dall-Ilfs III-II Sill-mil 02 lilli-ilia LUGAL KUR.a~/a-si-;a SES-ka 02 thus (says) the king of Alailiya, your brother(:)
03 a-lla la-sf slll-1II11 03 It is well with me.
04 a-Ila lIIalJ-r;-ka Ill-II sll/-<1I111> 04 May it be we<ll> with you.
TI"anslation:
01 To Napbuririya, the king of Egyp[t,) 05 a-I/a E-ka DAM -ka4 DUMU -ka 05 With your household, your wives<s>, your sons<s>,
02 my brother, my son-In-law, who lo[ves me,) 06 ANSE.KUR.RA-ka GIS.GIGIR-ka 06 your horses<s>, your chariots<s>,
03 and whom I love, speak; 07 'II' a-lla nb-b; KUR-ka. 07 'and' within your country,
04 thus (says) Thilratta, the king of Mitannl, 08 [lIIal-gallll slll-lII11 08 may it be [velry well.
05 your father-in-law, who loves you, your brother:
06 It Is well with me. May it be well with you.
07 With your household>s<, with Teye, your mother and mistress of Egy[p)t, EA34
08 with Tadu\}epa, my daughter, your wife, BME 29789
09 with the rest of your wives, with your sons, with your magnates,
Litel'llture: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 6); KNUDTZON (1915: 280-283); MOIIAN (1992: 105-107); LIVERANI (1999: 416-417
10 with your chariots, w[ith) your horses, with your troops,
[LA 307)); COCIIAVI-RAINEY (2003: 10-15)
11 with your country and with whatever that belongs to you, may it be very, very well.
Tl'IInsliteration:
01 lilli-lila LUGAL KUR.a-la-s;-;a
EA29 02 a-lla LUGAL KUR.III;-;s-r; SES-;a-lIIa
03 Ii-II/a-ad ;-llI/-IIIa sal-I;ta-kll ;1
VAT 271 + VAT 1600 + VAT 1618 + VAT 1619 + VAT 1620 + VAT 2192 + VAT 2194 + VAT 2195 + VAT 2196, nos. 3-6 04 sa-lilll KUH-;a;1 ;S-III SIl/-11111-ka"
+ 2197, nos. 3-5 + 3 unnumbered fragments 05 II SII-IIIIII-ka" SII-/I/III E-ka" DUMU.MES-ka"
Literature: WINCKLIlR - AIIEL (1889-1890: no. 24; pI. 2 [photo; obv.)); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 12); KNUDTZON (1915: 06 DAM.MES ANSE.KUR.RA.MES GIS.GIGIH-ka".MES
244-269); ADWR (1976: 230-251); MORAN (1992: 92-99); HESS (1993: 152-153 [I. 3); 157-158 [I. 3)); LIVEIIANI (1999: 07 KUR.KI-ka"lIIa-gallll-11 sal-1II1l
398-405 [LA 298))
TI"anslation:
Tl'IInsliteratlon:
01 Thus (says) the king of Alailiya;
01 [a-na M.na-ap-bll-lIr-ri-ia LUGAL KUR.mi-;~-rl-i SE)S-;a ba-Ia-I/;-;a sa a-[ra-a)m-IIIII-1I-IIS II sa ;-r[a-'-a- 02 to the king of Egypt, my brother:
Illa-an-nn 03 Know, that 1 am well and
02 [qf-bf-ma lim-ilia M.lll-lIs-ral-ta LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.III;-il-ia-all-I/Ii [SIES-ka-lIIa e-111;-ka sa ;-ra-'-a- 04 my country is well and in respect to your well-being,
11111-ka a-na la-sf sll/-111[11 a-lla ka-a-sal 05 so your well-being, the well-being of your household, of your sons,
03 [/11-1.1 SUI-lIlll a-/lal Mf.le-i-e 11I-[11 Sill-mil a-Ilia Mf.la-a-dll-be-e-bd DUMU.M(-[Ila DAM-ka III-II 06 of <your> wives, of <your> horses, of your chariots,
[slll-11111) 07 of your coulltry, may It be very well.
04 [a-na DAM.MES-ka re-el-be-ti Ill-II sll/-11111 a-na DUMU.MES-ka a-Ila LO.MES.GAL.MES-ka a-na
GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka a-Ila 'ANSE'. 'KUR'.[RA.MES-kal EA35
05 [a-/la ER(N.MES-ka a-Ila KUIR-ka II a-I/a 111;111-1/Il/-ka dall-Ilfs dall-Ilfs 111-115[11/-11/111
BME29788
Translation: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 5; pI. 8 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 282-287); MOUAN (1992: 107-109); LIVERANI
01 [To Napburrlya, the king of Egypt,lmy [brot]her, my son-In-law, whom I [llove and who Hoves me,1 (1999: 417-418 [LA 308)); CocIIAVI-ilAINEY (2003: 16-22)
02 [speak; message ofThilratta, the king of Mltann)l, your [brlother>:<, your father-In-law, who loves you(:) It Is l)'ansliteration:
wel[ll wIth me. [/May It be weill with you.) 01 [a-lla LIUGAL-r; KUR.III;-;$-r; SES-;a qf-[bf-111al
03 Ma[y It be wlel[l withl Teye. [Wlith Tadubepa, [mly daughter, your wife, may It be [well.) 02 [III1/-lIIal LUGAL KUR.a-la-si-ia SES-ka-Illa
04 [With your ot)her [wives,) may It be well. With your sons, with your magnates, with your chariots, with [yourl 03 [a-llal UGU-;a slll-III/l E.MES-;a DAM-;a DUMU.MES-ia
ho[r)s[es,1 04 LO.GAL.GAL.MES-;a ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ia GIS.GIGIH.MES-ia II i-I/a
05 [with your troops, with) your [counltry and with whatever belongs to you, may it be vety, very w[ell). 05 nb-bi KUR.MES-;a riatl-llfs Ill-II sill-III II II a-Ila UGU SES-;a

194 195
Appendix Appendix

06 lu-u sui-mil a-lla E.MES-ka DAM.MES-ka DUMU.MES-ka LO.GAL.GAL-ka 03 IlII1-ma LUGAL KURa-la-si-ia SES-ka-ma 03 thus (says) the king of Alasiya, your brother:
07 ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka GIS.GIGIRMES-ka u i-lla nb-bi KURKURMES-ka 04 a-lla ia-si sui-mil 04 It is well with me
08 dall-llfs Ill-u sill-mil 05 il a-lla UGU -ka 111-11 sill-mil 05 and may it be well with you.
06 a-lla e.-ka NITLAM.MES-ka DUMU -ka 06 With your household, your chief wives, your sons<s>,
Translation: 07 DAM.MES-ka GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka ma-dll 07 your wives, your chariots, your many horses,
01 ITo the kUng of Egypt, my brother, spealk;1 ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka
02 Ithus (says)] the king of Alasiya, your brother: 08 ii i-lla KUR.mi-is-ri KUR-ka 08 and in Egypt, your country,
03 It is welliwith] me. With my household>s<, my wive<s>, my sons, 09 ma-gallu-II slll-illli 09 may it be very well.
04 my magnates, my horses, my chariots, and
05 within my country, may it be very well. With my brother
HA40
06 may it be well. With your households>s<, your wives, your sons, your magnates, CG 4749 [SR 4/12190/0]
07 your horses, your chariots, and within your countries,
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 13 and 14); KNUDTZON (1915: 296--299); MOIIAN (1992: 113); LIVEIlANI
08 may it be very well. (1999: 421-422 ILA 313]); COCHAVI-RAINEY (2003: 38-42)
Transliteration: Translation:
HA37 01 la-lla M]ASKIM sa KUR.mi-[i$-ri SES-ia] 01 ITo the g]overnor of Eglypt, my brother,]
BME 29790 02 qf-bf-Ima] 02 speakl;]
03 Ilm-mla MASKIM Sla KUR.a-lal-si-ia SES-ka]-ma 03 thu[s] (says) [the governor o]f Ala[siya,
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 7); KNUDTZON (1915: 290-293); MOIlAN (1992: 110-111); LIVEIlANI (1999: 419-420 your brother]:
ILA 310]); COCHAVI-RAINEY (2003: 26--30) 04 a-lla ria' -[sI1 slll-1Il1l 04 It Is well with m[e]
Transliteration: Translation: 05 il a-lla [UGU -ka] III-d sill-mil 05 and may it be well [with you].
01 la-Il] a LIUGA]L KIU]Rlmi-i,HiSES]-"ia' 01 IT]o the kUn]g of IEgypt], rmy' Ibrother,]
r
02 Iqt) -bf-ma rllm, -ma ILUGAL KJUR a' -Ia-si-ila] 02 Is] peak; rthus (says)' Ithe king of] rA'lasiyla,] HA41
03 ISE]S-ka-ma a-lla ia-rst ISIl]-IlI-I/Ul 03 your Ibroth]er: It is Iw] r e'll with m re'.
04 la-]lIaSES-ia Ill-II rSIl' -111-1111]11 04 May it be rwe 'kl> Iw]lth my brother. CG4747 [SR4112207/0)
05 a-lla e.-I-slI a-lla rOAM' .rMES' -i-slI 05 With his house, with his r wives', LIterature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 18); KNUDTZON (1915: 298-303); MOIlAN (1992: 114-115); Hl!Ss (1993: 78
06 la-Il]a DUMU -e-slI a-lla ANSE.KURRA 06 Iwl]th hIs sons<s>, with <his> horses, [1.2]; 147-148 [I. 1]); LIVEIlANI (1999: 410-411 [LA 302])
GIS.G]IGIR]-slI his chalrlots<s>],
TransliteratIon:
07 r ,, ' a-lla Ilb-bl KUR-i-su dall-<Ilf§> lu-tl su-ul-1Il1i 07 and within his country, may it be ve<ry> well.
01 [Illll-Illa D.UTU -s11 M.sll-llp-pf-[n II-I/-II-Illa LU[GA]L G[AL]
02 [LUGAL KUR.UR]U.D.[b]a-[a]Hi.KI a-lla M.bll-II-ri-i-i[a]
HA38
03 [LUGAL KUR.URU.D.lllt) -i$-ri-i.KI SES-ia qf-bfl-lIla]
VAT 153
04 [a-lla la-sl sll]/-mll a-lla mab-ri-ka III-d sul-m[lI]
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 11); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 14); KNUDTZoN (1915: 292-295); MOIIAN
05 [a-lla DAM.MES-k]a DU[M]U.MES-ka e.-ka ERIN.MES-ka GIS.GIGIR.MES-k[a]
(1992: 111-112); LIVEIlANI (1999: 420 ILA 311]); COCIIAVI-RAINEY (2003: 31-34)
06 [il i-lI]a l[lb]-bi KUR-li-ka dall-llfs 111-11 sill-mil
Transliteration:
01 a-lla LUGAL-ri KUR.mi- r/~' -rl SES-ia qf-bf- rma , Translation:
02 um-ma LUGAL-ri KURa-la-si- ria' SES-ka-lIIa 01 [Thus (says) the Sun,] Suppi[l]ulluma, the gr[eat] ki[ng,]
03 a-lla ia-sl SUI-IIlUII a-lla ka-sa 111-11 slll- r mll, 02 [the king of U]attl; to Uuriy[a,]
04 a-lla e.-ka NITLAM.MES-ka DUMU.MES-ka ANSE.KUR.RA. ~ES' -ka 03 [the king of E]gypt, my brother, speak[:]
05 GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka II i-lla ma-a-dll ERIN.MES-ka
06 KUR.KUR-ka LO.MES.GAL.GAL-ka dall-llfs rill' -11 slll-lIl11 04 [It Is w]ell [with me.] May It be weill] with you.
05 [With yo]ur [wives], your so[n]s, your household, your troops, yo[ur] chariots,
Translation: 06 [and w]lt[hl]n your country, may It be very well.
01 To the king of Egypt, my brother, speak;
02 thus (says) the king of Alaslya, your brother:
HA42
03 Ills well with me and may It be we rll' with you.
04 With your household, your chief wives, your sons, your horses, VAT 1655
05 your chariots, and with your numerous troops, Literature: WINCKLER - AIIEL (1889-1890: no. 16); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 15); KNUDTZON (1915: 302-305); MOIlAN
06 your countries, your magnates, may It be very well. (1992: 115-116); LIVERANI (1999: 411 [LA 303])
Transliteration:
HA39 01* III-r,l' r sU I'_m[1I a-]II[a
02* LO.MES.G[A]L-ka a-I/a ER[I]N[.MES-kaANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka]
CG 4748 [SR 4/12206/0)
03* GIS.GIGIR.MES-ka ill-lI[a nb-bi KUR-II-ka III-II slli-mll]
Literature: KNUDTZON (1915: 294-297); MOIlAN (1992: 112); LIVEIlANI (1999: 421 ILA 312]); COCIIAVI-RAINEY (2003:
35-37) Translalion:
Transliteration: Translation: 01* May It be wei [I wilt[h
01 a-lla LUGAL KUR.mi-i$-rl ISEIS-ia 01 To the king of Egypt, my Ibrot]her, 02* your mag[naItes, with [your] tr[o]p[s, your horses,]
02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak; 03* your chariots and wlt[hln your country, may It be well.]

196 197
Appendix Appendix

EA44 Transliteration: Translation:

01 a-Ila MLb[f- 01 To BIi-
VAT 1656
02 MLNIN-ia [qf-bf-maJ 02 my mistress, [speak;J
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 29); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 16); KNUDTZON (1915: 306-309); MORAN 03 IIm-111a DUMU.Mf 03 thus (says) the daughter
(1992: 117); HESS (1993: 17211.3]); LlVERANI (1999: 412--4131LA 305]) 04 MLGEM~.am-ti-[kll 04 of [yourJ maidservant(:)
Transliteration: lhnslation: 05 a-Ila 2 G1R.MES sa MLNIN-ia 05 At the two feet of my mistress,
01 ca'-llabe-ifLUGALKUR.cURU' .cD' .cmi'-cis,_cri'_lll 01 To the master, the king of Egyplt,J 06 [7J -s1I7 -ta[-a-alll 06 [sevenl times (and) seven tHmes],
02 a-bi-ia qf-bf- cma' . 02 my father, speak; 07 [alm-qllt 07 IIJ fall.
03 1I111-111a M.zi-llaJ-a DUMU LUGAL 03 thus (says) Zitla], the king's son,
04 DUMU -ka-l11a 04 your son(:)
EA5I
05 a-Ila 111a-lwr be_clf' a-bi-ia 05 With the master, my father, VAT 559
06 gab' -ba Ill-II SII/-l1lll 06 may everything be well.
Literature: WINCKLER- ABEL (1889-1890: no. 30); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 22);KNUDTZoN (1915: 318-321); MORAN (1992:
122); HESS (1993: 68-69 [I. 2]); LlVERANI (1998: 298-299 [LA 272])
EA45 TI"ansliteration:
VAT 1692 01 la-IlJa D.UTU-si LUGAL be-/f-ia LUGAL KUR.111i-i~-ri
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 177); SCHIIOEDER (1915a: no. 17); KNUDTZON (1915: 308-311); MaliAN 02 1Il11-111a D.IM-lIi-ra-rilR-ka-ma
(1992: 117-118); HESS (1993: 31-32 II. 2]); LlVERANI (1998: 285 ILA 255]) 03 a-Ila G1R.MES be-/f-ia am-q1l1
TI"ansliteration: TI"anslation:
01 la-Ila LUGAL DJ.UTU-si IEN-ia qf-bf-l11aJ 01 ITo the king, thel Sun, Imy master, speak;J TI"anslation:
02 IlIm-l11a M.mll-I11J i-is-tam-lrilR-kaJ 02 Ithus (says) Amm]istamlru, your servant(:)J 01 [TJo the Sun, the king, my master, the king of Egypt;
03 la-Ila G1R.MESJ -ka 7 Iii 7 mll-qlllJ 03 IAtJ your Ifeet,J seven (times) land seven (times), 02 thus (says) Addunirarl, your servant:
I fall.J 03 At the feet of my master, I fall.
04 IIll-11 slll-11111 a-llaJ UGIU 04 IMay it be well wiJthl
05 I 05 I
06 IERfN.MES pf-fd-IJi-lka 06 Iyour archelrls EA52
07 I J /Ill-Ii slIl-lllll 07 I J maly it be well CG 4759 [SR 4112197/01 (+ fanner VAT 1596)
Literature: WINCKLER-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 196); KNUDTZON (1915: 320-323); MORAN (1992: 123); HESS (1993: 27-28
EA48
[I. 2]); LIVL!IIANI (1998: 291-292 [LA 264])
VAT 1690 1)'ansliteratlon: TI"anslatlon:
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 181); SCIIIIOEDEII (1915a: no. 20);KNUDTZON (1915: 314-317); MOIIAN 01 To the king of Egypt;
01 a-lla LUGAL KUR.mi-i~-ri.KI
(1992: 120); HESS (1993: 182 II. 2]); LIVL!IIANI (1998: 2861LA 258]) 02 thus (says) Akizzi, your servant:
02 1l111-111a M.a-ki-iz-zilR-ka-ma
TI"ansliteration: TI"anslation: 03 I-lla 7 a-lla G1R b[e-II I-ia 03 seven (times) at the [oot(!) of my m[astjer,
01 la-lla Mf. bJe-Ii-li-ia 01 [To Jmy [mJistress; 04 D.lM-ia am-q1l1 04 my 'Storm-god,' I fall.
02 [lllll-ma Mf. -lM-bd GEM~-ki 02 Ithus (says) ulepa, your maidservant:
03 [a-lla G1R.MES be-ii-IJ i-ia a111-q11l 03 [At the feet of! my [mistrelss, I fall.
04 la-lla UGU be-ii-tiHa III-Ii slIl-m11 04 May it be well [withl my [mistress.1 EA53
BME29820
EA49 Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 37); KNUDT'1.0N (1915: 324-329); MORAN (1992: 125-126); HESS (1993: 27-28
CG 4783 [SR 4/12238/0J [I. 21; 115-116 [I. Ill; LIVERANI (1998: 292-293 [LA 265])
Literature: WINCKLER-ADm. (1889-1890: nos. 180 and 204); KNUDTZON (1915: 316-319); MOIIAN (1992: 120-121); HESS TI"ansliteratlon: 1)'anslatlon:
(1993: 119-120 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 285-286 [LA 256]) 01 a-Ila M.II[aml-U[1lr-l1a DUM[UI D.UTU be-/f-Ia 01 To N[amlb[urlyla, the so[nl of the Sun, my master;
TI"ansliteration: 1)'ansliteration: 02 lI[m-mla M.a-k[/-lIz-z[ll M.1R-ka-ma 02 t[huls (says) Ak[llzz[ll, your servant:
01 a-lIaLUGALD.UTU-siEN-ia oI To the king, the Sun, my master; 03 7-[S] II [7-s11 a-lila UZU.G1R.MES be-if-ia alll-q1l1 03 Seven [tllmes [(and) seven times, alt the feet of
02 1111l-111a M.llfq-ma-D.IM lR-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Niqmaddu, your servant: my master, I fall.
03 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL D.UTU-si EN-ia am-qlll 03 At the feet of the king, the Sun, my master, I fall.
04 III-Ii slIl-11lI1 a-lla U[GIU LUGAL D.UTU-si EN -ia 05 May it be well wiJtlh the king, the Sun, my master.
05 ~[.MES-S] II a-lla S[AL.USJ-sII a-lla DAM.MES-s1l 05 (With) [hils house[hold>s<l, his ch[iefwifel, EA54
with his wives,
06 a-lIa[ ERfN.MIES p[ll-fa-li 06 with[ I a[rlchers, VAT 1868 + VAT 1869 + VAT 1721
07 a-[IlJa [ D.JUTU-si EN-ia 07 w[iJthl Jthe Sun, my master. Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 229, 232 and 233); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 23); KNUDTZON (1915:
328-331); MORAN (1992: 126); HESS (1993: 27-28 [I. 2]); LlVERANI (1998: 294 [LA 266])
EA50 Transliteration: 1)'anslatlon:
VAT 1594 01 [a-lila LUGAL be-/f-Ia [qf-bf-111al 01 [Tolthe king, my master, [speak;1
Literature: WINCKLER - ADm. (1889-1890: no. 191); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 21); KNUDTZON (1915: 318-319); MORAN 02 1Il11-l11a M.a-ki-iz-zilR-k[a-l11al 02 thus (says) Akizzi, yo[url servant[:1
(1992: 121); HESS (1993: 179 [I. 1]) 03 a-lla G1R.MES be-/f-Ia [am-q1l11 03 At the feet of my master, [I fall.1

198 199

L
Appendix Appendix

BASS Transliteration: Translation:

BME29819 01 [a-lla M.LUJGAL D.UTU EN-ia 01 [To the kiJng, the Sun, my master;
02 [lIm-J ma M.lR -a-si-ir-te IR- [ka4J 02 [thJus (says) Abdia~irta, [yourJ servant
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 36); KNuDTZON (1915: 332-337); MORAN (1992: 127-128); HESS (1993: 27-28 [I.
2J; 115-116 [I. 1)); LIVERANI (1998: 295-296 [LA 268)) 03 [I/IJ {i-if G[lR.I.:;II.JA-ka4 UR[.GhJ 03 [andJ the earth at your f[eeJt, the d[ogJ
04 [Sla E LUGAL EN-iaa-lI[a 04 [oJf the house of the king, my master: At
Transliteration: 05 [GIR.I.:;II.A LUJG[AL EN-Ila [ 05 [the feet of the kiJn[g, mJy [master
01 a-Ila M.llam-llllr-ia DUMU D.UTU be-/{-ia ql-bl-m[aJ
02 lI1n-ma M.a-ki-iz-ziIR-ka-ma BA62
03 7 a-Ila UZU.GIR.MES be-/{-ia am-qut
VAT 1680
Translation: Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 158); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 28); KNUDTZON (1915: 348-353);
01 To NamIJuriya, the son of the Sun, my master, speak[;J IZRE'EL (1991: II, 10-15); MORAN (1992: 133-134); HESS 0993: 7-9 [I. 2J; 121-122 [I. I]); L1VERANI 0998: 269-270
02 thus (says) Akizzi, your servant [LA 237))
03 Seven (times,) at the feet of my master,l fall.
Transliteration: Translation:
01 [a-na M.pJa-lw-ll[aJ -te be_/{_r ia' 01 [To PJaIJan[aJte, r my' master;
BAS8 02 [1ll1J-maJ M.I[RJ-a-si-ir-te l[R-ka-maJ 02 [thus (says)J Ab[diJa~irta, [yourJ ser[vantJ
VAT 1716 03 [a-na GIRJ.MES be-/{-ia [am-qutJ 03 [At the feJet of my master, [I fall.J
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 214); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 26); KNuDTZON (1915: 340-343); MORAN
(1992: 129-130); HESS (1993: 183 [I. 2)); LIVERANI (1998: 300 [LA 274)) BA63
Transliteration: Translation: BME29817
01 [a-lla LUGAL.GAJL EN-ia ql-[bl-maJ 01 [To the greJat [klngJ, my master, sp[eak;J LIterature: BEZOLD - BUDGE 0892: no. 34; pI. 15 [photo]); KNUDTZON 0915: 352-355); MORAN 0992: 134-135); HESS
02 [lim-ma Jti-lJu-ti-su-pa l[R-ka-maJ 02 [thus (says)J TeIJuteMub, [yourJ serv[antJ 0993: 10-12 [I. 3)); L1VERANI (1998: 86 [LA 32))
03 [a-llaJ GIR.MES EN-ia am-qli-[IIlJ 03 [AtJ the feet of my master, I falll.J Transliteration:
BAS9 01 [a-nJa M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia
02 ql-bl-ma
BME29824 03 IIlIl-ma M.ab-dl-as-ta-<m>-ti
LIterature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 41); KNUDTZON (1915: 342-347); MaliAN (1992: 130-131); LIVERANI 0998: 04 IR M.LUGAL-ri
299-300 [LA 273)) 05 a-lla 1 GIR.I.:;II.A M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia
Transliteration: 06 7 117 ma-aq-ta-ti a-Ila GIR.MES M.LUG[ALJ E[N- ia aJ m-qli-Ill
01 a-na LUGAL KUR-tl.ml-Is-rl be-/{-nl
Translation:
02 lI111-l1Ja DUMU.MES UmJ.tll-ni-ip.KI LO.MES.lR.MES-ka-ma
03 a-lla UGU -ka Ill-Ii slll-Illll 01 [TJo the king, my master,
04 II a-lla GIR.MES be-/{ lIi-am-qllt 02 speak;
03 thus (says) Abdia~tarti,
Translation: 04 the servant of the klng(:)
01 To the king of Egypt, our master; 05 At one feet of the king, my master,
02 thus (say) the sons ofThnip, your servants: 06 seven (times) and seven (times), I fall, at the feet of the ki[ng, myJ mas[ter, IJ fall.
03 May It be well with you
04 and at the feet of <our> master, we fall. EA64
BME 29816
BA60 LIterature: Bllzol.)) - BUDGE (1892: 33; pI. II [photo)); KNUDTZON 0915: 354-355); MORAN 0992: 135-136); HESS (1993:
VAT 343 10-12[1. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 86-87 [LA 33])
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 97); SCIIROEDER 0 915a: no. 27); KNUDTZON (1915: 346-349); IZRE'EI. (1991: Transliteration: Translations:
11,7-9); MORAN (1992: 131-133); HESS 0993: 7-9 [I. 2)); LIVERANI 0998: 267-268 [LA 235)) 01 a-lla M.LUGAL-rl EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
Transliteration: Translation 02 ql-bl-ma 02 speak;
01 [a-naJ M.LUGAL D.UTUx EN-Ia 01 [ToJ the king, the Sun, my master; 03 1Il1J-ma M.lR-D.INNIN IR LUGAL-rl 03 thus (says) Abdia~tarti, the servant of the klng(:)
02 lIm-ma M.lR-D.as-ra-tIl4 02 thus (says) Abdia~lrla, 04 a-na I GIR.MES LUGAL-rl EN-Ia 04 At one feet of the king, my master,
03 IR-ka4 ep-rl sa GIR.I.:;II.A-rka4' 03 your servant, the dust at ryour' feet: 05 lIIa-aq-ti-tI7 GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN -ia 05 I fall, seven (times), <at> feet of the king, my master
04 a-Ila GIR.I.:;II.A LUGAL EN-Ia 04 At the feet of the king, my master, 06 117 1II/-la all-lla 06 and seven (times), here and now,
05 7-S11 117-SI1 am-quI 05 seven times and seven times, I fall. 07 II ka-ba-tll-ma II $li-lIlJ-ru-llla 07 and on the belly and on the back.

BA61 BA6S
Ash. 1893.1-41 (410) VAT 1685
LIterature: SAYCE 0894: pI. XXXI II II [cuneiform copy)); KNUDTZON 0915: 348-349); IZRE'EL 0991: II, 9-10); MORAN Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL 0889-1890: no. 175); SCHROEDER 0915a: no. 29); KNUDTZON 0915: 356-357); MORAN
0992: 133); I-lESS (1993: 7-9 [I. 2)); LIVERANI 0998: 270 [LA 238]) 0992: 136); I-lESS 0993: 10-12 [I. 3)); LIVERANI 0998: 87 [LA 34))

200 201
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation: 04 EN-ia a-na GIR.MES EN-/i-ia D.UTU-ia

01 la-llaLUGAL-r)iEIN-ia) 01 ITo the kin)g. Imy) maslter). 05 7-fIl7-a-an am-qli-llt
02 Iq(-b){-ma 02 Ispe)ak;
03 IIlm-ma) M.ab-ldJ i-D.lNNIN lJR-ka) 03 tlhus (says)) Abld)iastarti. Iyour) serlvant(:)) TI'anslation:
04 a-Ila 1 GIR.MES EN -ia 7 il 7 lIli-la 04 At one feet of my master. seven (times) and seven 01 Ribaddi speaks to Ihis) mastelr.)
(times). here 02 the king of (all) lands. the great king. the king of the battle(:) (May) the ILady)
05 \ ma-aq-Ia-fi il ka-ba-tu-lIla il ~li-lIb-/'lI-ma 05 \ I faIl. and on the belly and on the back. 03 ofGubla ensure power to Ithe king.)
04 my master. At the feet of my master. my Sun.
EA68 05 seven times (and) seven times. I fall.

VAT 1239
EA75
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 80); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 32); KNUDTZON (1915: 360-363); MORAN
(1992: 137-138); HESS (1993: 132-134 II. 1)); RAINEY (l996a: II. 246 Ill. 4-6)); LIVERANI (1998: 168-169 ILA 132)) CG 4757 ISR 4/1219110)
TI'ansliteration: n'anslation: Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 79); KNUDTZON (1915: 376-381); MORAN (1992: 145-146); HESS (1993:
132-13411. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 173-1741LA 136))
01 IM.nl-ib-lw-ad-d[ll 01 IRi)bhaddli)
02 liq)-bi a-Ila EN -fll 02 Ispe)aks to his master. TI'ansliteration: TI'anslation:
03 ILUGAL) KUR.KU:II.A LUGAL GAL 03 Ithe king) of (all) lands. the great king: 01 IM.r) i-ilb-)ald-dla liq-bil 01 IR)ilb)haldd)i Ispeaks)
04 ID.)NIN fa URU.gll-IIb-la 04 (May) the Lady of Gubla 02 la)-Ila EN-ISlll LIUGAL KUR.KUR LUGAL GAL) 02 It)o Ihils master. the kilng of (all) lands.
05 ti-id-di-iIl 4 dll-na 05 ensure power the great king(:)1
06 a-Ila LUGAL be-/i-ia 06 to the king. my master. 03 D.NIN fa UIRU.gllb-la) 03 (May) the Lady of IGubla)
07 a-Ila GIR.MES EN-ia D.UTU-ia 07 At the feet of my master. my Sun. 04 Ii-dill KALAG.GA al-Ila LUGAL EN -ia) 04 ensure power tlo the king. my master.)
08 7-fIl7-fa-a-an am-qllf 08 seven times (and) seven times. I fall. 05 a-llaG1R.MES EN-iaD.IUTU-ia) 05 At the feet of my master. Imy Sun.)
06 17)-51111 7-a-an alll-qll-1I11) 06 Iseven)tim(es and) seven times. I fall.
EA 71
EA76
VAT 1632
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 72); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 33); KNUDTZON (1915: 366-369); MaliAN VAT 324
(1992: 140-141); HESS (1993: 7-9 II. 2); 75-76 II. 1); 132-134 II. 2)); RAINEY (1996a: I. 148; II. 246 Ill. 4-6)); LIVERANI Literature: WINCKLEII - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 74); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 35); KNUDTZON (1915: 380-383); MORAN
(1998: 186-1871LA 149)) (1992: 146-147); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 II. I]); LIVEIIANI (1998: 188-1891LA 151])
TI'ansliteration: TI'anslation: TI'ansliteration: n'anslation:
01 la-na M.)lw-ia pa-s{-/le) 01 To Ijaya. the vizielr;) 01 IM.)ri-ib-D.lM iq-bi a-ilia) <EN-fll> 01 Ribhaddl speaks tlo) <his master.>
02 IlIm-)ma M.ri-ib-D.IM 02 Ith)us (speaks) Ribhaddi(:) 02 IL)UGAL KUR.KUR.KI.MES LUGAL-riGAL 02 Ilhe k)ing of (all) lands. the great king.
03 la)-na G1R.MES-ka am-qil-IIIII 03 IA)l your feet. I fall. 03 LUGAL la-alll-lJa-ra D.NIN fa 03 the king of the ballle(:) (May) the Ladyof
04 D.a-ma-Ila DINGIR fa LUIGAL be-/i-k)a 04 (May) Anum. the god of the kilng. yolur 1m aster) 04 URU.gllb-la ti-di-ill" KALAG.GA 04 Gubla ensure power
05 li-di-1/I1 T~S-ka i-Ila 05 ensure your honour in 05 a-Ila LUGAL-ri be-/i-ia a-Ila G1R.MES 05 to the king. my master. At the feet
06 pa-Ili LUGAL be-/i-ka 06 the presence of the king. your master. 06 EN-ia D.UTU-ia 7-fIl7-a-all al1l-qll-1II 06 of my master. my Sun. seven times (and)
seven times. I fall.
EA73
EA 77
BME29798
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 15); KNUDTZON (1915: 370-373); MORAN (1992: 141-142); I'lr~~s (1993: 2811. I); VAT 1635 + VAT 1700
132-134 II. 2)); RAINEY (I 996a: II. 246111. 4-6)); LIVERANI (1998: 187-1881LA 150)) Literature: WINCKLEn - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 81); SCIIRoEDEn (1915a: no. 36); KNlJDTZON (1915: 382-387); MORAN
TI'ansliteration: n'anslatlon: (1992: 147-148); Ik% (1993: 2811. I); 132-134 II. 2]); LIvEnANI (1998: 174-1751LA 137])

01 a-na M.a-ma-all-ap-pa a-bi-ia 01 To Amanappa. my father(;) TI'ansliteration: TI'anslation:

02 1I111-l1la M.ri-ib-ad-da DUMU -ka-ma 02 thus (says) Ribhaddi, your son: 01 lal-Ila M.la-mla-Iall-ap-pa q{-b(-lIIa) 01 IT)o IAm)alnappa. speak;1
03 a-Ila G1R.MES a-bi-ia alll-qil-llt 03 At the feet of my father. I fall. 02 1II1l-lIIa M.ri-ilb-D.IM a-Ila G1R.MES-ka) 02 thus (says) Rilbhaddi(:) At your feet.)
04 D.NIN fa URU.gllb-la II-dill 04 (May) the Lady of Gubla ensure 03 am-qll-1I1 D.la-lIIa-lla DINGIR fa LUGAL) 03 I fall. (May) IAnum. the god of the king.)
05 ba-af-Ia-kla) i-na pa-Ili 05 your honour in the presence 04 EN-ka il D.ININ fa URU.glllb-lIb-lna 04 your master and Ithe Lady ofG)ubll)a
06 LUGAL-riEN-ka 06 of the king. your master. 05 li-di-<IlIl>-miTI~S-ka) i-na 05 ensure Iyour) holnourl III the
06 pa-lli LUGAL EN-Ika) 06 presence of the king. Iyour) master.
EA74
EA78
BME 29795
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 12; pI. 20 Iphoto)); KNUDTZON (1915: 372-377); MORAN (1992: 142-145); HESS VAT 1282
(1993: 132-13411. I)); LIVERANI (1998: 171-173ILA 135]) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 84); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 37); KNUDTZON (1915: 386-389); MORAN
TI'ansliteratlon: (1992: 148-149); HESS (1993: 132-13411. I]); LIVERANI (1998: 175-1761LA 138])

01 M.ri-ib-ad-da iq-bi a-Ila EN-ili-fll) n'ansliteration: TI'anslatioll:

02 LUGAL KUR.KUR LUGAL GAL LUGAL fa-am-lJa-ar D.ININ) 01 IM.ri-ibl-D.IM iq-blll 01 IRib)addl speaks
03 fa URU.gllb-ia fi-di-ill GA.KALAG a-na ILUGAL) 02 la-Ila EIN-fll LUGAL KUR.KUR.ljI.A.KII) 02 Itol his Imas)ler. the king of (alll lands.

202 203
Appendix Appendix

03 [LUGAL.GA]L D.NIN sa URU.[gub-la] 03 [the gre]at [kingl(:) (May) the Lady of [Gubla] Transliteration: Translation:
04 [ti-d] i-ill 4 GA.KALAG a-lla [LUGAL] 04 [gilve power to the [king,] 01 [a-na) LUGAL BE-ia D.UTU KURKI.DIDLl.l:II.A 01 [To) the king, my master, the Sun of (all) lands,
05 [be-ij i-ia a-Ila GIRMES EN - [ia] 05 my [mastler. At the feet of [my] master, 02 [q) (-b(-ma 02 [s)peak;
06 [D.] UTU -ia 7 -fll 7-a-all am-[qll-llI] 06 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times, I falll]. 03 [1I)m-rna ri-ib-ad-dilR-ka-rn[a) 03 [t)hus (says) Ribhaddi, your servant>:<
04 [GI)S.GIR.GUB GIRMES-ka a-Ila GIRMES D.UTU 04 [f)ootstool of your feet(:) At the feet of the Sun,
EA79 05 BE-ia 8-it-fu II 7 -Ia-a-all 05 my master, eight (!)times and seven times,
06 alll-qll-llt 06 I fall.
VAT 1634
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 75); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 38); KNUDTZON (1915: 388-393); MORAN EA85
(1992: 149-150); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 176-177 [LA 139])
VAT 1626
Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 48); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 42); KNUDTZON (1915: 406-413); MORAN
01 [M.ri-llb-D.lM iq-bi 01 [Rilbhaddi speaks (1992: 156-158); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 21l; LIVERANI (1998: 191-193 [LA 1541l
02 [a-Ila EIN-fll LUGAL KUR.KUR.l:II.A.K[I] 02 [tol his [mas] ter, the king of (all) lands,
03 [LUGAL ta]-am-lw-ra D.NIN 03 [the king of the blattle(:) (May) the Lady Transliteration: n'anslation:
04 [fa] URU.gllb-/a ti-di-iIl4 04 [ofl Gubla ensure 01 [a-Ila LUGAL-nl EN-ia D.UTU q[~-b[(-lIla) 01 [To the king,) my master, the Sun, s[p)e[ak;)
05 [KALAG.G]A a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN -ia 05 [powelr to the king, my master. 02 [1I11l-ma M.ri-Ilb-D.IM lR-ka-ma a-Ila G[lR.MES) 02 [thus (says) Ri)bhaddi, your servant: At the fleet)
06 [a-lIa] GIRMES EN-ia D.UTU-ia 06 [Atl the feet of my master, my Sun, 03 [EN -ia) D.UTU 7-fIl7-ta-all alll-[qlll) 03 [of my master,) the Sun, seven times (and) seven
07 7-fIl7-a-an am-qll-l/t 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. times I fa [II. I
04 [D.NIN) fa URU .gllb-La ti-di-iIl4 04 [(May) the Lady) of Gubla ensure
EA81 05 [KALAG.G)A a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN -ia 05 [powe)r to the king, my master.
VAT 1318
EA86
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 89); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 40); KNUDTZON (1915: 392-397); MORAN
(1992: 150-151); LIVERANI (1998: 177-178 [LA 140]) BME 29805
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 21); KNUDTZON (1915: 412-415); MORAN (1992: 158-159); I-lESS (1993: 28 [I. 1);
01 [M.ri-ib-D.lM iq-b)i a-Ila EN-[flll 01 [Rlbhaddl speak)s to [his) master, 132-134 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 193-194 [LA 1551l
02 [LUGAL KUR.KI.MES LUGAL GAL LUI GAL 02 [the king of (all) lands, the great king, the ki)ng n'ansllteration: n'anslation:
ta-alll-ba-[ra) of the baltl[el(:) 01 [a-Ila M.)a-ma-a[ll-ap-pa qf-bf-lIla) 01 [To) Ama[nappa, speak;)
03 [D.NIN fa URU.gllb-/a) tlij-di-iIl 4 KAL[AG.G)A 03 [(May) the Lady of Gubla) e[n)sure pow[e)r 02 1lI1l-ma M.ri-ib-D.[lM a-Ila GIR.MES-ka) 02 thus (says) Rlb[haddi(:) At your feet,)
04 [a-Ila LUGAL-rl i [EN-ia a-Ila GIR.MES EIN -ia 04 [to the kln)g, [my master. At the feet of! my [masHer, 03 am-qll-llt D.a-ma-Il[a DINGIR fa LUGAL) 03 I fall. (May) Amu[n, the god of the king,)
05 [D.UTU-I/a 7 -f1l7 -a-all a[m-q) II-III 05 my [Sun), seven times (and) seven times, I f[alJl. 04 EN-ka ti-di-IlIlTeS-k[a a-lla pa-1lI1 04 your master, ensure yo [uri honour [in the presence)
05 LUGAL-ri EN -ka 05 of the king, your master.
EA82
BME37648 EA87
Literature: SCHElL (1892: 306); KNUDTZON (1915: 396-401); ALBRIGHT - MORAN (1948: 241-242); MORAN (1992: BME 29804
152-153); I-lESS (1993: 28 [I. II; 132-134 [I. 31l; LIVERANI (1998: 178-179 [LA 1411l Literature: BI!ZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 22; pI. 6 [photoll; KNUDTZON (1915: 414-417); MORAN (1992: 159-160); I-lESS
n'ansllteratlon: Translation: (1993: 28 [I. 1); 132-134 [I. 31l; LIVI!RANI (1998: 181 [LA 1431l
01 a-lla M.a-[lIlal-all-ap-pa a-bi-ia 01 To A[ma) nappa, my father, Transliteration: Translation:
02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak; 01 [To) Amanappa, [my) mas[ter,)
01 [a-Ila M.la-lIla-all-ap-pfB[E-ia)
03 lim-lila M.ri-ib-D.lM DUMU -ka-ma 03 thus (says) Ribhaddi, your son: 02 speak;
02 qf-b(-ma
04 a-Ila GIR.MES a-bi-ia am-qll-III 04 At the feet of my father, I fall. 03 thus (says) Ribhaddi, your servant:
03 1II1l-lIIa ri-ib-D.IM lR-ka-ma
04 a-lla GIR.MES EN -ia am-qll-III 04 At the feet of my master, I fall.
EA83 05 D.a-lIla-lla il D.NIN 05 (May) Amun and the Lady
06 fa URU .gllb-/a Ii-di-IIII 06 of Gubla ensure
BME 29797
07 TeS-ka a-lla pa-lli LUGAL BE-ia 07 your honour in the presence of the king, my master.
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGP. (1892: no. 14; pI. 13 [photoll; KNUDTZON (1915: 400-403); MORAN (1992: 153-154); I·IESS
(1993: 132-134 [I. Ill; LIVERANI (1998: 189-190 [LA 1521l
EA88
Transliteration: Translation:
BME 29800
01 [M.r)i-ib-[D.IM Ilq-bi a-[Ila) 01 [Rlib[haddl s)peaks t[ol
02 [EN-~ II LUGAL KUR.KUR.KI.MES LUGAL GAL 02 [hils [master,l the king of (all) lands, the great klng(:) Literature: BP.ZOLD - BUDGI! (1892: no. 17); KNUDTZON (1915: 418-421); MORAN (1992: 160-162); HESS (1993: 132-134
03 [D.N)lN fa URU.gllb-/a ti-di-iIl 4 03 [(May) the Llady ofGubla ensure [I. Ill; LIVERANI (1998: 179-180 [LA 1421l
04 [KALAG.GIA a-lla LUGAL-ri EN -ia 04 [powe)r to the king, my master. Transliteration:
05 a-Ila GIR.MES EN -ia D.UTU -ia 05 At the feet of my master, my Sun, 01 [M.ri-llb-[D.[l[MI iq-b[i a-Ila BE-fll)
06 7-fIl7-la-all am-qll-/Il 06 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 02 [LUGAL KU)R.mi,Hi LUGAL KUR.[KI.l:II.A LUGAL GALl
03 [7) -it-dll> 7 -ta-a-all a-[lIa GIR.MES BE-ia)
EA84 04 D.UTU -/a am-qll-/Il
VAT 1633
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 73); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 41); KNUDTZON (1915: 402-407); MORAN
I Translation:
01 [Ri)b[ha)d[dll spek[s to his master,)
(1992: 154-156); HESS (1993: 132-134 )1. 31l; LIVERANI (1998: 190-191 [LA 1531l

204 205
Appendix Appendix

02 [the king ofJ Egypt, the king of (all) l[ands, the great king(:) J Transliteration: Translation:
03 [SevenJ tim<es> (and) seven times, a[t the feet of my master,J 01 [a-na M.a-IIlJa-an-ap-pa 01 11'0 AmJanappa(;)
04 my Sun, I fall. 02 111m-lila M.rJi-ib-D.lM 02 [thus (says) RJibhaddi(:)
03 la-na GJlR.MES-ka am-qil-llt 03 IAtJ your IfJeet, I fall.
EA89
VAT 1627 EA94
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 49); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 43);KNUDTZON (1915: 420-425); ALBRIGHT- CG 4756 ISR 4112225/0)
MORAN (1950: 164-165); MORAN (1992: 162-163); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. I]); LlVERANI (1998: 181-183 [LA 144]) Literature: WINCKLEII-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 78); KNUDTZON (1915: 436-441); MORAN (1992: 168); HESS (1993: 132-134
Transliteration: Translation: II. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 198-199 ILA 160])
01 [M.ri-ib-JD.lM iq-b[i a-llaJ 01 [RibJhaddi spea[ks toJ Transliteration:
02 [EN -SII LUJGAL KUR.MES LUGAL G[ALJ 02 [his master, the kiJng of (all) lands, the gre[atJ king(:) 01 IM.rJi-ilbJ -a[d-dJi 111~-ltJa-[pdl r a-na [LJUGAL [KUJR.[KUR.KlJ
03 [D.NIN S1a URU.gllb-/[a ti-dillJ 03 [(May) the Lady oJfGubl[a ensureJ 02 [LJu.lIRJ LUIGALJ be-W-[ia a-na-Jku
04 [KALAG.GA a-Jlla LUGAL-ri EN-[iaJ 04 [power tJo the king, [myJ master. 03 a-[naJ G1R.MES be-/[f-Ila 7 ll7 a[IIlJ -qllt
05 [a-lla G1R.MEJS EN-ia D.U[TU-iJa 05 [At the feeJt of my master, [mJy Stun],
06 [7-s117-Jta-an alll-q[liJ-IIt 06 [seven times (and) sevenJ times, I fa[lIl. Translation:
01 IR]ilbJhaldd]i IwJrliJt[esJ to the [k]ing of (all) [lJalnds(:)]
EA90 02 [I aJm the serlvantJ of the ki[ng, myJ malslter.
VAT 1661 03 AltJ the feet of ImJy mastlerJ, seven (times) and seven (times), I If Jail.
Literature: WINCKLER -AB~L (1889-1890: no. 53); SClIHOEDER (1915a: no. 44);KNUDTZON (1915: 424-429); MaliAN (1992:
163-164); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1.3]); LlVERANI (1998: 195-196 [LA 157])
EA95
Transliteration: Translation: VAT 1668
01 [a-naJ LUGAL EN-ia ID.UTU-iaJ 01 IToJ the king, my master, Imy Sun,J Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 70); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 48); KNUDTZON (1915: 440-443); MORAN
02 [qJf-bf-llIlaJ 02 IsJpeakl;J (1992: 169); RAINEY (1996a: 11,246111. 3-6]);I-IESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 2]); LlVEIIANI (1998: 194-1951LA 156])
03 III1l-ma M.ri-ib-D.lM lIR-ka-lIIaJ 03 thus (says) Ribhaddi, lyourJ serv[ant:J Transliteration: Translation:
04 a-na G1R.MES EN-ia D.UTU-[ia 7-s117-a-anJ 04 At the feet of my master, ImyJ Sun, [seven times 01 [a-Ila LUJ.GAL qf-bf-Illa 01 11'0 the maJgnate, speak;
(and) seven times,J 02 IIIJ /II-lila M.ri-ib-D.lM a-na G!lR.MES-kaJ 02 It]hus (says) Ribhaddi(:) At lyourJ fleet,J
05 am-qli-llt 05 I fall. 03 laJ m-lqJ Ii-Ill D.a-IIIa-lla >11< 03 [lJ fa[lJI. (May) AnulIl >and<
04 II D.NIN sa URU.gllb-/a 04 and the Lady of Gubla
EA91 05 Ii-di-I/IIT~S-ka a-lla pa-lli 05 ensure your honour in the presence of
06 LUGAL-ri EN -/i-ka-ma 06 the king, your master.
VAT 931
LiteralUre: WINCKLEII- ABEL (1889-1890: no. 56); SCIlIlOEDEIl (1915a: no. 45);KNUDTZON (1915: 428-433); MOIIAN (1992:
EA96
164-165); LlVERANI (1998: 196-1971LA 158])
Transliteration: Translation: VAT 1238
01 IM.ri-ib-D.IM iq-bi a-lIaJ EN-sill a-lla G1R.MESJ 01 IRibhaddi speaks toJ hilsJ master(:) IAtthe feetJ Literature: WINCKl.lm - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 82); SCIlIlOEDEIl (1915a: no. 49); KNlJllTZON (1915: 442-445);YOUNGIlI.OOIl
02 IEN-ia7-s117-/Ja-alll aJIII-lqJli-IIIJI 02 lof my master, seven times (and) seventJimels, I] (1962); MORAN (1992: 170); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 II. 1]); RAINI!Y (l996a: 1,147111. 5-6J; 1II, 178111.3-4]); Llvl!RANI (1998:
[[aJl[lJ. 186 ILA 148])
Transliteration: Translation:
EA92 01 laJ-na M.ri-ib-D.lM oI To Ribhaddi,
02 IDUJMU-ia qf-bf-ma 02 my IsJon, speak;
VAT 868 03 thus (says) the commander of the twopls,J your
03 III11-llIa M.LU.GAL ERIN.MEIS AJD-ka-ma
Literature: WINCKLEIl-AnEL (1889-1890: no. 50); SCIlIlOEIJEIl (1915a: no. 46);KNlJIlTZON (1915: 432-437); MOIIAN (1992: IfaJther:
166-167); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 II. I]); LM!RANI (1998: 183-184 ILA 145]) 04 >a-bi-ka< DINGIR.MEISJ-1ll1 04 >your father< /May/the gods
Transliteration: Translation: 05 slI-/1I11l-ka slI-/IIIJm ~-ka 05 task after/ your well-being (and) the well-being
of your household.
01 IM.Jrli-llb-ad-di iq-bi 01 R[iJbhaddi speaks
06 /i-is-a/ 06
02 a-lla LlUJGAL be-ii-slI D.UTU KU[R.KI.IjI.A1 02 to the king, his master, the Sun of (allllalnds(:)J
03 a-na G1IR.MJES LUGAL BE-ia D.UTU -ia 03 At the [[eeJ t of the king, my master, my Sun,
04 7-s117-ta-a-all alll-qli-1I1 04 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. EA97
05 D.NIN ISla URU.gll-IIlb-la IJ/-dliIlJ 05 (May) the Lady 10JfGuibia eJnslureJ VAT 1598
06 IGJA.KALA[GJ a-lla LIUJG[AL EJN-ilaJ D.IUTJU-Illa 06 IpJowelrJ \0 the kliJnlgJ mly mas]ter, ImJy ISuJn.
LiteralUre: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 183); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 50); KNUDTZON (1915: 444-447); MORAN
(1992: 170-171); HESS (1993: 85-8611. 2J; 145-14611. I]); LIVERANI (1998: 2421LA 196])
EA93
Transliteration: n'anslation:
VAT 1663 01 laJ-l/a M.sl/-ml/-lJa-dlll 01 ITJo Sumuhaddi(;)
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEl. (1889-1890: no. 55); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 47);KNUDTZON (1915: 436-437); MORAN (1992: 02 IIIJm-ma M.ia-ap-pa-alb-D.IMJ 02 It]hus (says) Yapalchadda(:)J
167); I-lESS (1993: 28 II. IJ; 132-134 II. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 184 [LA 146]) 03 IDINGIR.MJES slI-/lIll1-ka /i-[is-a]/ 03 May the IgodJs alsJk after your well-being.

206 207
Appendix Appendix

EA9S Transliteration: Translation:

VAT 1675 01 [a-IlJa LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 [TJo the king, my master,
02 D.UTU-ia llm-maM.ri-ib-D.lM 02 my Sun; thus (says) Ribhaddi,
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 128); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 51); KNUDTZON (1915: 446-449); MORAN 03 lR -ka-ma a-Ila G1R.MES EN -ia 03 your servant: At the feet of my master,
(1992: 171); HESS (1993: 82-84 [I. 1J; 85-86 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 242 [LA 197]) 04 D.UTU-ia 7-fIl7-ta-all 04 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times,
Transliteration: Translation: 05 am-qu-ut 05 I fall.
01 [a-IlJa M.ia-all-[za-mi 01 [TJo Yanbamu,
02 [qf-Jbf-Illa M lllll-ma M.ia-pa-[aJb-D.lM 02 [spJeak; thus (says) Yapachadda(:) EAI04
CG 4751 [SR 411221110J
EA99
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 60); KNUDTZON (1915: 460-465); MORAN (1992: 177-178); HESS (1993:
CG 4742 [SR 4112196/0J 132-134 [I. 3]); LlVI!RANI (1998: 201-202 [LA 163])
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 202); KNUDTZON (1915: 448-451); MORAN (1992: 171-172); LIVERANI (1998: Transliteration: Translation:
243 [LA 198]) 01 a-na LUGAL-ri EN -ia D.UTU -ia 01 To the king, my master, my Sun,
Transliteration: Translation: 02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak;
01" [a-Ila J ma a[ 01* [To 03 lI11l-ma M.ri-ib-D.lM lR-ka-ma 03 thus (says) Ribhaddi, your servant:
02" [LO KUJR.[aJm-m[ll-ia [ 02" [ruler of AJmm[iJya[ 04 a-IIaG1R.MES EN-iaD.UTU-ia 04 At the feet of my father, my Sun,
03" [qJ f-bf-ma llI11-lIla 03" [sJpeak; thus (says) 05 7 -f1l7 -ta-all am-qll-llt 05 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
04" LUGAL-ma a-IllI-11[m-IIlJa 04" the king: /I amI herew[iJth
r
OS" (llp-pa all[ -IlJa-a Il f_t' e-bi-fa-kll, OS" sending this tablet to you, EAI05
06" qa-be-e [a-nJa k[aJ -a-fa 06" saying [tJo y[oJu.
VAT 1628
EA 100 Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 51); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 53); KNUDTZON (1915: 464-471); MORAN
(1992: 178-179); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVIlRANI (1998: 202-203 [LA 164]).
BME29825 Transliteration:
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 42; pI. 4 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 450-453); MORAN (1992: 172-173); ZEWI 01 [M.rJi-lb-D.lM iq-bi a-I/a EN-[fIlJ
(1995: 674 [II. 1-2]); Liveranl (1998: 243-244 [LA 199]) 02 LUGAL GAL LUGAL KUR.KUR.KI.MES LUGAL ta-alll-[z[a-raJ
Transliteration: Translation: 03 D.NIN fa URU.gllb-fa ti-di-11l 4 K[ALAG.GAJ
01 (llp-pf all-Il11-11 (lIp-pf 01 This tablet is the tablet 04 a-lla LUGAL-ri EN-ia a-I/a G1R.MES EN-ia
02 URU.ir-qa-ta a-Ila LUGAL-ri 02 of Irqata. To the king, 05 D.UTU -ia 7-fIl7-ta-an am-qtl-lll
03 EN-1ll11ll1l-llla URU.ir-qa-ta 03 our master(:) thus (say) Irqata
04 it LO.MES.fl-<bll>-li-fi 04 and its ekde>rs(;) Translation:
05 a-na G1R.MES LUGAL-ri EN-1ll1 05 At the feet of the king, our master, 01 [RJlbhaddl speak to [hlsJ master,
06 7-fIl7-ta-alllli-am-qll-ut 06 seven times (and) seven times, we fall. 02 the great king, the king of (alI) lands, the king of the batt[le(:)]
07 a-Ila EN-1ll1 D.UTU 1I11l-lIla 07 To our master, the Sun; thus (says) 03 (May) the Lady of Gubla ensure p[owerJ
08 URU.ir-qa-ta 08 Irqata(:) 04 to the king, my master. At the feet of my master,
05 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
EA 102
EAI06
BME 29806
LIterature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 23); KNUDTZON (1915: 454-459); MORAN (1992: 175-176); HESS (1993: 82 [I. IJ; VAT 344
132-134 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 200 [LA 161]) Literature: WINCKLIlII - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 43); SCI-IROEDER (1915a: no. 54); KNUDTZON (1915: 470-473); MORAN
Transllteralion: Translation: (1992: 179-180); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVIlRANI (1998: 208-209 [LA 169])
Transliteration:
01 [a-na M.ia-an-baJ-IIl[i 01 [To YanbaJm[u
02 [q~ -bf-ma 02 [sJpeak; 01 M.ri-ib-D.lM iq-bi a-[na BE-fIlJ
03 lilli-lila M.ri-ib-D.lM 03 thus (says) Rlbhaddi(:) 02 LUGAL-ri KUR.Kl.UI.A a-na G1R.MES [BE-fa LUGAL-rJi
04 a-lla G1R.MES-ka am-qli-llt 04 At your feet, I fall. 03 7-fll iI7-ta-an am-[qll-lIIJ
05 D.NIN fa URU.gllb-fa 05 IMay/the Lady ofGubla,
06 DINGlR LUGAL EN-ia Ii-dill 06 the god(dess) of the king, my master, ensure Translation:
07 TES.BA-ka a-Ila pa-ni LUGAL be-/i-kll 07 your honour In the presence of the king, your 01 Rlbhaddl speaks t[o his master,J
master, 02 the king of (all) lands(:) At the feet [of my master, the klnJg,
08 D.UTU KUR.DIDLI.MES.Kl 08 the Sun of (all) lands. 03 seven times and seven times, I flall.J

EAI03 EA 107
VAT 1208 VAT 346
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 77); SCHROIlDIlR (l915a: no. 52); KNUDTZON (1915: 458-461); MORAN Literature: WINCKLER - AOIlL (1889-1890: no. 41); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 55); KNUDTZON (1915: 472-477); MORAN
(1992: 176); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 200-201 [LA 162]) (1992: 180-181); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVIlRANI (1998: 209-210 [LA 170])

208 209
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation: Transliteration: Translation:

01 [M.)ri-ib-D.IM [llq-b[ll 01 Ribhaddi [s)pea[ks) 01 [M).ri-ib-[D.lM is-ta-par) 01 Rib[haddi writes)
02 a-Ila EN -Ii LUGAL KUR.KUR.KI.MES 02 to the master, the king of (alI) lands, 02 [a)-Ila EN -li-[S] It L[UGAL KUR.MES) 02 [t)o [h)is master, the k[ing of (all) lands,)
03 LUGAL GAL LUGAL ta-am-[la-ra 03 the great king, the king of the battIe(:) 03 [L)UGAL GAL D.NIN sa [URU.gllb-fa) 03 the great [k)ing(:) (May) the Lady of [Gubla)
04 D.NIN sa URU.gltb-fa 04 (May) the Lady of Gubla 04 [t)i-eli-iIl 4 KALAG.GA a-Ila [LUGAL) 04 [e)nsure power to [the king,)
05 ti-di-iIl4 GAKALAG a-Ila LUGAL 05 ensure power to the king, 05 [E)N-ia a-Ila GIR.MES EN-[ia) 05 my [mas)ter. At the feet of [my) master,
06 EN-ia a-lla GIR.MES EN-ia 06 my master. At the feet of my master, 06 [D).UTU-ia7-slt7-ta-all 06 mt Sun, seven times (and) seven times,
07 D. UTU -ia 7 -Sll 7 -fa-all 07 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times, 07 [a)m-qll-llt 07 [I) fall.
08 am-qll-Ilf 08 I fall.
EA 114
EA 108
BME29796
VAT 345 Literature: BEWLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 13); KNUDTWN (1915: 496-501); MORAN (1992: 188-190); L1VERANI (1998:
Literature: WINCKLER -ABEL (1889-1890: no. 42); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 56);KNUDTZON (1915: 476-481); MORAN (1992: 218-220 [LA 178))
181-182); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 1)); L1vERANI (1998: 210-212 [LA 171))
Transliteration:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 [M.ri-ib-D.lM is-ta-par) a-Ila EN-[sll)
01 M.ri-ib-D.lM is-ta-pdr 01 Ribhaddi writes
02 [LUGAL KUR.MES LUGAL GAL LUGAL tja-am-[la-a[r)
02 a-Ila M.EN-slt LUGAL KUR.KUR.MES.KI 02 to his master, the king of (alI) lands,
03 D.NI[N S]a [UR)U.[gu)b-fa ti-eli-iIl4
03 LUGAL GAL LUGAL ta-am-[la-ra 03 the great king, king of the battle(:)
04 (May) the Lady of Gubla ensure 04 KALAG.GA a-Ila LUGAL EN -ia a-lla GIR.MES
04 D.NIN sa URU.gllb-fa ti-di-iIl4 05 EN-iaD.UTU-ia7-s1l7-fa-all
05 KALAG.GA a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN -ia 05 power to the king, my master.
06 At the feet of my master, my Sun, 06 am-qll-ut
06 a-Ila GIR.MES EN -ia D.UTU -ia
07 7-s11 7-ta-all am-qil-llt 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
Translation:
EA 109 01 [Ribhaddi writes) to [his) master,
02 [the king of (alI) lands, the great king, the king of the b)alll[e(:»)
VAT 1629 03 (May) the Lad[y o)f [Gu)bla ensure
Literature: WINCKLER-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 52); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 57);KNUDTZON (1915: 480-485); MORAN (1992: 04 power to the king, my master. At the feet
183-184); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 1)); LIVERANI (1998: 212-213 [LA 172)) 05 of my master, my Sun, seven times (and) seven times,
Transliteration: 06 I fall.
01 [M.r)i-ib-D.IM [iq-bll a-Ila EN-sll
EA116
02 LUGAL KUR.MES LUGAL [GAL) D.NIN sa URU.glib-fa
03 Ii-eli-in, KALAG.GA a-na LUGAL EN-ia CG 4752 [SR 4/12199/0J
04 a-Ila GIR.MES EN -ia D. UTU - ia 7 -Sll Literature: WINCKI.P.R - AIlIlL (1889-1890: no. 61); KNUDTZON (1915: 502-507); MOIIAN (1992: 191-193); HPA~S (1993:
05 (7)-ta-an am-qll-ut 132-134 [1. 1)); L1VElIANI (1998: 220-221 [LA 179))

Translation: Transliteration:
01 [R)ibhaddl [speaks) to his master, 01 [M.ri-ib-D.I]M Is-ta-pdra-n[a]
02 the king of (alI) lands, the [great) klng(:) (May) the Lady of Gubla 02 [M.EN -Sl/ LUGIAL GAL LUGAL KUR.MES LUGAL
03 ensure power to the king, my master. 03 [tal -am-lja-ar D.NIN sa URU.gllb-[/al
04 At the feet of my master, my Sun, seven times 04 [til-eli-iII., KALAG.GA a-lla LUGAL-[rl i
05 (and) [seven) times, I fall. 05 [ENI-ia a-lla GIR.MES EN-[Ila D.UTU
06 [7-s1117-la-all alll-qll-111
EA 110
Translation:
VAT 1666
01 [Ribhalddl wrlles 1[01
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlP.L (1889-1890: no. 64 a, e, b, c); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 58); KNUDTZON (1915: 484-489);
02 [his mastel', thel great [ki)ng, the king of (all) lands, the king of
MORAN (1992: 185); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 2)) 03 [the blallle(:) (May) the Lady ofGub[ial
Transliteration: Translation: 04 [enlsure power to the ki[nlg,
01 [a-Ila LUGAL EN-Ila [D.UTU-ia) 01 [To the king, m)y [master, my Sun,] 05 my [master.1 At the feet of [mly master, the Sun,
02 [ql-bl-ma) lIm-ma M.ri-[ib-D.IM) 02 [speak;) thus (says) RI[bhaddl,) 06 [seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
03 [lR-ka D.NIN) sa-a URU.[gllb-fa) 03 [your servant(:) (May) the Lady) of [Gubla)
04 [ti-eli-iIl4 KALA)G.GA a-Ila LU[GAL EN-ia) 04 [ensure po)wer to the kl[ng, my master,) EA 117
05 [D.UTU -ia a) -Ila GIR.MES-Ia 05 [my Sun. A)t my feet,
06 [D.UTU-ia 7-)s1l7-ta-all a[m-qlll) 06 [my Sun, seven) times (and) seven times, I flail.) VAT 350
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 45); SCHROIlDP.R (1915a: no. 62); KNUDTZON (1915: 506-513); MORAN
EA 112 (1992: 193-195); I-lESS (1993: 132-134 [1. Ill; L1vERANI (1998: 221-223 [LA1801l

VAT 1664 Transliteration: Translation:

Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 57); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 61); KNUDTZON (1915: 490-493); MORAN 01 [M.)ri-ib-D.IM [is-ta-par a-Ila EN -sill 01 Ribhaddi [writes to his master,[
(1992: 186-187); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 1)); L1vERANI (1998: 213-214 [LA 173)) 02 [LUGALI-ri GAL LUGAL [ta-alll-ba-ral 02 the great [kinlg, the king of [the ballle(:)]

210 211
Appendix Appendix

03 [D].NIN sa URU.g1l1b-na tji-di-iIl 4] 03 (May) the Lady ofG[ubl]a en [sure] 06 LUGAL-riEN-iaa-na 06 the king, my master. At
04 [KAlAG.]GA a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN-ia [D.UTU-lla 04 [pow]er to the king, my master, [m]y [Sun,] 07 GIR.MES EN -ia D.UTU -ia 07 the feet of my master, my Sun,
05 [7]-sll 7 -/a-all arn-qtl-ut 05 [seven] times (and) seven times, I faIl. 08 seven times (and) seven times, I faIl.
08 7 -su7 -ta-an arn-ql'-llt

EA 118
EA 123
BME 29808 + VAT 1662
BME29803
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 25); WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 54); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 63); KNUDT-
ZON (1915: 512-517); MORAN (1992: 195-196); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 223-224 [LA 181]) Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 20); KNUDTZON (1915: 528-533); MORAN (1992: 202); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]);
LIVERANI (1998: 215-216 [LA 175])
Transliteration: Translation:
01 To the king, my master, Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-Ila M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia
02 D.UTU ql-bl-ma 02 the Sun, speak; 01 M.ri-ib-D.lM is-ta-par 01 Rlbhaddi writes
03 urn-rna M.ri-ib-D.lM lR-ka-ma 03 thus (says) Ribhaddi, your servant: 02 a-Ila EN-Sll LUGAL-ri GAL 02 to his master, the great king,
04 a-naG1RMES EN-ia D.UTU 04 At the feet of my master, the Sun, 03 LUGAL-ri KURKURKI LUGAL-ri 03 the king of (all) lands, the king of
05 7 -Sll 7 - ta-all am-qll-llt 05 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 04 ta-am-Lw-[a]rD.NIN 04 the batt[l)e(:) (May) the Lady
06 D.NIN sa URU.gllb-fa 06 (May) the Lady of Gubla 05 sa URU .gllb-fa ti-di-in4 05 of Gubla ensure
07 ti-di-in4 KALAG.GA a-na LUGAL 07 ensure power to the king, 06 KAlAG.GA a-na LUGAL-ri 06 power to the king,
08 EN-ia 08 my master. 07 EN-ia a-na G1R.MES 07 my master. At the feet
08 EN-iaD.UTU 7-s11 08 of my master, the Sun, seven times (and)
EA 119 09 7 -ta-an am-<ql'-lIl> 09 seven times I f<all.>
VAT 349
EA 124
Literature:WINcKLER-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 44); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 64); KNUDTZON (1915: 516-519); MORAN (1992:
197-198); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 224-225 [LA 182]) CG 4755 [SR 4112188/0)
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 62, 64 d and 65); KNUDTZON (1915: 532-537); MORAN (1992: 203-204);
01 [M.)ri-ib-D.lM Ills-Ita-par) 01 Rlbhaddl [w]r[ites) HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 203-204 [LA 165])
02 [a)-na EN -su LUGAL-rI.GA[L) 02 [t)o his master, the gre[at] kIng, Transliteration: Translation:
03 LUGAL ta-am-ba-<ra> D.NIN Sla) 03 the king of the batt<le>(:) (May) the Lady o[f]
01 [a-na LUG)AL-ri EN-i[a D.UTU-ia) 01 [To the kl)ng, m[y) master, [my Sun;]
04 URU.gllb-fa li-di-iIl4 KALAG.[GA) 04 Gubla ensure pow[er]
05 to the king, my master. 02 [lIm-m]a M.ri-ib-D.lM l[R-ka-ma] 02 [thu)s (says) Rlbhaddl, [your) serv[ant):
05 a-na LUGAL-ri EN -ia
06 a-na G1R.MES EN-ia D.UTU -fa 06 At the feet of my master, my Sun, 03 [D.NI]N sa-a URU.gll[b-la ti-di-in4] 03 (May) [the Lad)y of Gu[bla ensure)
07 7-sll7-ta-all am-qll-llI 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 04 [KALAG).GA a-I/a LUGAL-ri EN-[fa a-na] 04 [pow)er to the klng, [my) master. [At]
05 [G1R].MES EN-fa D.UTU-ia [7-sll] 05 [the fe]et of my master, my Sun, [seven tImes (and)]
06 [7)-la-an am-qtl-llt 06 [seven) times, I fall.
EA 121
VAT 1665 EA125
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: 110. 59); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 66); KNUDTZON (1915: 522-527); MORAN
(1992: 200-201); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 214-215)LA 174]) BME 29802
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 19; pI. 10 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 536-539); MORAN (1992: 204-205); HESS
(1993: 132-134 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 226-227 [LA 184])
01 [M.]ri-ib-D.lM i[s-tap-p)ara-[na] 01 Rlbhaddl w[rlle]s t[o)
02 EN-su LUGAL KUR.MES LUGAL GAL 02 his master, the king of (all) lands, the great klng(:) Transliteration: Translation:
03 D.NIN sa URU.gllb-fa 03 (May) the Lady of Gubla 01 a-na LUGAL-ri E[N-ia) 01 To the king, [my] mas[ter;]
04 ti-di-in4 KALAG.GA a-na LUGAL-ri 04 ensure power to the king, 02 IIm-ma M.ri-ib-D.I[M]l[R-ka-ma] 02 thus (says) Rlbhad[dl. your) ser[vant]:
05 EN-ia a-lla Gl[R.M]ES EN-ia 05 my master. At the fe[e]t of my master, 03 a-l/aG1R.MES EN-faD.U[TU]-ia 03 At the feet of my master, my S[u)n,
06 D.UTU -ia 7-sll7-la-an 06 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times, 04 7-s117-la-a-an am-qll-1I1 04 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
07 am-qll-1l1 07 I fall. 05 D.NIN sa-a URU.gllb-fa 05 (May) the Lady of Gubla
06 li-di-iI/ 4 GA.KALAG a-na 06 ensure powere to
EA 122 07 LUGAL-rfEN-ia 07 the king, my master.
VAT 1625
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 47); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 67); KNUDTZON (1915: 526-529); MORAN EA 126
(1992: 201-202); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 216-217 [LA 176]) VAT 1183
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 76); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 68); KNUDTZON (1915: 538-543); MORAN
01 [M.]ri-ib-D.lM is-tap-p[ar) 01 Rlbhaddl wrll[es[ (1992: 205-207); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1. 1]); LIVERANI (1998: 227-228 [LA 185])
02 [a)-llaEN-~u LUGALKURKI LUG[AL.G]A[L) 02 [t]o his master, the king of (all) land>s<, Transliteration: Translation:
[the glre[at] kl[ng,) 01 M.ri-fb-id-di ql-bl-[nlll 01 Rlbhaddl, speak[;]
03 LUGAL ta-am-ba-ar 03 the king of the battle(:) 02 a-na LUGAL be-li-ia a-I/a KI.TA 02 to the king, my master(:) Beneath
04 D.NIN sa URU.gllb-fa 04 (May) the Lady of Gubla 03 G1RMES BE-ia 7 117 am-qut-llt 03 the feet of my master, seven (times) and seven
05 ti-di-in4 KAlAG.GA a-na 05 ensure power to (times), I fall.

212 213
Appendix Appendix

EA129 03 a-Ila Kl.TA GIR-p[eLUGAL be-/i-ia) 03 Beneath the fee[t of the king, my master,)
04 7 -ta-all ;1 7 -Ia-[all am-qllt-ut] 04 seven times and seven tilmes, I fall.)
VAT 1637 + VAT 1638
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 86 and 87); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 70); KNUDTZON (1915: 546--553); EA 138
MORAN (1992: 209-211); HESS (1993: 132-134 [I. 1]); L1VERANI (1998: 231-232 [LA 190])
VAT 351
Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 58); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 73); KNUDTZON (1915: 578-587); MORAN
01 [M.ri-ib)-ad-d[i qf-bf-lIlahml 01 [Rib)haddi [speak;) (1992: 221-225); HESS (1993: 132-13411. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 236--239 ILA 193])
02 [a-II)a [LUG)AL be-[ni-[ia a-lla Kl.TA) 02 [1)0 [the ki)ng, [my) mas[t)er(:) [Beneath)
03 [G)l[R).MES 7117 [alll-qllt-II/) 03 [the f)e[elt, seven (times and) seven (times,) II fall.) Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-Ila LUGAL be-Ini-lia D.)UIT)U KURMIES) 01 To the king, [my) mas[te)r, the Slu)n of (all) Ian Ids;)
EA 130 02 1II1l-lIla ri-ilb)-ad-ldii [I)R-ka 02 thus (says) Rilb)hadldi,) your Iser)vant(:)
03 a-Ila Kl.TA GIR.MES LUGAL EN-/i-i[a) 04 Beneath the feet of the king, mly) master,
VAT 1624 04 7 -tam II 7 mla) -aq-ta-li 7 04 seven times and seven (limes,) I fall.
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 46); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 72); KNUDTZON (1915: 552-557); MORAN
(1992: 211-212); HESS (1993: 132-134 [1.3]); L1VERANI (1998: 229-230 ILA 187]) EA 139
Transliteration: J)'anslation: BME29828
Literature: BEZOLD -BUDGE (1892: no. 45; pI. 4 Iphoto]); KNUDTZON (1915: 586-591); MORAN (1992: 225-226); HESS
01 la-Ida LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 IT)o the king, my master, (1993: 88-89 [I. 2]); L1VERANI (1998: 240-241 ILA 194])
02 qlf)-bf-ma 11m-lila 02 slp)eak; thus (says)
03 M.ri-ib-D.lM IR-ka-lIla 03 Ribhaddi, your servant: Transliteration: Translation:
04 D.NIN sa-a URU.gllb-la 04 (May) the Lady of Gubla 01 a-lla LUGAL EIN-ia D.UTU-ia) 01 To the king, Imy) mas[ter, my Sun;)
05 ti-di-iIl 4 KALAG.GA a-lla 05 ensure power to 02 lIm-ma AN -ra-lpf-'fIR-ka) 02 thus (says) I1ira[pi', your servant (and))
06 LUGAL-ri EN-ia a-lla 06 the king, my master. At 03 1II1l-ma gll-II)a.K[I GEM~-ka a-lIa) 03 thus (says) Gu<b>[I)a, [your maldservant(:) Atl
07 GIR.MES EN -ia D. UTU -ia 07 the feet of my master, my Sun, 04 GIR.MES EN D.UTU 7 [7 am-quI) 04 the feet of the master, the Sun, seven (times and)
08 7-s1l7-ta-a-all alll-qll-llt 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. Iseven times, I fall.)

EA 132 EA 140
BME 29801 VAT 1639
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 18); KNUDrl.ON (1915: 560-563); MORAN (1992: 214-215); I·IESS (1993: 132-134 Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 91); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 75); KNUDTZON (1915: 590-593); MORAN
II. 2]); L1vERANI (1998: 206 ILA 167]) (1992: 226--227); I·IESS (1993: 88 - 8911. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 241 ILA 195])
Transliteralion: Translation: Transliteration: Translation:
01 [a-Ila) LUGAL EN-ia D.UTU-ila) 01 ITo) the king, my master, mly) Sun, 01 la-llal LUGAL EN D.UTU-ia 1II1/-lIla 01 ITo) the king, the master, my Sun; thus (says)
02 Iqf) -bf-I/Ja lilli-lila M.ri-ib-D.IM 02 Isp)eak; thus (says) Rlbhaddl, 02 UnU.gllb-la GEM~-ka 1I11l-l1Ia 02 Gubla, the maidservant (and) thus (says)
03 [l)R-ka-ma D.NIN sa-a 03 your Iserv)ant: (May) the Lady of 03 M.AN-ra-pf-'tIR-ka a-lla 03 IIIrapl', your servan!(:) At
04 IU)RU.gllb-Ia ti-di-ill" KALAG.GA 04 Gubla ensure power 04 GIRMES EN-ia D.UTU 7 7 alll-qlll 04 the feet of my master, the Sun, seven (times and)
05 a-lla LUGAL-ri EN-ia a-lla 05 to the king, my master. At seven (times,) I fall.
06 GIR.MES EN-ia D.UTU-ia 06 the feet of my master, my Sun,
07 7-s1l7-ta-a-all alll-qil-llt 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. EA 141
BME 29809
EA 136
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 26; pI. 23 Iphoto]); KNUDTZON (1915: 592-595); MORAN (1992: 227-228); l'lp_~s
BME 29799 (1993: 32-33 [I. 3]); RAINEY (1996a: 111,179111.3-5)); L1vERANI (1998: 163-164 ILA 129])
Literature: BEZOlD - BUDGE (1892: no. 16; pI. 20 Iphoto]); KNUDTZON (1915: 568-573); MORAN (1992: 216-217); I·IESS Translileration:
(1993: 132-134 II. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 233-234 ILA 191]) 01 a-lla sa LUGAL EN-ia D.UTU-ila)
Transliteration: Translation: 02 D1NGIR.MES-ia sa-riTlL.LA-ia
01 [a)-lIa LUGAL EN-ia 01 ITlo the king, my master; 03 qf-bf-Illa 1II11-lIla al1l-I1II1-lli-ra
02 1II/l-llla ri-ib-D.lM IR-ka 02 thus (says) R1baddl, your servant, 04 LO URU,PO,IjI.A IR-ka II SAIjAR-ra \ a-pa-m
03 SAIjAR \ e-pf-ri sa 2 GIR.MES-ka 03 the dust \ the dust at your two fee!(:) 05 sa GIRMES-ka
04 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN-ia 04 At the feet of the king, my master,
05 7 117 -ta-a-all alll-qll-llt 05 seven (times) and seven (limes,) I fall. 06 a-lla GIRMES LUGAL EN-ia D.UTU-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia
07 sa-riTlL.LA-ia 7 1I7-ta-a-all
08 alll-qll-llt
EA 137
PM,I,25,1567 Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - AREL (1889-1890: No. 71); KNUDTZON (1915: 572-579); MORAN (1992: 218-221); Ik~s (1993: 01 To the king, my master, mly) Sun,
132-13411. 1]); Izre'el (1995a: 131-141; 155-157, pis. III-V Iphoto]); LIVEIlANI (1998: 234-2361LA 192]) 02 my gocbs<, the breath of my life,
03 speak; thus (says) Ammunlra,
Transliteration: Translation: 04 the ruler of Beirut, your servant and the dust \ the dust
01 M.ri-ib-ad-[di qf-bf-1I111 01 Ribhadldi speak;) 05 at your fee!(:)
02 a-lla LUGAL be-Ili-ia 02 to the king, [my) masl[er(:))

214 215
Appendix Appendix

06 At the feet of the king, my master, my Sun, my god>s<, EA146

07 the breath of my life, seven (times) and seven (times,)
08 I fall. VAT 1871
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 231); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 79); KNUDTZON (1915: 604-607); MORAN
(1992: 232); HESS (1993: 18-19 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 152-153 [LA 120])
EA 142 Transliteration: Translation:
BME 29810 01 [a-na LUGAL ble-[ii-ia D.UTU -ial 01 [To the king, my mlas[ter, my Sun,l
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 27; pI. 2 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 594-597); MORAN (1992: 228-229); HESS 02 [um-ma a-]bi-m[ii-kilR-kal 02 [thus (says) Albim[ilki, your servant(:)1
(1993: 32-33 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 165 [LA 131]). 03 [7 u7 a-lila GIR.MES [LUGAL be-ii-ia am-qutl 03 [Seven (times) and seven (times), alt the feet [of
the king, my master, I fall.]
Transliteration: Translation:
01 [a-na LUGAL EN-ia sa-I'll TIL.[L]A-ia 01 [To the king, my master, the breath of] my li[f]e; EA 147
02 [ll/n-rna am-mu-llIl-ra lR-ka 02 [thus (says) Ammunilra, your servant
03 [II e-pf-r] i sa 2 GIR.MES-ka 03 [and the duslt at your two feet(:) BME 29812
04 [a-naGIR.MES] LUGALEN-ia7u7-ta-a-all 04 [At the feetl of the king, my master, seven (times) Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 29; pI. 11 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 608-613); MORAN (1992: 233-235); HESS
and seven times, (1993: 18-19 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 149-151 [LA 1171)
05 [arn-qll-ut! 05 [I fall.1 Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-lla LUGAL EN-If-ia DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<, my Sun;
EA 143 02 Ilm-ma a-bi-LUGAL lR-ka 02 thus (says) Ablmilkl, your servant(:)
03 7 u7 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -If-ia am-qut 03 Seven (tImes) and seven (times), at the feet of the
VAT 1584 (+) CG 4764 [SR 4/12198/01 king, my master, I fall.
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 211 + 203); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 78); KNUDTZON (1915: 598-601);
MORAN (1992: 229-230); HESS (1993: 32-33 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 164 [LA 130]) EA 148
Transliteration: 1hnslatlon: CG 4765 [SR 4/12227/0)
01 a-lla LUGAL EN-ia f1a-/'/l 01 To the king, my master, the br[eathl Literature: WINCKLER -ABEL (1889-1890: no. 99); KNUDTZON (1915: 612-615); MORAN (1992: 235); HESS (1993: 18-19 [I.
02 TIL.LA-Ia [qf-bf-mal 02 of my life, [speak;1 2]); LIVElIANI (1998: 153-154 [LA 1221)
03 [ul m-lIla am-mu-lIi-r[a lR -kal 03 [tlhus (says) Ammunlr[a, your servantl Transliteration: Translation:
04 [II] SAIjAR-ra sa Gl[R.MES-kal 04 [andl the dust at [yourl fe[et(:)1
05 [a-Ila GIRI.MES LUGAL E[N-Ia7 117-ta-a-alll 05 [At the felet of the king, [my I mas[ter, seven 01 a-lla LUGAL EN-If-Ia DINGIR.MES-[iao) D.UTU-si 01 To the king, my master, [my) god>s<, the Sun;
(times) and seven tlmes,l 02 ll/Il-Illa a-bl-LUGAL lR-ka 02 thus (says) Ablmlikl, your servant(:)
06 [am-qll-utl 06 [I fall. I 03 7 117 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL be-Ii-In am-qut 03 seven (times) and seven (times,) at the feet of the
king, my master, I fall.
EA 144
EA 149
VAT 323
BME29811
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 90); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 76); KNUDTZON (1915: 600-603); MORAN
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 28; pI. 14 [photo]); KNuDrlON (1915: 614-621); MORAN (1992: 236-237); I·IESS
(1992: 230-231); HESS (1993: 169-170 [I. 41); RAINEY (1996a: III, 177 [11.3-4]); LIVERANI (1998: 161 [LA 127])
(1993: 18-19 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 154-156 [LA 1231)
Transliteration: 1hnslation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN-Ia 01 To the king, my master, 01 a-lla LUGAL EN -I£-ia D. UTU -Ia DINGIR.MES- Ino 01 To the king, my master, my Sun, my god>s<;
02 DINGIR.MES-Ia D.UTU-Ia sa-riTIL.LA-Ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, the breath of my life, 02 thus (says) Ablmllkl, [yoll\l' servanl(:)
02 I/I/l-mn M.n-bl-LUGAL lR-[kla
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak; 03 Seven (tImes) and seven (times,) at the feet of the
03 7117 n-lln GIR.MES LUGAL be-[I£-nn nm-qlll
04 lIIll-ma M.zi-Im-ri-Id-di 04 thus (says) Zimreddl, king, [mly mas[ter,1 I fall.
05 LO.ba-za-lllt sa URU.~f-dl/-lIa.KI 05 the governor of Sldon(:)
06 a-lla GIR.MES EN -Ia DINGIR.MES D. UTU sa-ri 06 At the feet of my master, the god>s<, the Sun, the
EA 150
breath
07 saTIL.LA-Ia a-lla GIR.MES EN-Ia 07 of my life, at the feet of my master, CG 4766 [SR 4112203/01
08 DINGIR.MES-Ia D.UTU-Ia sa-riTIL.LA-Ia 08 my god>s<, my Sun, the breath of my life, Literature: WINCKLER - AOEl. (1889-1890: no. 98); KNUDTZON (1915: 620-623); MORAN (1992: 237-238); HESS (1993:
09 7 -Sllli 7 -ta-a-all am-q/l-ut 09 seven times and seven times, I fall. 18-19 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 156-157 [LA 1241)
Transliteration: 1)'anslatlon:
EA 145
01 [n-lIn] LUGAL be-(/i-In 01 [Tolthe king, Imy] ma[ster;1
VAT 1695 02 [lIlm-mn M.a-bl-mil-k[ilR-kal 02 [tlhus (says) Ablmllk[l, your servanl(:lI
Literature: WINCKLER - AOEL (1889-1890: no. 182); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 77); KNUDTZON (1915: 602-605); MORAN 03 7 117 n-lla GIR.MES EN-[ia nm-qllli 03 Seven (times) and seven (times,) at the feet of [myl
(1992: 231-232); HESS (1993: 169-170 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 162 [LA 128]) master, [I fall.]
1hnsllteratlon: Translation:
EA 151
01 [a-/la l-t[I'1 01 [To I t[l'1
02 [qf-bl f-[mal 02 [spela[k;1 BME29813
03 [Il/ll-ma M.zi-Ilm-ri-d[nl 03 [thus (says) Zllmredd[i(:)1 Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 30; pI. 13 [photo]) KNUDTZON (1915: 622-627); MORAN (1992: 238-239); HESS
04 [a-lla GIR.MIES nm-q/i-llt 04 [At the feel t, I fall. (1993: 18-19 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 157-158 [LA 125])

216 217
Appendix 11 Appendix
I
I
Transliteration: Translation: EA 156
01 a-na LUGAL D.UTU -ia DINGIR-ia DlNGIR.MES-ia 01 To the king, my Sun, my god, my god>s<;
VAT 337
02 /IIn-ma M.a-bi-LUGAL lR-ka 02 thus (says) Abimilki, your servant(:)
03 7 117 a-na G1R.MES LUGAL EN -1f-ia8 am-qllt 03 seven (times) and seven (times,) at the feet of the Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 34); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 83); KNUDTZON (1915: 638-639); IZRE'EL (1991:
king, my master, I fall. 11,15-16); MORAN (1992: 242); HESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 2[); LIVERANI (1998: 158-161 [LA 1261l
Transliteration: Translation:
EA 152 01 a-na LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR-ia D.[U)TUx-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god, my [Slun;
02 IIm-ma M.a-zi-ri lR-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Aziru, your servant:
VAT 1719 03 7-S'1I117-S'1I a-Ila G1R.MES EN-ia am-qlll 03 Seven times and seven times, at the feet of my
Literature: SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 80); KNUDTZON (1915: 626-631); MORAN (1992: 239-240); HESS (1993: 18-19 [I. 2[); master, I fall.
LIVERANI (1998: 152 [LA 119[)
Transliteration: EA 157
01 [a)-na L[UG)A[L) be-If-ia DlN[GIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ial VAT 624
02 [II) m-ma a-[bl i-[ml i[/-kl ilR-k[a-mla [a-na-kll ep-I'III Literature: WINCKLER -ABEL (1889-1890: no. 36); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 84); KNUDTZON (1915: 638-643); IZRIl'EL (1991:
03 [is'-tII) S'\1I-pla-/[ll KUS.S'e-niG1R.M[ES be-Of-ia II, 17-20); MORAN (1992: 243-244); HESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 271-272 [LA 239))
04 a-Ina G1R.MESI E[N-OF-ia DlNGIR.MES D.UTU-[Ila
Transliteration: Translation:
05 [7 117 am-qlllJ
01 [a-I/a) LUGAL-r[i EN-ia DlNGIR-ia II D.UTUx-ia) 01 [To) the kin[g, my master, my god and my Sun,)
Translation: 02 [qf-) b[f-ma) 02 [sp)e[ak;1
03 III11-ma M.a-z[i-rilR-ka-lIla) 03 thus (says) Az[iru, your servant:)
01 [T)o the k[i)n[g,) my master, [my) go[d>s<, my Sun god;) 04
r
7-S'1I 117- S'II' a-rl/a' [G1R.MES EN-ia) 04 Seven times and seven times, at [the feet of my
02 [t]hus (says) A[b)i[m)i[lkji, yo[url servant: [I am the dust] master,)
03 [from) b[en)ea[th) the sandals (and) fe[et of) my [masHer(:) 05 DlNGIR-ia II D.UTUx-ia a[lIl-qlltl 05 my god and my Sun, I flail.)
04 A[t the feet of) my mas[ter), the god>s<, [m)y Sun,
05 [seven (times) and seven (limes), I fall.)
EA 158
EA 153 CG 475B ISR 4112205/0)
MMA24.2.12 Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 40); KNUDTZON (1915: 642-645); IZRE'EL (1991: II, 20-24); MORAN (1992:
244-245); I-lESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 2); 162-164 [I. I)); LIVEIIANI (1998: 272-273 [LA 241))
Literature: SCHElL (1902: 116); KNUDTZON (1915: 630-631); BULL (1926: 170, fig. 2 [photo; obv. only[); PIIITCHAIID (1954:
no. 245 [photo; obv. only[); MOIIAN (1988: 150-151; pis. 114-115); MORAN (1992: 240); HESS (1993: 18-19 [I. 2[); LIVE- 'n'ansliteration: Translation:
IIANI (1998: 151-152 [LA 118[) 01 a-Ila M.III-II-111 EN-ia a-bi-i[al 01 To THtu, my master, m[y) father;
Transliteration: Translation: 02 lilli-lila M.a-zi-ri DUMU-ka lR-ka[ -Illal 02 thus (says) Azil'll, YOlll' son, YOlll' servanl[:1
03 a-I/a G1R.MES a-bl-ia alll-qlll 03 At the feet of my master, I fall.
01 [a-I/al LUGAL EN-If-ia 01 [Tolthe king, my master; 04 a-I/a I1IlIu-[li a-bi-ia III-II S'1I1-mll 04 May II be well wllh my father.
02 [1I1111-lIIa M./a-bi-LUGAL dR>-ka 02 [tllllls (says) Abimllki, YOlll' <servant>(:)
03 7 117 a-na G1R.MES-ka am-qlll 03 Seven (times) and seven (times,) at your feet, I fall.
EA 159
EA 154 VAT 165B
VAT 1718 Literatlll'e: WINCKLEII-AIIEI. (1889-1890: no. 35); SCIInOEIlER (1915a: no. 85); KNlJDTZON (1915: 644-647); IZlm'E1. (1991:
11,24-27); MOIIAN (1992: 245-246); Ik~s (1993: 44-47 [I. 2[); LIVEIIANI (1998: 275-276 [LA 245[)
Literature: WINCKLER - AIIEL (1889-1890: no. 162); SCIIROEDER (l915a: no. 81); KNUDTZON (1915: 630-635); MORAN
(1992: 240-240; I-Ip_~s (1993: H1-19 [I. 21l; LIVERANI (1998: 153 [LA 121[) Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation: 01 [a-I/al LUGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia D.UTU-ia 01 [Tal the king, my master, my god, my Sun;
02 [/III/-lIIla M.a-zi-ri LU.1R-ka-lIIa 02 [thuls (says) Azlru, your servant:
01 a-I/a LUGAL EN-/f-ia OJ To the king, my master; 03 [7-S'( 1/ II 7-S'1I a-I/a G1R.MES EN-ia 03 [Seven tlmles and seven times, at the feet of my
02 IIn1-llW M.a-bi-lIlil-kil[R-kal 02 thus (says) Abimilki, [YOUI'I ser[vant(:)) master,
03 7 117 a-I/a G1R.MES LUGAL E[N-Ila am-qlll 03 Seven (times) and seven (limes,) at the feet of the 04 [DINGIR-Ila II D.U[TIUx-ia alll-qll-III 04 [mly [godl and my S[uln, I fall.
king, [m)y mas[ter,) I fall.

EA 155 EA 160

BME 29B14 + VAT 1B72 PM, 1,25,1574

Literatlll'e: WINCKLER - AIIEL (1889-1890: no. 228); BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 31); SCIIROEDER (l915a: no. 82); KNUDT- Literatlll'e: WINCKLER - AIIEI. (1889-1890: no. 34 a); KNlJDTZON (1915: 646-651); IZRI:'E1. (1991: II, 28-31); MORAN (1992:
ZaN (1915: 632-639); MORAN (1992: 241-242); I-lESS (1993: 18-19 [I. 2[); LIVERANI (1998: 158-160 [LA 1261l 246-247); I-II~~s (1993: 44-47 [I. 2)); IZRE'm. (I 995a: 145-150; 158-161, pis. VI-IX [photo[); LIVERANI (1998: 275 [LA 2441l
Transliteration: Translation: Transliteration:
01 a-na LUGAL D.[UTU be-ii-ial 01 To the king, [the Sun, my master;) 01 [a-llal LUGAL-r/ GAL-bi E[N-ia DlNGIR-ia D.UTUx-ial
02 [11111-1111 a M.a-zi-ri LU.1R-[ka-lIlal
02 /II1/-l11a a-bi-IIl[i1-kilR-kal 02 thus (says) Ablm[llki, your servant(:))
03 r7' -S'II II 7 -S'II a-I/a Gl[R.MES EN -ial
03 7 117 a-I/a G1R.MES L[UGAL be-/i-ia am-qlll) 03 Seven (limes) and seven (times,) at the feet of the
04 DlNGIR-ia II D.UTUx-ia am-q[1I11
kling, my master, I fall.)

218 219
Appendix Appendix

Translation: Transliteration: Translation:

01 [To) the great king, [my) mas[ter, my god (and) my Sun;) 01 [a)-na M.[1a-a-i SES-ia 01 [T)o Ijaya, my brother;
02 [thu)s (says) Aziru, [your) servant[:) 02 urn-rna M.a-zi-ri SES-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Aziru, your brother:
03 'Seven' times and seven times, at the fee[t of my master,) 03 a-na UGU -ka Ill-ti sui-mil 03 May it be well with you
04 my god and my Sun, I fa[ll.) 04 tl is-ttl ERfN.MES ~a-bi p£-(d-te 04 and with the archers
05 sa LUGAL EN -ia ma-gallu-ti slll-1Il1l 05 of the king, my master, may it be very well.

EA161
EA16S
BME 29818
VAT 1659
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 35; pI. 22 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 650-653); IZRE'EL (1991: 11,31-36); MORAN
(1992: 247-248); HESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 21l; LIVERANI (1998: 273-275 [LA 243)) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 37); SCHIIOEDER (1915a: no. 92); KNUDTZON (1915: 668-671); MORAN
(1992: 255-256); HESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 2)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 279 [LA 250))
Transliteration:
01 a-na LUGAL GAL-bi EN-ia DINGIR-ia D.[UTUx-ia)
Transliteration: Translation:
02 lim-lila M.a-zi-ri LU.IR-ka-lIla 01 [a-lI)a LUGAL EN -ia DIN[GI)R-ia D.[UTU -ia) 01 [T)o the king, my master, my g[o)d, [my Sun;)
03 7-SIII17-S11 a-na GIR.MES EN-ia DINGlR- 'ia' D.UTUx-ia am-qllt 02 Ill/Hila M.a-zi-rilR-k[a-ma) 02 thus (says) Aziru, yo[ur) servant[:)
03 7 -s1l1l7 -Sll a-[II)a GIR.ME[S EN -ia) D.UTU -ia alll-qut 03 Seven times and seven times, a[t) the fee[t of my
Translation: master,) my Sun, I fall.
01 To the great king, my master, my god, [my) S[un;)
02 thus (says) Aziru, your servant:
EA 170(A)
03 Seven times and seven times, at the feet of my master, ' my' god, my Sun, I fall.
VAT 327
EA 162 Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 143); SCIIfIOEDEII (1915a: no. 94); KNUDTZON (1915: 676-679); IZRE'EL
(1991: 55-58); MORAN (1992: 257-258); HESS (1993: 48-49 [1.2); 56-57 [I. 3)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 282-283 [LA 253))
VAT 347 Transliteration: n-anslatlon:
Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 92); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 86); KNUDTZON (1915: 654-659); MCCARTER 01 a-lla LUGAL EN-IIi 01 To the king, our master;
(1973); MORAN (1992: 248-251); MUNTINGH (1995: 162-164); LIVERANI (1998: 279-281 [LA251ll 02 1I11l-lIla M.D.IM -Ill-ia it /lI1l-lIla 02 thus (says) Ba'luya and thus (says)
Transliteration: n·anslation: 03 M.be-ti-AN a-na GIR.MES EN -IIi ni-am-qlll 03 Bet'ilu(:) At the feet of our master, we fall.
01 [a-lla M.a-zi-ru) L[U) URU.a-IIlIl-IIr-/"a q{-bf-ma 01 [To Azlru,) ru[ler) of Amurru, speak;
02 [1l1ll-lIla-(a)-IIl) I LUGAL EN-ka 02 [thus (says)) the king, your master(:) EA 170(B)
VAT 327
EA 164 Literature: WINCKLl!R - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 143); SCIIIIOL!DEII (1915a: no. 94); KNUDTZON (1915: 676-679); IZIIE'EL
VAT 249 (1991: 55-58); MOIlAN (1992: 257-258); HESS (1993: 130-131 [I. 36); 131-132 [I. 37); 174-175 [I. 36)); LIVEIlANI (1998:
282-283 [LA 253))
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL(1889-1890: no. 38); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 88); KNuDrloN (1915: 660-663); IZIIE'E!. (1991:
11,36-39); MORAN (1992: 251-252); I·IESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 2); 162-164 [I. 1)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 277 [LA 247)) Transliteration: n-anslation:
Transliteration: n·anslatlon: 36 a-lla M.GAL-AN II M.lR-D.URAS 36 To Rab'llu and Abdi-URAS,
37 a-lla M.DUMU -a-lla Ii M.GAL-~{-id-qf 37 to Blnana and Rabl~ldqu;
01 a-na M.II/-Il-lli EN-ia a-bi-ia 01 To ThIU, my master, my father; 38 /lin-lila M.a-lIlllr-D.IM 38 thus (says) Amurba'la(:)
02 /lI1l-lIla M.a-zi-rilR-ka-lIla 02 thus (says) Azlru, your servant:
03 a-lla GIR.MES EN -ia am-quI 03 At the feet of my master, I fall.
EA 171
VAT 1723
EA 165
Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 185); SCIIfIOEDER (1915a: no. 95); KNUDTZON (1915: 678-680; IZRE'EL
VAT 325 (1991: 59-61); MORAN (1992: 258-259); LIVEIlANI (1998: 272 [LA 240))
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 33); SClIROEDER (1915a: no. 89); KNUDTZON (1915: 662-667); MOIlAN Transliteration:
(1992: 252-253); IZRE'EL (1991: II, 40-43); LIVERANI (1998: 276-277 [LA 246))
01 [a-lla LUGAL D.UTU -ia be-If-ia //Ill-lila)
Transliteration: n·anslation: 02 [ ).IjI.A [) a-II[a GIR).ME[S) LUGAL D.UTU [be-In-ia alll-quI
01 [a-II)a L[UGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia D.UTUx-ia) 01 [T)o the k[lng, my master, my god, my Sun;)
02 U/1l-ma M.[a-z{-rilR-ka-ma) 02 thus (says) [Azlru, your servant:) Translation:
03 7-su 117-[SII a-na GIR.MES EN-ia mil-quI) 03 Seven times and seven [times, at the feet of my 01 [To the king, my Sun, my master; thus (says))
master, I faiL) 02 [ ) A[t the fe)e[t) of the king, the Sun, my [master,) I fall.

EA 166 EA 174

VAT 250 VAT 1585

Literature: WINCKLEII- ABEL (1889-1890: no. 31); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 90); KNUDTZON (1915: 666-669); IZRE'EL (1991: Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 160); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 98); KNUDTZON (1915: 682-685); MOIlAN
11,43-46); MOIlAN (1992: 254); HESS (1993: 44-47 [I. 2); 75-76 [I. 1);); LIVI!IIANI (1998: 278 [LA 249)) (1992: 260); I-lESS (1993: 57-58 [I. 3)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 259 [LA 224))

220 221
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation: Transliteration:

01 a-Ila LUGAL EIN-ia DlNGIR-ia D.UTU-Ila 01 To the king, Imy) maslter, my god, m)y ISun,) 01 la-Ila M.LUGAL) EN-ila DlNGIR-ia D.)UTU -ia
02 qf-bf-mlal 02 speakl;) 02 lilli-ilia su-tar-/la llR-ka) LIUI URU.lIlll-si-[lll-lla
03 1II1l-ma bi-e-rilIR-k)a 03 thus (says) Beri, Iyo)ur servlant,) 03 a-Ila up-ri sa GIR-pe
04 LU URU.[w-sa-bll 04 the ruler of Ba~abu(:) 04 LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR-ia D.UTU -ia
05 a-Ila su-pa-li IIp-Ir)i 05 Beneath the duls)t 05 7 it 7 alll-qll-ut
06 GIR-peLUGALEN-ia 06 of the feet of the king, my master,
07 7 it 7 am-qll-u( 07 seven (times) and seven (times,) 1 fall. Translation:
EA 175 01 ITo the king,) mly) master, my Sun;
02 thus (says) Sutarna, Iyour) servlant), the ruller) of Mu~i\Juna(:)
VAT 1588 03 To the dust at the feet
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 163); SCHROEDER (l91Sa: no. 99); KNUDTZON (1915: 684-687); MORAN 04 of the king, my master, my Sun,
(1992: 260-261); HESS (1993: 19-21 11.3)); Liverani (1998: 259-260 ILA 225)) 05 seven (times) and seven (times,) 1 fall.
1i"ansliteration: 1i"anslation:
01 la-Ila) LUGAL EN-ia DlNGlR-lia D.UTU)-ia 01 ITo) the king, my master, Imy) god, my ISun,) EA 183
02 IqO -bf-Illa 02 Isp)eak; VAT 1595
03 111111-111) a lI-da-a-ia B liR-ka) 03 Ithu)s (says) Udaya, Iyour) servlant,)
04 LIU) URU.[w-sf a-lla sll-pa-Ii 04 the ruller) of Basi(:) Beneath Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 192); SCHROEDER (191Sa: no. 105); KNUDTZON (1915: 696-697); MORAN
05 up-riGIR-peLUGALEN-ia 05 the dust of the feet of the king, my master, (1992: 264); HESS (1993: 149-150 II. 3))
06 7 II 7 alll-qll-llt 06 seven (times) and seven (limes,) I fall. 1i"ansliteration: 1i"anslation:
01 a-/la LUGAL EN-ila DlNGlR-ia D.)UTU -ia 01 To the king, mlyJ master, Imy godJ, my Sun,
EA 176 02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak;
BME29829 03 IIIIl-ma su-tar-Ila LIU) 03 thus (says) Sutarna, the ruler
04 \ URU.lIlll-si-[IU-/llaJ 04 \ of Mu~i\Junla(:)J
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 46); KNUDTZON (1915: 686-687); MORAN (1992: 261); LIVERANI (1998: 260 ILA 176))
05 lR LUGAL EN -ia I 05 the servant of the king, my master, I
1i"ansliteration: 1i"anslation: 06 is-Ill sa su-pla-IiJ 06 from benleathJ
01 la-Ila LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR-ia D.UTU-ia) 01 ITo the king, my master, my god, my Sun,) 07 IIIJp-ri sa GIR-Ipe] 07 Ilhe dJust at the feletJ
02 Iqf-bf-ma) 02 Ispeak;) 08 ILJUGIAJL EN-ia IDlNGlR-ia D.:UTU -iaJ 08 of the IkJiln)g, my master, Imy god, my Sun,J
03 IIIm-ma lR-ka) 03 Ilhus (says) your servant,)
04 ILU URU. a-Ila sll-pa-Ill 04 Ithe ruler of Beneath) EA 184
05 Illp-)riGIR-peLUGALEN-ila) 05 Ithe du)st of the feet of the king, mly) master,
06 7 II 7 alll-qll-III 06 seven (times) and seven (limes,) I fall. Ash. 1893.1-41 (426)
Literature: SAYCE (1894: pI. XXXIII/XVIII bis.); KNUIHZON (1915: 696-697); I-lESS (1993: 149-150 II. 4))
EA 177
Transliteration: Translation:
VAT 1684 01 la-Ila LUGAL EN-)ia 01 ITo the king,J my Imaster,1
Literature: WINCKLEII - Am!L (1889-1890: no. 170); SCIIIIOEDEII (l9ISa: no. 101); KNUDTZON (1915: 686-689); MaliAN 02 IDlNGIR-ia D.UTU-Ila 02 Imy god, m)y ISun,)
(1992: 261); HESS (1993: 164-16511. 2)); LIVERANI (1998: 264-26SILA 230)) 03 I IIJ ill-ilia 03 I t)hus (says)
Transliteration: 1i"anslalion: 04 ISIl-IaJr-lla LU URU.IIlIl-si-bll-lli 04 ISutalrna, the ruler of Mu~i\Juna(:)
01 a-Ila LUGAL EN-ia DINGlR-ia D.UTU-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god, my Sun; 05 I LUGJAL EN-ia alll-qll-llf 05 I kilng, my master, I fall.
02 IIII,-ma M.ya-lIIi-II-la LU KUR.glld-da-sll-lla 02 thus (says) Yamiyuta, the ruler of Gudda~una, 06 I Ila 00 I ~y
03 lR LUGAL EN-Ia 03 the servant of the king, my master(:) 07 17 il7J a-Ila GIR-pe LUGAL EN-ia alll-qll-III 07 Iseven (times) and seven (limes),) at the feet of
04 a-llallp-riGlR-peLUGALEN-ia 04 To the dust at the feet of the king, my master, the king, my master, I fall.
05 7;17 alll-qll-III 05 seven (times) and seven (limes,) I fall. 08 JGIR-pe LUIGAL) EIN)-ia 08 I ) feet of the kllng,) my maslter)

EA 178 EA 185
VAT 1677 VAT 1725
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 146); SCIIROEDER (19ISa: no. 100); KNUDTZON (1915: 688-691); MORAN Literature: WINCKI.ER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 189); SCIIROEDER (l91Sa: no. J06); KNUDTZON (1915: 696-703); MORAN
(1992: 262); HESS (1993: 76-7711. 2)); LIVI!RANI (1998: 26SILA 231)) (1992: 265-267); HESS (1993: 111 II. 3)); LIVI!RANI (1998: 261-263 ILA 228)
1i"ansllteration: Translation: 1i"ansliteration: 1i"anslation:
01 la-Ila L)U.GAL EN-ia 01 ITo the m)agnate, my master; 01 a-Ila LUGAL-rl EN-fa DINGIR-Ia D.UTU-Illa 01 To the king, my master, my god, [m)y Sun,
02 I lll11-lIl) a M.bl-bl-laBIR-ka 02 Ilhu)s (says) Bibiya, your servanl(:) 02 qf-bf-Illa 02 speak;
03 la-lI)a GIR-pe EN-Ia alll-qll-llf 03 IA)t the feet of my master, I fall. 03 11111-lI1a 'ma' -iaB-ar-za-lla LU URU.ba-sf.K1 03 thus (says) IM)ayarzana, the ruler of Basi,
04 lR-ka ep-ri sll-pa-al GIRMES-pf 04 your servant, the dust beneath the feet
EA 182 05 [M.)L[UGAL)-ri EN-Ia DINGIR-Ia D.UTU-f[a) 05 of the k[lng), my master, my god, m[y) Sun,
VAT 1615 06 qa-qla)-rlll sa k[a)-b[d) -sl-[S] II a-Ila GIR.MES-pf 06 the gr[oJulnd) on which IhJe t[r)e[a)ds (:) At the feet
07 IM.LUGAL-rJ i E[N)-f[a) DlNGIR-fa D.UTU -ia 07 [of the kin)g, mly) mas[ter,) my god, my Sun,
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 130); SCHROEDER (l9ISa: no. 104); KNUDTZON (1915: 694-697); MORAN 08 17 -Sll) il7 -Sll am-[q) II-III 08 Iseven times) and seven times, I fa II) I.
(1992: 264); HESS (1993: 149-150 II. 2)); LIVERANI (1998: 249 ILA 208))

222 223
Appendix Appendix

EA187 08 II D.UTU II DINGIRMES-ia 08 and the Sun and my god>s<,

09 7-Sll U 7 -ta-a-all am-qllt 09 seven times and seven times, I fall.
BME29860
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 77); KNUDTZON (1915: 708-711); MORAN (1992: 268-269); HESS (1993: 139-140
[I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 266 [LA 233)) EA 193
Transliteration: Translation: VAT 1608
01 laona LUGAL-]ri BE-ia [DINGIR-ia D.UTU -ia] 01 [To the kin]g, my master, [my god, my Sun,] Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 161); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 110); KNUDTZON (1915: 716-719); MORAN
02 [q~-bf-[ma] 02 [s]pea[k;] (1992: 272); HESS (1993: 158 [I. 2)); LIVERANI (1998: 288-289 [LA 261))
03 [lIm]-ma sa-ti-ia8 LV U[RU.e-lli-sa-si2o -ll 03 [th]us (says) Satiya, ruler of [Enisasi,] Transliteration: Translation:
04 [l]R-ka ep-ri su-pa-a[n 04 your [serv]ant, the dust benea[th]
01 a-naM.LUGAL-maEN-ia 01 To the king, my master;
05 [Gl]R.MES-pfM.LUGAL-ri BE-ia 05 [the fleet of the king, my master(:)
02 llIn-ma M.ti4 -wa-te 02 thus (says) Tiwate(:)
06 [a]-n[a] G1RMES-peLUGAL-riBE-[ia] 06 [A] t the feet of the king, [my] master,
03 a-Ila G1RMES LUGAL EN-ia 03 At the feet of the king, my master,
07 DINGIR-ia D.UTU-ia 7-s11 iI7-[su] 07 my god, my Sun, seven times and seven [times,]
04 7 -su a-Ila pa-lli7 -all am-qut 04 seven times plus seven times, I fall.
08 [am]-qll-Ill 08 [I flail.

EA 194
EA 188
VAT 1705
CG 4793 [SR 4/12237/0)
Literature: SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 112); KNUDTZON (1915: 718-721); MORAN (1992: 272); HESS (1993: 60-61 [I. 2)); LlVE-
Literature: WINcKLER-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 208); KNUDTZON (1915: 710-711); MORAN (1992: 269) RANI (1998: 251-252 [LA 2111l
Transliteration: n'anslation: n-ansliteratlon: Translation:
01* [a-llaG1R-p]eL[UGAL-nl 01* [At the fee]t of the k[ing,] 01 a-lla M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 To the king, my master;
02* [EN-llaD.UTU-[ia] 02* [m]y [master, my] Sun, 02 IIm-ma M.bir.s-ia-wa-za lR-k[al 02 thus (says) Biryawaza, yo[url servant(:)
03* [7 -S] /Ill 7 -S] II am-qll-1II1 03* [seven ti]mes and seven tI[mes, I fall.] 03 a-/Ia G1RMES-pfM.LUGAL-ri 03 At the feet of the king,
04 be-li-Ia 7 117-ta-[alll 04 my master, seven (times) and seven tim[els,
EA 189 05 am-[qull 05 I faUI.]
VAT 336
EA 195
Literature: WINCKWR - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 142); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 108); KNUDTZON (1915: 710-713); MORAN
(1992: 269-270); LIVERANI (1998: 289-290 [LA 189)) CG 4761 [SR 411223010)
Transliteration: n'anslatlon: Literature: WINcKLEII-ABEL (1889-1890: no. 96); KNUDTZON (1915: 720-723); MORAN (1992: 273); HESS (1993: 60-61 [I.
01 To the king, my master; 4)); RAINEY (1996a: III, 178 [II. 4-10)); LIVERANI (1998: 251 [LA 210))
01 a-Ila LUGAL EN-ia
02 IIIIl-ma M.iwtag-gawma lR-ka 02 thus (says) Etakkama, your servant(:) Transliteration: Translation:
03 a-Ila G1RMES EN-Ia D.UTU-ia 03 At the feet of my masters, my Sun, 01 a-Ila M.LUGAL-rl 01 To the king,
04 7 -Sll a-Ila pa-Ili 7 -ta-all am-qlll 04 seven times plus seven times, I fall. 02 be-li-Ia 02 my master,
03 qf-bf-Illa 03 I fall;
EA 191 04 1II1l-ma M.bir.s-Ia-wa-za 04 thus (says) Blryawaza,
05 lR-kaSAJjAR.MES \ ep-r/ 05 yoUI' servant, the dust \ the dust
CG4760 [SR4/12192/0) 06 sa G1R.MES-ka II 06 at your feet and
LIterature: WINCKWR- ABEL (1889-1890: no. 125); KNUDTZON (1915: 714-717); MORAN (1992: 271); I-lESS (1993: 40-42 07 KI.MES sa ka-bd-sf-ka 07 the ground on which you tread,
[I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 287-288 [LA 259)) 08 GIS.GU.ZA sa a-sa-bi-ka 08 the chair on which you sit
n-ansliteratlon: Translation: 09 II GIS.G1R.GUB \ gl-Is-Iap-pf 09 and the footstool \ the footstool
10 sa G1RMES-ka 10 of yOUI' feet(:)
01 a-Il[a) M.LUGAL-ma EN-Ia 01 T[olthe king, my master; 11 a-Ila G1R.MES M.LUGAL EN-Ia 11 At the feet of the king, my master,
02 1I11l-l1la M.ar-za-aw-ia8 LV URU.r[lIl-bi-za 02 thus (says) Arzawlya, the ruler of RlIbizza(:) 12 D.UTU KIN.<NIM> se-rl.MES 12 the Sun of the mornlng<s>
03 a-Ila G1R.MES EN -ia am-qut 03 At the feet of my master, I fall. 13 u le-ld-ma 13 and of the evening,
14 7-s11 a-Ila pa-1l1 14 seven times plus
EA 192 15 7 -la-all-IIi am-qlll 15 seven times, I fall.
VAT 1674
EA 196
Literature: WINCKWR- AOEL (1889-1890: no. 126); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 109); KNUDTZON (1915: 716-717); MORAN
(1992: 271); LIVERANI (1998: 288 [LA 260)) VAT 1592 + VAT 1710
Transliteration: n-anslatlon: Literature: WINCKLER- ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 159 and 143); SCIIIIOEDER (1915a: no. 111); KNUDTZON (1915: 722-725);
MORAN (1992: 273-274); HESS (1993: 60-61 [I. 2)); LIVERANI (1998: 253 [LA 213))
01 [a-ilia LUGAL EN-Ia 01 [Tlo the king, my master
02 [II D.IUTU II DINGIR.MES-ia 02 [andl the Sun and my god>s<, Transliteration: Translation:
03 [qf-Ibf-ma lllll-ma 03 [spleak; thus (says) 01 [a-Ila M.LUGAL-rl EN-~a qf-b[f-mal 01 [To the king, mly [master,1 spe[ak;1
04 [M.al r-sa-wlI-laB1R kl-lt-Ii 04 [Alrzawuya, the loyal servant 02 [lIIn-ma M.blrS-na-w[a-zla l[R-kal 02 [thus (says) Blrylaw[azla, [YOUI'I serv[ant(:lI
05 [S]a LUGAL EN -Ia 05 [olf the king, my master, 03 [al-Ila [G1RMIES [M.LUGIAL E[NI-Ia 7 a-Il[a pa-Iln 03 [All [the felet of [the kling, my mas[terl, seven
06 [u elp-riG1RMES LUGAL EN-Ia 06 [ad the dillst of the feet of the king, my master(:) (times) pUusl
07 a-Ila G1R.MES LUGAL EN-la 07 At the feet of the king, my master 04 si-bi-I[a-al-all am-qll[11 04 seven tl[mels, I falUI.

224 225
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation:
EAl98
01 a-na M.LUGAL EN -ia 01 To the king, my master,
CG 4763 [SR 4112194/0) 02 qr-br-ma 02 speak;
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 152); KNUDTZON (1915: 728-731); MORAN (1992: 276); HESS (1993: 36--37 03 1II1l-ma M.a-ma-;aB-se 03 thus (says) Amaya~e,
[I. 4]); RAINEY (1995-1996: 118 [I. 71); RAINEY (1996a: III, 178 [II. 4-71); LlVERANI (1998: 04 IR-ka a-IJa GIR.MES 04 your servant(:) At the feet
Transliteration: Translation: 05 M.LUGAL be-li-ia 05 of the king, my master,
01 [a-IJa LUGA]L [E]N-[ia] 01 [To the kin)g, [my mas]ter, 06 7 -su il 7 -su am-qut 06 seven times and seven times, 1 fall.
02 DlNGlR.MES saSA[G-ia] 03 [my] perso[nal] god>s<,
03 qr-br-m[a] 03 speak[;] EA203
04 um-ma M.a-ra-[wa]-IJa 04 thus (says) Ar[wa]na,
05 the ruler of Kumidi, VAT 330
05 LO URU.kll-mi-di.KI
06 ep-riSa GIR. rMES' -[ka4] 06 the dust at [your] fe ret', Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL 0889-1890: no. 134); SCHROEDER 0915a: no. 116); KNUDTZON 0915: 736-737); MORAN
07 qa-qa-ri karbd- r six' -ka4 07 the ground on which you tre rad 'I:) 0992: 278); HESS 0993: 13-15 II. 31); LlVERANI 0998: 246--247 [LA 2021)
08 a-IJa GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 08 At the feet of the king, my master,
Transliteration: Translation:
09 7-sIl7-ta-a-all am-qut 09 seven times (and) seven times, 1 fall.
01 a-Ila M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
02 q[-br-ma 02 speak;
EA199
03 1II1l-ma M.lR-LUGAL 03 thus (says) Abdimilki,
CG 4789 [SR 4112234/0) 04 LO URU.sa-as-bi-mi 04 the ruler of Sasbimi,
Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 205); KNUDTZON (1915: 730-733); MORAN (1992: 276-277); LlVERANI (1998: 05 IR-ka a-lla GIR.MES 05 your servant(:) At the feet
256 [LA 221]) 06 M.LUGAL be-ii-ia 06 of the king, my master,
Translation: 07 7 -Sll a-lla pa-II; 07 seven times plus
Transliteration:
08 7-la-ll; am-quI 08 seven times, 1 fall.
01 [a-lla LUGAL EN-ia D.UTU -ia) 01 [To the king, my master, my Sun;]
02 [lIm-ma 02 [thus (says)
03 [your servant: A]t the feet EA204
03 [IR-ka-ma a-n]a GIR.MES-pe
04 [EN-ia] a[m-]qllt 04 [of my master,] 1 [flaIl. VAT 328
Literature: WINCKLEII- ABEL 0889-1890: no. 133); SCIIIIOEDEIl 0915a: no. 117); KNUDTZON 0915: 736--739); MORAN
EA200 0992: 279); LlVEIIANI 0998: 247 [LA 203])
VAT 1622 Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 164); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 113); KNUDTZON (1915: 732-733); MORAN 01 a-na M.LUGAL 01 To the king,
(1992: 277); LlvEilAN1 (1998: 256 [LA 2221) 02 be-ii-ia 02 my master,
Transliteration: Translation: 03 qr-br-/fla 03 speak;
01 [a-lla LUGAL be-Ii-fa] 01 [To the king, my master,] 04 1I/f1-/lla M.LO URU.qa-lIll-li 04 thus (says) the ruler of Qanu,
02 [DlNGlR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia] 02 [my god>s<, my Sun,] 05 IR-ka a-lla GIR.MES 05 your servant(:) At the feet
03 [q~ -bi-[ma] 03 [sp]ea[k;] 06 M.LUGAL be-ii-fa 06 of the king, my master,
04 [um-m]a M.lR.MES-[ka] 04 [thu]s (say) [your] servants(:) 07 7-sl1 a-lla pa-II; 07 seven limes plus
05 7-su II 7-slt 1l[i-II)m-qll-1II 05 seven times and seven times, w[e flail, 08 7 -la-IIi am-qlll 08 seven times, [ fall.
06 [a-Il]a GIR.MES LUGAL be-li-ia 06 la]tthe feet of the king, my master.
BA205
EA201
BME29861
VAT 338 Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGI! 0892: no. 78; pI. 7 [photol); KNIJDrl.ON 0915: 738-739); MORAN 0992: 279); LlVERANI
Literature: WINCKI.ER - Anlll. (1889-1890: no. 132); SCIIROEDER 0915a: no. 114); KNUDTZON 0915: 732-735); MOIIAN 0998: 247 [LA 204])
0992: 277-278); HESS 0993: 37-38 [I. 31); LIVERANI 0998: 246 [LA 2001)
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-;a 01 To the king, my master,
01 a-Ila M.LUGAL EN-;a 01 To the king, my master, 02 qr-br-Illa 02 speak;
02 qr-br-ma 02 speak; 03 1I/11-lIIa M.LO URU./I't-bll 03 thus (says) the ruler ofTubu,
03 1II1l-lIla M.ar-Ia-lIla-all-!an 03 thus (says) Artamanya,
04 IR-ka a-lla GIR.MES 04 your servant(:) At the feet
04 M.LO sr-rf-ba-sa-II/ 04 the ruler of Ziriba~ani,
05 M.LUGAL be-ii-ia 05 of the king, my master,
05 IR-ka ~-lIa GIR.MES 05 your servant(:) At the feet
06 D.UTU /i-mi-ma 06 the Sun of (all) people,
06 M.LUGAL be-Ii-fa 06 of the king, my master,
07 7-sl1 a-lla /la-IIi 07 seven times plus
07 7-sl1 a-Ila pa-nI7- 07 seven times plus seven
08 limes, 1 fall. 08 7 -la-IIi a/ll-qll 08 seven times, 1 fall.
08 -la-all-III am-qlll

EA206
EA202
VAT 331
CG 4762 [SR 4/12229/01
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL 0889-1890: no. 135); SCHROEDER 0915a: no. 115); KNUDTZON 0915: 734-737); MORAN Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL 0889-1890: no. 151); KNUDTZON 0915: 738-741); MORAN 0992: 280); LlVERANI 0998:
0992: 278); HESS 0993: 30-31 [I. 31); LlVERANI 0998: 246 [LA 2011) 247-248 [LA 205])

226 227
Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: Translation:
1
01 a-lla M.LUGAL 01 To the king. II BA213
BME 29859
02
03
be-li-ia
q(-b(-ma
02
03
my master.
speak;
I Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 76; pI. 6 [photoJ); KNUDTZON (1915: 746--749); MORAN (1992: 283); HESS (1993:
04 urn-rna M.LU URU.lla-zi-ba 04 thus (says) the ruler of Naziba. 173 [I. 3J); LIVERANI (1998: 254-255 [LA 216J)
05 lR-ka a-lla GIR.MES 05 your servant(:) At the feet Transliteration: Translation:
06 M.LUGAL be-li-ia 06 of the king, my master,
07 seven times plus
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-ia D.UTU -ia 01 To the king, my master, my Sun,
07 7-fu a-lla pa-Ili
08 seven times. I fall. 02 DINGIR.MES-ia q(-b(-ma 02 my god>s<, speak;
08 7 -ta-Ili am-qut
03 1II1l-ma M.zi-it-ri-iaB-ra 03 thus (says) Zitriyara,
04 lR-ka ep-ri fa GIR.MES-ka 04 your servant, the dust at your feet,
BA207 05 II ti4-it fa ka-bd-fi-ka 05 and the earth on which you tread(:)
VAT 1593 06 a-'Ila GIR.MES M.LUGAL EN -ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master,
07 D.UTU-ia DINGIR.MES-ia 7-fu 07 my Sun, my god>s«:) Seven times
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 194); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 118); KNUDTZON (1915: 740-743); MalIAN
08 II 7 -ta-all am-qll-llt 08 and seven times, I fall,
(1992: 280); HESS (1993: 180 II. 2J); LIVEIlANI (1998: 255 [LA 218J)
09 II ka-ba-tll-ma II ~i-ru-[m]a 09 both on the belly and on the back.
Transliteration: Translation:
01 [a-Il]a LUGAL EN-ia [D.UTU-ia] 01 [T]o the king. my master, [my Sun,l BA215
02 [qn-b[/l-ma<um-ma> M.ip-te[ lR-lka 02 [sple[ak]; <thus (says» Ipte[ ... ]. your [servant(:)1
03 [a-Il]a GIR.MES EN -ira am-qut] 03 [Alt the feet of m[yl master, [I fall.1 BME 29843
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 60; pI. 7 [photoJ); KNUDTZON (1915: 750-751); MalIAN (1992: 283-284); HESS
BA209 (1993: 48 [I. 3J); LIVEIlANI (1998: 108 [LA 56J)
Transliteration: Translation:
AO 2036
Literature: KNUDTZON (1915: 742-745); THUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 101); MalIAN (1992: 281); HESS (1993: 169-170 [I. 3J); 01 a-lla LUGAL-rl EN-ia 01 To the king. my master.
LIVEIlANI (1998: 256 [LA 220J) 02 D.UTU -ia DINGIR.MES-ia 02 my Sun, my god>s<;
03 lII/l-ma M.ba-ia-wa 03 thus (says) Bayawa,
Transliteration: Translation:
04 lR-ka \ ka-ba-tllm-ma 04 your servant \ on the beliy
01 [a-Ilal 'LUGAL' -rl be-li-I[al 01 [Tol 'the king', m[yl master, 05 II fa-fa-Ill-ma 05 and on the back,
02 'qf' -b(-ma 02 'sp 'eak; 06 fl f/-ib-e-ta-a/l 06 and seven !lmes
03 1II/l-1I1a'zi' -fa-mi-m; lR- 'ka' 03 thus (says) 'Zi'~amlmi, 'your' servant(:) 07 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-ri be-ii-ia 07 at the feet of the king, my master,
04 a-llaANSE.MES-pe-[kla am-qll-'lIl' 04 At your feet, I fal'lo' 08 D.UTU-ia DINGIR.MES-ia 08 my Sun, my god>s<.
05 7 fl7 am-qll-ut'a' -Ila 05 seven (times) and seven (times), I fall, 'In' 09 a1l1-qll-ut 09 I fall.
06 pa-lliLUGAL-ri bi-li-'Ia' 06 front of the king, 'my' master.
BA216
BA21I
CG 4784 [SR 4/l2202/01
VAT 1648
Literature: WINCKI.I!R - AIIm. (1889-1890: no. 195); KNUDrl.ON (1915: 750-753); MalIAN (1992: 284); HESS (1993: 4811.
Literature: WINCKLIlR - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 140); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 121); KNUDTLON (1915: 744-747); MalIAN 3J); LIVEIlANI (1998: 108-109 [LA 57J)
(1992: 282); HESS (1993: 173 II. 3J); LIVEIlANI (1998: 254 [LA 215J)
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-/l[al L[UG]AL-ri EN-ia 01 T[olthe k[llng, my master.
01 a-lla LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 To the king, my master, 02 q[n -bf-ma 02 s[pleak;
02 q(-b(-ma 02 speak; 03 lim-lila M.b[a] -ia-lVa lR-ka 03 thus (says) Bayawa, your servant(:)
03 U111-ma M.zi-[ il t-ri-iaB-r[al 03 thus (speaks) Zltriyar[a,1 04 a-Ila GIR.[MESI LUGAL-ri E[N-Ila 04 At the fe[ell of the king. [mly mas[ler,]
04 lR-ka 7 II fi-i[bl-I-[tla-all 04 your servant(:) Seven (times) and se[vlen ti[mels 05 D.U[T]U-[na 7117-[/la-all 05 [mly S[uln, seven (times) and seven [!lImes,
05 Ii UZU.fa-fa-lu-ma II 05 both on the back and 06 a[ IIlI-qlll 06 I [f]all.
06 UZU.IjAR a-IIaGIR.MES LUGAL-ri 06 on the belly. at the feet of the king,
07 EN -ia am-qut 07 my master. I fall.
BA217

BA212 VAT 1604

Literature: SCIIROIlDIlR (1915a: no. 124); KNUDTZON (1915: 752-755); MalIAN (1992: 284-285); I-lESS (1993: 178 [I. 3J);
VAT 1587
LIVERANI (1998: 109-110 [LA 59J)
Literature: WINCKLIlR - AIIEI. (1889-1890: no. 141); SCIIROIlDIlR (1915a: no. 122); KNUDTZON (1915: 746--747); MORAN
Transliteration: Translation:
(1992: 282-283); I-lESS (1993: 173 [I. 2J); LIVEIlANI (1998: 254 [LA 214J)
01 a-/la L[U]GAL EN-i[a] 01 To the k[llng. m[yl master,
Transliteration: Translation:
02 q[n-b[(-mla 02 s[p]e[a]k;
01 a-lla LUGAL be-ii-ia 01 To the king, my master; 03 lim-lila M.a[b 03 thus (says) A[b
02 lIm-111a M.zi-it-ri-ia8-ra 02 thus (says) Zitriyara, 04 lR-k[al a-[nla GIR.MES 04 yo[url servant(:) A[t] the feet
03 lR-dl-ka a-lla 1 GIR 03 your servant(:) At one foot(!) 05 LUGAL E[N-ia D.UITU-[ia] 05 of the king, [my] mas[ter, my Slun,
04 be-/i-Ia am-qa-llt 04 of my master, I fall, 06 71117-tal-a[1I1 06 seven (times) and [seven tim]e[s.]
05 7 117 -ta-lla 05 seven (times) and seven times. 07 am-quI 07 I fall.

228 229
Appendix Appendix

EA220 Transliteration: Translation:

01 a-na M.LUIGA)L IE)N-lia D.UTU-) ia 01 To the kiln)g, Imy mas)ter, my ISun,)
CG 4785 [SR 4112226/01 02 speakl;)
02 qf-bf-Ima)
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 150); KNUDTZON (1915: 756-759); MORAN (1992: 285-286); HESS (1993: 03 1II11-ma M.fltm-ad-dla)lIR S)a LUGAL EN-ia 03 thus (says) Sumhaddla). the servlant o)fthe king,
120-121 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 112 ILA 65]) my master(:)
Transliteration: Translation: 04 a-llaG1R.MES LUGALEN-ia 04 At the feet of the king, my master,
01 a-na M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia ID.UTU -ia) 01 To the king, my master, Imy Sun,1 05 alll-qll-llt-me 05 I fall, >and<
02 qf-bf-Im)a 02 spealkl: 06 7 -fit il 7- ta-a-an 06 seven times and seven times.
03 lilli-lila M.KUR-lIr-tll-iaB L[O UIRIU.zlll-nll 03 thus (says) Kurtuya, the ruller of Ziunu,
04 lR-ka SAtIAR.MES fa GfR.MES 04 your servant, the dust at the feet EA225
05 LUGAL-ri EN-ia D.UTU-ia 05 of the king, my master, my Sun
06 il tirti fa ka-bd-fi-lkla4 06 and the earth on which Iy)ou tread(:) CG 4787 [SR 4112222/01
07 a-'na G1R.MES LUGAL EN- ilal 07 At the feet of the king, mlyl master, Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 131); KNUDTZON (1915: 762-765); MORAN (1992: 288); HESS (1993:
08 D.UTU-ia7 it7-ta-all 08 my Sun, seven (times) and seven times, 140-141 II. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 1391LA 1041
09 am-qllt 09 I fall. Translation:
nansliteration:
01 a-Ila M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia 01 To the king, my master,
EA221
02 qf-bf-ma IIIn-ma 02 speakj thus (says)
VAT 341 03 M.fa-mll-D.lM LO-lim 03 Samuhadda, the ruler
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 136); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 127); KNUDTZON (1915: 760-761); MORAN 04 URU .fa-am-llll-na 04 of Sam\Juna(:)
(1992: 286); HESS (1993: 168 [I. 4]); LIVERANI (1998: 145-146ILA22l]) 05 a-na G1R M.LUGAL-ri-ia 05 At the foot(!) of my king,
06 7 il7 mi-/f 06 seven (times) and seven (times), here
Transliteration: J)'anslation:
07 am-qut 07 I fall.
01 a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN-lila 01 To the king, Imly master,
02 D.UTU if-tit sa-me-/Illal 02 the Sun from the heaven,
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speakj EA226
04 1II1l-lIla M.yi-ik-ta-sll 04 thus (says) Yiktasu, VAT 1610
05 lR-ka a-Ila G1R.MES LUGAL-ri 05 your servant(:) At the feet of the king,
Literature: WINCKLEII - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 157)j SCIIROEDEII (1915a: no. 130)j KNUDTZON (1915: 764-767)j MORAN
06 EN-ia 7-fu fi-bi-ta-an 06 my master, seven times (and) seven times,
07 I prostrate. (1992: 288)j I-lESS (1993: 144 [I. 3])j LIVERANI (1998: 144 ILA 109])
07 IIf-lJe-lJi-in
J)-ansliteration: nanslation:
EA222 01 a-lila M.ILU[GAIL-ri EIN-ial 01 Tlo thl kilnlg, Imy]maslter,]
02 qll)-bf-Illa 1I11l-[lIlal 02 slpleakj thlus (says)]
VAT 1683 03 M.fi-Ip-(ll-ri-* lR-ka] 03 Sip!uri;;la, your servant]
Literature: SCIIROEDER (l915a: no. 128)j KNUIHZON (1915: 760-761)j MaliAN (1992: 286-287)j I-lESS (1993: 168 II. 3])j 04 il ep-ri fla GIR.MES-Ika 04 and the dust altl your Ifeet(:)]
LIVElIANI (1998: 1461LA 114]) 05 a-lla G1R LUGAL-ri 7 il7 am-qlll 05 At the foot(!) of the king, seven (times) anel seven
J)'ansliteration: J)'anslation: (times), I fall.
01 a-lIaLUIGIAL-lriEN-ial 01 To the kli]nlg, my master,1
02 qf-bf-I mal 02 speakljl EA227
03 IIl1l-1lJa M.yi-ik-[la-slllR-kal 03 thus (says) Yikltasu, your servant(:)1 BME 29830
04 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL-r[i EN-ial 04 At the feet of the kinlg, my master,1
05 7-fll 7-ta-all 05 seven times (anel) seven times, Literature: BEZOJ.l) - BUDGE (1892: no. 47)j KNUDTZON (1915: 766-769)j MORAN (1992: 288-289)j LIVERANI (1998:
06 IIf-lJe-lJl-en 06 I prostrate. 142-143 ILA 107])
J)'ansliteration: J)'anslation:
EA223 01 a-lla LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
VAT 1870 02 qf-bf-Illa 02 speakj
03 lilli-lila LUGAL URU.lJa-~li-ri.KI 03 thus (says) the king of Hazar(:)
Literature: WINCKl.lm - Allm. (1889-1890: no. 220)j SCIlIlOEDER (l915a: no. 129)j KNLJDTZON (1915: 762-763)j MOIIAN 04 At the feet of my master, I fall.
04 a-lla GIR.IjI.A EN-ia am-qli-1I1
(1992: 287)j HR~S (1993: 89-90 II. 4])j LIVERANI (1998: 134 ILA 96])
Transliteration: J)'anslation:
EA228
01 a-lla M.L[UGAL-rli EN-ia D.UTU 01 To the k[ln)g, my master, the Sun
02 If-IIII) sla)-lIllel-lIla 02 fro[Jn) the hlelalvlen>j< BME 29831
03 qf-blf-mla 03 spelakl: Literature: Br.ZOLD - BUDGr. (1892: 48j pI. 16lphoto])j KNLJDTZON (1915: 768-769)j MORAN (1992: 289-290)j I-lESS (1993:
04 lim-ilia M. r In/ - r tar, -Ii-Ilia lR-ka 04 thus (says) rEndar'ultla, your servant(:) 1711. 3])j LiVERANI (1998: 1431LA 108])
05 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL-rlll be-/f-ia 05 At the feet of the kin[gl, my master,
nansliteration: J)'anslatlon:
06 7 -fll 7 -ta-an IIf-lJe-lJi-ell 06 seven times (and) seven times, I prostrate.
01 lal-na M.LUGAL-rl EN-Ia 01 [Tlo the king, my master,
EA224 02 qf-bf-ma 02 speakj
03 lim-lila M.l [RI-lir-fi 03 thus (says) Abdltlr~i,
BME29849 04 LO URU.lJa-$ll-ra lR-ka 04 the ruler of Hazar, your servant(:)
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 66j pI. IS Iphoto])j KNUDTZON (1915: 762-763)j MORAN (1992: 287)j LiVERANI 05 a-Ila 1 G1R.tIl.A-pe 05 At one feet
(1998: 139 [LA 103]) 06 M.LUGAL-riEN-ia 06 of the king, my master,

230 231
 Appendix
, Appendix

07 7 U 7 -ta-a-an 07 seven (times) and seven times, 06 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL EN-ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master,
08 a-na GIR.ijI.A-pe M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia 08 at the feet of the king, my master, 07 D.UTU if-til fa-me-e 07 the Sun from the heaven,
09 am-qll-llt-mi 09 I faIl. 08 7 -fll 7 -ta-a-an 08 seven times (and) seven times,
09 uf-IJe-IJi-in 09 I prostrate,
EA229 10 i-na pa-an-te-e \ ba-a{-nll-ma 10 on the chest \ chest
11 II ~i-rzt-ma \ ~11-lllJ-rll-ma 11 and on the back \ back.
VAT 1689
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 178); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 132); KNUDTZON (1915: 768-771); MORAN EA233
(1992: 290); HESS (1993: 178 11.3))
Transliteration: CG 4767 [SR 4112201/0]
Translation:
01 a-na M.LUGAL EN-ia D.[UTU -ia) Literature: WINCKLEII- AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 94); KNUDTZON (1915: 774-775); MORAN (1992: 292); HESS (1993: 135 II.
01 To the king, my master, [my Sun,)
02 qf-bf-[ma) 4)); RAINIlY (1996a: I, 192 Ill. 9-15)); LIVERANI (1998: 135-136 [LA 98))
02 speak[;)
03 llIn-ma M.lR-na[ 03 thus (says) Abdina[ ) Transliteration: Translation:
04 lR-ka lR [ki-ti LUGAL) 04 your servant, [the loyal) servant [of the king,) 01 a-na M.LUGAL-rli EN-Ila 01 To the kinlg, m)y Imaster,)
05 EN -ia SAijAR. [MES fa GIR.MES) 05 my master, the dust [at the feet) 02 D.UTU if-tllAIN.sa-m]e 02 the Sun from the hleaven,J
06 [LUG)AL-ri EN - [ia D. UTU -ia) 06 [of the ki)ng, [my) master, [my Sun(:)) 03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak;
07 [a-lla G)lR.MES [LUGAL EN -ia) 07 [At the f)eet [of the king, my master) 04 1lI1l-ma M.sa-ta-at-lla 04 thus (says) Satatna,
05 LO URU.ak-ka.Kl1R-ka 05 the ruler of Akka, your servant,
EA230 06 lR fa LUGAL-ri 06 the servant of the king
BME37646
07 uSAijAR.MES fa 2 GIR.MES-fu 07 and the dust at his two feet,
08 K1.MES fa ka-bd-f/-fll 08 the ground on which he treads(:)
Literature: SCHElL (1892: 309); KNUDTZON (1915: 770-773); MORAN (1992: 290-291); HESS (1993: 80 [I. 2)); LIVERANI 09 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-r; 09 At the feet of the king,
(1998: 110-111 [LA 61)) 10 EN -Ia DINGIR.MES-ia 10 my master, my god>s<,
Transliteration: Translation: 11 D.UTU if-til AN.sa-me 11 the Sun from the heaven,
01 a-na M.LUGAL BE-Ia qf-bf<-ma> 01 To the king, my master, speak<;> 12 7-f1l7-ta-a-an 12 seven times (and) seven times,
02 ll/1l-ma M.la-ma lR-ka 02 thus (says) Yama, your servant(:) 13 IIf-M-IJI-/II II 13 I prostrate, both
03 a-lla GIR -ka am-qllt 03 At your foot (I) , I fali. 14 ka-ba-tzt-ma 14 on the beliy
15 il ~e-rll-ma 15 and on the back.
EA231
VAT 1599 EA234
Literature: WINCKLEII - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 212); SCIIIIOEDEIl (1915a: no. 132); KNUDTZoN (1915: 772-773); MORAN VAT 1641
(1992: 291); LIVERANI (1998: 144 [LA 110)) Literature: WINCKLIllI - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 95); SCIlIlOEDEIl (1915a: no. 134); KNuDrloN (1915: 776-779); MORAN
Transliteration: Translation: (1992: 292-293); HESS (1993: 135 II. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 136 ILA 99))
01 [a-na LUGAL EN-Ia) 01 ITo the king, my master,) Transliteration: Translation:
02 [D.UTU If-tllAN.sa-me-e) 02 Ithe Sun from the heaven,) 01 a-lla M.LUGAL-rl EN-/laJ 01 To the king, mly) master,
03 [qf-bf-ma) 03 [speak;) 02 D.UTU if-Ill AN.sa-me-e 02 the Sun from the heaven;
04 Illm-ma M. 04 [thus (says) 03 1l11l-ma M.sa-ta-at-na LO URU.ak-ka.KI 03 thus (says) Satatna, the ruler of Akka,
05 [LO URU. 05 Ithe ruler of 04 lR-ka lR M.LUGAL-rl II 04 your servant, the servant of the king and
06 Il)R fla LUGAL-rl ep-rll 06 Ithe ser)vant olr the king, the dust) 05 SAijAR.MES fa 2 GIR.MES-fll KI.MES 05 the dust at his two feet, the ground
07 fa 2 GIR.M IES-fll qa-qa-rll fa) 07 at the two feelt, the ground) 06 fa ka-ba-f/-fll a-/la 2 GIR.MES 06 on which he treads(:) At two feet
08 ka-ba-fi-flll a-lla GIR.MES) 08 on which h[e) treads(:) [At the feet) 07 LUGAL-r/EN-IaD.UTU If-Ill 07 of the king, my master, the Sun from
09 LUGAL EN-Ia D.[UTU If-tzt) 09 of the king, my master, Ithe Sun from) 08 AN .sa-me 7 -fll 7 - ta-a-an 08 the heaven, seven times (and) seven times,
lOAN .sa-me-e 7 -IfII 7 - ta-all IIf-IJe-IJI-ell) 10 the heaven, seven Itlmes (and) seven times, 09 [ll)f-IJe-IJI-/Il II ka-bat-tlI-ma II ~/-/'Il-ma 09 IIJ prostrate, on the belly and on the back.
I prostrate.)

EA232 EA 235 (+) 327

VAT 1640 BME 29815 + CG 4791 [SR 4112235/0] (+ former VAT 1882)
Literature: WINCKLEII - AIlIlL (1889-1890: no. 93); SCIIIIOIlDIlIl (1915a: no. 133); KNUDTZON (1915: 772-775); MORAN Literature: BpZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 32, pI. 6); WINCKU!II- AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 206); KNUDTZON (1915: 778-779);
(1992: 291-292); HESS (1993: 135-13611. 3)); RAINIlY (1996a: II, 185-186 [II. 3-11); 111,177111.3-5)); LIVIlIlANI (1998: 135 MOIIAN (1992: 293-294); HESS (1993: 135 II. 5)); LIVERANI (1998: 136-137 ILA 100))
[LA 97))
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation: 01 a-na M.LUGAL-rl EN-Ia 01 To the king, my master,
01 a-lla LUGAL-ri EN-ia D.UTU If-tzl sa-IIJe-e 01 To the king, my master, the Sun from the heaven, 02 D.UTU-Ia DINGIR.MES-Ia 02 my Sun, my god>s<,
02 qf-bf-Illa 02 speak; 03 D.UTU 1f-tIlAN.sa-me-e 03 the Sun rrom the heaven,
03 lllll-ma M.sll-ra-/a 03 thus (says) Surata, 04 qf-bf-ma 04 speak;
04 LO URU.ak-ka lR fa LUGAL-rl 04 the ruler of Akka, the servant of the king, 05 Ilm-ma M.sf-ta-at-/la lR-ka 05 thus (says) Satatna, your servant,
05 ep-nt fa GIR.MES-fllli qa-qa-rll fa ka-ba-f/-fll 05 the dust at his feet and the ground on which he 06 SAijAR.MES GIR.MES-ka a-lla GIR.MES 06 the dust at your feet(:) At the feet
treads(:) 07 M.LUGAL-r/EN-iaD.UTU-ia 07 or the king, my master, my Sun,

232 233
Appendix Appendix

08 DINGIR.MES-ia 7 -it il 08 my god>s<. seven times and EA243

09 7-it-ta-lla <lIs->be-bi-e[n) 09 seven times. <I> prostra[te.)
10 a-Ila GIR.MES LUGAL-[r)i [EN-ia) 10 at the feet of the ki[n)g. [my master.) VAT 1669
11 a[m-qut 11 I [fall. Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 113); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 141); KNUDTZON (1915: 788-789); MORAN
(1992: 297-298); HESS (1993: 62-63 [I. 3)); L1VERANI (1998: 128-129 [LA 88))
EA238 TI-ansliteration: TI-anslation:
VAT 1867 01 a-Ila M.LUGAL-ri E[N-ial 01 To the king. [my) mas[terl
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 219); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 136); KNUDTZON (1915: 780-783); MORAN 02 il D.UTU -ia II D[lNGIR.MES-ia qf-bl f-ma 02 and my Sun. and [my) g[od>s<. spe)ak;
(1992: 295); HESS (1993: 55-56 [I. 2)); L1VERANI (1998: 145 [LA 112)) 03 1II1l-ma M.bi-ri-di[-iaBI 03 thus (says) Birid[ya.1
04 lR ki-it-ti SIa LUGAL-nl 04 the loyal servant off the king(:))
Transliteration: TI-anslation: 05 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN-[ial 05 At the feet of the king. [my I master
01 [a-Ila M.)LO.GAL EN-[ia) 01 [Tolthe magnate. [my) master; 06 II D.UTU-ia II DINGIR.MES-ia 06 and my Sun. and my god>s<.
02 [um-m)a M.ba-iaB-dilR-[kal 02 [thuls (says) Bayadi, [yourl servant(:) 07 7-S11 fl7-ta-a-all a[m-qillt 07 seven times and seven times. I [fa)ll.
03 [a-lila GIR.MES LO.GAL EN -ia [am-qlut 03 [T)o the feet of the magnate. my master. II falIl.

EA239 EA244
VAT 334 CG 4768 [SR 4/12200/0]
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 139); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 137); KNUDTZON (1915: 782-785); MORAN Literature: KNuDrloN (1915: 790-793); MORAN (1992: 298-299); HESS (1993: 62-63 [I. 3)); L1VERANI (1998: 130-131 [LA 92))
(1992: 295-296); HESS (1993: 47--48 [I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 146 [LA 115)) TI-ansliteration: n'anslation:
Transliteration: TI-anslation: 01 a-lIaLUGAL-riEN-ia oI To the king. my master
01 [a-lla M.]LUGAL-[nl 01 [To] the kin[g.1 02 II D.UTU-ia qf-bf-ma 02 and my Sun. speak;
02 [E)N-ia qf-[bf-ma] 02 my [mas]ler. sp[eak;1 03 lilli-lila M.bi-ri-di-iaB 03 thus (says) Biridya.
03 1II1l-ma M.ba-du-za-n[a l]R-ka 03 thus (says) Baduzan[a.] your [serlvant(:) 04 lR sa ki-il-li sa 04 the loyal servant of
04 a-na GIR.MES-pe 04 At the feet 05 LUGAL-ri a-lla 2 GIR.MES LUGAL-ri 05 the king(:) At the two feet of the king.
05 M.LUGAL-riEN-ia 05 of the king. my master. 06 EN-ia II D.UTU-ia 06 my master and my Sun.
06 7 117 -ta-an 06 seven (limes) and seven times. 07 7-Sll 11 7-ta-a-all 07 seven times and seven times,
07 am-qllt-mi 07 I fall. 08 am-qlt-Itl-me 08 I fall.

EA241 EA246
VAT 1678 VAT 1649
Literature: WINCKLEII - AOI!L (1889-1890: no. 148); SCIIROEDEII (1915a: no. 139); KNUDTZON (1915: 784-787); MORAN Literature: WINCKI.EII - Am:1. (1889-1890: no. Ill); SCIInOEIJEII (1915a: no. 142); KNllDrlON (1915: 794-797); MaliAN
(1992: 296); HESS (1993: 134 [I. 3)); RAINEY (1996a: Ill. 179 [II. 3-7));L1vERANI (1998: 2481LA 206)) (1992: 300); Ik~s (1993: 62-63 [I. 3)); L1vEIIANI (1998: 132-133 [LA 94))
n'ansliteration: n'anslatlon: TI-ansliteratlon: n'anslation:
01 a-lla M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia oI To the king. my master. 01 [a-lIaLUGIAL-riEIN-ial 01 [To the kllng. [mylmas[terl
02 DINGIR.MES-nll-ia D.UTU qf-bf-Illa 02 my god>s<. the Sun; 02 [ill D.UTU-ia qf-blf-IIIIa 02 landlmy Sun. spe[alk;
03 lllll-Illa M.m-lls-ma-all-ia 03 thus (says) RU\imanya. 03 [III III-ilia M.bi-ri-di-iaB 03 [Ohus (says) Birldya.
04 LO URU.sa-m-;la.KI lR-ka 04 the ruler of Saruna. your servant. 04 lR sa ki-it-li-ka 04 your loyal servant(:)
05 SAIjAR.MES sa GIR.MES-ka 05 the dust at your feet. 05 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN-i[al 05 At the feet of the king. m[ylmaster
06 lei-Ii sa ka-bd-sl-ka 06 the earth on which you tread. 06 II D. UTU -ia 7 -Sll 06 and my Sun. seven times
07 GIS:GIR.<GUB> sa GIR.MES EN-ia 07 the footstool of the feet of my master. 07 II 7 -ta-a-all alii-quI 07 and seven times. I fall.
08 7-sI17-ta-a-an 08 seven times (and) seven times

EA242 EA248
VAT 1670 BME 29842
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 114); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 140); KNUDTZON (1915: 786-789); MORAN Literature: BEZOLD- BUDGE (1892: no. 59); KNUDTZON (1915: 798-799); MORAN (1992: 301-302); I-Ir~% (1993: 166 [I. 3));
(1992: 297); I-lESS (1993: 62-6311. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 129 [LA 89)) L1vERANI (1998: 138 [LA 101))
n'ansliteratlon: TI-anslatlon: TI-ansliteratlon: TI-anslatlon:
01 [a-llal M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 [Tolthe king. my master
01 a-lIaM.LUGAL-riEN-ia 01 To the king. my master
02 II D.UTU II DINGIR.MES-ia 02 and the Sun and my goci>s<.
02 II D.UTU -Ia qf-bf-ma 02 and my Sun. speak;
03 lim-lila M.bi-ri-di-iaB 03 qf-bf-Illa lIIn-lIIa M.iaB-a[s-rna-la 03 speak; thus (says) Yal~d]ata.
03 thus (says) Blrldya.
04 lR ki-il-li LUGAL-ri 04 the loyal servant of the king
04 LO URU.ma-gfd-da.KI 04 the ruker of Meglddo,
05 II ep-ri GIR.MES LUGAL-r/ 05 and the dust at the feet of the klng(:)
05 lR ki-II LUGAL-ri 05 the loyal servant of the king(:)
06 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN -ia 06 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL-ri 06 At the feet of the king.
06 At the feet of the king. my master
07 II D.UTU-Ia 7-Sllll 07 EN-ia II D.UTU II DINGIR.MES-ia 07 my master and the Sun and my god>s<.
07 and my Sun. seven limes and
08 7-sI1117-la-a-an am-quI 08 seven times and seven times. I fall.
08 7-la-a-alllls-be-bl-ell 08 seven times. I prostrate.

234 235
Appendix Appendix

EA249 EA255

VAT 1603 VAT 333

I
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 144); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 146); KNUDTZON (1915: 812-815); MORAN
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 149); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 143); KNUDTZON (1915: 798-801); MORAN
(1992: 308); HESS (1993: 114-115 [I. 31); RAINEY (1996a: III, 177 [II. 3-51); LIVERANI (1998: 124 [LA 811)
(1992: 302); HESS (1993: 50-52 [I. 21); Liverani (1998: 139-140 [LA 1051) 1
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 [a) -na LUGAL-ri EN-[ia) 01 [T)o the king, [my) master
01 [a-na) M.LUGAL-ri be-l[{-ia) 01 [To) the king, [my! maste[r,) 02 and my Sun, speak[;)
02 it D.UTU -ia q(-b(-[ma)
02 [q(-b) (-ma lII11-ma M.D.I[M-UR.SAG) 02 [spea!k; thus (says) Ba'lu-UR.SAG 03 thus (says) Mutba'lu,
03 um-ma M.mll-llt-ba-a[l-I[u4)
03 lR-ka a-na GIR.MES EN-i[a) 03 your servant(:) At the feet of m[y! master, 04 your servant, the dust at [your) two feet,
04 lR-ka SABAR sa 2 GIR.MES-[ka)
04 am-qll-ut 04 I fall. 05 the gound on which you tread(:)
05 ti-tit sa ka-bd-si-ka
06 ~-;Ja GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN -ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master,
EA250 07 7-su7-ta-a-an am-qut 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
CG 4769 [SR 4112204/0]
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 154); KNUDTZON (1915: 800-805); RAINEY (1989 - 1990: 68, 70 [I. 21); EA256
MORAN (1992: 303-304); HESS (1993: 50-52 [I. 21); LIVERANI (1998: 140-142 [LA 1061) BME 29847
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 64; pI. 5 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 814-817); ALBRIGHT (1943a: 10-15); MORAN
01 [a-n)a M.LUGAL EN -ia q(-b(-ma 01 [Tithe king, my master, speak; (1992: 309-310); HESS (1993: 82-84 II. 4); 114-115 [I. 21); LIVERANI (1998: 124-125 [LA 821)
02 um-ma M.D.lM-UR.SAG lR-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Ba'lu-UR.SAG, your servant: Transliteration: Translation:
03 a-Ila GIR.MES LUGAL EN - ia 7 -Sll it7 -fa-a-all am-qut 03 At the feet of the king, my master, seven times 01 a-na M.ia-a/l-[la-me EN-ia 01 To Yanbamu, my master,
and seven times, I fall. 02 q(-b(-ma IIm-ma M.mll-ut-D.lM 02 speak; thus (says) Mutba'lu,
03 lR- ka a-na 2 GIR.MES EN -ia 03 your servant(:) At the two feet of my master,
EA252 04 am-qut 04 I fall.
BME29844
EA257
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 66; pI. 21 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 806-809); ALBRIGHT (1943b); HALPERN-
HUEHNERGARD (1982); MORAN (1992: 305-306); HESS (1993: 102-103 [I. 31); LIVERANI (1998: 118 [LA 731) VAT 1715
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: WINCKLER - AUEL (1889-1890: no. 149); SCI-IIIOEDER (1915a: no. 147); KNUDTZON (1915: 816-819); RAINEY
01 a-na M.LUGAL-ma be-If-Ia 01 To the king, my master, (1989-1990: 70 II. 31) MORAN (1992: 310); HESS (1993: 50-52 [I. 31); LIVERANI (1998: 122 [LA 781)
02 q(-b(-ma 02 speak; Transliteration: Translation:
03 um-ma M.ta-ab-a-ta81R-ka 03 thus (says) Lab'ayu, your servant(:) 01 [a-/la LUGAL E)N-ia 01 [To the king,) my [mas)ter,
04 a-na GIR.MES-pe be-If-Ia am-qll-ut 04 At the feet of my master, I fall. 02 [q(-b) (-lila 02 [spe)ak;
03 [lIm-m)a M.D.IM -me-[le-er 03 [thu)s (says) Ba'iumeblr,
EA253 04 [l)R-ka-lIla 04 your [serv)ant:
05 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL EN-Ia 05 At the feet of the king, my master,
VAT 1589 06 seven (times) and seven (tImes), I fall.
06 7 117 am-qll-1Il
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 155); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 144); KNUDTZON (1915: 808-811); MORAN
(1992: 306-307); HESS (1993: 102-103 [I. 21); LIVERANI (1998: 116 [LA 711) EA258
Transliteration: Translation:
VAT 329
01 [a-na M.LUG)AL-r[i EN-ia) II 01 [To the kl)n[g, my master] and
Literature: WINCKLER - AIIEI. (1889-1890: no. 167); SCIIHOBDER (1915a: no. 148); KNUDrl.ON (1915: 818-819); MORAN
02 [D.UTU-)Ia IIIIl-ma [M.ta-)ab-a-Ia8 03 my [Sun;] thus (says) [La)b'ayu,
(1992: 310-311); I-lESS (1993: 50-52 [I. 21); LIVERANI (1998: 122 [LA 791)
03 [lR)-ka it e[p-I'II] 03 your [servant) and the d[ust)
04 [sa) ka-bd-SJe-ka] 04 [on which you) tread(:) Transliteration: Translation:
05 [a-lI]a GIR.MES LU[GAL-r]I [E)N-Ia 05 [A) t the feet of the ki[n)g, my [mas)ter, 01 a-lla LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master;
06 7 -s1/7 -fa-a-all am-qllt 06 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 02 IIIn-ma M.D.IM -me-vel' 02 thus (says) Ba'iumeblr,
03 lR ki-it-Ie 03 the loyal servant
EA254 04 LUGAL a-na GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 04 of the klng(:) At the feet of the king, my master,
05 7-sIlI17-la-a-a/l am-qlll 05 seven times and seven times, I fall.
VAT 335
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 112); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 145); KNUDTZON (1915: 810-813); MORAN
(1992: 307-308); HESS (1993: 102-103 [I. 21); RAINEY (1996a: III, 177 ill. 2-31); LIVI!RANI (1998: 116-117 [LA 721) EA259
Transliteration: Translation: VAT 1582
01 a-na LUGAL-rIEN-ia it D.UTU-ia 01 To the king, my master and my Sun; Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 213); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 149); KNUDTZON (1915: 820-821); MORAN
02 1II11-ma M.ta-ab-a-Ia81R-ka 02 thus (says) Lab'ayu, your servant (1992: 311); HESS (1993: 50-52 [I. 2)); L!VI!RANI (1998: 123 [LA 80))
03 it ep-ru sa ka-bd-si-ka 03 and the dust on which you tread(:) Transliteration: Translation:
04 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL-ri EN -ia 04 At the feet of the king, my master
01 a-na L[UGAL EN)-Ia 01 To the k[lng,) my [master;)
05 ii D. UTU - ia 7 -Sll 7 -W-a-an 05 and my Sun, seven times (and) seven times,
02 IIm-[m)a M.[D.lM-me-[l)e-e[r) 02 th[us) (says) Ba'iumeblr,
06 am-qllt 06 I fall.

237
236
Appendix Appendix

03 [1)R ki-it-te L[UGAL)-ri 03 the loyal [serv)ant of the k[in)g(:) Transliteration: Translation:
04 a-Ila GIRMES E[N)-ia 04 At the feet of my mas[ter.) 01 a-na M.LUGAL-ri EN-[ia) 01 To the king. [my) master;
05 7 -su iI7-ta-a-an am-quIt) 05 seven times and seven times. I fal[l). 02 lilli-ilia M.ta-gilR-k[a) 02 thus (says) Tagi. yolur) servant(:)
03 a-na GIRMES M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia 03 At the feet of the king. my master.
EA260 04 7-S11 117-ta-all am-qllt 04 seven times and seven times. I fall.
'Oppert'
EA265
Literature: QrrERT (1888: 253); KNUDTZON (1915: 820-821); MORAN (1992: 311); ARTZI (1968: 170); HESS (1993: 50-52
[I. 2)); LlVERANI (1998: 296-297 [LA 269)) VAT 1697
Transliteration: Translation: Literature: KNUDTZON (1915: 826-827); MORAN (1992: 314); HESS (1993: 153-15511. 2))
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-Ila LUGAL GAL be-Ii-ia 01 To the great king. my master;
02 M.ba-/u-Iluf-er iq-bi 02 (thus) Ba'lumir says: 01 a-llaM.LUGAL-riEN-ia 01 To the king. my master;
03 7 -S1l117 -su-ma 03 Seven times and seven times. 02 /lI1l-IIIa M.ta-gilR-ka 02 thus (says) Tagi. your servant(:)
04 a-Ila 2 G1R LUGAL GAL 04 at the two feet of the great king. 03 a-na G1R.MES M.LUGAL EN -ia 03 At the feet of the king. my master.
05 D.UTU a-na sa-me illl-qil-llt 05 the Sun in the heaven. I fall. 04 alll-qllt 04 I fall.

EA261 EA266
BME29858 VAT 1590
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 75. pI. 16); KNUDTZON (1915: 820-823); MORAN (1992: 312); HESS (1993: 66-67 Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 156); SCIIROEDEII (1915a: no. 152); KNUDTZON (1915: 828-831); MORAN
[I. 3)); LlVERANI (1998: 127 [LA 85)) (1992: 314-315); HESS (1993: 153-15511. 4)); LlVERANI (1998: 120-121 [LA 266)); VITA (2000b: Fig. II Iphoto; obv.))
Transliteration: Translation: Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king. my master. 01 la-lIa) M.LUGAL EIN-ial 01 ITo) the king. Imy) masiter.]
02 D. UTU -ia qf-bf-lIIa 02 my Sun. speak; 02 IDINGIR).MES-ia D.[UTU-ia) 02 my Igod»s<. Imy Sun.)
03 lim-lila M.da-as-/'II 03 thus (says) Da~ru. 03 Iql f-bf-Ima) 03 [s]pea[k;)
04 lR ki-it-te LUGAL 04 the loyal servant of the king(:) 04 1I11l-lIla M.ta-a-glilR-ka) 04 thus (says) Tagli. your servant.]
05 a-Ila G1R.MES LUGAL EN -ia 05 At the feet of the king. my master 05 ep-ri sa Gl[R.MES-ka) 05 the dust at Iyour] felet(:)]
06 uD.UTU<-ia> 7-slIlt7-ta-a-all alll-[qll)t 06 and <my> Sun. seven times and seven times. I fa[l)l. 06 a-lla G1RMES LUGAL E[N -ial 06 At the feet of the king. [my] mas[ter.)
07 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 07 my god>s<. my Sun.
08 7-sI17-td-a-anlam-qllt) 08 seven times (and) seven times. [I fall.]
EA262
CG 4786 ISR 4112220/01 EA267
Literature: WINCKLEII - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 127); KNUDTZON (1915: 822-823); MUllAN (1992: 312); I-lESS (1993: 66-67 CG 4771 ISR 4112232/01
II. 3)); LIVEIIANI (1998: 127 [LA 86))
Literature: WINCKLER - Ailm. (1889-1890: no. 109); KNUDTZON (1915: 830-831); MUllAN (1992: 315); I-lESS (1993:
Transliteration: Translation: 112-114 [I. 4)); LlVEIIANI (1998: 100 [LA 43))
01 a-lIaLUGALEN-ia oI To the king. my master. Transliteration: Translation:
02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak;
03 lilli-ilia M.da-as-/'II 03 thus (says) Da~ru. 01 [a-]lIaM.LUGALEN-ia 01 IT]o the king. my master.
04 lR ki-/I-te LUGAL 04 the loyal servant of the king(:) 02 IDINGIR).MES-ia D.UTU-ia 02 my [god]>s<. my Sun.
05 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL EN -ia 05 At the feet of the king. my master. 03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak;
06 7 -SIlII 7 -ta-a-an alll-qill 06 seven times and seven times. I fall. 04 lim-lila M.mil-ki-lilR-ka-ma 04 thus (says) Milkilu. your servant>:<
05 ep-ri sa G1R.MES-ka 05 the dust at your feet(:)
06 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL EN -ia 06 At the feet of the king. my master.
EA263
07 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 07
VAT 1688 08 7-SI17-td-a-all alll-qll-llt 08 seven times (and) seven times. I fall.
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 169); SCIlRoEmm (1915a: no. 150); KNUDTZON (1915: 822-825); MURAN
(1992: 312-313); LIVERANI (1998: 121 ILA 77)) EA268
Transliteration: Transiation: VAT 1532
01 [a-lla LUGAL be-ii-ia) 01 [To the king. my master.) Literature: WINCKLER - AilE!. (1889-1890: no. 108); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 153); KNUDTZON (1915: 830-833); MORAN
02 Iqf-bf-lIla) 02 Ispeak;) (1992: 315-316); HESS (1993: 112-114 II. 4)); LlVERANI (1998: tOI ILA 441l
03 III)m-mal lR-ka-lIIal 03 Itlhus (says) [ your servant!
04 a-na G1R.MESI Transliteration: Translation:
04 At the feet I
05 am-qll-Ilt 7 117 I 05 I fall. seven (times) and seven [(times) 01 la-na M.) rLUGAL' IE)N-ia DING[IR.MES-Ila 01 ITo) the rking.' my [maslter. Im)y gold>s<.)
02 ID.)UTU -ia qf-bf-lIIa 02 my Sun. speak;
EA264 03 111111-) ma M .mi/-ki-ii lR -kal-ma) 03 Ith)us (says) Milkilu. your servant[>:<1
04 lelp-rri'saG1R.MES-ka 04 Ithe d)u rst' at your feet(:)
BME29853 05 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL EN-ia 05 At the feet of the king. my master.
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 70); KNUDTZON (1915: 824-827); MORAN (1992: 313); I-lESS (1993: 153-15511. 2)); 06 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 06 my god>s<. my Sun.
r 07 seven times (and) seven times. [I) fral'l.
LIVERANI (1998: 119-120 [LA 74)) 07 7-sI17-td-a-allla)lI1- qll'-lIt

238 239
Appendix Appendix

EA269 EA273
BME29846 VAT 1686
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 63); KNUDTZON (1915: 832-833); MORAN (1992: 316); HESS (1993: 112-114 [I. 4)); Literature: WINCKlER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 137); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 155); KNUDTZON (1915: 838-8415); MOIIAN
LIVERANI (1998: 101 [LA 45]) (1992: 318); HESS (1993: 175 [I. 4]); VITA (2000b: Fig. II [photo; obv.)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 125-126 [LA 83])
Thansliteration: Translation: Thansllteration: Thanslation:
01 a-lIaM.LUGALEN-ia 01 To the king, my master, 01 a-na M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
02 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, 02 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun,
03 qf-bf-IIIa 03 speak; 03 qf-bf-11la 03 speak;
04 1lI11-lIIa M.lllil-ki-lilR-ka 04 thus (says) Milkilu, your servant, 04 U11l-11la Mf.Belet-UR.MAt!.MES 04 thus (says) Belet-UR.MAt!.MES,
05 ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka 05 the dust at your feet(:) 05 GEM~-ka a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL 05 your maldservant(:) At the feet of the king,
06 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master, 06 EN -ia DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 06 my master, my god>s<, my Sun,
07 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 07 my god>s<, my Sun, 07 7-su 7-td-a-an a11l-q!l-ut 07 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
08 7-su 7 -tli-a-all am-qut 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
EA274
EA270 CG 4773 [SR 4/12216/01
BME29845 LIterature: WINCKlER -ABEL (1889-1890: no. 138); KNUDTZON (1915: 840-841); MOIIAN (1992: 319); HESS (1993: 175 [I.
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 62; pI. 2 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 834-835); MOIlAN (1992: 316-317); HESS (1993: 4]); LlVEIlANI (1998: 126 [LA 84])
112-114 [I. 4]); LIVEIlANI (1998: 102 [LA 47]) Thansllteratlon: Thanslatlon:
Thansliteratlon: Translation: 01 a-naM.LUGALEN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master, 02 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun,
02 DINGIR.MES-iaD.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, 03 qf-bf-11la 03 speak;
03 qf-bf-IIIa 03 speak; 04 um-11la Mf.Belet-U[R).MAt!.MES 04 thus (says) Belet-U[R).MAt!.MES,
04 1lI11-11la M.lllil-ki-liIR-ka 04 thus (says) Mllkllu, your servant, 05 GEM~-ka ep-ri 05 your maidservant, the dust
05 ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka 05 the dust at your feet(:) 06 sa GIR.MES-ka 06 at your feet(:)
06 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 07 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 07 At the feet of the king, my master,
06 At the feet of the king, my master,
07 DINGIR.MES-iaD.UTU-ia 08 DINGIR.MES-iaD.UTU-ia 08 my god>s<, my Sun,
07 my god>s<, my Sun,
09 7-su 7-td-a-an am-qut 09 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
08 7 -Sll 7- td-a-an am-qut 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fall.

EA271 EA275

VAT 1531 VAT 1682

Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 110); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 154); KNUDTZON (1915: 834-837); MOIlAN LIterature: WINCKlER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 166); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 156); KNUDTZON (1915: 840-843); MOIlAN
(1992: 319); HESS (1993: 80 [I. 4]); LIVEIlANI (1998: III [LA 62])
(1992: 317); HESS (1993: 112-114 [I. 4]); LIVEIlANI (1998: 101-102 [LA 46])
Thansllteration: Thanslatlon:
Transliteration: Thanslation:
01 [a-lla LUGAL EN-ia) 01 ITo the king, my master,)
01 a-lIaM.LUGALEN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
02 IDINGIRI.MES-[ta D.UTU-ia) 02 [my godls, [my Sun,)
02 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, 03 qf-lbf-IIIa) 03 sp[eak;1
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak: 04 um-maM.ia-[a)b-zi-ba-da 04 thus (says) Ya'zibada,
04 lim-lila M.11lil-ki-liIR-ka 04 thus (says) Mllkllu, your servant, 05 IR-ka ep-rt 05 your servant, the dust
05 ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka 05 the dust at your feet(:) 06 sa GIR.MES-ka a-lla GIR.MES 06 at your feet(:) At the feet
06 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master, 07 LUGAL EN-ia DINGIR.MES-ia 07 of the king, my master, my god>s<,
07 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 07 my god>s<, my Sun, 08 D.UTU -ia 7-su7 -td-a-an a11l-qut 08 my Sun, seven times (and) seven times, I fall.
08 7-su 7- td-a-an am-qut 08 seven times (and) seven limes, I fall.
EA276
EA272
VAT 1706
BME29863
LIterature: WINCKlER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 187); SCHROIlDIlR (1915a: no. 157); KNUDTZON (1915: 842-843); MOIlAN
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 80); KNUDTZON (1915: 836-839); MOIlAN (1992: 317-318); LIVEIlANI (1998: 77 [LA (1992: 320); HESS (1993: 80 [I. 4]); LIVERANI (1998: III [LA 63])
19]); RAINEY (2003: 201'-202'); VITA (2006: 440-441 [II. 1-4])
Thansllteration: Thanslatlon:
Thansllteration: Thanslation:
01 [a-lla LUGAL EN-ia) 01 [To the king, my master,l
01 [a-Ilia M.LUG[AL EN-ia DINGIR.MES-ial 01 [T)o the kl[ng, my master, my god(:)1 02 [DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia) 02 [my god>s<, my Sun,l
02 [D.) rUTU'- ria' [qf-bf-11lal 02 rmy' rSun,' [speak;1 03 [qlf-[bf-ma) 03 [slp[eak;1
03 rum,_r llla , M.rD.'"IM.,rDJ.' rKUD' [IR-kal 03 rthus' rBa'lu)~lptl,' [your servantl 04 um-ma M.lqa-a[b-zl-ba-dal 04 thus (says) [Yla['zibada,1
04 [ep-)r[q fla) rGIR.'"MES' -[ka) 04 [the duls[t) a[t yourl r feet '(:) 05 IR-ka ep-ri [sal 05 your servant, the dust [atl
05 [a-lI)a G[IR.MESI L[UGAIL rEN' -[ia) 05 [Alt the f[ootl of the k[lnlg, [my) rmaster,' 06 GIR.MES-ka a-lla GIR.M[ES LUGAL EN-ial 06 your feet(:) At the fee[t of the king, my master,l
06 rDiNGIR.' rMES' -ia D. rUTU' -[ia) 06 my r god>s<,' [my) Sun, 07 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 07 my god>s<, my Sun,
07 r7,_r su ' r7,_rta,_ra,_ran' ram,_rq!l,_rllt' 07 rseven' rtl mes' (and) rseven' rtimes,' rr rfali.' 08 7-su7-td-a-an am-qut 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fail.

240 241
Appendix "I Appendix

EA281
EA277
VAT 1681
BME 29864
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 81); KNUDTZON (1915: 842-845); MORAN (1992: 320); LIVERANI (1998: 111-112 [LA 64)) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 190); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 159); KNUDTZON (1915: 848-851); MORAN
(1992: 322); HESS (1993: 15111. 5)); RAINEY (1996a: 1,147 Ill. 1-3)); LIVERANI (1998: 83 [LA 28)); SMITII (1998: 150-151,
Transliteration: Translation:
159-160)
01 [a-lIaLUGALEN-ia) 01 [To the king, my master,]
Transliteration: Translation:
02 [DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia] 02 [my god>s<, my Sun,)
03 [thus (says) 01 'a '-lla M.LUGAL- 'ri' EN-i[a) 01 'T'o the kin 'g', my master,
03 [lllll-ma M.
04 yo[ur] serv[ant, the dust at] your [fee]t(:) 02 DINGIR.MES- '1111 '-ia 'ii' D.UTU.MES-da> 02 my god'>s< " 'and' the Sun>s<,
04 [1]R-k[a ep-ri sa GIR.M]ES-ka
05 [A]t the f[e]e[t of the king, my master,) 03 [it) sa- 'ri' -ia 03 and my br'ea'th,
05 [a]-na G[1R).M[ES LUGAL EN-ia]
06 my god>s<, [my Sun,1 04 q(-b(-lIla 04 speak;
06 DINGIR.MES-ia D.[UTU-ia)
07 seven times (and) seven t[imes, I f) all. 05 [II] m-IlJa M. 'SII' -wla-a) 'I" -[da-tla lR-ka-ma 05 [t1hus (says) 'S'uwa 'r'[dat]a, your selvant:
07 7-s117-t[a-a-an am-)qlt-llt
06 [a-]lIa GIR.ME[SI EN-ia '7' 117 am-qll-llt 06 [A] t the fee[t] of my master, 'seven' (times) and
seven (times) I fall,
EA278 07 II k[a-bal-t[It) 'it ~It' -ru-[IIl]a 07 both on the ble]l[l]y 'and on the b'alc]k.
BME29852
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 69; pI. 5 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 844-845); MORAN (1992: 320); I-lESS (1993: EA282
151 [I. 4)); SMITH (1998: 147-148, 158); LIVERANI (1998: 80-81 [LA 24)) BME 29851
Transliteration: Translation:
Literatlll'e: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 68; pI. 12 Iphoto)); KNUDTZON (1915: 850-853); MILLARD (1982: 146-147); MORAN
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN -ia 01 To the king, my master, (1992: 323); I-lESS (1993: 151 [I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 84 ILA 29)); SMITH (1998: 152, 161-162)
02 DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun,
Transliteration: Translation:
03 q(-bf-ma 03 speak;
04 lllll-ma M.Sll-wa-ar-da-ta 04 thus (says) Suwardata, 01 a-Ila LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
05 lR-ka ep-ri sa 05 your servant, the dust at
06 GIR.MES-ka a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL 06 your feet(:) At the feet of the king, 02 DINGIR.MES-1ll1 II D.UTU -ia 02 god>s< and my Sun(;)
07 EN-ia DINGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia 07 my master, my god>s<, my Sun,
08 7-s11 7-td-a-all am-qlll 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 03 1I11l-lIla M.su-wa-ar-da-ta lR-<ka>-lIla 03 thus (says) Suwardata, <your> servant:
04 7 II 7 lIli-fa lIla-aq-' la' -Ii 04 Seven (times) and seven (times), here I f' a'lI
05 a-lla GIR.MES M.LUGAL-ri EN -ia 05 at the feet of the king, my master,
EA279
06 " ka-ba-llI-ma 06 both on the belly
VAT 1647 07 II '~Il' -ub -/"II-lila 07 and on the 'b'ack.
LIterature: WINCKLlJR - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 107); SCIIROEDEII (1915a: no. 158); KNUDTZON (1915: 844-847); MORAN
(1992: 321); I-lESS (1993: 151 [I. 4)); LIVI!lIANI (1998: 82 [LA 26)); SMITII (1998: 148-149, 158) EA283
l)'ansliteration: l)'anslatlon
VAT 339
01 [a-llal LUGAL EN-ia 01 [Tol the king, my master,
Literatlll'e: WINCKLEII- AIlBL (1889-1890: no. 101); SCIIIIOEDEII (1915a: no. 160); KNUDTZON (1915: 852-855); MOIIAN
02 [DINGIR.MES-I ria' D.UTU-ia 02 my god' >s<', my Sun,
(1992: 323-324); I"h~~s (1993: 151 [I. 3)); LIVEIIANI (1998: 85 [LA 31)); SMITII (1998: 152-154, 163-164)
03 [q(-bl (-lila 03 [spelak;
04 [ItI 'ill-lila' M.SII-wa-ar-da-ta 04 t 'hus' (says) Suwardata, Transliteration: Translation:
05 [11 'R'-ka 'ep-r/' sa GIR.MES-ka 05 your serv 'ant" the 'dust' at your fecl(:) 01 a-/laM.LUGAL-riEN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
06 'a-lIa' GIR.MES LUGAL EN-ia 06 'At' the feet of the king, my master,
07 DINGIR.MES-Ia D.UTU-ia 07 my god>s<, my Sun, 02 DINGIR.MES-Illl-ia" D.UTU-ia 02 my god>s< and my Sun;
08 7-s11 7-td-a-all am-qll-III 08 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 03 /III/-ilia M.s/I-l/Ia-ar-da-ta lR-ka 03 thus (says) Suwardata, your servant(:)
04 a-lla GIR.MES M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia am-qlll 04 At the feet of the king, my master, I fall.
05 7 117 lIli-fa a/l-lla 05 Seven (times) and seven (times), here and now,
EA280 06 lIIa-aq-ta-tl a-lla GIR.M'ES' 'LUGAL' -I'I EN -ia 06 I fall at the fee 't' of the 'king,' my master.
CG 4772 [SR 4/12213/0)
Literature: WINCKLER - A8EL (1889-1890: no. 100); KNUD.LON (1915: 846-849); MORAN (1992: 321-322); I-lESS (1993: EA284
151 [I. 4)); LIVERANI (1998: 82-83 [LA 27)); SMITII (1998: 149-150, 159)
BME29850
l)'ansllteration: Translation:
Literature: Br.ZOLD - BUDGr. (1892: 67); KNUDTZON (1915: 854-857); MORAN (1992: 324-325); Hr.ss (1993: 151 [I. 2));
01 a-n[a M.ILUGAL EN-ia 01 Tlo) the king, my master, LIVERANI (1998: 84-851LA 30)); SMITH (1998: 154-155, 165-166)
02 DINGI[R.MES-/la D.UTU -Ia 02 Im]y go[d>s<l, my Sun,
l)"ansliteration: Translation:
03 ql (-I b(-ma 03 s[p]eak;
04 wll[-lIla M.lslI-wa-ar-cia-ta 04 th[us] (says) Suwardata, 01 'a'-lIaM.LUG[AL)-riEN-i[a) 01 'T'o the kin[g,) m[y]masteri
05 lR-lkla ep-ri sa GIR.MES-ka 05 [yo]lII' servant, the dust at YOlll' feet(:) 02 /l1II-lIIa M.s/I-l/Ia-ar- 'cia' -Ia lIR-ka] 02 thus (says) Suwar'da 'ta, Iyour] servlant(:lI
06 a-/la [GIR].MES LUGAL EN-fa 06 At the [felet of the king, my master, 03 'a' -lla 'G'lR.MES M.LUGAL-ri EN-i[a] 03 'A't the 'fe 'et of the king, my mastel',
07 DINGIR.MESI-Ila D.UTU -ia 07 my god>s<, my Sun, 04 lIla-aq-ti-ti71/7 lIli-'la' 04 I fall. Seven (times) and seven (times), he' re'
08 7 -SII '7' -ta-a-all alll-qll.-/It 08 seven times (and) 'seven' times I fall. 05 [lIIa-) 'aq' -ti-ti II ka-ba-t/l-ma 'II ~It-ub' -/"lI-lIlla] 05 II) 'fa'lI, both on the belly 'and on the b 'aclk.]

242 243

I
Appendix Appendix

EA285 EA290
VAT 1601 VAT 1646
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 174); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 161); KNUDTZON (1915: 856-859); MORAN
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 106); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 166); KNUDTZON (1915: 876-879); MORAN
(1992: 325); HESS (1993: 176-177 11.2]); LlVERANI (1998: 88-89 [LA 36])
(1992: 333-334); HESS (1993: 176-177 [I. 3]); LlVERANI (1998: 93-94 [LA 39])
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: TranslatIon:
01 [a-naM.LUGAL-)r[iEN-ia qf-bi-ma) 01 [To the ki)n[g, my master, speak;)
01 [a-lla) M.LUGAL-riEN-fa 01 [To) the king, my master,
02 [um-ma M.l)R-b[e-ba lR-ka-ma) 02 [thus (says) Ab)dib[eba, your servant:)
02 [qf)-bi-ma um-ma 02 [sp)eak; thus (says)
03 [a-na) 2 GIR.MES [LUGAL-riEN-ia) 03 [At) the two feet [of the king, my master,)
03 [M.lR)-be-ba M.lR-ka-ma a-na 2 GIR.MES 03 [Abdl)beba, your servant: At the two feet
04 7-ta-a-an lI7-t[a-a-all am-qut-mll 04 seven times and seven t[imes, I fall.)
04 [LUGAL)-ri E[N)-ia 7-ta-a-aIlI17-ta-a-all am-qLtt 04 [of the ki)ng, my mas[ter,) seven times and seven
times, I fall.
EA286
VAT 1642 EA292
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 102); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 162); KNUDTZON (1915: 858-863); MORAN BME 37647
(1992: 326-327); HESS (1993: 176-177 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 94-96 [LA 40])
Literature: SCHEll (1892: 298); KNUDTZON (1915: 878-883); MORAN (1992: 335-336); HESS (1993: 53-54 [I. 3]); LIVERANI
TransliteratIon: Translation: (1998: 103-104 [LA 49])
01 [a)-l1a M.LUGAL EN-ia qf-bi-ma 01 [T)o the king, my master, speak; Transliteration: l1'anslatlon:
02 1Il1l-ma M.lR-be-ba lR-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Abdlbeba, your servant:
03 a-lla 2 GIR.MES EN -ia LUGAL-ri 03 At the two feet of my master, the king, 01 a-na M.LUGAL EN-fa DINGIR[.MES-fal 01 To the king, my master, [my) god[>s<,)
04 7-ta-a-alllI7-ta-a-all am-qut-ml 04 seven tImes and seven times, I fall. 02 D. UTU -fa qf-bf-m[a) 02 my Sun, speak[:)
03 um-ma M.D.IM.DI.KUD lR-k[a) 03 thus (says) Ba'lu~ipti, yo[ur) servant,
04 ep-rl §a 2 GIR.MES-ka 04 the dust at your two feet(:)
EA287
05 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL EN-fa 05 At the feet of the king, my master,
VAT 1644 06 DINGIR.MES-fa D.UTU -fa 7-§u 06 my god>s<, my Sun, seven tImes
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 103); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 163); KNUDTZON (1915: 862-869); MORAN 07 7- ta-a-all am-qlt-ut 07 (and) seven times, I faIl.
(1992: 327-330); HESS (1993: 176-177 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 91-93 [LA 38])
l1'ansllteratlon: EA293
01 [a-/Ia M.LUGAL)-rl EN-fa [qf-bl-ma) CG 4774 [SR 4/1223110)
02 [um-ma M.l)R-be-ba lR-k[a-ma a-/Ia) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 201); KNUDTZON (1915: 882-883); MORAN (1992: 336); HESS (1993: 53-54
03 [2 GIR.MES) EN-fa 7-tja-a-alllI7-ta-a-all am-qut-mn [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 102-103 [LA 48])
Transliteration: Translation:
TranslatIon:
01 [To the kin)g, my master, [speak;) 01 [a-naLUGALEN-)fa 01 [To the king,l my [master,)
02 [thus (says) Ab)dibeba, yo[ur) servant[: At) 02 [DIN)GIR.[MES-fa D.UTU-na [qf-bf-ma) 02 [my go)d[>s<, m)y [Sun, speak;)
03 [the two feet) of my master, seven t[lmes and seven times, I fall.) 03 [u)m-ma M.D.UM.DII.KUD l[R-ka) 03 [t)hus (says) [Ba'lu~I)ptl, [yourl serv[ant,)
04 [e)p-rl §a GIR.MES-ka 04 [the dlust at your feet(:)
05 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -fa 05 At the feet of the king, my master,
EA288
06 DINGIR.MES-fa D.UTU-fa 7-§u 06 my god>s<, my Sun, seven times
VAT 1643 07 7-ta-a-all am-qlt-ut 07 (and) seven times, I fall.
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 103); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 164); KNUDTZON (1915: 868-873); MORAN
(1992: 330-332); HESS (1993: 176-177 [I. 2]); LIVERANI (1998: 96-98 [LA 41]) EA294
Transliteration: nanslation: BME 29854
01 [a-Il)a M.LUGAL-rl EN-fa D.U[TIU-[fa qf-bl-mal 01 [Tlo the kIng, my masterm [my I S[uln, [speak;) LIterature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 71; pI. 1 [photo]); KNUDTZON (1915: 884-887); MORAN (1992: 336-337); HESS
02 U/1l-ma M.lR-be-ba lR-ka-ma 02 thus (says) Abdibeba, your servant: (1993: 53-54 [I. 3]); LIVE RANI (1998: 104-105 [LA 50])
03 a-lla 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN-fa 7-ta-a-a/l 03 At the two feet of the king, my master, seven times
Transliteration: Translation:
04 lI7-ta-a-all am-qLtt-ml 04 and seven times, I fall.
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-fa DINGIR.MES-fa 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<,
EA289 02 D.UTU-fa qf-bf-ma 02 my Sun, speak;
03 u[m-m)a M.#-[ ) lR-ka 03 t[huls (says) ~i[ ), your servant(:)
VAT 1645 + VAT 2709 04 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL E[N)-'fa' DINGIR.ME[SI-fa 04 At the feet of the king, 'my' mas[ter), my god[>s<,1
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: nos. 105 and 199); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 165); KNUDTZON (1915: 872-877); 05 D.UTU- 'fa' 7-[~u7-ta-a-a/l 05 'my' Sun, seven [timles (and) seven limes,
MORAN (1992: 332-333); HESS (1993: 176-177 [I. 2]); LlVERANI (1998: 89-91 ILA 37]) 06 am-qLl-ut 06 I fall.
Transliteration: Translation:
EA295
01 [al-lla LUGAL-rl EN-fa [qf-bl-ma) 01 [Tlo the king, my master, [speak;1
02 um-ma M.lR-be-ba M.lR-k[a-mal 02 thus (says) Abdibeba, yo[ur) servant[:1 VAT 1650
03 a-Ila 2 GIR.MES EN -fa a[m-qut-mn 03 At the two feet of my master, I [fall >and<) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 88); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 168); KNUDTZON (1915: 886-889); MORAN
04 7-ta-a-alllI7-ta-a-all 04 seven times and seven times. (1992: 337-338); HESS (1993: 53-54 [I. 3]); LlVERANI (1998: 148-149 [LA 116])

244
245
 Appendix Appendix

Transliteration: 07 2 GIR.MES-ka LV.kar-tap-pf 07 your two feet, the groom

01 [a-lla LUGAL-ri EIN-ia [DJ.UTU -ia D1[NGIR.MES-iaBJ 08 fa ANSE.KU.RA-ka 08 of your horse<s>(:)
02 [qf-bJ f-ma 09 a-lla 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 09 At the two feet of the king, my master,
03 [um-ma M.D.IM.JDI.KUD lR-ka lR ki-[tll 10 D.UTU fa if-til s[a-Jml-i 10 the Sun from the heaven,
04 [ep-rtl fap-Ii 2 KUS.E.S[fRJ 11 7-fIl7-ta-a-an 11 seven times (and) seven times,
05 [M.LUGJA[L-rJi EN-ia a-lla G1R.MES M.LUGAL-[nl 12 ill-It if-ta-lJa-bi-ill 12 I verily prostrate,
06 EN-ia D.UTU-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia 7-[ful 13 ka-bat-tum-ma u 13 on the belly and
07 iI7-it-ta-a-an am-qll-lI[tJ 14 ~e-/'Il-ma 14 on the back.

Translation: EA299
01 [To the king,J my [mas]ler, my Sun, [my I g[od>s<,J BME 29832
02 [speJak;
03 [thus (says) Ba'lul~ipti, your servant, the loy[al] servant, Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 49); KNUDTZON (1915: 894-897); MORAN (1992: 340-341); HESS (1993: 84 [I. 3]);
04 [the dustl under the two sanda[lsJ RAINEY (1996a: 1,193 [II. 7-11]); L1VERANI (1998: 107 [LA 54])
05 [of the kiJn[g], my master(:) At the feet of the kin[g,J Transliteration: n'anslation:
06 my master, my Sun, my god>s<, seven [timesJ 01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<,
07 and seven times, I fal[l.J 02 D.UTU -ia D.UTU fa i[~-III 02 my Sun, the Sun flrlom
03 AN.sa-me lim-lila M.ia-pa-[lJiJ 03 the heaven(:) thus (says) Yapabu,
EA296 04 LV fa URU.ga-az-ri.KI 04 the ruler of Gazru
BME29840 05 lR-ka ep-ri fa G1RMES-ka 05 your servant, the dust at your feet,
06 LV. kilo-sf ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka 06 the groom of your horses(:)
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: 57); KNUDTZON (1915: 888-891); MORAN (1992: 338-339); HESS (1993: 79-80 [I. 4]); 07 a-na 2 G1RMES LUGAL EN -ia 07 At the two feet of the king, my master,
L1VERANI (1998: 66 [LA 1]) 08 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia D.UTU 08 my god>s<, my Sun, the Sun
Transliteration: Translation: 09 fa if-til AN.sa-me7-fll 09 from the heaven, seven times
01 a-na M.LUGAL-r[il E[NI-ia 01 To the kin[g,[ my mas[ter,J 10 117-ta-a-aI/IIl-11 am-ql/l-ma 10 and seven times I verily fall,
02 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.[UTU.MESI-ia 02 my god>s<, my [Sun>s<,1 11 ka-bat-/II111 II ~e-1'II-ma lion the belly and on the back.
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak;
04 1I/1l-lIJa M.ia-a[lJJ-/i-rilR-ka 04 thus (says) Yabtlru, your servant, EA300
05 ep-ri fa G1RMES-ka 05 the dust at your feet(:)
VAT 1606
06 a-lla G1R.MES LUGAL EN-ia 06 At the feet of the king, my master,
07 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU.MES-ia 7-fll 07 my god>s<, my Sun>s<, seven times Literature: SCIIIIOI!DEII (1915a: no. 171); KNUDTlON (1915: 896-897); MORAN (1992: 341); IZRE'EL (1978: 15, n. 15); L1vE-
08 It 7-il-/a-a-an am-qll-11t 08 and seven times, I fall. IIANI (1998: 107-108 [LA 55])
Tmnslltemtlon: Translation:
EA297 r
01 [a-na M.LUGAL E1N- ia' D1NGIR.[MES-ial 01 [To the kingl, rmy' [maJster, [myJ god[>s<],
BME 29834 02 [D.UTU-lal D.[UTJU [~arir-[/1I1 02 [my Sun[, the [SuJn rfr'[omJ
03 [AN.sa-me /111/-mla 03 [the heaven(;) thuls (says)
Literature: BElOl.D - BUDGE (1892: no. 51; pI. 5); KNUDTZON (1915: 890-893); MOHAN (1992: 339); I·IESS (1993: 84 [I. 3]); 04 [M.ia-pa-Ull ra,_rmi'_[ni 04 [YapabuJ, the rrul'[elr
L1VERANI (1998: 105-106 [LA 52])
05 [fa UIlU.galz-[rli. rKI' lll-ka., 05 [of GaJz[rJu, your servant,
n'ansllteratlon: n'anslation: 06 [ep-ri faJ 2 Glll.MES-ka" 06 [the dust atj your two feet,
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-Ia D1NGIRMES-la 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<, 07 LV. rkllr'-tap-pf f[a ANSE.J rKUIl' .IlA.MES-ka" 07 the rgr'oom 0[f1 your [horl rs 'est:)
02 D.UTU -ia qf-bf-ma 02 my Sun, speak; 08 a-[lIla 2 Grlll' .M[ESI rLUGAL' EN-ia 08 A[tjthe two fre 'eUJ of the rklng', my master,
03 IIm-ma M.la-pa-U/lIl-k[a-lIlal 03 thus (says) Yapabu, yo[url servant[:J 09 7-fll II 7-/a-a-all 09 seven times and seven times,
04 ep-ri fa 2 Glll.MES-[kJa 04 the dust at [yolur two feel(:) 10 [Q/n-Jqll/ 10 [I flail.
05 a-llaGlll.MES LUGALEN-ia 05 At the feet of the king, my master,
06 D1NGIR.MES-la D.UTU-ia 7-fll 06 my god>s<, my Sun, seven times EA301
07 7-/a-a-an Q/n-qll-II/ 07 (and) seven times, I fall.
CG 4781 [Sil 4112214/0J
EA298 Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 117); KNUDTI.ON (1915: 898-899); MaliAN (1992: 342); HESS (1993:
144-145 [I. 3]); L1VEIlANI (1998: 74 [LA 13])
BME29833
Translilemtlon: Translation:
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGIl (1892: no. 50); KNUDTZON (1915: 892-895); MORAN (1992: 340); Br.ss (1993: 84 [I. 4]); RAI-
NEY (I 996a: I, 192-193 [II. 9-14]); L1vEHANI (1998: 1061LA 53]) 01 a-[lIla M.[LUIGAL EN-ia D.[UTUI 01 T[olthe [kling, my master, [the SunJ
02 fa if-[/IIIAN.sa-mHll 02 fr[olm the heave[n;1
n'anslltemtlon: Translation: 03 lim-lila M.fll-ba-all-lcn i 03 thus (says) Suban[dlu,
01 [a-nla LUGAL EN-Ia D1NGIR.MES-la 01 [Tlo the king, my master, my god>s<, 04 lR-ka-ma e[pl-r[ll fa 05 your servant>:<, the d[u[s[tl at
02 D. UTU -ia D. UTU fa 02 my Sun, the Sun 05 2 Glll.MES-ka a-lla 2 Glll.MES 05 of your two feet(:) At the two feet
03 if-III AN.sa-ml-i 03 from the heaven(:) 06 LUGAL EN-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia 06 of the king, my master, my god>s<,
04 1I1/1-ma M.ia-pa[ -bJ I LV fa 04 thus (says) Yapabu, the ruler of 07 D.UTU-iaD.UTU fa 07 my Sun, the Sun
05 UIlU.ga-az-rl.KI 05 Gazrl, 08 if-til AN.sa-ml-i 08 from the heaven,
06 lil-ka ep-"; fa 06 your servant, the dust at 09 7-fll 1'1 7-/a-a-all 09 seven times and seven times,

246 247
Appendix Appendix

10 iJ-ti-ba-bi-in ka-bat-tu4-ma 10 I prostrate, on the belly EA305

11 it ~i-ru-[m)a 11 and on the ba[c)k.
CG 4780 [SR 4/12215/0)
EA302 Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 116); KNUDTZON (1915: 902-905); MORAN (1992: 343); HESS (1993:
144--145 [I. 41); LIVERANI (1998: 75 [LA 17))
VAT 332
Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 120); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 172); KNUDTZON (1915: 898-90l); MORAN
01 a-na M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia D.UTU 01 To the king, my master, the Sun
(1992: 342); HESS (1993: 144--145 [I. 4)); LIVERANI (1998: 74 [LA 14))
02 sa {§-tll AN.sa-ml-i 02 from the heaven,
Transliteration: Translation: 03 DINGIR.MES-iaD.UTU-ia 03 my god>s<, my Sun;
01 a-naM.LUGALEN-ia 01 To the king, my master, 04 urn-rna M.su-ba-an-du 04 thus (says) Subandu,
02 DINGIR.MES-IaD.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, 05 IR-ka-ma ep-ri 05 your servant, the dust
03 D.UTU is-tu [s)a-ml-i 03 the Sun from the [h)eaven; 06 sa UZU.GIRMES-ka 06 at your feet,
04 urn-rna M.su-ba-an-[d) I 04 thus (says) Suban[d)u, 07 LO.kuB-s(ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 07 the groom of your horses(:)
05 IR-ka-ma ep-ri sa 05 your servant, the dust at 08 a-na2 UZU.GIR.MES 08 At the two feet
06 GIRMES-ka a-na GIRMES-p( 06 your feet(:) At the feet 09 LUGAL be-/{-Ia D.UTU 09 of the king, my master, the Sun
07 LUGALEN-IaD.UTU 07 of the king, my master, the Sun 10 sa is-tuAN.sa-ml-i 10 from the heaven,
08 Is-tuAN.sa-ml-1 08 from the heaven, 11 7 -su II 7 -ta-a-an 11 seven times and seven times,
09 7-su it 7-ta-a-an 09 seven times and seven times, 12 IU-It Is-ta-ba-bl-in 12 I verIly prostrate,
10 Is-tl-bl-bl-In 10 I prostrate. 13 UZU.ka-bat-Wm-ma 13 on the belly
14 II UZU.#-ru-ma 14 and on the back.
EA303
EA306
BME 29821
BME29823
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 38); KNUDTZON (1915: 900-90l); MORAN (1992: 342-343); HESS (1993: 144-145
[I. 4)); RAINEY (1996a: III, 180 [II. 5-6)); LIVERANI (1998: 74-75 [LA 15)) Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 40); KNUDTZON (1915: 904-907); MORAN (1992: 344); HESS (1993: 144-145 [I. 3));
LIVERANI (1998: 75-76 [LA 18))
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-na M.LUGAL-rl EN-Ia DINGIR.MES-Ia 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<,
02 D.UTU -Ia D.UTU sa Is-tu 02 my Sun, the Sun from 01 [a-na M.LUGAL-rl EN-Ia DINGIR.MES-Ia) 01 [To the king, my master, my god>s<,)
02 [D.UT)U-[~a D.[UTU sa Is-tuAN.sa-ml-~ 02 [m)y [Su)n, [the Sun from the heaven;)
03 AN.sa-ml-1 urn-rna 03 the heaven; thus (says)
04 M.su-ba-an-dIIR-ka 03 [um-) rna M.su-[b) a-all- [dl IR -ka) 03 [th)us (says) Su[b)and[du, your servant,)
04 Subandu, your servant,
05 ep-rl sa 2 UZU.GIRMES-ka 04 [e)p-rl sa 2 G[IRMES-ka) 04 [the d)us at [your) two f[eet,)
05 the dust at your two feet,
06 LO.ku-s( saANSE.KURRA-ka 05 [LO).k[uo-s) (sa [ANSE.KURRA.MES-ka) 05 the g[roo)m of [your horses(:))
06 the groom of your horses(:)
06 a-[Il)a 2 GIRMES LUGAL [E)N-Ia 06 A[t) the two feet of the king, my [mas)ter,
07 a-na 2 UZU.GIRMES LUGAL-rl 07 At the two feet of the king,
07 [D).UTU sa Is-WAN.sa-ml-1 07 the Sun from the heaven,
08 EN-Ia D.UTU sa Is-tu 08 my master, the Sun from
08 7-su 117-t[a)-a-all 08 seven times and seven t[l)mes,
09 AN.sa-ml-17-su 09 the heaven, seven times
09 l[uHlls-ta-ba-bl-11l 09 I ver[I1)y prostrate,
10 117-ta-a-all Is-tl-ba-bl-In 10 and seven times, I prostrate,
10 UZU.ka-bat-tum-[m)a 10 on the bel[l)y
11 UZU.ka-bat-tu-ma lion the belly
12 II UZU.#-ru-ma 12 and on the back.
11 it UZU.~[ll)-u[b)-r[u-ma) 11 and on the b[a)c[k.)

EA304 EA307
VAT 1586
BME29822
Literature: WINCKLER - AOEL (1889-1890: no. 215); SCIIROEDER (1915a: no. 170); KNUDTZON (1915: 906-909); MORAN
Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 39; pI. 12 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 902-903); MORAN (1992: 343); HESS (1993:
(1992: 345); LIVERANI (1998: 113 [LA 671)
144-145 [1.4)); LIVERANI (1998: 75 [LA 16))
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01· [7-SIlII) 7-t[a-a-all) 01· [seven times and) seven t[imes,)
01 a-Ila M.LUGAL-rl [EN-Ia DINGIRMES-Ia) 01 To the king, [my master, my god>s<,)
02· [/~ -tl-ba-bl-ill 02· [I p)rostrate.
02 D.UTU-Ia D.UTU sa 02 my Sun, the Sun
03 Is-tu AN .sa-ml-I 03 from the heaven;
04 lIl11-ma M.su-ba-an-dl 04 thus (says) Subandu, EA308
05 IR-ka ep-rl 05 your servant, the dust VAT 1602
06 sa UZU.GIRMES-[ka) 06 at [your) feet,
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 172); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 173); KNUDTZON (1915: 908-909); MORAN
07 LO.kuB-s( sa [ANSE.KUR.RA).MES-ka 07 the groom of your [horse)s(:)
(1992: 345); LIVERANI (1998: 113 [LA 68)); VITA (2000a: 2; 6, fig. 1 [photo; obv.))
08 a-lla UZU.GIRMES [LUGAL) 08 At the feet [of the king,)
09 EN-Ia D.UTU [sa is)-tu 09 my master, the Sun [fr)om Transliteration: Translation:
10 AN.sa-ml-i [7-su) 10 the heaven, [seven times) 01· [ep-ri sa) GIR.[MES)-ka4 01· [the dust at your) f[e)et,
11 II 7 -ta-a-an 11 and seven times, 02· [LO.klIr-tap-p) (Sla) ANSE. 'KUR' 'RA,' MES-ka4 02· [the groo)m o[f) your ho 'rse's(:)
12 [~s-[t)a-b[a)-bl-ill 12 [I) p[r)os[t)rate, 03· [a-na) 'GIRo' 'MES' 'LUGAL' 'EN' -Ia 03· [At the 'f)e[e)t' of the 'king,' my 'master,'
13 UZU.[ka-b)at-tum-ma .13 on the [be)lIy 04· [DINGIR.MES-)/a [D.UTU-)/a D.UT[U) 04· my [god>s<,) my Sun, the Su[n)
14 II UZU.~[~-ru-ma 14 and on the b[a)ck. 05· [sa) Is-[ tll AN).sa-ml-i 05· fr[om) the heaven,

248 249
Appendix Appendix

06' [71-s11 [1I7-tja-a-all 06' [sevenl times [and seven tlimes. 06 DlNGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia D.UTU 06 my god>s<. my Sun. the Sun
07' ill-II is-tja-[wl-(l[ll-ill 07' I verily prostrate 07 sa is-til AN.sa-me hi-II 07 from the heaven. III verily
08' [ 08' [ 08 is-ta-[w-bi-in7-sl1 08 prostrate. seven times
09 117-ta-lla ~i-nt-nw 09 and seven times. on the back
EA309 10 II ka-ba-tl/-ma 10 and on the belly.
VAT 1874
EA315
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 221); SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 174); KNUDTZON (1915: 910-911); MalIAN
(1992: 345); LIVEMNI (1998: 113-114 [LA 691) BME29839
TI'ansliteration: TI'anslation: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 56); KNUDTZON (1915: 918-919); MalIAN (1992: 347-348); HESS (1993: 126-127
[I. 31); LIVEMNI (1998: 67-68 [LA 31)
01 a-naM.LU[GAIL [EN-ial 01 To the ki[n)g. [my master.1
02 DlNGIR.MES-ia [D.UTU-ia) 02 my god>s<. [my Sun.) Transliteration: TI'anslation:
03 D.UTU [S)a [is-tuAN.sa-mel 03 the Sun [from the heaven;) 01 [a-lla M.LUGA)L EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-ia 01 [To the kin)g. my master. my god>s<.
04 lIm-ma M.[ 04 thus (says) [ 02 D.UTU sa is-til AN.sa-me 02 the Sun from the heaven;
05 [S)a [ 05 [o)f[ 03 IIII1-ma M.pII-D.IM LO sa URU.YII-lIr-~a 03 thus (says) PU-ba'ia. the ruler ofYur~a.
04 lR-ka ep-ri sa 2 G1R.MES-ka 04 your servant. the dust at your two feet(:)
EA311 05 a-lla 2 G1R.MES LUGAL EN-ia Ill-II 05 At the two feet of the king. my master. III verily
06 is-ta-[w-bi-ill 7 -il-Sll 06 prostrate. seven times
VAT 1597 07 117-ta-lla ~i-/'ll-ma II ka-ba-[tl/)-m[a) 07 and seven times, on the back and on the be[l)i[y.[
Literature: SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 175); KNUDTZON (1915: 912-913); MalIAN (1992: 346);
TI'ansliteration: Translation: EA316
01 [a-Ila LUGAL EN -ial 01 [To the king. my master.)
02 D.UTU-[ia 02 [my) Sun. [ BME 29838
03 [ ) 03 [ ) Literature: BEZOLD- BUDGE (1892: no. 55); KNUDTZON (1915: 918-921); MalIAN (1992: 348); HESS (1993: 126-127 [I. 31);
04 [ ) 04 [ ) LIVEIlANI (1998: 68-69 [LA 4))
05 [ ) 05 [ ) Transliteration: TI'anslation:
06 [ ep-ri ) 06 [ the dust] 01 [a-lla M.LUGA)L EN-i[al DlNGIR.M[ES-ia[ 01 [To the klnlg, m[y) master. [my I god>s<,
07 [sa 2 G1R.MES-)ka 07 [at) your [two feet.)
02 [D.IUTU-ia sa is-[I) 1/ AN.s[a-lIlel 02 my Sun fr[o)m the he[aven;1
08 [LO.kIl 8 -SI) ANSE.KUR.R[A.MES-ka) 08 [the groom of your) hOl'[ses(:))
03 [I/Illl-ma M.[1I/-D.lM lR-ka 03 [th)us (says) PU-ba'ia. your servant
09 [a-na 2 G1R.MES) LUGAL 09 [At the two feet) of the king 04 [II SAIjAR) \ ep-[rli sa 2 G1R.MES-ka 04 [and the dust) \ the du[s)l at your two feet,
10 [EN-Ila D.[UTU) sa 10 [m)y [master. the Sun) 05 [LO.k/18)-sf [sa) ANS[E).MES.KUR.RI-ka 05 [the gr)om [of) your ho[r)ses(:)
II [is-) 1[11) A[N.sa-)me II [fr)o[m the hea)ven. 06 a-[n)a 2 [Gl)R.MES LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-ia 06 A[l) the two [felet of the king, my master, my
12 [7-S)1I1/7-la-a-an 12 [seven ti)mes and seven times. god>s<,
13 [is-la-b)a-IJ)il-i)II) 13 [I pro)st[r)a[te.[
07 D.UTU-ia is-lit AN.sa-mi 07 my Sun from the heaven.
08 7-sl/ 1/ [71-la alll-qll-1I1 08 seven times and [sevenltlmes. I fall,
EA312 09 ~i-rl/-nw \ 1/ ka-fb-Ill-ma 09 on the back \ and on the belly.
VAT 1886 + VAT 1709
EA317
Llteralllre: SCIIROEDEII (l915a: no. 176); KNlJDTZON (1915: 912-915); MOHAN (1992: 346);
TI'ansliteratlon: 'J)'anslatlon: VAT 1676
01 [a-Ila LUGAL EN-ia) 01 [To the king. my master;) Literature: WINCKI.I!II - AilE!. (1889-1890: no. 129); SCIIROEDER (l915a: no. 177); KNUDTZON (1915: 920-923); ARTZI
02 [I/II/-ma M. 02 [thus (says) (1968: 170); MORAN (1992: 349); I·IESS (1993: 64-65 [I. 2)); LIVEIIANI (1998: 297 [LA 2701)
03 [lR-ka ep-)ri [sa) 03 [your servant. the du)st [at) Transliteration: TI'anslation:
04 [G1R.MES-ka) LO-/[I/IIl) 04 [your feet.[the main) 01 a-Ila LUGALGAL be-ii-ia oI To the great king. my master;
05 [sa ANSE.KUR).RA.MES-k[a) 05 [of) yo[ur hOl')scs(:) 02 M.D.da-ga-ml-la-ka-la 02 (thus) Dagantakala.
06 [a-lla G1R.M)ES M.L[U)G[AL EN-ia) 06 [At the fe)et of the k[l)n[g. my master.) 03 lR-ka iq-bi 03 your servant, says(:)
07 [ 07 [ 04 7-sl/ 1'17-sl/-lI/a 04 Seven times and seven times>:<
05 a-Ila 2 G1R.MES LUGAL GAL be-II-ia 05 at the two feet of the great king, my master,
EA314 06 illl-qll-1II 06 I fall.
CG 4778 [SR 4112219/0)
EA318
Literature: WINCKLER - AnEL (1889-1890: no. 153); KNUDTZON (1915: 916-919); MORAN (1992: 347); I-lESS (1993:
126-127[1. 3J); LIVERANI (1998: 67 [LA 21) BME 29857
TI'ansliteratlon: TI'anslatlon: Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 74; pI. I [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 922-925); MalIAN (1992: 349-350); ARTZI
(1968: 170); I-lESS (1993: 64-65 [1.3)); LIVEIlANI (1998: 297-298 [LA 271J)
01 a-lla M.LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-la oI To the king. my master. my god>s<.
02 D.UTU-ia D.UTU sa is-ill 02 my Sun. the Sun from Transliteration: Translation:
03 AN.sa-me IIII1-ma M.pl/-D.lM 03 the heaven; thus (says) PU-ba'ia. 01 a-Ila LUGAL GAL be-II-[ia) 01 To the magnate. [my) master,
04 lR-ka LO sa URU.yl/-lIr-~a.KI 04 your servant. the ruler ofYur~a(:) 02 D.UTU a-Ila sa-me 02 the Sun In the heaven;
05 a-na 2 G1R.MES LUGAL EN-ia 05 At the two feet of the king. my master. 03 M.D.da-ga-all-ta-k[a-la) 03 (thus) Dagantak[ala).

250 251
Appendix Appendix

04 IR-ka iq-bi 04 your servant, says(:) 07 IR-k[ll4) ep-riSa 07 yo[ur) servant, the dust at
05 7-su U 7-su-rna 05 Seven times and seven times>:< 08 2 GIR.MES-ka4 L[O.ldl)r-[tlap-[p)f 08 your two feet, the [g)r[o)o[m)
06 a-na 2 GIR.MES LUGAL GAL 06 at the two feet of the great king, 09 saANSE.KUR.RA.MES-kll4 09 of your horses(:)
07 be-li-ia irn-qu-ut 07 my master, I fall. 10 a-na 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 10 Ay the two feet of the king, my master,
11 D.UTU sa is-tu 11 the Sun from
12 AN.sa-ml-i 7-su 12 the heaven, seven times
EA319
13 u7-ta-a-an 13 and seven times,
VAT 1722 14 lu-u is-ta-ba-bi-in 14 I verily prostrate.
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 145); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 178); KNUDTZON (1915: 924-927); MORAN
(1992: 350); HESS (1993: 138 [I. 4)); LIVERANI (1998: 138-139 [LA 102) EA322
Transliteration: Translation: CG4776 [SR4/12217/0)
01 [a-na LUGAL) be-If-ia D1NGIR.ME[S)-ia 01 [To the king,) my master, my god[>s<,) Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 118); KNUDTZON (1915: 928-931); MORAN (1992: 351); HESS (1993:
02 D.[UTU-ia) D.UTU sa is-tu 02 [my Sun,) the Sun from 167-168 [I. 4)); LIVERANI (1998: 70 [LA 7))
03 AN.[sa-rnl)-i um-rna 03 the [heav)en; thus (says) Transliteration: Translation:
04 M.~/I-ra-sar 04 Zura~ar,
01 a-na M.L[UGAL E)N-ia D1NGIR.[MES-lla 01 To the k[lng,) my [mas)ter, [m)y god[>s<,)
05 LO sa URU.a[b)-ti-aS-na 05 the ruler of A[b)tla~na,
02 D.UTU[-i)a D.UTU sa 02 [m)y Sun, the Sun
06 IR-ka-ma ep-ri sa 06 your servant>:<, the dust at
03 is-t[u AN).sa-me 03 fro[m the h)eaven;
07 UZU.GIR.MES-ka LO. 07 your feet, the
04 urn-[m)a M.y[i-Ild-ia LO 04 th[u)s (says) Y[I)dya, the ruler
08 ldlr-tap-pf saANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka4 08 groom of your horses(:) 05 sa U[R)U.a[s-q)a-lu-na.KI 05 of A[~q)aluna,
09 a-na 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN-ia 09 At the two feet of the king, my master, 06 IR-k[a ep-r) /Sa 06 yo[ur) servant, [the dus)t at
10 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU -ia D.UTU 10 my god>s<, my Sun, the Sun 07 UZU.GI[R.MES-k)a 07 [yo)ur fe[et,)
11 sa is-tuAN.sa-rnf-i 11 from the heaven, 08 L[O).ldl[r-tap-p)f saANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 08 the g[roo)m of your horses(:)
12 7-[§)uu7-ta-a-an 12 seven [tl)mes and seven times, 09 At the fleet of the k)lng, my master,
09 a-na Gl[R.MES L) UGAL EN -ia
13 IU-/I is-t[a)-ba-bi-in 13 I verily pro[s)trate, 10 D.UTU sa is-tuAN.sa-me 10 the Sun from the heaven,
14 ka-bat-t[wn u) #-ru-rna 14 on the bel[ly and) on the back. 11 7 -su u 7 -ta-a-an 11 seven times and seven times,
12 [I)u-Il is-ta-ba-bi-in 12 I [ver)i1y prostrate,
EA320 13 UZU.ka-bat-tum-ma 13 on the beliy,
14 II UZU.#-rll-ma 14 and on the back.
CG 4777 [SR 4/12218/0)
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 121); KNUDTZON (1915: 926-929); MORAN (1992: 350-351); HESS (1993: EA323
167-168 [I. 5)); RAINEY (1996a: III, 179 [Ii. 4-9)); LIVERANI (1998: 71 [LA 8))
Transliteration: Translation: BME29836
01 [a)-na M.LUGAL EN-ia Literature: BIlZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 53); KNUDTZON (1915: 930-933); MORAN (1992: 351-352); HESS (1993: 167-168
01 [T)o the king, my master,
02 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia [I. 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 72 [LA 11))
02 my god>s<, my Sun,
03 D.UTU sa [i)s-tu 03 the Sun [f) rom Transliteration: Translation:
04 AN.sa-rne-e Uln-ma 04 the heaven; thus (says) 01 a-na M.LUGAL EN-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god>s<,
05 M.yi-id-ia LO 05 Yldya, the ruler 02 D. UTU -ia D. UTU sa is-ill 02 my Sun, the Sun from
06 sa URU.aS-qa-lu-na.KI 06 of Mqaluna, 03 AN.sa-rne IIm-ma M.yi-id-ia 03 the heaven; thus (says) Yldya,
07 IR-ka4 ep-rl sa 07 your servant, the dust at 04 IR-ka ep-ri sa 2 GIR. MES-ka 04 your servant, the dust at your two feet,
08 UZU.GIR.MES-ka4 LO. 08 your feet, the 05 LO.ldlr-tap-pf sa ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 05 the groom of your horses(:)
09 ldlr-tap-pf sa ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka4 09 groom of your horses(:) 06 a-na 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia Ill-II 06 At the two feet of the king, my master, III verily
10 a-na UZU.GIR.MES<-ka4> LUGAL 10 At <your> feet of the king, 07 is-ta-ba-bi-in7-i[I)-SU 07 prostrate, seven t[l)mes
11 be-If-ia 7 -su u 11 my master, seven times and 08 u7-ta-na ~i-ru-ma 08 and seven times, on the back
12 7-ta-a-anlu-Il 12 seven times, III verily 09 /I ka-ba-tu-lIla 09 and on the belly.
13 is-ta-ba-bi-in 13 prostrate,
14 ka-b[a)t-tum-ma u 14 on the be[l)iy and EA324
15 [~) i-rtt-rna 15 on the [b)ack
BME29837
EA321 Literature: BIlZOLD - BUDGIl (1892: no. 54; pI. 21 [photo)); KNUDTZON (1915: 932-933); MORAN (1992: 352); HESS (1993:
167-168 [I. 4)); LIVERANI (1998: 71 [LA 9))
VAT 1671
Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLIlR - AIlEL 0889-1890: no. 119); SCI-IROIlDIlR (1915a: no. 182); KNUDTZON (1915: 928-929); MORAN
01 a-na M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 To the king, my master,
(1992: 351); HESS (1993: 167-168 [I. 5)); LIVERANI (1998: 70 [LA 6)); VITA (2000a: 7, fig. 2 [photo; obv.))
02 D.UTU-ia D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU 02 my Sun, my god>s<, the Sun
Transliteration: Translation: 03 sa is-tuAN.sa-mi 03 from the heaven;
01 a-na M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king, my master, 04 IIIn-ma M.yi-id-ia IR-[k)a 04 thus (says) Yldya, [yo)ur servant,
02 D1NGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<, my Sun, 05 ep-ri sa 2 GIR.MES-ka 05 the dust at your two feet,
03 D.UTU sa is-tIt 03 the Sun from 06 LO.kltr-tap-pf sa 2 ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 06 the groom of your two horses(:)
04 AN.sa-me [Il)m-ma 04 the heaven; [t)hus (says) 07 a-na 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 07 At the two feet of the king, my master,
05 M.yi-id-ia LO 05 Yldya, the ruler 08 IU-Il is-ta-ba-bi-in7-sll 117-ta-na 08 I verily prostrate, seven times and seven times,
06 sa URU.as-qa-lll-na 06 of Mqaluna, 09 #-ru-ma it ka-ba-tll-ma 09 on the back and on the beliy.

252 253
Appendix Appendix

EA325 Transliteration: Translation:

01 a-Ila M.LUGAL EN-ia 01 To the king. my master.
BME29835
02 DlNGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-ia 02 my god>s<. my Sun.
Literature: Bezold - Budge (1892: no. 52; pI. 14 [photol); KNUDTZON (1915: 934-935); MORAN (1992: 352-353); HESS 03 D.UTU sa is-tit 03 the Sun from
(1993: 167-168 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 71-72 [LA 10]) 04 AN.sa-ml-i 04 the heaven;
Transliteration: Translation: 05 lIIn-ma M.zi-im-ri-di 05 thus (says) Zimreddi.
01 [a-Ila] M.LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-ia 01 [To] the king. my master. my god>s<. 06 LV sa URU.la-ki-sa 06 the ruler of Laki~a.
02 D.UTU -ia D.UTU sa is-I[ltAN.sa]-lIli 02 my Sun. the Sun fr[om the hea]ven; 07 IR-ka ep-ri 07 your servant. the dust
03 lim-lila M.yi-id-ia IR-ka 03 thus (says) Yidya. your servant. 08 sa GIR.MES-ka 08 at your feet(:)
04 ep-ri sa 2 GIR.MES-ka 04 the dust at your two feet. 09 a-Ila GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 09 At the feet of the king. my master.
05 LV.kil.r-lap-pf sa 2 ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-[k]a 05 the groom of [yo]ur two horses(:) 10 D.UTU i[5]-/llI] AN.sla]-IIlI-i 10 the Sun f/r]olm] the h[ea]ven.
06 a-Ila 2 GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia alll-qll-III 06 At the two feet of the king. my master. I fall. 11 7-SI1I1l7]-la-a-all 11 seven times [and seven] times.
07 7-S11 il7-la-lla 07 seven times and seven times. 12 is-/i-ba-bi-ill 12 I prostrate.
08 III-II is-tl/-bll-bi-ill 08 I verily prostrate.
09 ~i-rll-Illa it ka-ba-lu-lIla 09 on the back and on the belly. EA330
BME 29848
EA326 Literature: BEZOLD - BUDGE (1892: no. 65); KNUDTZON (1915: 940-943); MORAN (1992: 355); HESS (1993: 143-144 II. 3]);
VAT 1672 LIVERANI (1998: 79 [LA 221)
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 122); SCllIlOEDER (1915a: no. 183); KNUDTZON (1915: 934-937); MORAN Transliteration: Translation:
(1992: 353-354); HESS (1993: 167-168 [I. 3]); LIVERANI (1998: 72-73 [LA 12]) 01 a-Ilia] M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia 01 T[o) the king. my master.
Transliteration: Translation: 02 qf-bf-ma lllll-Illa 02 speak; thus (says)
03 M.si-ip-{l-D.lM IR-ka 03 Sipliba'la
01 a-I/a M.LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-ia D.UTU-[ia] 01 To the king. my master. my god>s<. [my] Sun. 04 and the dust at the foot(!) of the king.
04 il ep-ri sa GIR LUGAL-ri
02 D.UTU sa is-III AN-Ii 02 the Sun from the heaven; 05 my master(:) To the foot(!) of the king. my master
05 EN-ia a-Ila GIR LUGAL-rl EN-ia
03 1II1/-lIla M.yi-id-ia IR-ka ep-ri 03 thus (says) Yidya. your servant. the dust
06 II DlNGIR.MES-nu-ia il D.UTU-ia 06 and my god>s< and my Sun.
04 sa 2 GIR.MES-ka [L]V.kil.r-lil-pf 04 of your two feet. the groom 07 seven (times) and seven (times). her Ie] and nolw].
07 7 il7 lIIi-/la)-mla)
05 sa 2 ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka a-Ila 2 GIR.MES LUGAL 05 of your two feet(:) At the two feet of the king. 08 I fall. at the feet of the king. my master.
08 alll-qll-qll/ a-Ila GIR LUGAL-ri EN -ia
06 EN - ia 7 -Sit It 7- ta-Ila 06 my master. seven times and seven times.
07 Ill-II is-la-{w-bi-ill ~Ii-m-II/]a 07 I verily prostrate. on the black]
08 11 ka-ba-l/t-Illa 08 and on the belly. EA331
CG 4779 ISR 411222110J
EA328 Literature: WINCKI.EII - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 200); KNUDTZON (1915: 942-945); MOIlAN (1992: 355); I·IESS (1993:
143-144 II. 4]); LIVIllIANI (1998: 79 ILA 23])
CG 4775 [SR 4/12193/0J
Transliteration: Translation:
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlEL (1889-1890: no. 124); KNUDTZON (1915: 938-941); MORAN (1992: 354); I·IESS (1993: 78 II.
01 la-ilia M.LIUG]AlLI-ri EN-lia] 01 ITlo the k[in]g. [my] master.
41); LIVERANI (1998: 78-79 ILA 21])
02 DlNGIR.MES-lli-ia D.UTU-lia] 02 my god>s<. Imy) Sun.
Transliteration: Translation: 03 D.UTU sa is-Ill AIN.sa-m]i 03 the Sun from the hleaveln;
01 a-I ilia M.LUGAL EN-ia DlNGIR.MES-[/al 01 T[olthe king. my master. Imy[ god>s<. 04 1I11l-llla M.si-ip-{i.,-[DI.IM 04 thus (says) Sipliba'ia.
02 D. UTU - ia D. UTU sa 02 my Sun. the Sun 05 I!RJ-ka ep-r[/l sa 2 GIR.MES-ka 05 your servlantl. the dus!t] at your two feet.
03 IS-lIl AN.sa-1II1-1 03 from the heaven; 06 LV.kilr-lap<-pf> sa ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 06 the groo<m> of your horses(:)
04 1I111-llla M.la-ab-Ili-AN 04 thus (says) Yabn']u. 07 a-Ila 2 GIR.MES M.LUGAL-ri EN-ia 07 At the two feet of the king. my master.
05 LV sa URU.la-kl-sa 05 the ruler of Laki~a. 08 DlNGIR.MES-IIlI/-ia D.UTU -ia D.UTU 08 my goldl>s<. my Sun. the Sun
06 IR-ka ep-ri sa 06 your servant. the dust at 09 l5]a IS-Ill AN.sa-lIli 7-5]11] 09 from the heaven. seven tlmlesJ
07 UZ[UI.2 GIR.MES-ka 07 your two feet. 10 iI7-ta-a-alll[1I]-11 ils-/llI- 10 and seven times. I vler]lly plro]s-
08 LV.kilr-lap-pf sa 08 the groom of II -ba-Ib) i-ill ka-b[al-/lll-lIllal II tralt]e. on the belllllyJ
09 ANSE.KUR.RA.MES-ka 09 your horses(:) 12 ii $i-r[lI-)ma 12 and on the balclk.
10 a-Ila UZU.GIR.MES L[UG]AL EN-ia 10 At the feet of the k[in]g. my master.
11 DlNGIR.MES-la D.UT[U -Ila 11 my god>s<. Imly Su[nl.
EA332
12 D.UTU sa is-tuAN.sa-[IIl]e 12 the Sun from the heavleln.
13 7-Sll1l7-la-a-all 13 seven times and seven times. VAT 1883
14 Ill-II is-la-ba-bi-linl 14 I verily prostralte.] Literature: SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 184); KNUDTZON (1915: 944-945); MORAN (1992: 356); HESS (1993: 143-144 II. 31)
15 [U]ZU.ka-bal-IllIll-lIIa 15 on the belly
Transliteration: Translation:
16 [It UIZU.~i-rll-lIla 16 landl on the back.
01 [a-Ila M.LU]GA/L) EN-da> D.UTIU-ia DlNGIR-1 ia oI [To the kilnlg.1 <my> master. Imy) Suln.lmy god.
EA329 02 ID.UTU sa is-II 11 AIN.sa-1II11 02 [the Sun froJm the hleaven;1
03 Illlll-Illa MI.si-lp-{i4-D.IlM LV URU.na-ki-sa.KIl] 03 [thus (says») Slpll[ba'la. the ruler of Llakga.
VAT 1673 04 IIR-ka] ep-Iri/isa 2 GIR.MES-k]a 04 Iyour selvant.] the duls]t [at yo)ur Itwo feet.]
Literature: WINCKLER - AIlIlL (1889-1890: no. 123); SCHROEDER (l915a: no. 181); KNUDTZON (1915: 940-941); MORAN 05 ILV.kilr-lap)-pf 5]a ANSE.KUR.RA.MES]-ka 05 Ithe gro]om olf] your Ihorses.]
(1992: 354); HESS (1993: 169-170 II. 5]); LIVERANI (1998: 781LA 201) 06 I Ikld 06 [ ] yo[ur1

254 255
Appendix Appendix

EA333 02 a-na LUGAL be-/i-ia 02 to the king, my master(:)

03 a-na Kl.TA GIR.MES be-/i-ia 03 Beneath the feet of of my master,
Istanbul Arkeoloji Mlizeleri, Fi. 11 04 7 -ta u7 am-qut-ut 04 seven times and seven (times), I fail.
Literature: SCHElL (1894); PEISER (1899); KNUDTZON (1915: 944-947); ALBRIGHT (1942b: 33-35); MORAN (1992: 356-357);
HESS (1993: 122-123 II. 1)); HOROWITZ - OSHIMA - SANDERS (2006: 93; 214) EA363
Transliteration: Translation:
AO 7097
01 [a-na] L[U].GAL qf-bf-[ma] 01 [To] the magnate, speak[;]
02 [um-ma M.p]a-a-pf 02 [thus (says) P]apu(:) Literature: THUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 94-95, 107); RAINEY (1980: 20-21); MORAN (1992: 361-362); HESS (1993: 16-17 [I.
03 [a-]naGIR.MES-kaam-qu-u[~ 03 [A]t your feet, I faI[l.] 3)); LIVERANI (1998: 260-261 [LA 227))
Transliteration: Translation:
EA334 01 a-naLUGALEN-iaDiNGIR-ia 01 To the king, my master, my god,
VAT 1609 02 qf-bf-ma 02 speak;
03 lIln-ma IR-re-fa IR-ka 03 thus (says) Abdire~a, your servant,
Literature: SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 185);KNUDTZON (1915: 946-949); MORAN (1992: 357); LIVERANI (1998: 113 [LA 66)) 04 rLU' URU.e-<ni>-fa-sf a-na fu-pa-li 04 the rruler' ofE<ni>~asi(:) Beneath
Transliteration: Translation: 05 up-riGIR-peLUGAL EN-ia 05 the dust of the feet of the king, my mastel',
01 [a-Ina L[U]GA[L]-ri EN-ia 01 [Tlo the kllln[gj, my master, 06 7 II 7 am-qll-ut 06 seven (times) and seven (times), I fall.
02 [qf-Ib[f-mla lIln-ma 02 [sple[akl; thus (says)
03 [M. ]-d[ll-i[V LU UIRU.zu-uV-ra.K[l1 03 [ ]dlb, [the ruler] ofZubra(:) EA364

EA336 AO 7094
Literature: THUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 95-96, 104); RAINEY (1980: 22-23); MORAN (1992: 362); HESS (1993: 23-25 [I. 2));
VAT 1707 LIVERANI (1998: 248-249 [LA 207))
Literature: SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 188);KNUDTZON (1915: 950-951); MORAN (1992: 357-358); HESS (1993: 77 [I. 3)) Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation: 01 To the king, rmy' master;
01 a-lIaLUGALEN-'ia'
01 [a-na LUGIA[LI-rl E[N-Ial 01 [To the klln[g,1 [my I mas[ter,1 02 um-ma a-ia-ab 02 thus (says) Ayyab,
02 [q~-bf-ma 02 [spleak; 03 IR -ka a-Ila 03 your servant(:) At
03 [um-ma M.bll-z[/-rI/IR-[ka] 03 [thus (says) tlllzlru, [YOUI'I servant(:) 04 GIR.MES EN-ia 04 the feet of my mastel',
04 [a-na GIlR.MES EN-Ia 7 04 [At the fleet of my master, seven (times) 05 7 -fu 7 -fa-an 05 seven times (and) seven times,
05 [lI71-t[a-aln [mla-aq-t[a-tll 05 [and sevenl t[imels, [I flail. 06 am-qut 06 I fall.

EA337 EA365
VAT 1679 AO 7098
Literature: WINCKLER - ABEL (1889-1890: no. 147); SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 187);KNUDTZON (1915: 950-953); MORAN Literature: TIIUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 97-98, 108); RAINEY (1980: 24-27); MORAN (1992: 363); HESS (1993: 62-63 [I. 3));
(1992: 358-359); HESS (1993: 77 11.4)); LIVERANI (1998: 109 [LA 58))
LIVERANI (1998: 130 [LA 91j)
Transliteration: Translation:
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-lla M.LUGAL-rl EN-Ia 01 To the king, my mastel',
01 [a-na LUGAIL-riEN-la 01 [To the kling, my master
02 D.UTU-Ia DINGIR.MES-Ia 02 my Sun, my god>s<,
03 qf-bf-ma 03 speak; 02 u [D.UTIU -Ia qf-bf-ma 02 and my [Suln, speak;
04 u[m-mla M.VI-zl-rIIR-ka 04 t[huls (says) tllzlru, your servant(:) 03 um-lIla M.bi-rl-dl-la8 03 thus (says) Birldlya,
05 a-na GIR.MES M.LUGAL-rl EN -Ia 05 At the feet of the king, my master, 04 IR ki-it-ti fa LUGAL-rl 04 the loyal servant of the klng(:)
06 7-fu7-a-an am-qut 06 seven times (and) seven times, I fall. 05 a-lla GIR.MES LUGAL EN -ia 05 At the feet of the king, my master
06 uD.UTU-Ia7-fll 06 and my Sun, seven times
EA338 07 u 7- fa-a-a/l am-qllt 07 and seven times, I fall.

VAT 1884
EA366
Literature: SCHROEDER (1915a: no. 189); KNUDTZON (1915: 952-953); HESS (1993: 181 [I. 2))
Transliteration: Translation: AO 7096
01 [a-nla LU[GAL be-II-Ial 01 [Tlo the kl[ng, my master;1 Literature: TIIUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 98-99, 106); RAINp.y (1980: 28-31); MORAN (1992: 364); I-lESS (1993: 151 [I. 3)); RAI-
02 [ulm-maM.z[l- IR-ka-mal 02 [tlhus (says) Z[I your servant:1 NEY (1996a: I, 147 [II. 1-2)); SMITH (1998: 155-157, 167-170); LIVERANI (1998: 81-82 [LA 25))
03 a-na G[IR.MES ble-[II-Ial 03 At the f[eet, my mlas[ter,1 Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-lIaLUGAL-rIEN-IaD.UTU-la 01 To the king, my mastel', my Sun,
EA362 02 DINGIR.MES-Ia qf-bf-ma 02 my god>s<, speak;
AO 7093 03 II r m-m'a M.fu-wa-ar-da-fa 03 trim's (says) Suwardata,
04 'IR'-ka IR fa LUGAL-rl 04 your rservant', the servant of the king,
Literature: THUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 91-94, 102-103); RAINEY (1970: 14-19); MORAN (1992: 359-361); HESS (1993: 05 rll' SAijAR-rli fa 2 GIR.MES-fll 05 rand' the dust at his two feet,
132-134 [I. 1)); LIVERANI (1998: 207-208 [LA 168)) 06 the ground on which 'you' rtr'ead:
06 qa-aq-qa-ru fa rka' -ba-f/-' ka'
Transliteration: Translation: 07 a-na GIR.MES LUGAL-rl E[N-qa 07 At the feet of the king, m[y] mas[ter,1
01 [M.lrl-Ib-D.IM-dl qf-bl-ml 01 Rlbhaddl, speak; 08 D.UTU If-tllAN.sa-'lIIe' -[e71-fu 08 the Sun from the he rav 'e[n, seven] times (and)

256 257
Appendix Appendix

09 7-ta-a-an lIs-[u!-bi-i[n) tt 09 seven times, I prostrat[e,) both 05 At the feet of the king, my master,
10 UZU .ka-bat-ttt-ma it r~' e-rll-lIIa 10 on the belly and on the rb 'ack. 06 rmy' god>s<, my Sun, the Sun rfr '[oml
07 the heaven, seven times and seven times,
08 I verily pro rst 'rate,
EA367 09 on the belly and
10 on the back.
AD 7095
Literature: THUREAU-DANGIN (1922: 100-101, 105); RAINEY (1980: 32-33); MORAN (1992: 365); HESS (1993: 89-90 [I. 1]);
LIVERANI (1998: 133-134 [LA 95])
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-na M.in-tar-li-ta LO URU.ak-sa-pa 01 To Endaruta, ruler of AkSapa,
02 q(-bl-ma lII/l-ma LUGAL-ma 02 speak; thus (says) the king:
03 a-Ill/-ma {lIp-pa all-Ila-a lls-te-bi-la-kll qa-be-e 03 Now I have sent this tablet to you to speak
04 a-Ila ka-a-sa 04 to you.

EA369
Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Historie, E.6753
Literature: DOSSIN (1934: 126-128); RAINEY (1980: 36-39); MORAN (1992: 366); HESS (1993: 112-114 [I. 4]); IZRE'EL
(1995: 109-114; 113-114 [photo); LIVERANI (1998: 99-100 [LA 42])
Transliteration: Translation:
01 a-Ila M.mil-ki-/i rLO' URU.gaz-r[ll 01 To Milkilu, the rruler' ofGazri;
02 lII/l-ma LUGAL-ma a-/IU-llm-ma {llp-pa a_lIi_ram' 02 thus (says) the king: Now II have sentI this tablet
03 1I1-te-bi-la-ak-ku a-lla qa-be-e 03 to you to speak
04 a-Ila ka-a-sa 04 to you.

EA370
BME 134870
Literature: GORDON (1947: 5-6); RAINIlY (1980: 40-42); MOIIAN (1992: 367); HESS (1993: 167-168 [I. 1]); LIVERANI (1998:
69-70 [LA 5])
Transliteration: TranslatIon:
01 a-lla M.i-dl-ia LO URU.as-qa-lu-ll[a.K)I 01 To Yidya, ruler of Mqalun[a,1
r 02 speak; thus (says) the king: No r w'
02 q(-bl-ma lIIll-ma LUGAL-ma a-Illl- ma'
03 (lIp-pa all- r lla , -a rllS' -Ie-bi-Ia-kll 03 I have sent this tablet to you
04 qa-be-e a-lla ka-a-sa 04 to speak to you.

EA378
BME 50745
Literature: MILI.ARD (1965: 140-142, pI. XXV); MORAN (1992: 368-369); I-I[l_~s (1993: 84 [I. 3]); RAINEY (1980: 50-51);
LIVIlIIANI (1998: 105 [LA 51])
Transliteration:
01 [a-Ilal rWGAL' [ENI- ria' DINGIR.MES-i[al
02 [D.UTU-ial D.UTU sa IS-[III)
03 [ANI. rsa '-ml-I [lIml-ma M.ia-[pa-bIl
04 rLO' sa URU.gaz-ri. rKI' [lR-kal rep' -ri sa UZU.GIR.MES-[kal
05 a-Ila UZU.GIR.MES WGAL EN-ia
06 DINGIR.MES- ria' D.UTU -ia D.UTU riS'!-l11l
07 AN.sa-1111-17-s11117-ta-a-all
08 Ill-Ii is-ta- r lJa' -1J1-ill
09 UZU.ka-bat-llIl11-ma II
10 UZU.~e-/'ll-l11a

Translation:
01 [Tol the rking" r my' [master,1 m[yl god>s<,
02 [my Sun,l the Sun fr[oml
03 the rhe'aven; [th)us (says) Ya[pabu,)
04 the rruler' of Gazru, [your servant,) the rdu'st at [yourl feet(:)

258 259
List of Abbreviations List of Abbreviations

DaM Damaszener Mitteilungen

DAS Documents d'arch~ologie syrienne
EA Egyptian Archaeology
EI Eretz-Israel. Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies
FM Florilegium marianum
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS GAG von Soden, W. (1995). Gnllldriss der akkadischen Grammatik. 3., erganzte Auflage. Roma: Editrice Pon-
tificio Istituto Biblico (AnOr, 33)
HAN EM History of the Ancient Near East Monographs
HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik
MA Annals of Archaeology and Anthopology HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
MAS Annales arch~ologiques arabes syriennes IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
MSOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research lOS Israel Oriental Studies
AA Agyptologische Abhandlungen JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
AAT Agypten und A1tes Testament JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt
ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Kairo JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
AF Agyptologische Forschungen JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
AfO Archiv filr Orlentforschung JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
AHw VON SODEN, W. (1959-1981). Akkadisches Handworterbuch. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag JEOL Jaarbericht van het Voorazlatlsch-egyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux
AJA American Journal of Archaeology JFA Journal of Field Archaeology
AJAHFA American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
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APAW Abhandlungen der PreuBischen Akademle der Wissenschaften LSS Lelpziger Semltlstische Studien
ArOr Archlv Orlentalnl MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kalro
ASJ Acta Sumerologlca MOOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
ASM Archaeological Survey Memoirs MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fUr Orientforschung
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AuOr(S) Aula Orlentalls (Supplementa) MIFAO Mc!molrespubll~es par les membres de l'Instltut francrals d'archc!ologie orientale
BA Beitrage zur Assyrlologle und semltischen Sprachwlssenschaft MRS Mission de Ras Shamra
BACE Bulletin of the Australian Center for Egyptology OLA Orlentalla Lovaniensla Analecta
BAe Bibliotheca Aegyptlaca OLZ Orlentallstische Literaturzeltung
BaM Baghdader Mitteilungen OrAnt Orlens Antlquus
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research OrNS Orlentalla, Nova Series
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CHANE Culture and History of the Ancient Near East QDAP Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities In Palestine
CM Cuneiform Monographs RA Revue d'Assyriologle et d'Archc!ologie Orientale
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